Mirror For Magistrates, Volume II, Part 1

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

Mirror for Magistrates,

IN FIVE PARTS.

BY FERRERS, CAVYLL, CHALONER, PHAER, BALDWIN, SKELTON, DOLMAN, SACKVILLE, SEGAR, DINGLEY, CHURCHYARD, AND DRAYTON.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

THE
Mirrour for Magistrates,
*Wherein may be seene*,
by
examples passed in this
*Realme, with*
how greeuous plagues vices are punished
in great Princes and Magistrates:
and how fraile and vnstable worldly
*prosperity is found, where Fortune*
*seemeth most highly*
to fauour.

*Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.*

PART III.

By WILLIAM BALDWIN,
and others.

[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559,
1563, 1571, 1575, 1578, and 1610.]

[Pg 3]

[Loue and Liue.

To all the[1] nobilitie, and all other in office, god graunt wisedome and all thinges nedefull for the preseruation of their estates. Amen.

Plato among many of[2] his notable sentences concernyng the gouernement of a common weale hath this: Well is that realme gouerned, in which the ambitious desire not to beare office. Whereby you may perceiue (right honourable) what offices are, where they be duely executed: not gainfull spoyles for the gredy to hunt for, but painefull toyles for the heady[3] to bee charged with. You may perceiue also, by this sentence, there[4] is nothing more necessary in a common weale then that magistrates[5] be diligent and trusty in their charges.

And sure in whatsoeuer realme such prouision is made, that officers be forced to do their duties, there is it as hard a matter to get an officer, as it is in other places to repulse and shift of[6] those that with flattery, brybes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for offices. For the ambitious (that is to saye prollers for power or gayne) seeke not for offices to helpe other, for whych cause officers[7] are ordained: but with the vndoing of other, to enrich themselues.[8] And therfore bar them once of this bayt, and force them to do their dueties, then will they geue more[9] to be rid from their charges, than they did at the first to come by them.[10] For they seeke onely their priuate profite.[11] And therfore where the ambitious seeke no office, there[Pg 4] no doubt offices are duely ministred. And where offices are duely ministred, it cannot be chosen, but the people are good, whereof must nedes follow a good common weale. For if the magistrates[12] be good, the people cannot be ill. Thus the goodnes or badnes of any realme lieth in the goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And therfore not without great cause do the holy appostles so earnestly charg vs to pray for the magistrates: for in dede the wealth and quiet of euery common weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, come specially thorough them. I neede not go eyther to the Romaines or Greekes for the profe hereof, neither yet to the Jewes, or other nations: whose common weales haue alway florished whyle their magistrates[13] were good, and decayed and ran to ruyne when vicious men had the gouernement.[14]

Our countrey[15] stories (if we reade and marke them) wil show vs examples enow, would God we had not sene mo than enow. I purpose not to stand herevpon the particulars, because they be in parte setforth in the tragedies folowing.[16] Yet by the waye, this I note (wishing all other to doe the like) namely, that as good gouernours haue neuer lacked their deserued praises,[17] so haue not the bad escaped infamy, besides such plagues as are horrible to heare of. For God (the ordeiner of offices)[18] although he suffer them for punishment of the people to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers and Judasses, than toilers or justices (whom the scriptures cal hypocrits)[19] yet suffereth he them not to scape vnpunished, because they dishonour him. For it is God’s own office, yea his chief office which they beare and abuse. For as justice is the chief vertue so is the ministration thereof, the chiefest office: and therfore hath God established it with the chiefest name, honouring and calling kinges and all officers vnder them by his owne name,[Pg 5] gods: ye be al gods, as many as haue in your charge any ministration of iustice. What a foule shame were it for any nowe to take vpon them the name and office of God, and in their doings to shew themselues deuils? God cannot of justice, but plague suche shamelesse presumption and hipocrisie, and that with shamful death, diseases, or infamye. Howe he hath plagued euil rulers from time to time, in other nations, you may see gathred in Bochas’ boke intituled: The fall of Princes, translated into English by Lydgate, (a monke of the abbey of Bury in Suff.)[20] How he hath delt with some of our countrymen, your auncestours, for sundry vices not yet left, this boke named A Mirrour for Magistrates, shall in parte plainlye set forth before your eyes which boke I humbly[21] offer vnto your honours, beseching you to accept it fauorably. For here, as in a mirror or loking glasse,[22] you shal se if any vice be found,[23] how the like hath ben punished in other heretofore, wherby admonished, I trust it will bee a good occasione to moue men to the[24] soner amendment. This is the chief end why this booke is[25] set forth, which God graunt it may talke according to the maner of the makers.[26] The worke was begon and part of it printed in quene Marie’s time, but staid by such as then were chief in office,[27] neuertheles, through the meanes of the right honorable Henry lord Stafford,[28] the first part was licenced, and imprinted the first yeare of the raign of this our most noble and vertuous queene, and dedicated to your honours with this preface. Since which time, although I wanted such help as before, yet the said good lord Stafford[29] hath[Pg 6] not ceased to cal vpon me to publish so much therof as I had gotten at other mens hands, so that through his lordship’s earnest meanes, I haue now also set forth another part, conteining as much as I could obtaine at the hands of my frends. Which[30] in the name of al the authours, I humbly dedicate vnto your honours, instantly wishing, that it may so like and delite your minds, that your chereful receiuing thereof, may encourage worthy wits to enterprise and perform the rest. Which as sone as I may procure, I entend through God’s leaue and your fauourable allowance, to publish with all expedicion. In[31] the meane whyle my lordes and gods, (for so I may cal you) I moste humbly besech your honours fauourably to accepte this rude worke,[32] and diligentlye to reade and consider it. And although you shal find in it, that some haue for their virtue bin enuied and brought vnto misery:[33] yet cease not you to be vertuous, but do your offices to the vttermost. Embrace vertue and suppresse the contrary, both in[34] your selues and other, so shall God, whose officers[35] you are, eyther so maintaine you that no malice shall preuaile, or if it do, it shall be for your good, and to your eternall glory both here and in heauen which I beseech God you may both seek[36] and attaine.

[Pg 7]

[A BRIEFE MEMORIALL OF SONDRY VNFORTUNATE ENGLISHMEN.

When the printer had purposed with himselfe to print Lidgate’s translation of Bochas, of the fall[38] of princes, and had made priuy thereto[39] many both honorable and worshipfull: hee was counsayled by diuers of them to procure to haue the story continued from whereas Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as fortune hath dalyed with here[40] in this island: which might be as a mirour for men of all estates and degrees as well nobles as others, to beholde[41] the slipery deceiptes of the wauering lady, and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices. Which aduice liked him so well, that hee requyred mee to take paynes therein: but because it was a matter passing my witte and skill, and more thanklesse then gainefull to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it, except I might haue the helpe[42] of such as in witte were apt, in learning allowed, and in iudgement and estimation able to wielde and furnish so weighty an enterprise, thinking[43] so to shift my handes. But hee earnest and diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his[Pg 8] shoulder: for shortly after,[44] diuers learned men (whose many giftes neede fewe prayses) consented to take vpon them parte of the trauayle. And when certayne of them to the numbre of seauen,[45] were through a generall assent at one[46] apoynted time and place, gathered together to deuise thereupon I resorted vnto them, bearing with mee the booke of Bochas, translated by Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruation of his order: which although wee liked well[47] yet would it not conueniently[48] serue, seeing that both Bochas and Lidgate were deade, neyther were there any aliue that medled with like argument, to whome the vnfortunate might make theyr mone. To make therefore a state meete for the matter, they all agreede that I shoulde vsurpe Bochas’ rome, and the wretched princes complayne vnto mee: and tooke vpon themselues, euery man for his part to be sundry personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewaile vnto mee theyr greeuous chaunces, heauy destenies, and woefull misfortunes. This done, wee opened such bookes of chronicles as wee had there present, and Maister Ferrers (after he had founde where Bochas left, which was aboute the ende of king Edwarde the thirde’s raigne) to begin the matter, sayde thus:

“I maruaile what[49] Bochas meaneth to forget among his miserable princes, such as were of our owne[50] nation, whose number is as great as theyr aduentures wonderfull: for to let passe all, both Britaynes, Danes, and Saxons, and to come to the last conqueste, what a sorte are they, and some euen in his owne time,[51] [or not much before?[52]] As for example [William Rufus the second king of England[Pg 9] after the conquest, slayne in the newe forest (as hee was hunting there) by[53] Walter Tirell, with the shotte of an arrowe. Robert duke of Normandy, eldest sonne to William Conqueror, depriued of his inheritance of England, by the sayde William Rufus his second brother, and after by Henry[54] his yongest brother hauing both his eies put out, miserably[55] imprisoned in Cardiff castle, whereas hee dyed. Likewise[56] the most lamentable case of William, Richarde, and Mary, children of the sayde Henry, drowned vpon the sea.[57] And[58]] king Richarde the first slayne with a quarrell in his chiefe prosperity. Also king Iohn his brother (as some say) poysoned.[59] Are not theyr historyes rufull, and of rare ensample? But as it shoulde appeare, Bochas being an Italian, minded most the Romayne and Italike story, or els perhaps hee wanted the knowledge of ours.[60] It were therefore a goodly and notable[61] matter, to searche and discourse our whole story from the first beginning of the inhabiting of the isle. But seeing the printer’s mind is to haue vs followe[62] where Lidgate left, wee will leaue that greate laboure to other that maye entende it, and (as one being bold first to breake the yse)[63] I will begin at the time[64] of Richarde the second, a time as vnfortunate as the ruler therein.[65] And forasmuch (friend Baldwine) as it shalbe your charge to note and pen orderly the whole processe: I will so far as my memory and iudgement serueth,[Pg 10] somewhat further you in the trueth of the story. And therefore omitting the ruffle made by Iacke Strawe and his meiney,[66] with[67] the murder of many notable men which therby happened, (for Iacke as yee knowe was but a poore prince) I will begin with a notable example, which within a while after ensued. And although the person at whome I begin, was no king nor prince; yet[68] sithens hee had a princely office, I will take vpon mee the miserable person of sir Robert Tresilian chiefe iustice of England, and of other which suffered with him: therby to warne all of his autority and profession, to take heede of wrong iudgementes,[69] misconstruing of lawes, or wresting the same to serue the prince’s turnes, which rightfully brought them to a miserable ende, which they may iustly lament in maner ensuing.”][70]

[Pg 11]

TO THE READER.

Hauing hitherto continued the storie (gentle reader) from the first entrance of Brute into this iland, with the falles of such princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile, which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the tragedie of the duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie president of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great state affaires of his most royall ladie and soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine, M. Ferrers, and others, the composers of these tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery tragedie, gaue it onely place before the duke of Buckingham’s complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the induction in the beginning,[71] with euery tragedie following, according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued; and lest any one thinke me envious of other’s deserts, I haue subscribed the names of all such as I could heare of, vnder such tragedies as each one[Pg 12] particularlie hath written; which at the request of the printer, I haue briefely perused as the former. In which (friendly reader) if I haue done amisse, I craue pardon for my ouersight, hoping, if paines will in stead of penance pacifie thee, to yield thee satisfaction and content in my additions following, to which I refer thee.

[Pg 13]

The falle of Robert Tresilian chiefe justice of England, and other his fellowes, for misconstruing the lawes, and expounding them to serue the prince’s affections. Anno 1388.[72]

[When maister Ferrers had finished his[163] tragedy,[164] which seemed not vnfit for the persons touched in the same: another, which in the meane time had stayed vpon sir Roger Mortimer, whose[165] miserable ende (as it shoulde appeare) was somwhat before the others, sayed as foloweth: “Although it be not greatly appertinent to our purpose,[166] yet in my iudgement I thinke it woulde doe well to obserue the times of men, and as they be more auncient, so to place them.[167] For I finde that before these, (of whome maister Ferrers here hath spoken) there were two Mortimers,[168] the one[169] in Edwarde[170] the iij. time, out of our date; an other slayne in Ireland in Richarde the seconde’s time,[171] a yeare before the falle of these iustices: whose history sith it is notable, and the example fruitefull, it were not good to ouerpasse it: and therefore by your licence and agreemente,[172] I will take vpon mee the personage of the laste, who full of woundes mangled,[173] with a pale countenaunce, and griezly looke, may make his mone to Baldwine, as foloweth.”[174]]

[Pg 23]

How the two Rogers, surnamed Mortimers, for their sundry vices ended their liues vnfortunately, the one An. 1329, the other, 1387.[175]

THOMAS DUKE OF GLOCESTER.

[After this tragedy was[251] ended, maister Ferrers sayde: seeing it is best to place eche person in his order, Baldwine, take you the chronicles and marke them as they come: for there are many worthy to bee noted, though not treated[252] of. First the lord Murrey, a Scotishman, who tooke his death’s wound through a stroke lent him by the earle of Notyngham, whom hee chalenged at the tylt.[253] But to omit him, and also the fatte pryor of Tiptre, pressed to death with throng of people vpon London bridge at the queene’s entry,[254] I will come to the duke of Glocester, the king’s vncle, a man mynding[255] the common welth, and yet at length miserably made away. In whose person if yee will gieue eare, yee shall heare what I thinke meete to be saied.]

[Pg 33]

How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the second, was vnlawfully murdered, Anno 1397.[256]

[When maister Ferrers had ended his[313] fruitfull tragedy, because no man was ready with any other, I, hauing perused the story which came next, sayed: “Because you shall not say, my maisters, but that I will somewhat doe my part, I will, vnder your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbrey, duke of Northfolke,[314] the chiefe worker of the duke of Glocester’s destruction: who to admonishe all counsailours to beware of flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusing their peregualles, may lament his vices in maner following.”]

[Pg 44]

How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second, to the state of a Duke,[315] was by him banished the realme, the yeare of Christ, 1398, and after died miserably in exile.

This tragicall example was of all the company well liked, howbee it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the diuersity of the chronicles: for whereas Hall (whose chronicle in this worke wee chiefly followed) maketh Mowbrey appellant and Bolinbroke defendant, Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by record of the parliament roll, wherein it is playne that Bolinbroke was appellant and Mowbrey defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall bee sayde here in the person of Mowbrey, (who being a most noble prince, had too much wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his death) imagine that to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which matter[373] sith it is more hard to decide than needefull to our purpose, which minde only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue, wee referre to such as may come by the recordes of the actes of the parliament,[374] contented in the meane while with Maister Halle’s iudgement, which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister Ferrers, “say somewhat[Pg 55] for king Richard,[376] after whose depriuing, his brother[377] and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378] Henrye’s destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue (who so listeth) leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the meane time to furder your enterprise, I will in king Richarde’s behalfe[380] recount such part of his story as I thinke most necessary. And therefore imagine Baldwine that you see the corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe woundes, lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382] Paule’s church, the people standing round about him, and making his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]

[Pg 56]

How King Richard the second was for his euill gouernaunce deposed from his seate, in the yeare 1399, and murdered in prison[384] the yeare following.

[When hee had[464] ended this so woefull a tragedy,[465] and to all princes a right worthy[466] instruction, wee paused:[467] hauing passed through a miserable time full of piteous tragedies. And seeing the raigne of Henry the fourth ensued, a man[468] more wary[469] and prosperous in his doings, although not vntroubled with warres both of outforth and inward enemies, wee began to searche what peeres[470] were fallen therein, whereof the nombre was not small: and yet because theyr examples were not much to be noted for our purpose, we passed ouer al the maskers (of whom king Richard’s brother was chief) which were all slayn and put to death for theyr trayterous attempt. And finding Owen Glendour next, one of fortune’s owne whelpes, and the Percies his confederates, I thought them vnmeete to be ouerpassed, and[471] therefore sayd thus to the sylent company: “What my maisters is euery man at once in a browne study? hath no man affection to any of these stories? you minde so much some other belike, that these doe not moue you: and to say the[472] truth, there is no speciall cause why they should.[473]How be it Owen Glendour, because he was one of fortune’s owne darlings, and affected to bee prince[474] of Wales, although to his owne mischiefe[Pg 64] and destruction, rather then he should bee forgotten, I wil take vpon mee (by your fauour) to say somewhat in his personne:[475] which[476] Owen comming out of the wilde mountaynes of Wales like the image of death in all poyntes (his harte onely excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreame famine, cold, and hunger, may lament his great misfortune after[477] this manner.”][478]

[Pg 65]

How Owen Glendour seduced by false prophesies, tooke vpon him to bee Prince of Wales, and was by Henry Prince[479] of England chased[480] to the mountaynes, where hee miserably died for lack of foode.[481] Anno 1401.[482]

[Whan starued Owen had ended his hungry exhortation, it was well enough liked, howbeit one founde a doubte[552] worth the mouing, and that concerning this title, earle of March: for as it appeareth, there were three men of three diuers nations together in one time entituled by that honour: first syr Edmund Mortimer, whom Owen kept in pryson, an Englishman: the second the lord George of Dunbar, a valiaunt Scot, banished out of his countrey, and well esteemed of Henry the fouerth: the thirde lord Iames of Bourbon, a Frenchman, sent by the Frenche king to help Owen Glendour.

These three men had this title all at once, which caused him to aske how it was true that euery one of these could bee earle of March: whereto was answered, that euery countrey hath Marches belonging vnto them, and those so large, that they were earledomes, and the lords thereof entituled thereby: so the[553] lord Edmund Mortimer was earle of March in England, lord Iames of Burbon, of the Marches of Fraunce, and lorde George of Dunbar, earle of the Marches in Scotland. For otherwise neyther coulde haue interest in other’s title. This doubt thus dissolued, maister Ferrers sayde: “If no man haue affection to the Percies, let vs passe the times both of Henry the fourth and the fift, and come to Henry the sixt, in whose time fortune (as shee doth in the minority of princes) bare a great stroke among the nobles. And yet in Henry the fourth’s time are examples which I would wish, Baldewine, that you should not forget, as the conspiracy made by the byshop of Yorke, and the lord Mowbrey, sonne of him whome you late treated of, pricked forwarde by the earle of Northumberland, father to sir Henry Hotspur,[Pg 77] who fled himselfe, but his parteners were apprehended and put to death, with Bainton and Blinkinsops, which could not see theyr duty to theyr king, but tooke parte with Percy, that banished rebell.” As hee was proceding, hee was desired to stay by one which had pondered the story of the Percies, who briefly sayde: “To the end, Baldwine, that you may knowe what to say of the Percies, whose story is not all out of memory (and is a notable story) I will take vpon mee the person of the lord Henry Percy,[554] earle of Northumberland, father of sir[555] Henry Hotspur, in whose behalfe this may be sayd as followeth.”][556]

[Pg 78]

How Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland, was for his couetous and trayterous attempt put to death at Yorke, Anno 1407.[557]

[By that this was ended, I had found out the story of Richard earle of Cambridge: and because it contained matter in it, though not very notable, yet for the better vnderstanding of the rest, I thought it meete to touch it, and therefore saide as followeth: “You haue saide well of the Percies and fauourably; for in deede, as it should appeare, the chiefe cause of their conspiracy against king Henry, was for Edmund Mortimer their cousin’s sake, whome the king very maliciously proclaymed to haue yeelded him selfe to Owen coulourably, when, as in deede, hee was taken forcibly against his will and very cruelly ordered in prison. And seeing wee are in hand with Mortimer’s matter, I will take vpon mee the person of Richard Plantagenet, earle of Cambridge, who for his sake likewise died. And therefore I let passe Edmund Holland, earle of Kent, whome Henry the fourth made admirall to scoure the seas, because the Britayns were abroad. Which earle (as many thinges happen in war) was slaine with an arrowe at the assaulte of Briacke:[586] shortly after whose death this king died, and his sonne Henry the fift of that name, succeded in his place. In the beginning of this Henry the fifte’s raigne, died this Richard, and with him Henry the lord Scrope and other, in whose behalfe this may bee saide.”]

[Pg 86]

How Richard Plantagenet[587] Earle of Cambridge entending the king’s destruction, was put to death at Southamton, Anno Dom. 1415.[588]

[Pg 89]

[Whan stout Richarde had stoutely sayd his minde: “Belike,” sayd[599] one, “this Richard was but a litle man, or els litle fauoured of the[600] writers, for our cronicles speake very litle of him. But seeing wee be come nowe to king Henrie’s voyage into Fraunce, we cannot lacke valiaunt men to speake of, for among so many as were led and sent by the king out of this realme thyther, it cannot be chosen but some, and that a great somme were slayne among them: wherefore to speake of them all, I thinke not needefull. And therefore to let passe Edwarde duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suffolke, slayne both at the battayl of Agïncourt, as were also many other, let vs end the time of Henry the fift, and come to his sonne Henry the sixt: whose nonage brought Fraunce and Normandy out of bondage, and was cause that so[601] few of our noble men died aged: of whome to let passe the nombre, I will take vpon mee the person of Thomas Montague, earle of Salisbury, whose name was not so good at home (and yet hee was called the good earle) as it was dreadful abroade: who exclayming vpon the mutability of fortune may iustly say[602] in maner as followeth.”]

How Thomas Montague Earle[603] of Salisbury in the middest of his glory, was chaunceably slayne at Orleaunce[604] with a piece of ordinaunce, the 3. of Nouember, Anno 1428.[605]

[Pg 102]

[This straunge aduenture of the good earle draue vs all into a dumpe, inwardly lamenting his woefull destiny, out of which wee were awaked after this sort. “To what end,” sayde[648] one, “muse we so much on the matter. This earle is neyther first nor last[649] whom fortune hath foundred in the height of theyr prosperity. For all through the raigne of this vnfortunate king Henry, we shall finde many which haue beene likewise serued, whose chaunces sith they be martiall, and therefore honourable, may the better be omitted. And therefore wee will let goe the lordes Molines, and Poyninges, slayne both at the siege of Orleaunce, shortly after the death of this earle. Also the valiaunt earle of Arundel destroyed with a bowlet at the assault of Gerborye,[650] whose stories neuerthelesse are worth the hearing. And to quicken vp your spirites, I will take vpon mee a tragicall person in deede, I meane king Iamy slayn by his seruauntes in his priuy chamber: who although he be a Scot, yet seeing hee was brought vp in England, where hee learned the language, his example also so notable, it were not meete it should bee forgotten. And therfore marke, Baldwine, what, I thinke, he may say.”]

[Pg 103]

[Howe King Iames the first, for breaking his othes and bondes, was by God’s sufferaunce miserably murdered of his owne subiectes, Anno 1437.[651]

[Pg 111]

[When[671] this was sayde, quoth[672] one of the company: “Let passe these Scottish matters, and returne wee to our English storyes which minister matter enough of tragedy, without seking or trauayling to forayne countreyes. Therefore returne wee to the rest of the tragicall troubles and broyles which happened in this realme during the minority of king Henry the sixt, and the sondry falls and ouerthrowes of great princes and other noble persons happening thereby.” “Well sayd (qd maister Ferrers) as[673] it happeneth I haue penned here two[674] notable tragedies, the one of Humfrey duke of Glocester, the other of the duchess Elianor his wife, which (as mee seemeth) be two of the most memorable matters fortuning in that[675] time: but whether of them is to bee placed first in[676] the order of our booke, I somwhat stand in doubt. For albeit the sayd duke’s death happened before the deceasse of the duches, yet was her fall first, which finally was cause of both.”[677] “Why should you doubt then (quod the rest of the company) for seeing the cause doth alwayes goe before th’effect and sequell of any thing, it is good reason you should begin with her first. And therefore wee pray you let vs heare first what shee hath to say: for all this while wee haue not heard the complaynt of any lady or other woman.”]

[Pg 112]

How Dame Elianor Cobham Duchesse of Glocester, for practising of witchcraft and sorcery, suffred open penaunce, and after was banished the realme into the Ile of Man.

[Pg 126]

[“Svrely,” sayd one of the company, “this lady hath done much to moue the hearers to pitye her, and hath very well knit vp her[696] tragedy according to the beginning: but I meruayl much where shee learned all this poetry touched in her tale, for in her dayes learning was not common, but a rare thing, namely in women.” “Yes,” quod Maister Ferrers, “that might shee very well learne of the duke her husband, who was a prince so excellently learned, as the like of his degree was no where to bee founde. And not only so, but was also a patron to poets and orators, much like as Mecenas was in the time of Augustus Cæsar. This duke was founder of the diuinity schole in Oxford, whereas he caused Aristotle’s workes to bee translated out of Greeke into Latin, and caused many other thinges to bee done for aduauncement of learning, hauing alwayes learned men nere about him, no meruayl therefore though the duchesse brought some pece away.” “Mee-thinke,” quod another, “shee passeth boundes of a ladye’s modesty, to inuey so cruelly against the cardinall Beaufort.” “Not a whit,” quod another, “hauing such cause as shee had, and somwhat ye must beare with women’s passions. Therefore leaue wee her to eternall rest, and let vs heare what Maister Ferrers will say for the duke her husband, whose case was the more lamentable, in that hee suffered without cause. And surely though the cardinall against nature was the duke’s mortall foe, yet the chiefe causers of his confusion was the queene and William Delapoole, earle of Suffolke, and afterwardes duke, whose counsayle was chiefly followed in the contriuing of this noble man’s destruction. Shee through ambition to haue soueraynty and rule, and hee through flattery to purchase honour and promotion, which as hee in short time obtayned, so in as short time he lost agayne, and his[Pg 127] life withall by the iust iudgement of God, receiuing such measure as he before met to this good prince. This drift of his turned to the vtter ouerthrowe of the king himselfe, the queene his wife, and Edward theyr son a most goodly prince, and to the subuersion of the whole house of Lancaster, as you may see at large in the cronicles: but now let vs heare what the duke will say.”]

[Pg 128]

Howe Hvmfrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester Protector of England, during the minority of his nephue King Henry the sixt, (commonly called the good Duke) by practise of enemyes was brought to confusion.

[Pg 146]

[The good duke hauing ended his wofull tragedy, after much talke hadde concerning discention among those that bee magistrates: “Good Lord,” quod one, “what mischiefe and destruction doth priuy grudge and malice rayse among all sortes of people both hye and lowe? but especially among magistrates being the head and guide of the commonwealth: for what mischief did the discention betwene these two persons (being both of hye estate) bring after to both realmes:[733] yea and the vtter ruin of most of them that were workers[734] of this duke’s death.” “You say troth,” quoth I, “and now for that, if I may craue your pacience a while, you shall heare what I haue noted in the duke of Suffolke’s doings, one of the chiefe procurours of duke Humfreye’s destruction, who[735] by the prouidence of God came shortly after in such hatred of the people, that the king himselfe could not saue him from a straunge and notable death.[736] For being banisht the realme for the terme of fiue yeares, to appease the continuall rumours and inward grudges, that not only the commons, but most part of the nobility of England, bare towardes him for the death of the sayde duke, he sayling[737] towardes Fraunce, was met with a ship of Deuonshire, and beheaded forthwith the first day of May, Anno 1450. And the dead corps throwen vp at Douer, vpon the sandes, which may lament his death after this maner.”]

[Pg 147]

How Lord[738] William De la pole, Duke of Suffolke, was worthely banished, for abusing his King, and causing the destruction of the good Duke Humfrey,[739] Anno 1450.[740]

[Pg 156]

[Whan this was sayd, euery man reioysed to heare of a wicked person so righteously punished:[775] for though fortune in many points bee iniurious to princes, yet in this and such like she is most righteous: and only deserueth the name of a goddesse, whan she prouideth meanes to punishe and destroy tyrantes. And when we had a while considered the driftes of the king and queene to haue saued this duke: and yet they could not: “It is worth the labour,” sayd one, “to way the workes and iudgements of God: which seeing they are knowen most euidently by comparing contraries, I will touch the story of Iacke Cade in order next following, whome king Henry, with all his puissaunce, was no more able for a while to destroy (yet was hee his rebellious enemy), than hee was to preserue the duke of Suffolke his dearest friend: by which two examples doth appeare howe notably God disposeth all things, and that no force stretcheth farther, than it pleaseth him to suffer. For this Cade being an Irisheman but of meane parentage, of no ability,[776] and lesse power, accompanied with a fewe naked Kentishemen, caused the king with his army at all poynts appointed, to leaue the field, and suffer him to do whatsoeuer hee lusted [for a time, but in the end hee was slaine at Hothfielde in Sussex, and caried thence to London in a cart, and there quartered.][777] In whose behalfe, seeing he is one of fortune’s whelpes, I will trouble you a while to heare the processe of his enterprise, which hee may declare in maner following.”]

[Pg 157]

How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer,[778] trayterously rebelling against his King, in Iune, Anno 1450,[779] was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthely punished.

[Pg 165]

[“By Sainct Mary,” sayd[816] one, “if Iacke were as wel learned, as you haue made his oration, what so euer hee was by birth, I warrant him a gentleman by his learning. How notably and philosopher like hath he described fortune, and the causes of worldly cumbraunce? how like[817] a deuine hath hee determined the states both of officers and rebells. For in deede officers[818] be God’s deputies, and it is God’s office which they beare: and it is hee which ordaineth thereto such as himself listeth, good whan he fauoureth the people, and euil when he will punish them. And therefore whosoeuer rebelleth against any ruler, either good or bad, rebelleth against God and shalbee sure of a shamefull ende:[819] for God cannot but mayntaine his deputy. Yet this I note by the way concerning rebels and rebellions. Although the deuill raise them, yet God alwayes vseth them to his glory, as a part of his iustice. For whan kinges and chiefe rulers suffer their vnder officers to misuse their subiectes, and will not heare nor remedy their people’s wronges whan they complaine, then suffereth God the rebell to rage, and to execute that part of his iustice, which the partiall prince would not. For the lord Saye, a very corrupt officer, and one whom notwithstanding the king alwayes mayntayned, was destroyed by this Iacke, as was also the bishop of Salisbury, (a proude and couetous prelate) by other of the rebells. And therefore whatsoeuer prince desireth to liue quietly without rebellion, must doe his subiectes right in all thinges, and punishe such officers as greeue or oppresse them: thus shall they bee sure from all rebellion. And for the clerer opening hereof it were well done to set forth this lord Saye’s tragedy.” “What neede that,” sayd[820] another, “seeing the like[Pg 166] example is seene in the duke of Suffolke, whose doings are declared sufficiently already. Nay let[821] vs goe forward, for we haue a great many behind that may not bee omitted, and the time as you see passeth away. As for this lord Saye, whom Cade so cruelly killed and spitefully vsed after his death, (I dare say) shalbe knowen therby what hee was to all that read or heare this story. For God would neuer haue suffered him to haue beene so vsed, except hee had first deserued it. Therefore let him goe and with him the bishop, and all other slaine in that rebellion which was raised as it may be thought through some drift of the duke of Yorke, who shortly after began to endeuour himselfe by all meanes to attayne the crowne, and therefore gathered an army in Walles, and marched towardes London:[822] but the king with his power taried and met him[Pg 167] at Sainct Albans, where while the king and hee were about a treaty, Richarde Neuile earle of Warwicke, chiefe of the faction of the house of Yorke, set vpon the kinge’s army, gate the victory, and slue Edmund Beauford duke of Somerset. Where also the same day were slaine in the quarell of king Henry the sixt, Henry Percy the second[823] of that surname, earle of Northumberland, Humfreye earle of Stafford, sonne and heire to Humfrey Stafford,[824] duke of Buckingham, Iohn lord Clifford, Babthorpe the kinge’s attorney and his sonne and heire, besides many moe of the nobility. But[825] because the duke of Somerset[826] was the chiefe of that part, passing ouer the rest, let vs onely heare him speake for all.”]

[Pg 168]

The tragedy of Edmund Duke of Somerset, slayne in the first battayle at Sainct Albane’s, the 23 day of May, in the 32 yeare of Henry the sixte, Anno 1454.

[Pg 183]

[After this tragedy ended, one sayd: “Seeing this duke hath so vehemently exclaimed against the duke of Yorke’s practises, it were well done to heare what hee can say for himselfe. For after the first battaile at Sainct Albane’s he was[948] made protectour,[949] which so much greeued queene Margaret and her complices, that priuy grutches and open dissembling neuer ceased till the duke and his allyes were fayne to flie both field and realme, hee into Ireland, and they to Calais. Whence they came againe with an army, whereof Richard Neuill earle of Salisbury was leder, and marched toward Couentry, where the king was, and had gathered an army to subdue them, and encountred them at Northampton on the 10 day of Iuly in the yeare of grace 1460, fought with them, lost the fielde, and was taken himselfe and many of his friendes slaine, as Humfrey Stafford duke of Buckingham, Iohn Talbot the second of that name earle of Shrewesbury, Iohn vicount Beaumont, Thomas lord Egremont, sir William Lucy and diuers other. But ouerpassing all these and many moe because they were honorably slaine in the fielde, let vs come to him who was the chiefe cause thereof, that is to say, Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke slaine in the battayl at Wakefield on Christmas euen, and Edmund earle of Rutland his yong sonne, who was there murdered by the lord Clifford as hee would have fled into the towne to haue saued himselfe.

Therefore imagine that you see a tall man’s body full of fresh woundes, but lacking a head, holding by the hand a goodly childe, whose breast was so wounded that his heart might be seene, his louely face and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his haire through horror standing vpright, his mercy crauing handes all to bee mangled, and all his body embrued with his owne bloud. Out of the wesand pipe of which headles body came a shreking voice saying as followeth.”]

[Pg 184]

Howe Richarde Plantagenet Duke of Yorke was slayn through his ouer rash boldnes, and his sonne the Earle of Rutland for his lacke of valiaunce, An. Dom. 1460.[950]

[Pg 194]

[With that[1029] maister Ferrers shooke mee by the sleue, saying: “Why how now man, do you forget your selfe? belike you minde our matters very much.” “So I doe indeede,” sayd I,[1030] “for I dreame of them.” And whan I had rehersed my dreame, wee had long talke concerning the nature of dreames, which to stint, and to bring vs to our matter agayne, thus sayd one of them: “I am glad it was your chaunce to dreame of duke Richard, for it had bene pity to haue ouerpassed him. And as concerning this lord Clyfford which so cruely killed his sonne, I purpose to gieue you notes: who (as hee well deserued) came shortly after to a sodayne death, and yet too good for so cruell a tyrant. [For on Palmesonday next following, being the xxix day[1031] of March, in the yeare of Christ a thousand four hundreth threescore and one, this lord Clyfford with Henry Percy the thirde earle of Northumberland, the earle of Westmerland, the lord Dacres, the lord Welles, and other were slayn at Towton in Yorkeshyre.][1032] Wherefore as you thought you saw and hearde the headles duke speake through his necke, so now[1033] suppose you see this lord Clyfford, all armed saue his head, with his brest plate all gore bloud running from his throate wherein an headlesse arrow sticketh through which wound hee sayth thus.”[1034]]

[Pg 195]

How the Lorde Clyfford for his straunge and abhominable cruelty came to as straunge and sodayne a death,[1035] Anno 1461.[1036]

[Pg 199]

[Whan this tragedy was ended: “O Lord,” sayd[1076] another, “how horrible a thing is diuision in a realme, to how many mischiefes is it the mother, what vice is not therby kindled, what vertue left vnquenched? for what was the cause of the duke of Yorke’s death, and of the cruelty of this Clyfford, saue[1077] the variaunce betwene king Henry and the house of Yorke? which at length, besides millions of the commons, brought to destruction all the[1078] nobility. For Edward the duke’s eldest son immediately after his[1079] father was slayn, through help of the Neuills, gaue the king a battayle, whereat, besides this Clyfford, and xxxvi thousand other souldiers, were slain theyr captaynes, the earles[1080] of Northumberland and Westmerland, with the lordes Dacres and Welles: the[1081] winning of which fielde brought Edward to the crowne, and the losse draue king Henry and his wife into Scotland. But as few raignes begin without bloud, so king Edward to keepe order,[1082] caused Thomas Courtney earle of Deuonshyre, and Iohn Veer earle of Oxeforde, and Aubrey Veer eldest sonne to the sayd earle, with diuers[1083] other his enemies,[1084] to bee attaynted and put to death. And shortly after he[1085] did execution vpon the duke of Somerset, and the lordes Hungerford and Rosse, whom he toke prisoners at Exham fielde. For thither they came with[1086] king Henry out of Scotland, with an army of Scottes, and fought a battayle, which was lost,[Pg 200] and the most[1087] part of them slayn.[1088] And because these are all noble men, I will leaue them to Baldwine’s discretion. But seyng the earle of Worcester was the chiefe instrument whom king Edward vsed as well in these men’s matters as in like bloudy affayres, because he should not be forgotten, yee shall here what I haue noted concerning his tragedy.”[1089]]

[Pg 201]

The infamovs end of the Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundementes, An. 1470.[1090]

[Pg 207]

[This earle’s[1113] tragedy was not so soone finished, but one of the company had prouided for another of a notable person, lord Tiptoft’s chiefe enemy: concerning whom hee sayd: “Lord God what trust is there in worldly chaunces? what stay in any prosperity? for see the earle of Warwicke which caused the earle of Worcester to be apprehended, attainted, and put to deth, triumphing with his old imprisoned and new vnprisoned prince, king Henry, was by and by after, and his brother with him, slayn at Barnet field by king Edward, whom hee had before time damaged diuers wayes. As first by his friendes at Banbury fielde, where to reuenge the death of his cosin Henry[1114] Neuill, syr Iohn Coniers, and Iohn Clappam, his seruauntes, slue fiue thousand Welshmen, and beheaded theyr captaynes, the earle of Pembroke and syr Richard Harbert his brother, after they were yeelded prisoners: of whom syr Richard Harbert was the tallest gentilman both of his person and handes that euer I read or heard of. At which time also, Robin of Ridsdale,[1115] a rebell of the earle of Warwicke’s raysing, tooke the earle Riuers, king Edwarde’s wiue’s father, and his sonne Iohn, at his manour of Grafton, and carried them to Northampton, and there without cause or proces beheaded them. Which spites to requite, king Edward caused the lord Stafford of Sowthwike, one of Warwicke’s chiefe frendes, to be taken at Brent march, and headed at Bridgewater. This caused the earle shortly to raise his power, to encounter the king which came against him with an army, beside Warwicke at Wolney, where hee wan the field, tooke the king prisoner, and kept him a while in Yorkeshire in Middleham castle: whence (as some say) hee released him againe, but other thinke hee corrupted hys keepers and so escaped. Then[Pg 208] through the lords the matter was taken vppe betweene them, and they brought to talke togeather, but because they could not agree, the earle araised a new army, whereof he made captayn the lord Welles’ sonne, which broile king Edward minding to appease by pollicy, fouly distained his honour, committing periury: for hee sent for the lord Welles and his brother sir Thomas Dymocke, vnder safe conduite promising them vpon his fayth to keepe them harmelesse. But after, because the lord Welles’ sonne would not dissolue his army, beheaded them both and went with his power into Lincolnshire and there fought with sir Robert Welles, and slewe ten thousand of his souldiers (yet ran they away so fast, that casting of their clothes for the more speede, caused it to bee called Lose coate fielde) and tooke sir Robert and other, and put them to death in the same place. This misfortune forced the earle of Warwicke to saile into Fraunce where hee was entertained of the king a while, and at last with such poore helpe as hee procured there of duke Rainer and other, hee came into England againe, and encreased such a power in king Henrie’s name, that as the lord Typtofte sayd in his tragedy, king Edward vnable to abide him, was faine to flie ouer the washes in Lincolnshire to get a ship to saile out of his kingdome to his brother in lawe the duke of Burgoine. So was king Henry restored againe to his[1116] kingdome. All these despites and troubles the earle wrought against king Edward. But Henry was so infortunate that ere halfe a yeare was expired, king Edward came backe againe, and enprisoned him and gaue the earle a fielde, wherein hee slewe both him and his brother. I haue recounted thus much before hand for the better opening of the story, which, if it should haue beene spoken in his tragedy, would rather haue made a volume then a pamphlete. For I entend onely to say in the tragedy, what I haue noted in the earle of Warwicke’s person, wishing that these other noble men, whome I haue by the way touched, should not bee forgotten. And therefore imagine that[Pg 209] you see this earle lying with his brother in Paule’s church[1117] in his coate armoure, with such a face and countinaunce as he beareth in portraiture ouer the dore in Paule’s, at the going down to Iesus chappell from the south end of the quier stayres, and saying as followeth.”]

[Pg 210]

How Sir Richard Neuill Earle of Warwicke, and his brother Iohn, Lord Marquise Montacute, through their too much boldnesse were slaine at Barnet, the 14 of Aprill, Anno 1471.[1118]

[Pg 216]

[As soone as the earle had ended this admonition: “Sure,” sayd[1144] one, “I thinke the earle of Warwicke (although hee were a glorious man) hath sayd no more of himselfe then what is true. For if hee had not had notable good vertues, or vertuous qualities, and vsed laudable meanes in his trade of life, the people would neuer haue loued him as they did: but God be with him, and send his soule rest, for sure his body neuer had any. And although he dyed, yet ciuil warres ceased not. For immediately after his death came queene Margaret with a power out of Fraunce, bringing with her her yong son prince Edward: and with such friends as she found here, gaue king Edward a battayl at Tewkesbury, where both she and her son were taken prisoners with Eadmund duke of Somerset her chiefe captayne: whose son lord Iohn, and the earle of Deuonshyre were slayn in fight,[1145] and the duke himselfe with diuers other immediately beheaded. Whose infortunes are worthy to be remembred, chiefly prince Edward’s, whome the king for speaking trueth cruelly stroke with his gauntlet, and his brethren tyrannously[1146] murdered. But seing the time so far spent, I will passe them ouer, and with them Fauconbridge that ioly rouer beheaded at Southampton: whose commotion made in Kent, was cause of sely Henrye’s destruction. And seing king Henry himselfe was cause of the destruction of many noble princes, being of all other most infortunate himselfe, I will declare what I haue noted in his vnlucky life: who wounded in prison with a dagger, may lament his wretchednesse in maner following.”]

[Pg 217]

How King Henry the sixte, a vertuous Prince, was, after many other miseries, cruelly murdered in the Tower of London, the 22 of May, Anno 1471.[1147]

[Pg 225]

[This tragedy ended, another sayd: “Either you or king Henry are a good philosopher, so narowly to argue the causes of misfortunes? but there is nothing to experience which taught, or might teach the king this lesson. But to proceede in our matter, I finde mention here, shortly after the death of this king, of a duke of Excester found dead in the sea betweene Douer and Calais, but what hee was, or by what aduenture hee died, maister Fabian hath not shewed, and maister Hall hath ouerskipped him: so that except wee be friendlier vnto him, hee is like to be double drowned, both in sea, and in the gulfe of forgetfulnes.” About this matter was much talke, but because one tooke vpon him to seeke out that story, that charge was committed to him. And to bee occupied in the meane while, I haue found the story of one drowned likewise, and that so notably, though priuely, that all the world knew of it: wherefore I sayd: “Because night approacheth, and that wee will lose no time, yee shall heare what I haue noted concerning the duke of Clarence, king Edward’s brother, who all to bee washed in wine, may bewayle his infortune after this maner.”]

[Pg 226]

How George Plantagenet, third sonne of the Duke of Yorke, was by his brother King Edward wrongfully imprisoned, and by his brother Richard miserably murdered the 11 of Jan. An. 1478.[1162]

[Pg 243]

[By that this tragedy was ended, night was so nere come that wee could not conueniently tary together any longer: and therefore sayd maister Ferrers: “It is best my maisters to stay here. For wee be come now[1214] to the end of Edward the fourth’s raigne.[1215] For the last whom wee finde vnfortunate therein, was the duke of Clarence: in whose behalfe I commend much that which hath bene noted. Let vs therefore for this time leaue with him, and this day seauen nights hence, if your busines will so suffer, let vs all meete here together[1216] agayne. And you shall see that in the meane season I will not only deuise vpon this my selfe, but cause diuers other of my acquayntance, which can doe very well, to helpe vs forwarde with the rest.” To this euery man gladly agreed. “Howbeit,” sayd[1217] another, “seing we shall end at Edward the fourth’s end, let himselfe make an ende of our daye’s labour, with the same oration which maister Skelton made in his name, the tenour whereof, so far as I remember, is as foloweth.”][1218]

[Pg 244]

Howe King Edward the fourth[1219] through his surfeting and vntemperate life, sodaynly dyed in the middest of his prosperity, the nynth of Aprill, Anno 1483.

[Pg 248]

[Whan this was sayd, euery man for that[1231] time tooke his leaue of other, and departed (for then it waxed darke) appointing a new day of meeting, which being come, we met all together againe. And whan we had saluted one another, then one tooke the booke, and began to read the story of king Edward the fifte: (for there wee left) and when hee came to the apprehending of the lord Riuers: “Stay there I pray you,” sayd I, “for here is his complaint. For the better vnderstanding whereof, you must imagine that he was accompanied with the lord Richard Gray, Hawt, and Clappam, whose infortunes hee bewaileth after this maner.”]

[Pg 249]

Howe Syr Anthony Woduile Lord Riuers and Scales, Gouernour of Prince Edward, was with his Nephue Lord Richard Gray and other causelesse imprisoned and cruelly murdered, Anno 1483.[1232]

[Pg 273]

[Whan I had read this, they liked it very well. One wished that the combat which hee fought[1293] with the bastard of Burgoine, and the honour which he wan both with speare and axe, should not be forgotten. Another moued a question about a great matter, and that is the variaunce of the chronicles about the lord Thomas Gray marquise Dorcet: whome Fabian euery where calleth the queene’s brother. Sir Thomas More and Hall call him the queene’s sonne, [as hee was in very deede.][1294] Fabian saith hee was gouernour of the prince, and had the conueiaunce of him from Ludlo towards London. The other (whome wee followe) say hee was than at London with the queene prouiding for the king’s coronation, and tooke sanctuary with her, as soone as he heard of the apprehending of his vncle. This disagreing of writers is a great hinderaunce of the truth, and no small cumbraunce to such as bee diligent readers, besides the harme that may happen in succession of heritages. It were therefore a worthy and good deede for the nobility to cause all the recordes to bee sought, and a true and perfect chronicle thereout to bee written. Vnto which we refer the deciding of this and of all other like controuersies, geuing this to vnderstand in the meane time, that no man shall thinke his title either better or worse by any thing that is written in any part of this treatise. For the only thing which is purposed herein, is by example of other’s miseries, to disswade all men from all sinnes and vices. If by the way wee touch any thing concerning titles, wee follow therein Halle’s chronicle. And where wee seeme to swarue from his reasons and causes of diuers doings, there wee gather vpon coniecture such thinges as seeme most probable, or at the lest most conuenient for the furderaunce of our purpose. Whan the reader would haue proceeded in[Pg 274] the Cronicle, which straight intreateth of the vilanous destruction of the lorde Hastinges, I willed him to surcease, because I had there his tragedy very learnedly penned. For the better vnderstanding wherof, you must imagin that you see him newly crept out of his graue, and speaking to mee as followeth.]

[Pg 275]

How the Lord Hastings was betrayed, by trusting too much to his euill counsaylour Catesby, and vilanously murdered in the Tower of London by Richard Duke of Glocester, the 13 of Iune, Anno 1483.[1295]

[Pg 307]

[When I had read this, one sayd: “It was very darke, and hard to bee vnderstoode: except it were diligently and very leasurely considered.” “I like it the better,” sayd[1484] another, “for that shall cause it to bee oftner read, and the better remembred. Considering also that it is written for the learned (for such all magistrates are, or should bee) it cannot be to hard, so long as it is sound and learnedly written.” Then sayd the reader: “The next here whome I finde miserable are king Edward’s two sonnes, cruelly murdered in the tower of London: haue you their tragedy?” “No, surely,” sayd[1484] I, “The lord Vaulx vndertoke to pen it, but what hee hath done therein I am not certayne, and therefore I let it passe till I knowe farder. I haue here the duke of Buckingham, king Richard’s chiefe instrument, written by maister Thomas Sackuille.” “Read it we pray you,” sayd they. “With a good will,” quoth[1484] I, “but first you shall heare his Preface or Induction.” “Hath hee made a preface,” sayd[1484] one, “what meaneth hee thereby, seeing none other hath vsed the like order?” “I will tell you the cause thereof,” sayd[1484] I, “which is this: after that hee vnderstoode that some of the counsayl would not suffer the booke to bee printed in such order as wee had agreede and determined, hee purposed to[1485] haue gotten at my handes all the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckingham’s, which hee would haue preserued in one volume. And from that time backward, euen to the time of William the Conquerour, he determined to continue and perfect all the story him selfe, in such order as Lydgate (following Bochas) had already vsed. And therefore to make a meete induction into the matter, hee deuised this poesie: which (in my[Pg 308] iudgement) is so well penned, that I would not haue any verse thereof left out of our volume. Now that you knowe the cause and meaning of his doing, you shall also heare what hee hath done. His induction beginneth thus.”][1486]

[Pg 309]

THE INDVCTION.[1487]

[Pg 333]

The Complaynt of Henry Duke of Buckingham.

[Pg 364]

[“How like you this my maisters?” quoth[1661] I. “Very well,” sayd one: “the tragedy excelleth: the inuention also of the induction, and the descriptions are notable. But wheras hee fayneth to talke with the princes in hell, that I am sure will bee mislyked, because it is most certayne, that some of theyr soules be in heauen. And although hee herein doe follow allowed poets, in their description of hell, yet it sauoureth so much of purgatory, which the papistes haue digged thereout, that the ignorant may thereby bee deceiued.” “Not a whit I warrant you,” sayd I,[1662] “for hee meaneth not by his hell the place eyther of damned soules, or of such as lye for their fees, but rather the graue, wherein the dead bodyes of all sorts of people doe rest till time of the resurrection. And in this sence is hell taken often in the scriptures, and in the writings of learned christians. And so, as hee himselfe hath told mee, hee meaneth, and so would haue it taken.” “Tush,” quoth[1663] another, “what stand we here vpon? it is a poesy, and no diuinity: and it is lawfull for poets to faine what they list, so it bee appertinent to the matter: and therefore let it passe euen in such sort as you haue read it.” “With a good will,” quoth[1664] I. “But whereas you say a poet may faine what he list: in deede me thinke[1665] it should bee so, and ought to be well taken of the hearers: but it hath not at all times beene so allowed.” “Yee say troth,” quoth[1666] the reader: “for here followeth in the story, that after the death of this duke, one called Collingbourne was cruelly put to death for making of a rime.” “I haue his tragedy here,” sayd[1667] I. For[Pg 365] the better perceiuing whereof, you must imagine that you see him a maruailous well fauoured man, holding in his hand his owne heart, newely ripped out of his breast, and smoaking forth the liuely spirite: and with his hand,[1668] beckening to and fro, as it were to warne vs to auoide: and with his faint tongue and voice, saying as couragiously as bee may, these words that followe.]

[Pg 366]

How Collingbourne was cruelly executed for making a foolish ryme.

[Pg 379]

[“God’s blessing on his heart that made this:” sayd one, “specially for reuiuing our auncient liberties. And I pray God it may take such place with the magistrates, that they may ratifie our olde freedome.” “Amen,” sayd another: “for that shall bee a meane both to stay and vpholde themselues from falling, and also to preserue many kinde, true, zealous, and well meaning mindes from slaughter and infamy. If king Richarde and his counsailours had allowed, or at the least but winked at some such wits, what great commodities might they haue taken thereby? First, they should haue knowen what the people misliked and grudged at, (which no one of their flatterers either woulde or durst haue tolde them) and so mought haue found meane, eyther by amendment (which is best) or by some other pollicy to haue stayed the people’s grudge: the forerunner commonly of ruler’s destruction.[1750] Vox populi, vox Dei, in this case is not so famous a prouerbe, as true: the experience of all times doe[1751] approue it. They should also haue bene warned of their owne sinnes, which call continually for God’s vengeaunce, which neuer faileth to fall on their neckes sodainly and horribly, vnles it bee stayed with hearty repentaunce. These weighty commodities mought they haue taken by Collingbourn’s vaine rime. But, as all thinges worke to the best in them that bee good, so best thinges heape vp mischiefe in the wicked, and all to hasten their vtter destruction. For after this poore wretche’s lamentable persecution (the common rewarde of best endeuours) strait followed the fatall[1752] destruction both of this tyrant, and of his tormentours. Which I wishe might bee so set forth, that they might bee a warning for euer, to all in authority, to beware howe they vsurpe or abuse theyr offices.” “I haue here,” quoth[1753] I, “king Richard’s[Pg 380] tragedy.” “Reade it, wee pray you:” quoth[1754] they. “With a good will,” quoth[1755] I. “For the better vnderstanding whereof, imagine that you see him tormented with Diues in the deepe pit of hell, and thence howling this which followeth.”]

[Pg 381]

[How Richarde Plantagenet Duke of Glocester murdered his brother’s children, vsurping the crowne, and in the third yeare of his raigne was most worthely depriued of life and kingdome, in Bosworth plaine, by Henry Earle of Richmond after called King Henry the vij. the 22 of August 1485.[1756]

[Pg 394]

[When I had read this, we had much talke about it. For it was thought not vehement enough for so violent a man as king Richard had bene. The matter was well enough liked of some, but the meetre was misliked almost of all. And when diuers therefore would not allowe it, “What,” quoth[1779] one, “you know not wherevpon you sticke: els you would not so much mislike this because of the vncertaine meeter. The cumlines called by the rhetoricians decorum, is specially to bee obserued in all thinges. Seing than that king Richard neuer kept measure in any of his doings, seeing also hee speaketh in hell, whereas is no order: it were against that[1780] decorum of his personage, to vse either good meetre or order. And therefore if his oration were farre worse, in my opinion it were more fit for him. Mars and the muses did neuer agree. Neither is to be suffered, that their milde sacred arte should seeme to proceede from so cruell and prophane a mouth as his: seeing they themselues doe vtterly abhorre it. And although wee read of Nero, that hee was excellent both in musicke and in versifying, yet doe not I remember that euer I sawe any song or verse of his making: Minerua iustly prouiding, that no monument should remayne of any such vniust vsurpation. And therefore let this passe euen as it is, which the writer I know both could and would amend in many places, saue for keeping the decorum, which he purposely hath obserued herein.” “In deede,” quoth[1781] I, “as you say: it is not meete that so disorderly and vnnaturall a man as king Richard was, should obserue any metricall order in his talke: which notwithstanding in many places of his oration is very well kepte: it shall passe therefore euen as it is, though too good for so euill[1782] a person.”[1783] Then[Pg 395] they willed mee to reade the blacke Smith. “With a good will,” quoth I: “but first you must imagin that you see him standing on a ladder ouer shrined with the Tyburne, a meete stage for all such rebelles and traytours: and there stoutly saying as followeth.”]

[Pg 396]

The wilfvll fall of the blacke Smith, and the foolishe ende of the Lorde Awdeley, in Iune, Anno 1496.[1784]

[Pg 415]

[“It is pity,” quoth[1865] one, “that the meeter is no better, seeing the matter is so good: you may do very well to helpe it, and a lytle filing would make it formal.” “The author him selfe,” quoth[1866] I, “could haue done that, but hee would not, and hath desired me that it may passe in such rude sort as you haue heard it: for hee obserueth therein a double decorum both of the Smith, and of himselfe: for hee thinketh it not meete for the Smith to speake, nor for himselfe to write in any exact kinde of meeter.” “Well,” sayd another, “the matter is notable to teach al people, as well officers as subiects, to consider their estates, and to liue in loue and obedience to the highest powers, whatsoeuer they bee, whome God either by birth, law, succession, or vniuersall election, doth or shall aucthorise in his owne roume to execute his lawes and iustice among any people or nation. For by all these meanes God placeth his deputies. And in my iudgement there is no meane so good eyther for the common quiet of the people, or for God’s free choise, as the naturall order of enheritaunce by lineall discent: for so it is left in God’s handes, to creat in the wombe what prince hee thinketh meetest for his purposes: the people also knowe their princes, and therefore the more gladly and willingly receiue and obay them. And although some realmes, more carefull then wise, haue entailed theire crowne to the heire male, thinking it not meete for the feminine sexe to beare the royall office: yet if they consider all circumstaunces, and the chiefest vses of a prince in a realme, they shall see how they are deceiued. For princes are God’s lieutenauntes or deputies, to see God’s lawes executed among theire subiects, not to rule according to their owne lustes or deuises, but by the prescript of God’s lawes: so that the chiefest poynt of a prince’s office consisteth in obedience to God and to his ordinaunces, and what shoulde[Pg 416] let but that a woman may bee as obedient vnto God, as a man? The second poynt of a prince’s office is to prouide for the impotent, nedy, and helples, as widowes, orphanes, lame, and decrepite persons: and seing women are by nature tender harted, milde and pitifull, who may better then they discharge this duty? Yea but a woman lacketh courage, boldnesse, and stomacke, to withstand the aduersarie, and so are her subiects an open spoyle to their enemies. Debora, Iaell, Iudith, Thomeris, and other doe proue the contrary. But graunt it were so: what harme were that, seing victory consisteth not in witte or force, but in God’s pleasure.[1867] I am sure that whatsoeuer prince doth his duty in obaying God, and causing iustice to bee ministred according to God’s lawes, shall not only lacke warre (bee hee man, woman, or childe) but also bee a terroure to all other princes. And if God suffer any at any time to be assayled, it is for the destruction of the assayler, whether he bee rebell or forayne foe, and to the honour and profit of the vertuous prince, in whose behalfe, rather then hee shall miscary, God himselfe will fight with enfections and earthquakes from the lande and waters, and with stormes and lightenings from the ayre and skies. Moe warres haue bene sought through the wilfull and hauty courages of kings, and greater destructions happened to realmes therby, then by any other meanes. And as for wisdome and pollicy, seing it consisteth in following the counsayle of many godly, learned, and long experienced heades, it were better to haue a woman, who considering her owne weaknes and inability, should be ruled thereby, then a man which presuming vpon his owne fond brayne, will heare no aduise saue his owne. You muse peraduenture wherefore I say this. The franticke heades which disable our queene, because shee is a woman, and our king because hee is a straunger, to bee our princes and cheife gouernours, hath caused mee to say thus mutch. For whatsoeuer man, woman, or childe, is by the consent of the whole realme established in the royall seate, so it haue not bene iniuriously procured by rygour of sworde and open force, but quietly[Pg 417] by tytle, either of enheritaunce, succession, lawfull bequest, common consent or election, is vndoubtedly chosen by God to bee his deputye: and whosoeuer resisteth any suche, resisteth agaynste God himselfe, and is a ranke traytour and rebell, and shalbe sure to prosper as well as the blacke Smith and other suche haue done. All resist that wilfully breake any lawe, not being agaynst God’s lawe, made by common consent for the wealthe of the realme, and commaunded to be kept by the authority of the prince: or that deny to pay such duties, as by consent of the high court of parliament, are appointed to the prince, for the defence and preseruation of the realme.” “You haue saide very truly herein,” quoth[1868] I, “and I trust this terrible example of the blacke Smith, will put all men in minde of their duties, and teach them to bee obedient to all good lawes, and lawfull contributions. The scriptures do forbyd vs to rebell, or forcibly to withstand princes, though they commaund vniust things: yet in any case wee may not doe them: but receiue quietly at the prince’s hand whatsoeuer punishment God shall suffer to bee layd vpon vs for our refusall. God will suffer none of his to bee tempted aboue their strength.”[1869] This talke thus being ended: “I was willed my maisters,” quoth I, “by maister Holinshed, to bring sir Nicholas Burdet vnto you.” “Were you?” quoth they: “on his word we will heare what he sayes.” “Read it, I pray you,” quod one. “You must thinke then,” quoth I, “that you see him all wounded as he was slaine at Pontoise, to say as foloweth.”]

[Pg 418]

How the Valiant Knight Sir Nicholas Burdet, Chiefe Butler of Normandy, was slayne at Pontoise, Anno 1441.

[Pg 441]

[“This knight, my maisters,” quoth one, “came somwhat to late in order.” “That is maruaile,” quoth maister Ferrers, “it seemes that hee was forwarde enoughe in seruice.” “Yea,” quoth another, “hee came the later home for that, and therefore wee must accept his cause.” “How ere hee came,” quoth M. H.[1882] “hee sayes well, and like a noble gentleman, as no doubt hee was.” “Hee should haue beene placed,” quoth one, “after king Iames the first, king of Scots, of whome wee spake in the yeare 1437.” “Now,” quoth I, “that you talke of king Iames, I haue king Iames the fourth here, which was slayne at the batayle of Brampton, or Floddon fielde, but hee is very rude”[1883] “I like him,” quoth one, “the better: for if hee should bee otherwise, it would not well beseeme his person, nor the place whence he comes.” “Reade it,” quoth they, “as it is.” “Thinke then,” quoth I, “that you see him standing all wounded, with a shafte in his body, and, emongst other woundes, one geuen by a byll, both deadly, to say in his rude and faithlesse maner as followeth.”]

[Pg 442]

[The lamentation of King James the fourth, King of Scots, slayne at Brampton, in the fiuthe yeare of King Henry the eight, Anno Christi, 1513.

[“King Iames,” quoth one, “wil bee misliked for his Miserere.” “No,” quod another, “hee cryes Peccaui.” “It is to late,” quoth he, “there is no man that will like or beleeue him.” “Than,” quod M. H. “he is still one and the same man: for in life he was neither well liked, beleeued, nor trusted.” “Why than,” quoth one, “if hee speake as hee was, let him passe as hee is, and if not, let him bee mended.” “Mended,” quoth hee, “nay, hee is paste mending, hee is to olde: for it seemes by the copy, that it was pende aboue fifty yeares agone, or euen shortly after the death of the sayd king: for I found therewith, in an olde hand, the copyes of the sayd king Iames’ letters sent unto king Henry at Turwin, and the king’s aunsweres and letters sent to him againe, with this lamentation ensuing them: and lastly the sayd batayle of Floddon fielde, in such verse described, with the order of the same, and the names of the noble men, knights, and gentlemen, which serued at the same fielde.” “That would I faine heare,” quoth one, “it were pity that such particulers should bee lost.” “They would,” quoth another, “pleasure not only such as write our historyes, but also encourage our countreymen well, to the like loyall seruice of their prince, and especially those who should finde therein of their parents or auncestours to haue bene praysed for valure.” “I pray you,” quoth hee, “let us haue them.” “There they are,” quoth I, “but I haue altered the verse, which wee call Intercalaris, because the rest else would not haue beene well liked; but of the history I haue not chaunged one word.”]

[Pg 449]

[The Bataile of Brampton, or Floddon fielde, faught in the yeare of our Redeemer 1513, and in the fiuth yeare of the raygne of that victorious prince, King Henry the eyght.

[Pg 458]

[The[1967] open bruite of princes falles and such as bare sway in this realme, made mee poore haplesse woman (though once in great place,) presume to shew my selfe emong that infortunate flock. And making more haste then good speede, I appeared fyrst to one Baldwine a minister and a preacher: whose function and calling disdaynes to looke so lowe, as to searche the secrets of wanton women, (though commonly a preacher with sufferaunce may rebuke vice.) Wherefore I haue better bethought mee, and so doe sodaynly appeale and appeare to some martiall man, who hath more experience both in defending of women’s honour, and knowes somwhat more of theyr conditions and qualityes: and the rather because my tragedy was in question among some that would not spare due commendation to the autor therof. I now appeare to him that fyrst set mee forth, a writer of good continuaunce, and one that dayly is exercised to set out both matter tragicall, and other prophane histories and verses, whose name is Churchyard: hee shall not only haue the fame of his owne worke (which no man can deny)[1968] but[Pg 459] shall likewise haue all the glory I can gieue him, if hee lend mee the hearing of my woefull tale, a matter scarce fit for woman’s[Pg 460] shamefastnes to bewray. But since without blushing I haue so long beene a talkatiue wench (whose words a world hath delighted in) I will now goe on boldly with my audacious manner: and so step I on the stage in my shrowdeing sheete as I was buried.]

[Pg 461]

How Shore’s wife, King Edward the Fourth’s Concubine, was by King Richard despoyled of all her goods, and forced to doe open penaunce.

[Pg 483]

[As Baldwine indeede being a minister, had bene most fit to set forth the life of a cardinall and byshop (for causes belonging to his knowledge and ministery) so to encourage a writer now aliue to play the part of a Pasquill, and rather make his pen his plough, then in a hard season, liue like a labourer that doth seruice to many and litle good to himselfe, I thought it necessary in a kinde of beneuolence and curtesy of minde, to bestow some credit on that person that not only hath preferred my tragedy to the printer, (being of his owne deuice and penning) but also hath enlarged, by playne and familier verse, the matter the world desires to heare or read, and makinge common among a multitude that were secret and priuat among a fewe. Which study and paynes of his owne purpose procures mee (as one whom fortune hath flattered and afflicted) to appeare vnto him, for the hearing of my calamity, and for the setting out both of my rising vp and falling downe. So, to the whole worlde, by his helpe and mine owne desire, I step out from the graue, where long I lay in forgetfulnes, and declare in the voyce of a cardinall, a curious discourse; yet sadly and sorrowfully tolde, as well vnto Churchyard (the noter thereof) as to the rest that pleaseth to heare any peece of my misfortune.]

[Pg 484]

How Thomas Wolsey did arise vnto great authority and gouernment, his maner of life, pompe, and dignity, and how hee fell downe into great disgrace, and was arested of high treason.

How the Lord Cromwell[2006] exalted from meane estate, was after by the enuie of the Bishop of Winchester, and other his complices, brought to vntimely end, Anno Dom. 1540.

“Wak’d, and trembling betwixt rage and dread

With the loud slander (by the impious time)

That of my actions euery where is spread,

Through which to honor falsely I should clime,

From the sad dwelling of th’vntimely dead,

To quit me of that execrable crime,

Cromwell appeares his wretched plight to show,

Much that can tell, one much that once did know.[2007]

Roughly not made vp in the common mould,

That with the vulgar vilely I should die,

What thing so strange of Cromwell is not told?

[Pg 503]

What man more prais’d? who more condemn’d then I?

That with the world when I am waxed old,

Most t’were vnfit that fame of me should lie

With fables vaine my historie to fill,

Forcing my good, excusing of my ill.

You, that but hearing of my hated name,

Your ancient malice instantly bewray,

And for my sake your ill deserued blame

Vpon my legend publikely shall lay:

Would you forbeare to blast me with defame,

Might I so meane a priuiledge but pray,

He that three ages hath endur’d your wrong,

Heare him a little that hath heard you long.

Since Rome’s sad ruine heere by me began,

Who her religion pluckt vp by the root,

Of the false world such hate for which I wan,

Which still at me her poisned’st darts doth shoot:

That to excuse it, do the best I can,

Little, I feare, my labour me will boot:

Yet will I speake my troubled heart to ease,

Much to the mind, her selfe it is to please.

O powerfull number, from whose stricter law

Heart-mouing musicke did receiue the ground

Which men to faire ciuilitie did draw

With the brute beast when lawlesse he was found:

O, if according to the wiser saw

There be a high diuinitie in sound,

Be now abundant prosp’rously to aide

The pen prepar’d my doubtfull case to pleade.

[Pg 504]

Putney the place made blessed in my birth,

Whose meanest cottage simplie me did shrowd,

To me as dearest of the English earth:

So of my bringing that poore village prou’d,

Though in a time when neuer lesse the dearth

Of happie wits, yet mine so well allow’d

That with the best she boldly durst confer

Him that his breath[2008] acknowledged from her.

Twice flow’d proud Thames, as at my comming wood,

Striking the wondring borderers with feare,

And the pale genius of that aged flood

Vnto my mother[2009] labouring did appeare,

And with a countenance much distracted stood,

Threatning the fruit her pained wombe should beare:

My speedie birth being added thereunto,

Seem’d to foretell that much I came to do.

That[2010] was reserued for those worser daies,

As the great ebbe vnto so long a flow,

When what those ages formerly did raise,

This, when I liu’d, did lastly ouerthrow,

And that great’st labour of the world did seaze,

Only for which immedicable blow

Due to that time, me dooming heauen ordain’d,

Wherein confusion absolutely raign’d.

Vainly yet noted this prodigious signe,

Often predictions of most fearefull things,

As plagues, or warre, or great men to decline,

[Pg 505]

Rising of commons, or the death of kings:

But some strange newes though euer it diuine,

Yet forth them not immediatly it brings,

Vntill th’effects men afterward did learne,

To know that me it chiefly did concerne.

10.

Whil’st yet my father by his painfull trade,

Whose laboured anuile only was his fee,

Whom my great towardnesse strongly did perswade

In knowledge to haue educated mee:

But death did him vnluckily inuade,

Ere he the fruits of his desire could see,

Leauing me yong, then little that did know

How me the heauens had purpos’d to bestow.

11.

Hopelesse as helpelesse most might me suppose,

Whose meannesse seem’d their abiect breath to draw:

Yet did my breast that glorious fire inclose,

Which their dull purblind ignorance not saw,

Which still is setled vpon outward showes,

The vulgar’s iudgement euer is so raw,

Which the vnworthiest sottishly do loue

In their owne region properly that moue.

12.

Yet me my fortune so could not disguise,

But through this cloud were some that did me know,

Which then the rest more happie or more wise,

Me did relieue when I was driuen low,

Which, as the staier, by which I first did rise,

When to my height I afterward did grow,

Them to requite my bounties were so hie,

As made my fame through euery eare to flie.

[Pg 506]

13.

That height and godlike puritie of minde

Resteth not still, where titles most adorne

With any, nor peculiarly confinde

To names, and to be limited doth scorne:

Man doth the most degenerate from kinde,

Richest and poorest both alike are borne:

And to be alwaies pertinently good,

Followes not still the greatnes of our blood.

14.

Pitie it is, that to one vertuous man

That marke him lent to gentrie to aduance,

Which first by noble industrie he wan,

His baser issue after should inhance,

And the rude slaue not any good that can,

Such should thrust downe by what is his by chance:

As had not he been first that him did raise,

Nere had his great heire wrought his grandsire’s praise.

15.

How weake art thou that makest it thy end

To heape such worldly dignities on thee,

When vpon fortune only they depend,

And by her changes gouerned must bee?

Besides the dangers still that such attend,

Liuel’est of all men purtraied out in mee,

When that, for which I hated was of all,

Soon’st from me fled, scarse tarrying for my fall.

16.

You that but boast your ancestors proud stile,

And the large stem whence your vaine greatnes grew,

When you your selues are ignorant and vile,

[Pg 507]

Nor glorious thing dare actually pursue,

That all good spirits would vtterly exile,

Doubting their worth should else discouer you,

Giuing your selues vnto ignoble things:

Base I proclaime you though deriu’d from kings.

17.

Vertue, but poore, God in this earth doth place

’Gainst the rude world to stand vp in his right,

To suffer sad affliction and disgrace,

Not ceasing to pursue her with despight:

Yet when of all she is accounted base,

And seeming in most miserable plight,

Out of her power new life to her doth take,

Least then dismai’d when all do her forsake.

18.

That is the man of an vndaunted spirit,

For her deare sake that offereth him to dye,

For whom, when him the world doth disinherit,

Looketh vpon it with a pleased eye,

What’s done for vertue thinking it doth merit,

Daring the proudest menaces defie,

More worth then life, how ere the base world rate him,

Belou’d of heauen, although the earth doth hate him.

19.

Iniurious time, vnto the good vniust,

O, how may weake posteritie suppose

Euer to haue their merit from the dust,

’Gainst them thy partialitie that knowes!

To thy report, O, who shall euer trust,

Triumphant arches building vnto those

Allow’d the longest memorie to haue,

That were the most vnworthie of a graue?

[Pg 508]

20.

But my cleere mettle had that powerfull heat,

As it not turn’d with all that fortune could:

Nor when the world me terriblest did threat,

Could that place win[2011] which my hie thoughts did hold,

That waxed still more prosperously great,

The more the world me stroue to haue control’d,

On my owne columnes constantly to stand,

Without the false helpe of another’s hand.

21.

My youthfull course thus wisely did I steere,

T’auoid those rockes my wracke that else did thret:

Yet some faire hopes from farre did still appeere,

If that too much my wants me did not let:

Wherefore my selfe aboue my selfe to beare,

Still as I grew, I knowledge stroue to get,

To perfect that which in the embryon was,

Whose birth, I found, time well might bring to passe.

22.

But when my meanes to faile me I did finde,

My selfe to trauell presently betooke,[2012]

As much distastfull[2013] to my noble minde,

That the vile world into my wants should looke,

And of my selfe industriously[2014] inclinde,

To measure other’s actions with my booke,

I might my iudgement rectifie[2015] thereby,

In matters that were difficult and hie.

23.

When, loe, it hapt that fortune, as my guide,

Of me did with such prouidence dispose,

That th’English merchants then, who did reside

[Pg 509]

At Antwerpe, me their secretarie chose,

(As though in me to manifest her pride)

Whence to those principalities I rose,

To pluck me downe, whence afterward she fear’d

Beyond her power that almost she had rear’d.

24.

When first the wealthie Netherlands me traind

In wise commerce, most proper to the place,

And from my countrie carefully me wain’d,

That with the world did chiefly winne[2016] me grace,

Where great experience happily I gaind:

Yet here I seem’d but tutor’d for a space,

For hie imploiment otherwise ordaind,

Till which the time I idely entertaind.

25.

For hauing Boston businesse in[2017] hand,

The charge thereof on Chambers being laid,

Coming to Flanders, hapt to vnderstand

Of me, whom he requested him to aid:

Of which, when I the benefit had scand,

Weighing what time at Antwerpe I had staid,

Quickly me wonne[2018] faire Italy to trie,

Vnder a cheerefull and more luckie skie:

26.

For what the meanest cleerely makes to shine,

Youth, wit, and courage, all in me concurre

In euery proiect, that so powerfull trine

By whose kind working brauely I did sturre,

Which to each hie and glorious designe

[Pg 510]

(The time could offer) freely did me spurre,

As forcing fate some new thing to prepare

(Shewing successe) t’attempt that could me dare.

27.

Where now my spirit got roomth it selfe to show,

To the fair’st pitch doth make a gallant flight,

From things that too much earthly were and low,

Strongly attracted by a genuine light,

Where higher still it euery day did grow:

And being in so excellent a plight,

Crau’d but occasion happily to proue

How much it sate each vulgar spirit aboue.

28.

The good successe th’affaires of England found,

Much prais’d the choice of me that had been made:

For where most men the depth durst hardly sound,

I held it nothing boldly through to wade

My selfe, and through the strait’st waies I woond:

So could I act, so well I could perswade,

As meerely iouiall, me to mirth applie,[2019]

Compos’d of freedome and alacritie.

29.

Not long it was ere Rome of me did ring

(Hardly shall Rome so full daies see again)

Of freemen’s catches to the pope I sing,

Which wan much licence to my countrimen,

Thither the which I was the first did bring,

That were vnknowne to Italy till then:

Light humours, them when iudgement doth direct,

Euen of the wise win plausible respect.

[Pg 511]

30.

And those, from whom that pensions were allow’d,

And heere[2020] did for intelligence remaine,

Vnder my power themselues were glad to shroud,

Russell and Pace, yea, oftentimes were faine,

When as their names they durst not haue auow’d,

Me into their societie t’retaine,

Rising before me, mightie as they were,

Great though at home, yet did they need me there.

31.

In forraine parts nere friends I yet forsake,

That had before been deeply bound to mee,

And would againe I vse of them should make,

But still my starres command I should be free,

And all those offers lightly from me shake,

Which to requite, I fettred else might bee,

And though that oft great perils me oppungne,

And meanes were weak, my mind was euer strong.

32.

And[2021] those great wants fate to my youth did tie

Me from delights[2022] of those rich countries driue,

Thereby inforc’d with painfull industrie

Against affliction manfully to striue,

Vnder her burthen faintly not to lie,

But since my good I hardly must deriue,

Vnto the same to make my selfe a way[2023]

Through all the power against me she could lay.

33.

As a comedian where my[2024] life I led,

For so a while my need did me constraine,

With other my poore countrimen (that plai’d)

[Pg 512]

Thither that came in hope of better gaine,

Whereas when fortune seem’d me low to tread

Vnder her feet, she set me vp againe,

Vntill the[2025] vse me bad her not to feare

Her good and ill that patiently could beare.

34.

Till Charles the fift th’emperiall power did bend

’Gainst Rome, which Burbon skilfully did guide,

Which sore declining[2026] Italy did rend:

For th’right that him her holinesse denide,

Wholly her selfe enforced to defend

Gainst him that iustly punished her pride,

To which my selfe I lastly did betake,

Seeing[2027] thereof what fortune ment to make.

35.

And at the siege with that great generall seru’d,

When he did[2028] girt her stubborne waste with steele,

Within her walles who well neer being staru’d,

And that with faintnes she began to reele,

Shewing her selfe a little as she swaru’d:

First her then noting I began to feele,

She whose great power so far abroad did rome,

What in her selfe she truly was at home.

36.

That the great schoole of the false world was then,

Where her’s their subtill practises did vie,

Amongst that mightie confluence of men,

French plots propt vp by English policie,

The German powers, false shuffling, and agen

[Pg 513]

All countermin’d by skilfull Italy,

Each one in possibility to win,

Great rests were vp and mightie hands were in.

37.

Here first to worke my busie braine was set,

(My inclination finding it to please

This stirring world which strongly still did whet)

To temper in so dangerous assaies,

Which did strange formes of policies beget:

Besides in times so turbulent as these,

Wherein my studies hopefully did[2029] bend

Vnto that point the wisest[2030] made their end.

38.

And my experience happily me taught

Into the secrets of those times to see,

From whence to England afterward I brought

Those slights of state deliu’red vnto[2031] me,

In t’which were then but very[2032] few that sought,

Nor did with th’umour of that age agree,

After did great and fearfull[2033] things effect,

Whose secret working few did then suspect.

39.

When though t’were long it hapned yet at last

Some hopes me homeward secretly allur’d,

When many perils strangely I had past,

As many sad calamities endur’d

Beyond the moone, when I began to cast

By my rare parts what place might be procur’d,

[Pg 514]

If they at home were to the mightie knowne,

How they would seeme compared with their owne.

40.

Or if that there the great should me neglect,

As I the worst that vainely did not feare,

To my experience how to gaine respect

In other countries that doe hold it deare,

And now occasion seemed to reiect,[2034]

Whil’st still before me other rising were,

And some themselues had mounted to the skie,

Little before vnlike to thriue as I.

41.

When now in England bigamie with blood

Lately begot by luxurie and pride,

In their great’st fulnes peremptorie stood:

Some thereunto that diligently pri’d,[2035]

Stillie[2036] were fishing in that troubled flood

For future changes wisely to prouide,

Finding the world so rankly then to swell,

That till it brake it neuer could be well.

42.

But floting long vpon my first arriue,

Whil’st many doubts me seemed to appall,

Like to a barke that with the tide doth driue,

Hauing not[2037] left to fasten it withall,

Thus with the time by suffring I doe striue

Vnto[2038] that harbor doubtfull yet to fall:

Vntill inforc’d to put it to the chance,

Casting the fair’st my fortune to aduance.

[Pg 515]

43.

Making my selfe to mightie Wolsey knowne,

That Atlas, which the gouernement vpstai’d,

Which[2039] from meane place in little time was growne

Vp vnto him, that[2040] weight vpon him lai’d,

And being got the neerest to his throne,

He the more easly the[2041] great kingdome swai’d,

Leaning thereon his wearied selfe to breath,

Whil’st euen the greatest farre sat him[2042] beneath.

44.

Where learned More and Gardiner I met,

Men in those times immatchable for wit,

Able that were the dullest spirit to whet,

And did my humour excellently fit,

Into their ranke that worthily did get

There as their proud competitor to sit,

One excellence to many is the mother,

Wit doth,[2043] as creatures, one beget another.

45.

This founder of the palaces of kings,

Whose veines with more then vsuall spirit were fild,

A man ordained to the mighti’st things,

In Oxford then determining to build

To Christ a colledge, and together brings,

All that thereof the great foundation wills,

There me imploies, whose industrie he found

Worthie to worke vpon the noblest ground.

46.

Yet in the entrance wisely that did feare

Coyne might fall short, yet with this worke on fire,

Wherefore such houses as religious were

[Pg 516]

Whose being no necessitie require,

But that the greater very well might beare,

From Rome the Card’nall cunningly did hire,

Winning withall his soueraigne to consent,

Both colouring with so holy an intent.

47.

This like a symptome to a long disease

Was the forerunner to this mightie fall,

And but too vnaduisedly did sease

Vpon the part that ruinated all,

Which, had the worke been of so many daies,

And more againe, recouer hardly shall:

But loe, it sunke, which time did long vphold,

Where now it lies euen leueld with the mould.

48.

Thus thou, great Rome, here first wast ouerthrowne

Thy future harmes that blindly couldst not se,

And in this worke they only were thine owne,

Whose knowledge lent that deadly wound to thee,

Which to the world before had they not showne,

Nere had those secrets been descri’d by mee,

Nor by thy wealth so many from the plow

Worne those hie types wherein they florish now.

49.

After when as the cardinall againe

Into hie fauour[2044] with the king mee brought,

With[2045] whom my selfe so well I did demeane,

As that I seem’d to exercise his thought,

And his great liking strongly did retaine

With what before my master me had[2046] taught,

[Pg 517]

From whose example, by those cels were small,

Sprang the subuersion lastly of them all.

50.

Yet many a let was cast into the way,

Wherein I ran so steddily and right,

And many a snare my aduersaries lay,

Much wrought they with their power, much with their slight,

Wisely perceiuing that my smallest stay

Fully requir’d the vtmost of their might,

To my ascendant hasting me[2047] to clime,

There as the first predomining the time.

51.

Knowing what wealth me earnestly did wooe,

Which I through Wolsey hapned had to finde,

And could the path most perfectly vntoo,

The king thereafter earnestly inclin’d,

Seeing besides what after I might doe

If so great power mee fully were assign’d,

By all their meanes against me strongly wrought,

Lab’ring as fast to bring their church to nought.

52.

Whil’st to the king continually I sue,

And in this businesse faithfully did stirre

Strongly t’approue[2048] my iudgement to be true

Gainst those who most supposed me to erre,

Nor the least meanes which any way I knew

Might grace me, or my purposes preferre

Did I omit, till wonne I had[2049] his eare,

Most that me mark’d, when least he seem’d to heare.

[Pg 518]

53.

This wound to them thus violently giuen,

Enuie at me her sharpest darts doth[2050] roue,

Affecting the supremacie of heauen,

As the first giants warring against Ioue,

Heap’d hils on hils, the gods till they had driuen

The meanest shapes of earthly things to proue:

So must I shift from them against me rose,

Mortall their hate, as mightie were my foes.

54.

But their great force against me wholly bent

Preuail’d vpon my purposes so farre,

That I my ruine scarsely could preuent,

So momentarie worldly fauours are,

That till the vtmost of their spight was spent,

Had not my spirit maintain’d a manly warre,

Risen they had when laid I had been low,[2051]

Vpon whose ruine after I did grow.

55.

When the great king their strange reports that tooke

That as[2052] pernitious as they potent were,

Which[2053] at the faire growth of my fortune strooke,

Whose deadly malice blame me not to feare,

Me at the first so violently shooke,

That they this frame were likely downe to beare,

If resolution with a setled brow

Had not vpheld my peremptorie vow.

56.

Yet these encounters thrust me not awry,

Nor could my courses force me to forsake,

After this shipwrack I againe must trie,

[Pg 519]

Some happier voiage hopefull still to make,

The plots that barren long we see did lie,

Some fitting season plentifully take,

One fruitfull haruest frankly doth restore

What many winters hindred had before.

57.

That to account I strictly call my wit

How it this while had managed my state,

My soule in counsell summoning to sit,

If possible to turne the course of fate,

For waies there be the greatest things to hit,

If men could find the peremptorie gate,

And since I once was got so neere the brinke

More then before, ’twould grieue me now to sinke.

58.

Bedford,[2054] whose life (some said) that I had sau’d

In Italy, one me that[2055] sauoured most,

And reuerend Hayles, who but occasion crau’d

To shew his loue, no lesse that I had cost,

Who to the king perceiuing me disgrac’d,

Whose fauour I vnluckily had lost,

Both with him great, a foot set in withall

If not to stay, to qualifie my fall.

59.

High their regard, yet higher was their hap,

Well neere quite sunke, recouer me that could,

And once more get me into fortune’s lap,

Which well my selfe might teach me there to hold,

Escap’d out of so dangerous a trap,

Whose praise by me to ages shall be told,

[Pg 520]

As the two props by which I only rose,

When most supprest, most trod on by my foes.

60.

This me to vrge the premunire wonne,

Ordain’d in matters dangerous and hie,

In t’which the heedlesse prelacie were runne,

That backe vnto the papacie did flie,

Sworne to that sea, and what before was done

Due to the king, dispensed were thereby,

In t’which first entring offred me the meane

That to throw downe, alreadie that did leane.

61.

This was to me that ouerflowing sourse,

From whence his bounties plentifully spring,

Whose speedie current with vnusuall force

Bare me into the bosome of the king,

By putting him into that readie course

Which soone to passe his purposes might bring,

Where those which late emperiously control’d me

Pale strooke[2056] with feare stood trembling to behold me.

62.

When state to me those ceremonies show’d

That to so great a fauorite were due,

And fortune still with honors did me load,

As though no meane she in my rising knew,

Or heauen to me more then to man had ow’d,

(What to the world vnheard of was and new)

And was to other sparing of her store

Till she could giue, or aske I could[2057] no more.

[Pg 521]

63.

Those high preferments he vpon me laid,

Might make the world me publikely to know

Such as in[2058] iudgement rightly being wai’d,

Seemed too great for me to vndergo,

Nor could his hand from powring on be stai’d,

Vntill I so abundantly did flow,

That looking downe whence lately I was cloame,

Danger bid[2059] feare, if further I should roame.

64.

For first from knighthood rising in degree,

The office of the iewell house my lot,

After the Roles he frankely gaue to mee,

From whence a priuie counsellor I got,

Chose of[2060] the garter: and the[2061] earle to bee

Of Essex: yet sufficient these not[2062]

But to the great vicegerencie I grew,

Being a title as supreame as new.

65.

So well did me these dignities befit,

And honor so me euery way became,

As more then man I had been made for it,

Or as from me it had deriu’d the name:

Where was that man[2063] whose loue I not requit

Beyond his owne imaginarie aime,

Which had me succour’d, neerely being driuen,

As things to me that idlely were not giuen?

[Pg 522]

66.

What tongue so slow the tale shall not report

Of hospitable Friscobald and mee,

And shew in how reciprocall a sort

My thankes did with his courtesie agree,

When as my meanes in Italy were short

That me relieu’d, lesse great that[2064] would not bee,

When I of England chancellor was made,[2065]

His former bounties librally repai’d?

67.

The maner briefly gentler muse relate,

Since oft before it wisely hath been told,

The sudden change of vnauoided fate,

That famous merchant, reuerend Friscobald,

Grew poore, and the small remnant of his state

Was certaine goods to England he had sold,

Which in the hands of creditors, but bad,

Small hope to get, yet lesser meanes he had.

68.

Hither his wants him forciblie constrain’d,

Though with long trauell both by land and seas,

Led by this hope, that only now remain’d,

Whereon his fortune finally he laies,

And if he found that friendship heere were fain’d,

Yet at the worst it better should him please,

Farre out of sight, to perish heere vnknowne,

Then vnrelieu’d be pitied of his owne.

69.

It chanc’d as I toward Westminster did ride,

’Mongst the great concourse passing to and fro,

An aged man I happily espide,

Whose outward looks much inward griefe did show,

[Pg 523]Which made me note him, and the more I ey’d

Him, me thought more precisely I should know,

Reuoluing long, it came into my mind,

This was the man to me had been so kind:

70.

Was therewithall so ioyed with his sight,

(With the deare sight of his so reuerend face)

That I could scarcely keepe me from t’alight,

And in mine armes him openly embrace:[2066]

Weighing yet (well) what some imagine might,

He being a stranger, and the publike place

Checkt my affection, till some fitter hower

On him my loue effectually might shower.

71.

“Neuer,” quoth I, “was fortune so vniust

As to do wrong vnto thy noble[2067] hart,

What man so wicked could betray the trust

Of one so vpright, of so good desart?

And though obey necessitie thou must,

As when the great’st[2068] the same to me thou art,

Let me alone the last be left of all,

That from the rest declin’d not with thy fall.”

72.

And calling to a gentleman of mine,

Wise and discreet that well I knew to bee,

Shew’d him that stranger, whose deiected eyne

Fixt on the earth, nere once lookt vp at mee,

“Bid yonder man come home to me and dine”

[Pg 524]

Quoth I, “bespeake him reuerently, you see,

Scorne not his habit, little canst thou tell

How rich a mind in those meane rags doth dwell.”

73.

He with my name that kindly did him greete,

Slowly cast vp his deadly-mouing eye,

That long time had been fixed on his feete,

To looke no higher then his miserie,

Thinking him more calamitie did greete,

Or that I had supposed him some spye,

With a deepe sigh that from his heart he drew,

Quoth he: “His will accomplisht be by you.”

74.

My man departed, and the message done,

He whose sad heart with strange impressions strooke,

To thinke vpon this accident begun,

And on himselfe suspitiously to looke,

Into all doubts he fearefully doth run,

Oft himselfe cheering, oft himselfe forsooke:

Strangely perplext vnto[2069] my house doth come,

Not knowing why iudg’d, nor dreading yet his doome.

75.

My seruants set his comming to attend,

That were therein not common for their skill,

Whose vsage yet the former did amend:

He hop’d not good, nor guiltie was of ill,

But as a man whose thoughts were at an end:

“Fortune,” quoth he, “then worke on me thy will,

Wiser then man, I thinke, he were that knew

Whence this may come, or what thereof ensue.”

[Pg 525]

76.

His honored presence so did me enflame,

That though[2070] being then in presence of my peeres,

Daine not the lesse to[2071] meet him as he came,

(That very hardly could containe my teares)

Kindly salute him, call him by his name,

And oft together aske him how he cheares,

With still along maintaining the extreame:

Yet thought the man he[2072] had been in a dreame.

77.

At length t’awake[2073] him gently I began

With this demaund, if once he did not know

One Thomas Cromwell, a poore English man

By him relieu’d, when he was driuen low:

When I perceiu’d he my remembrance wan,

Yet with his teares it silently did show:

I wept for woe, to see mine host distrest,

But he for ioy to see his happie guest.

78.

Him to the lords I publisht by my praise,

And at my table carefully him set,

Recounting them the many sundrie waies

I was vnto this gentleman[2074] in debt,

How great he was in Florence in those daies,

With all that grace or reuerence him might get:

Which all the while yet silently he heares,

Moisting among his viands with his teares.

[Pg 526]

79.

And to lend fulnesse lastly to his fate,

Great summes I gaue him, and what was his due

Made knowne, my selfe became his aduocate,

And at my charge his creditors I sue,

Recouering him vnto his former state:

Thus he the world began by me anew,

That shall to all posteritie expresse

His honored bountie, and my thankfulnesse.

80.

But muse recount, before thou further passe,

How this great change so quickly came about,

And what the cause of this sad downefall was,

In euery part the spatious realme throughout,

Being effected in so little space,

Leaue not thereof posteritie to doubt,

That with[2075] the world obscured else may bee,

If in this place reuealed not by thee.

81.

If the whole land did on the church relie,

Hauing full power kings to account to call,

That to the world read only policie,

Besides heauen’s keyes to stop or let in all,

Let me but know from her supremacie

How she should come so suddenly to fall:

’Twas more then chance sure put a hand thereto,

That had the power so great a thing to do.

82.

Or ought there were had biding vnder sunne,

Who would haue thought those edifices great,

Which first religion holily begunne,

[Pg 527]

The church approu’d, and wisdome richly seate,

Deuotion nourish’d, faith allowance wonne,

And all that them might any[2076] way compleate,

Should in their ruines lastly buried lie,

But that begun and ended from the skie?

83.

And the king late obedient to her lawes,

Against the clerke of Germany had writ,

As he that first stirr’d in the churche’s cause,

Against him greatliest that oppugned it,

And wan from her so gratefull an applause,

Then in her fauour chiefly that did sit,

That as the prop, whereon she only stai’th,

Him she instil’d Defender of the faith.

84.

But not their power, whose wisdomes them did place

In the first ranke, the oracles of state,

Who that opinion strongly did embrace,

Which through the land receiued was of late,

Then ought at all preuailed in this case,

O powerfull doome of vnauoided fate,

Whose depth not weake mortalitie can know,

Who can vphold what heauen will ouerthrow?

85.

When time now vniuersally did show

The power to her peculiarly annex’d,

With most abundance then when she did flow,

Yet euery hower still prosp’rously she wex’d,

But the world poore did by loose riots grow,

Which serued as an excellent pretext,

[Pg 528]

And colour gaue to plucke her from her pride,

Whose only greatnesse suffred none beside.

86.

Likewise to that posteritie did doubt,

Those at the first not rightly did[2077] adore,

Their fathers that too credulous deuout

Vnto the church[2078] contributed their store,

And to recouer only went about

What their great zeale had lauished before,

On her a strong hand violently lai’d,

Preying on that they gaue for to be prai’d.

87.

And now the[2079] king set in a course so right,

Which I for him laboriously had tract,

(Who, till I learn’d him, did not know[2080] his might)

I still to prompt his power with me to act,

Into those secrets got so deepe a sight,

That nothing lastly to his furtherance lackt,

And by example plainly to him showne,

How all might now be easly ouerthrowne.[2081]

88.

In taking downe yet of this goodly frame

He suddenly not brake off euery band,

But tooke the power first from the papall name,

After, a while let the religion stand,

When limbe by limbe he daily did it lame,

First tooke a leg, and after tooke a hand,

Till the poore semblance of a bodie left,

But all should stay it, vtterly bereft.

[Pg 529]

89.

For if some abbey hapned void to fall

By death of him that the superiour was,

Gaine, that did first church libertie enthrall,

Only supreame, promoted to the place,

’Mongst many bad, the worst most times of all,

Vnder the colour of some other’s grace,

That by the slander, from his life should[2082] spring,

Into contempt it more and more might bring.

90.

This time from heauen when by the secret course,

Dissension vniuersally began,

(Preuailing as a planetarie sourse)

I’th’church belieuing, as Mahumitan,

When Luther first did those[2083] opinions nurse,

Much from great Rome in little space that wan,

It to this change so aptly did dispose,

From whose sad ruine ours so great arose.

91.

That heere that fabrique vtterly did faile,

Which powerfull fate had limited to time,

By whose strong law it naturally must quaile,

From that proud height to which it long did clime,

Letting ’gainst it the contrarie preuaile,

Therein to punish some notorious crime,

For which at length iust dooming heauen decreed,

That on her buildings ruine heere should feed.

92.

Th’authoritie vpon her she did take,

And vse thereof in euery little thing,

Finding her selfe how oft she did forsake,

In her owne bounds her neuer limiting,[2084]

[Pg 530]That awfull feare and due obedience brake

Which her reputed holinesse did bring,

From slight regard soone brought her into hate

With those that much disliked her[2085] estate.

93.

And that those[2086] parts she cunningly had plai’d,

Beliefe vnto her[2087] miracles to win,

Vnto the world[2088] were euery day bewrai’d,

From which the doubt did of her power begin,

Damnation yet to question what she said,

Made most suspect the faith they had been in,

When their saluation easly might be bought,

Found not this yet the way that they had sought.

94.

When those ill humours ripened to a head,

Bred by the ranknesse of the plentious land,

And they not only strangely from her fled,

Bound for her ancient libertie to stand,

But what their fathers gaue her being dead,

The sonnes rap’d from her with a violent hand,

And those her buildings most of all abus’d,

That with the waight their father’s coffins bruis’d.

95.

The wisest and most prouident but build,

For time againe too wastfully destroy,[2089]

The costly piles and monuments we guild,

Succeeding time shall reckon but a toy,

Vicissitude impartially wil’d,

[Pg 531]

The goodliest things be subiect to annoy,

And what one age did studiously maintaine,

The next againe accounteth vile and vaine.

96.

Yet time doth tell, in some things they did erre,

That put their helpe her brauery to deface,

When as the wealth, that taken was from her,

Others soone raised, that did them displace,

Their titles and their offices conferre

On such before, as were obscure and base,

Who would with her they likewise downe should go,

And o’rthrew them that her did ouerthrow.

97.

And th’Romish rites, that with a cleerer sight

The wisest thought they iustly did reiect,

They after saw that the receiued light,

Not altogether free was from defect,

Mysterious things being not conceiued right,

Thereof bred in the ignorant neglect,

For in opinion something short doth fall,

Wants there haue been, and shall be still in all.

98.

But negligent securitie and ease

Vnbridled sensualitie begat,

That only sought his appetite to please,

As in the midst it of abundance[2090] sat,

The church not willing others should her praise

That she was leane, when as her lands were fat,

Her selfe to too much libertie did giue,

Which some perceiu’d that in those times did liue.

[Pg 532]

99.

Pierce the wise plowman, in his vision saw

Conscience sore hurt, yet sorer was affraid

The seuen great sins to hell him like to draw,

And to wise clergie mainly cri’d for aid:

Falne ere he wist, whom perill much did awe,

On vncleane priests whil’st faintly he him staid,

Willing good clergie t’ease his wretched case,

Whom these strong giants hotly had in chase.

100.

Clergie call’d friers, which neere at hand did dwell,

And them requests to take in hand the cure,

But for their leechcraft that they could not well,

He listed not their dressing to endure,

When in his eare need softly him did tell

(And of his knowledge more did him assure)

They came for gain, their end which they did make,

For which on them the charge of soules they take.

101.

And voluntarie pouertie profest,

By food of angels seeming as to liue:

But yet with them th’accounted were the best

That most to their fraternitie doe giue,

And beyond number that they were increas’d:

“If so,” quoth Conscience, “thee may I beleeue,

Then t’is in vaine more on them to bestow,

If beyond number like they be to grow.”

102.

The frier soone feeling Conscience had him found,

And hearing how hypocrisie did thriue,

That many teachers euery where did wound,

For which Contriton miserably did grieue:

[Pg 533]

Now in deceit to shew himselfe profound,

His former hopes yet lastly so reuiue

Gets the pope’s letters, whereof he doth shape

Him a disguise from conscience to escape.

103.

And so towards goodly vnitie he goes,

A strong-built castle standing very hie,

Where Conscience liu’d to keepe him from his foes,

Whom, lest some watchfull centinell should spie,

And him vnto the[2091] garrison disclose,

His cowle about him carefully doth tie,

Creepes to the gate, and closely thereat beate,

As one that entrance gladly would intreate.

104.

Peace, the good porter, readie still at hand,

It doth vnpin, and praies him God to saue,

And after saluing, kindly, doth demand

What was his will, or who he there would haue?

The frier low lowting, crossing with his hand,

“T’speak with Contrition (quoth he) I would craue.”

“Father (quoth peace) your comming is in vaine,

For him of late hypocrisie hath slaine.”

105.

“God shield:” (quoth he) and turning vp the eyes,

“To former health I hope him to restore,

For in my skill his sound recouerie lies,

Doubt not thereof if setting God before:”

“Are you a surgeon?” Peace againe replies:

[Pg 534]

“Yea (quoth the frier) and sent to heale his sore:”

“Come neere (quoth Peace) and God your comming speed,

Neuer of help contrition hath more need.”

106.

And for more haste he haleth in the frier,

And his lord conscience quickly of him told,

Who entertain’d him with right friendly cheere:

“O sir (quoth he) intreate you that I could

To lend your hand vnto my cosin deare[2092]

Contrition, whom a sore disease doth hold,

That wounded by hypocrisie of late,

Now lieth in most desperate estate.”

107.

“Sir (quoth the frier) I hope him soone to cure,

Which to your comfort quickly you shall see,

Will he a while my dressing but endure?”

And to Contrition therewith commeth hee,

And by faire speech himselfe of him assure,

But first of all going thorough for his fee:

Which done, quoth he: “If outwardly you show

Sound, ’tnot auailes if inwardly or no.”

108.

But secretly assoiling of his sin,

No other med’cine will vnto him lay,

Saying, that heauen his siluer him should win,

And to giue friers was better then to pray,

So he were shrieu’d what need he care a pin?

Thus with his patient he so long did play,

[Pg 535]

Vntill Contrition had forgot to weepe:

This the wise plowman shew’d me from his sleepe.

109.

He saw their faults, that loosly liued then,

Others againe our weaknesses shall see:

For this is sure, he bideth not with men

That shall know all to be what they should bee:

Yet let the faithfull and industrious pen

Haue the due merit: but returne to mee,

Whose fall this while blind fortune did deuise,

To be as strange as strangely I did rise.

110.

Those secret foes yet subt’ly to deceiue,

That me maligning lifted at my state,

The king to marry forward still I heaue,

(His former wife being repudiate)

To Anne, the sister of the duke of Cleaue,

The German princes to confederate,

To backe me still ’gainst those against me lay,

Which as their owne retain’d me here in pay.

111.

Which my destruction principally wrought,

When afterward, abandoning her bed,

Which to his will to passe could not be brought,

So long as yet I beare about my head,

The only man her safetie that had sought,

Of her againe and only fauoured,

Which was the cause he hasted to my end,

Vpon whose fall her’s likewise did depend.

[Pg 536]

112.

For in his high distemp’rature of blood

Who was so great, whose life he did regard?

Or what was it that his desires withstood

He not inuested, were it nere so hard?

Nor held he me so absolutely good,

That though I crost him, yet I should be[2093] spar’d,

But with those things I lastly was to go,

Which he to ground did violently throw.

113.

When Winchester, with all those enemies,

Whom my much power from audience had debarr’d,

The longer time their mischiefes to deuise,

Feeling with me how lastly now it far’d,

When I had done the king that[2094] did suffice,

Lastly, thrust in against me to be heard,

When all[2095] was ill contrarily turn’d good,

Making amaine to th’shedding of my blood.

114.

And that the king his action doth deny,

And on my guilt doth altogether lay,

Hauing his riot satisfied thereby,

Seemes not to know how I therein did sway,

What late was truth conuerted heresie:[2096]

When he in me had purchased his pray,

Himselfe to cleere and satisfie the sin,

Leaues me but late his instrument therein.

[Pg 537]

115.

Those lawes I made, my selfe alone to please,

To giue me power more freely to my will,

Euen to my equals hurtfull sundrie waies,

(Forced to things that most do say were ill)

Vpon me now as violently ceaze,

By which I lastly perisht by my skill,

On mine owne necke returning (as my due)

That heauie yoke wherein by me they drew.

116.

My greatnesse threatned by ill-boding eyes,

My actions strangely censured of all,

Yet in my way my giddines not sees

The pit, wherein I likely was to fall:

O were the sweets of man’s felicities

Often amongst not temp’red with some gall,

He would forget by his ore weening skill,

Iust heauen aboue doth censure good and ill.

117.

Things ouer rancke do neuer kindly beare,

As in the corne, the fluxure when we see

Fills but the straw, when it should feed the eare,

Rotting that time in ripening it should bee,

And being once downe it selfe can neuer reare:

With vs well doth this similie agree,

(By the wise man) due to the great in all,

By their owne weight being broken in their fall.

118.

Selfe-louing man what sooner doth abuse,

And more then his prosperitie doth wound?

Into the deepe but fall how can he chuse

[Pg 538]

That ouer-strides whereon his foot to ground?

Who sparingly prosperitie doth vse,

And to himselfe doth after-ill propound,

Vnto his height who happily doth clime,

Sits aboue fortune, and controlleth time.

119.

Not chusing that vs most delight doth bring,

And most that by the generall breath is freed,

Wooing that suffrage, but the vertuous thing,

Which in it selfe is excellent indeed,

Of which the depth and perfect managing

Amongst the most, but few there be that heed,

Affecting that agreeing with their blood,

Seldome enduring, neuer yet was good.[2097]

120.

But whil’st we striue too suddenly to rise

By flattring princes with a seruill tong,

And being soothers to their tyrannies,

Worke out more[2098] woes by what doth many wrong,

And vnto others tending iniuries,

Vnto our selues it hapneth oft among,

In our own snares vnluckily are caught,

Whil’st our attempts fall instantly to naught.

121.

The counsell chamber place of my arrest,

Where chiefe I was, when greatest was the store,

And had my speeches noted of the best,

That did them as hie oracles adore:

[Pg 539]

“A parliament was lastly my enquest,

That was my selfe a parliament before,

The Tower-hill scaffold last I did ascend:”

Thus the great’st man of England made his end.”

FOOTNOTES:

[1] To the. ed. 1559, 63.

[2] Many other of. 1559, 63.

[3] Heedy. 1559, 63.

[4] That there. 1559, 63.

[5] Officers. 1559, 63. Magistrates. 1575.

[6] Other places to shift of, and put by those that with flattery. 1559, 63.

[7] Offices. 1559, 63.

[8] To prank vp themselues. 1559, 63.

[9] Duties, and they wil geue more. 1559, 63.

[10] To bye them. 1559, 63.

[11] Seke only their commodity and ease. 1559, 63.

[12] Officers. 1559, 63.

[13] Officers. 1559, 63.

[14] When noughtye men had the regiment. 1559, 63.

[15] Our owne countrey. 1559, 63.

[16] ‘Folowing,’ not in editions 1559, 63.

[17] Deserued praises. 1559, 63, 75.

[18] Offices. 1559, 63. Officers, 1575.

[19] Scripture therfore calleth hypocrites, 1559, 63.

[20] Words within the parenthesis added 1571.

[21] A Mirrour for Magistrates can shewe, which therefore I humbly. 1559, 63, 75.

[22] As in a loking glass. 1559. 63.

[23] Vice be in you. 1559, 63.

[24] Moue to the. 1559, 63.

[25] Chiefest ende whye it is. 1559, 63.

[26] God graunt it may attaine. 1559, 63, 75.

[27] But hyndred by the lorde chauncellor that then was. 1563.—Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, made chancellor, 21 Sept. 1553, died Nov. 1555, and was succeeded as chancellor, by Heath, archbishop of York, Wednesday, 1st January, 1555.

[28] Of my lord Stafford. 1563.

[29] Although I haue bene called to another trade of lyfe, yet my good lorde Stafford. 1563.

[30] Another parte, conteynyng as lytle of myne owne, as the fyrst part doth of other men’s. Which, &c. 1563.

[31] The wurke was begun, and part of it printed IIII years agoe, but hyndred by the lord chauncellour that then was, nevertheles, through the meanes of my lord Stafford, lately perused and licensed. Whan I first tooke it in hand, I had the help of many graunted and offred of sum, but of few perfourmed, skarce of any. So that when I entended to haue continued it to quene Marie’s time, I haue ben faine to end it much sooner: yet so, that it may stande for a patarne till the rest be ready: which, with God’s grace, (if I may have anye helpe) shall be shortly. In &c. 1559.

[32] Myrrour. 1559, 63.

[33] Enuyed and murdered. 1559, 63.

[34] Punish sinne boldly, bothe, &c. 1559. Suppres sinne, 1563.

[35] Lieutenauntes. 1559.

[36] Covet. 1559, 63.

[37] From edition, 1578.

[38] Lidgate’s booke of the fall. 1559, 63, 71.

[39] Hauinge made priuy thereto. 1578.

[40] Had abused here. 1578.

[41] For al men as well nobles as others to shewe. 1559, 63, 71.

[42] To enterprise, I refused vtterly alone to vndertake it, without the helpe. 1578.

[43] Able to wield and discharge the weight of sutch a burden, thinkinge. 1578.

[44] Diligent in hys affayres, procure me an Athlas to laye the burden vppon my shoulders which I would not haue undertaken, but that shortly after. 1578.

[45] In the first edition there only appears the productions of Cavil, Churchyard, Ferrers, Phaer, Skelton and Baldwin.

[46] An. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[47] Wee did not mislyke. 1578.

[48] Cumlily. 1559; cumly. 1563.

[49] I maruayle, quod hee, what. 1578.

[50] Our nation, 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[51] Some also in the time of Bochas himselfe. 1578.

[52] Added in ed. 1571.

[53] Eyther by malice or misaduenture slaine in the new forest, as he was in hunting there, by. 1575. Eyther by malice or misaduenture slayne hunting in the new forest by. 1578.

[54] England, by Henry, &c. 1578.

[55] And after, myserably. 1578.

[56] Likewise, not in 1578.

[57] Henry the first, called Beauclerke, drowned vpon the sea by the negligence of drunken mariners. 1578.

[58] The passage in brackets added in ed. 1571.

[59] Prosperity. The most vnnaturall murther of Artur, duke of Britayne, right heyre of Englande, by king Ihon his vncle, with the death of Isabell, his sister, by famyne. The myserable ende of the sayd king Ihon their vncle, by surfet, or as some write, poysoned by a monke of the abby of Swinsted in Lyncolneshyre, are, &c. 1578.

[60] Wanted our countrey cronicles. 1559, 63.

[61] And a notable. 1559, 63.

[62] Supply. 1578.

[63] As blinde bayard is alway boldest. 1559, 63.

[64] Reigne. 1578.

[65] A time as troublesome to the people as vnlucky to the prince 1578.

[66] Lewd meiney. 1576.

[67] And. 1559, 63.

[68] Although he be no great prynce: yet, &c. 1559, 63.

[69] And of other his fellowes learned in the law that were plagued with him: thereby to warne all of theyr callinge and profession, to beware of wrong judgementes. 1578.

[70] This preface is reprinted by Warton, as he says it cannot easily be found. History of English Poetry, Vol. III. p. 217.

[71] In the present edition the original arrangement is preserved.

[72] Anno 1388, added 1571.

[73] Sad. N.

[74] When as we. N.

[75] The lande. 1578.

[76] Vncorrupt and vpright, 1559, 63.

[77] Prynt it for a president. 1559, 63.

[78] Where judges. 1578.

[79] What fee is for falshoode. 1559, 63.

[80] Princes will. N.

[81] Who for filthy lucre, corrupt. 1578.

[82] Gainst justice wretchedly. N.

[83]

A chaunge more newe or straunge seldome hath be seen,

Then from the benche above to cum downe to the bar;

Was never state so turned in no time as I ween,

As they to become clyents that counsaylours erst were:

But such is fortune’s play, which featly can prefer

The judge that sat above, full lowe beneth to stand,

At the bar as prysoner holding vp his hand. 1559, 63.

[84] Whiche in other’s cause, coulde. 1559, 63.

[85] Lyke. 1559, 63.

[86] As mummers mute do stand N.

[87] Vnable to vtter a true plea of denyall. 1559, 63.

[88] When that. 1559.

[89] For halfe a ryall. 1559, 63.

[90] We could by very arte haue made the black. 1559, 63.

[91] And matters of most wrong, to haue appered most right. 1559, 63.

[92] Most wise, may chance be too too weake. N.

[93] But may be brought to stand. 1578.

[94] Stanzas 5 and 6 added 1571.

[95] Behold me one vnfortunate amongst this flocke. N.

[96] Cal’d sometime. N.

[97] By discent a gentleman. 1559, 63.

[98] ‘And’ omitted. N.

[99] State. N.

[100] To whom frowarde fortune gaue a foule checkmate. 1559, 63.

[101] In all our common. N.

[102] What so wee. 1559, 63.

[103] We did conclude. N.

[104] Both life, death, lands, and goods. N.

[105] So great gaine we did get. 1559, 63.

[106] And sises. 1578. N.

[107] Still chiefe. N.

[108] We let hang the true man. 1559, 63.

[109] Doth neuer keepe. 1559, 63.

[110] Whiche though it haue enough yet dothe it not suffyse. 1559, 63. And more at no time doth suffise. 1578.

[111] And drinke they neuer so much, yet styl for more they cry. 1559, 63.

[112] So couetous catchers toyle. 1559, 63.

[113] Gredy and euer needy, prollyng. 1559, 63.

[114] Fayth we did professe. 1578.

[115] Makyng a solempne oth in no poynt to dygresse. 1578.

[116] Wretches. 1559, 63.

[117]

Of the judge eternall, more high to be promoted,

To mammon more then God, all wholly were deuoted. 1578.

[118] We interpreted. 1559, 63.

[119] Like a. 1559, 63.

[120] Many one. 1559, 63.

[121] To serue kings in al pointes men must sumwhile breke rules. 1559, 63.

[122] Ful nie. 1559, 63.

[123] To crepe into whose fauour we. 1559, 63.

[124] Auayle. 1578.

[125] Wurde. 1559, 63. Sense. 1578.

[126] Sence, 1559, 63.

[127] Of land. N.

[128] Wyll. 1578.

[129]

The king thus transcendyng the limittes of his lawe,

Not raygning but raging by youthfull insolence,

Wise and wurthy persons did fro the courte wythdraw,

There was no grace ne place for auncient prudence:

Presumpcion and pryde with excesse of expence,

Possessed the palays and pillage the countrye;

Thus all went to wracke vnlike of remedye. 1559, 63.

[130] Baronye. 1559, 63.

[131] Seing no reason. 1578.

[132] Maugre all. 1559.

[133] Maugre his princely mynde they. 1578. His kingly might. N.

[134] All men vnchecked. 1578.

[135] Which. 1578.

[136] Regally. 1571, 78.

[137] That Richard. 1578.

[138] Order. 1578.

[139]

In whyche parliament muche thynges was proponed

Concerning the regaly and ryghtes of the crowne,

By reason kyng Richarde, whiche was to be moned,

Full lytell regardynge his honour and renowne,

By synister aduyse, had tourned all vpsodowne:

For suerty of whose estate,[143] them thought it did behooue

His corrupt counsaylours, from hym to remooue. 1559, 1563.

[140] In the beginning of the parliament was called Robert Veer, duke of Irelande, Alexander Neuell, archebishop of Yorke, Mighell de la Poole, erle of Suffolk, sir Robert Tresilian, chiefe iustice of Englande, to answere Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, Richard, erle of Arondel, Thomas, erle of Derby, and Thomas erle of Nottyngham, vpon certaine articles of high treason, which these lordes did charge them with. And for as much as none of these appered, it was ordeyned by the whole assent of the parliament that they shoulde be banished for euer: and their landes and goodes, moueable and vnmouable, to be forfeit and seased into the kinge’s hand, the landes entayled onely except.

Shortly after this, was founde Robert Tresilian, chiefe iustice, lurkyng in a poticarie’s house at Westmynster, and there founde the meanes to have spyes daylie vpon the lordes what was done in the parliament: for all the dayes of his lyfe he was craftie, but at the last his craft turned to hys destruction: for he was discouered by his owne seruant, and so taken and brought to the duke of Gloucester, and the same daye had to the Towre, and from thence drawen to Tyborne, and there hanged.

The morow after, syr Nicholas Pembroke, which afore had been maior of the citie of London, against the citezen’s will, was brought foorth. Grafton.

This man (Tresilian) had disfigured himselfe, as if he had beene a poore weake man, in a frize coat, all old and torne, and had artificially made himselfe a long beard, such as they called a Paris beard, and had defiled his face, to the end he might not be knowen but by his speach. Stowe.

[141] Tharchbyshop of Yorke was also of our band, 1578.

[142] See Statutes at large, temp. Rich. II. viz. 11. c. I. II. III. 20. c. VI. and 31. c. XII. XIII.

[143] State, 1559.

[144] Judge. 1578.

[145] To dye there as. 1578.

[146] The fickle fee of fraud. 1578.

[147] Ye iudges now liuing. 1578.

[148] Fye on stynkyng lucre, of all vnryght the lure, Ye judges and ye justicers let my most iust punicion. 1559, 63.

[149] Al pure. 1578. Still pure. N.

[150] What glory is more greater in sight of God. 1578.

[151] By the pathes of equytie. 1559, 63.

[152] And truely. 1578.

[153] Alwayes. 1559, 63.

[154] Lawes for to scan. N.

[155] Reward. 1559, 63. That justice may take place without reward. 1578.

[156] Take. 1559, 63.

[157] The righteous. 1578. The most iust. N.

[158] Of mortals displeasure. N.

[159] Closde. 1578.

[160] Worldly hyre. 1559, 63. Way not this worldly mucke. 1578.

[161]

If som in latter dayes, had called vnto mynde,

The fatall fall of vs for wrestynge of the right,

The statutes of this land they should not haue defynde

So wylfully and wittingly agaynst the sentence quyte:

But though thei skaped paine, the faut was nothing light,

Let them that cum hereafter both that and this compare,

And waying well the ende, they will I trust beware. 1559, 63.

[162] George Ferrers. These initials first added, 1571.

[163] This. 1559, 63. 71.

[164] When finished was this tragedy. 1578.

[165] Syr Roger Mortimer, earle of March, and heyre apparaunt of England, whose. 1578.

[166] Purposed matter. 1578.

[167] Of these great infortunes, and as they be more auncient in tyme, so to place their seuerall plaintes. 1578.

[168] Two earles of the name of Mortimer. 1578.

[169] One hanged in. 1559, 63.

[170] In the tyme of king Edward. 1578.

[171] Another in Richard the seconde’s time, slayne in Ireland. 1578.

[172] Fauours. 1578.

[173] Personage of the earle Mortimer, called Roger, who full of bloudye woundes. 1578.

[174] To Baldwin, in this wise. 1578.

[175] The dates added 1571—Fabian has given a summary of the life of the second Roger Mortimer, and upon which the poet relied, as of 1387, but the death of Mortimer happened about 1398.

[176] On. 1578.

[177] Thred, vntimely death dyd reele. 1578.

[178] Brought from boote to extreme bale. 1578.

[179]

——the queene so much was stir’d,

As for his sake from honour she did scale. 1578.

[180] Merye gale. 1559, 63.

[181]

And whilest fortune blew on this pleasaunt gale,

Heauing him high on her triumphall arch,

By meane of her hee was made earle of March. 1578.

[182] Breded. 1559, 63.

[183] Pride folly breeds in. N.

[184] Hym, 1559, 63.

[185] For where he somwhat hauty was before. 1559, 63.

[186]

Whence pryde out sprang, as doth appeare by manye,

Whom soden hap, aduaunceth in excesse,

Among thousandes, scarse shal you fynde anye,

Which in high wealth that humor can suppresse,

As in this earle playne proofe did wel expresse:

For whereas hee too loftye was before,

His new degree hath made him now much more. 1578.

[187] Ne recks. N.

[188] Respecting none saue only the queene mother. 1578.

[189] Which moued malice to foulder. 1578.

[190] Which deepe in hate, before. 1578.

[191] Th’one as well as th’other. N.

[192] They did the earle attaynt. 1578. He was soone attaint. N.

[193] Such crimes as hidden lay before. 1578.

[194] For hydden hate. 1578. For enuy still. N.

[195] Biddes small faultes to make more bad. 1578.

[196]

Causing the king to yelde vnto the Scot,

Townes that his father, but late afore had got. 1578.

[197] Had, wanting, in 1559, 63. N.

[198] Yeuen to the Scots for brybes and priuie gayne. 1578.

[199] That by. 1578.

[200] Most, wanting. 1559, 63, 71. N. Most cruelly. 1578.

[201] And last of all by pyllage. 1578.

[202] Had spoyld. 1578.

[203] Dampned he was. 1578.

[204] Syr Roger Mortymer was accused before the lordys of the parlyament of these artycles with other; whereof v. I fynde expressyd. And firste was layed vnto his charge that by his meaneys syr Edwarde of Carnaruan, by mooste tyrannouse deth, in the castell of Barkley, was murderyd; secondaryly, that to the kynge’s great dyshonoure and dammage, the Scottys, by his meanys and treason, escapyd from the kyng at the parke on Stanhope, whiche then shuld haue fallen in the kynge’s daunger, ne had been the fauoure by the sayde Roger to them than shewyd; thyrdely, to hym was layed, that he, for execucion of the sayd treason, receyued of the capytane of the sayd Scottis, namyd syr Iamys Dowglas, great summys of money, and also for lyke mede he had, to the kynge’s great dyshonoure and hurte of his realme, concludyd a peace atwene the kynge and the Scottis, and causyd to be delyuered vnto theym the charter or endenture called Ragman, with many other thynges, to the Scottys great aduauntage and impouerysshynge of this realme of Englande. Fourtlye, was layed to hym, that where by synystre and vnlefull meanys, contrary the kynge’s pleasure and wyll, or assent of the lordys of the kynge’s counceyll, he had gotten into his possessyon moche of the kynge’s treasoure, he vnskylfully wasted and myspent it; by reason whereof the kyng was in necessyte, and dryuen parforce to assaye his frendys. Fyfthlye, that he also had enproperyd vnto hym dyuerse wardys belongynge to the kynge, to his great lucre and the kynge’s great hurt, and that he was more secret with quene Isabell, the kynge’s mother, than was to Godde’s pleasure, or the kynge’s honoure: the whiche artycles, with other agayne hym prouyd, he was, by auctoryte of the sayde parlyament, iugyd to deth, and vpon seynt Andrewys euyn next ensuynge, at London, he was drawyn and hangyd. Fabyan.

[205] My coosins fall might. 1578. My cosin then might. N.

[206] Brybing, adultery and pride. 1578.

[207] I wene. 1578.

[208] ‘Deare,’ omitted. N.

[209] That dyd, 1559.

[210]

——heire of Lyonell,

Of king Edward the third the second sequell. 1578.

The third king Edward’s sonne, as stories tell. N.

[211] Cald. 1578.

[212] By true. 1578.

[213] Of ladies all the. 1578.

[214] Left in me. 1559, 63.

[215]

After whose death I onely stood in plight,

To be next heyre vnto the crowne by right. 1578.

[216] Of the. N.

[217]

Touching the case of my cousin Roger,

(Whose ruful end euen now I did relate)

Was found in tyme an vndue atteindre. 1578.

[218] By lawe eche man of. 1578. By law each one of. N.

[219]

Should be heard speake before his iudgement passe,

That common grace to him denyed was. 1578.

[220] In court of. 1578.

[221] His atteindre appering erroneous. 1578.

[222]

A president worthy, in record left,

Lorde’s lygnes to saue, by lawless meanes bereft. 1578.

[223] While fortune vnto me her grace did deigne. N.

[224] The. 1559, 63.

[225] Looser. N.

[226]

Whyle fortune thus did frendly me receyue,

Rychard the king, that second was by name,

Hauing none heire after him to reigne. 1578.

[227] That vnderstoode my bent. 1578.

[228]

And me to serue was euery manne’s entent,

With all that wyt or cunning could inuent. 1578.

[229] In hope. 1578.

[230] Chaunge their hue. 1578.

[231] For whiles fortune so luld. 1578.

[232] Dame. 1578.

[233] To dash me downe. 1578.

[234] Irish kernes. 1578.

[235]

My landes of Vlster vniustly to bereaue,

Which my mother for heritage did me leaue. 1578.

[236] Whom I did not regard. N.

[237]

The wylder sort, whom I did least regard,

And therfore the rechlesse manne’s reward. 1578.

[238] By auctoryte of the same parliament [in 1585-6] syr Roger Mortymer, erle of the Marche, and sone and heyre vnto syr Edmunde Mortymer, (and of dame Phylyp, eldest daughter and heyer vnto syr Lyonell, the seconde sone of Edwarde the thyrde) was soone after proclaymyd heyer paraunt vnto the crowne of Englande; the which syr Roger shortly after sayled into Irelande; there to pacyfye his lordeshyp of Wulstyr, whiche he was lorde of by his foresayde mother: but whyle he was there occupyed abowte the same, the wylde Irysshe came vpon in noumbre, and slewe hym and moche of his company, Fabyan.

[239] Nor helpe of frendes. 1578.

[240] Or. 1578.

[241] No law of armes they know. 1578.

[242] No foes. N.

[243] Their booty chiefe, they coumpt a dead man’s heade. 1578.

[244]

Their chiefest boote is th’aduersarie’s head,

They end not warre till th’enemie be dead. N.

[245] Their foes when they doe faine. N.

[246]

Nor yet presume to make their match amisse,

Had I not so done, I had not come to this. 1578.

——I had been left aliue. N.

[247]

At naught I set a sort of naked men,

And much the lesse, seeming to flye away,

One man me thought was good ynough for ten,

Making small account of number more or lesse,

Madnesse it is in war to goo by gesse. 1578.

[248]

See here the stay of pompe and highe estate,

The feeble hold of this vncerteyn lyfe. 1578.

[249] Hauing fayre fruict by my belooued wyfe. 1578. Syr Roger had issu Edmunde, and Roger, Anne, Alys, and Elanoure. Fabyan.

[250] Cavil. The “Ca.” was first affixed in 1571, and is repeated in all the subsequent editions, except that of 1578, where there appears “T. Ch.” the supposed signature of Thomas Churchyard. As from that edition we shall have to notice, presently, another similar alteration, it makes it doubtful whether the same can be considered a misprint, though it does not appear in the enumeration of his own pieces made by Churchyard. See Bibliographia Poetica. Since this note was printed the claim of ‘Master Chaloner’ to this signature has been discovered. See postea, p. 53, n. 1.

[251] Was, omitted. 1578.

[252] Not to be treated of, 1559, 63.

[253] In the seuententh yere (1394) came oute of Scotlonde certayne lordes into Englonde, to gete worshypp by fayte of armes. The earl of Morris chalenged the erle marchall of Englonde to juste wyth hym on horsbacke wyth sharpe speres. And soo they roode togyder certayne courses, but not the full chalenge. For the Scottyshe erle was caste bothe horse and man, and two of his rybbes broken wyth the same fall, and soo borne home into his inne. And anone after was caryed homeward in a lytier. And at Yorke he deyed. Syre Wyllyam Darell banerer of Scotlonde, and syre Pyers Courteney the kynge’s banerer of Englonde roode togyder certayne courses of warre hitte and assayed. The Scottisshe knyghte seenge that he myghte not haue the better, yaue it ouer: and wold noo more of the chalenge. Thenne one Cokburne, squyer of Scotlond, and syre Nicholl Hauberk, roode fyue courses, and at euery course the Scot was caste bothe horse and man. Polychronicon.

[254] And whan thys ryall maryage was done and fynysshed kynge Rycharde wyth dame Isabel his quene came into Englonde. And the mayre of London, with all his brethren, wyth grete multytude of the comyns of the cyte and the craftes, receyuyd hym worshypfully at Blackheth, and brought hym to Saynt Georges barre. And there taking their leue, the kyng and quene roode to Kenignton. And after that wythin a whyle the quene came to the toure of London, at whose comyng was moche harme doo, for on London bridge were ix persones thrust to deth, of whom the priour of typre was one. Polychronicon. The prior of Tiptor, in Essex, was one. Stowe.

[255] Muche myndyng, 1559, 63.

[256] Date, added. 1571.

[257] Is stablysht. 1559, 63. Who stablisht is in state, seeming. 1578.

[258] Turne thine eare to. 1578.

[259] Prest in presence on fortune to. 1578.

[260] Of the. 1559, 63.

[261] Who by discent was of the. 1578.

[262] Nought. N.

[263] Before, eyther since. 1559. Or since. N.

[264] Most false fayth. 1578.

[265] Marcht. N.

[266] Thus hoysted high on fortune’s whyrling wheele. 1578.

[267] For whan fortune’s flud ran with. 1559, 63.

[268] I beynge a duke discended of kinges. 1559, 63.

[269] In. 1559, 63.

[270] Esperaunce. 1559, 63, 71. Assurance. 1578.

[271] All, omitted. N.

[272] To appoynt. 1559, 63.

[273] And for to settle others in their place. N.

[274] So, omitted. N.

[275] On a bell. N.

[276] Or. 1559, 63.

[277] Haply, omitted. N.

[278] For doyng on. 1559, 63. On, omitted. N.

[279] A sore checke. 1559, 63. I vnaduised caught a cruell checke. N.

[280] Renown’d. N.

[281] For the tale of the rats, whence originates the proverbial observation, “Who shall bell the cat?” see the vision of Pierce the Plowman, by Crowley, ed. 1550, fol. iii. by Dr. Whitaker, 1813, p. 9.

[282] Expound. N.

[283] To curb. N.

[284] ’Bout. N.

[285] T’obay. N.

[286] It fits not a subiect t’haue. N.

[287] Thys by wurde. 1559, 63.

[288] And, omitted. N.

[289] Erle. 1559, 63.

[290] We by our power did call a parlament. N.

[291] With our. N.

[292] Playnely we depriued him of. 1559, 63.

[293] T’vnderstand. N.

[294] Thus wrought. 1578.

[295] By subiectes thus in bondage to bee brought. 1578.

[296] His. 1559, 63.

[297] Former cause of rancour to. 1578.

[298] Accoumpt. 1578.

[299] Were by me. 1559, 63.

[300] In the twentyest yere kynge Rycharde dide holde a grete feeste at Westmestre. Att whyche feest aryued the souldyours that hadde kepte Breste, and satte att dyner in the halle. And after dyner the duke of Glocestre sayd to the kynge: “Syre, haue ye not seen those fellowes that sate at dyner in your halle.” And the kinge demaunded who they were. And he sayde: “Thyse ben your folke that haue serued you, and ben come from Breste. And now wote not what to doo, and haue ben euyl payed.” Thenne the kynge sayde that they sholde be payed. Thenne answered the duke of Gloucetre in a grete furye: “Syre, ye oughte fyrste to put your body in deuoyre to gete a towne, or a castell by fayte of warre vpon youre enmyes, er ye sholde selle or delyuer ony townes that your predecessours, kynges of Englonde, haue goten and conquered.” To the whyche the kynge answerde ryght angrely: “How saye ye that?” Thenne the duke his vncle sayd it agayne. Thenne the kynge beganne to wexe wrothe, and sayd: “Wene ye that I be a marchaunte or a foole to sell my londe. By saynt Iohnne Baptyst naye: but trouthe it is that our cosyn of Brytayne hath rendred and payd to vs the somme that my predecessours had lent vppon the sayd towne of Breste, and syth he hath payd, it is reason that this towne be delyuered to hym agayne.” Thus beganne the wrath bitwene the kynge and his vncle. Polychronicon.

[301] To claime entertainment the town beyng solde. 1559, 63. To clayme their wages. 1578.

[302]

Of hate in hys hert hourded a tresure. 1559, 63.

Fulfyld his hart with hate. 1578.

[303] Nor. 1559, 63.

[304] But frendship fayned, in proofe is found vnsure. 1578.

[305] With long sicknesse diseased very sore. 1578.

[306] I was confedered before. 1578.

[307] Such aduauntage. 1578.

[308] Eame. This word is used repeatedly in the legends by Ferrers. In the above passage it means uncle. It was also a term for a gossip, compeer, or friend.

[309] To goe before. 1578.

[310] Preparedst a playne waye. 1578.

[311] What measure to others we awarde. 1578.

[312] The initials of George Ferrers, first added, 1571.

[313] This. 1559, 63, 71.

[314] Tragedy of the Lord Mowbray, the chief wurker of the duke’s distruction, 1559, 63.

[315] To the state of a duke, added. 1571.

[316] Lykely. 1559, 63.

[317] Marke, I will shew thee how I swerued. 1559, 63.

[318] A vertuous mynde. 1559, 63.

[319] The herte to evyll to enclyne. 1559, 63.

[320] Kynde. 1559, 63.

[321] I thanke her, was to me so kynde. 1559, 63.

[322] Neyther of vs was muche to other holde. 1559, 63.

[323] Misprinted ‘thought’ by Higgins and Niccols.

[324] Wrong’d. N.

[325] Of England. 1578.

[326] Bad officers. N.

[327] Afore had. N.

[328] Aye seeks. N.

[329] The kinge’s fauour. 1578.

[330] Pryde prouoketh to. 1578.

[331] To poll and oppresse. 1578.

[332] And still. N.

[333] Him to. N.

[334] For pryde prickt me first my prince to flatter. 1578.

[335] Who so euer. 1578.

[336] Nere. N.

[337] Because of holdes beyond the sea that he solde. 1578.

[338] My. 1559, 63.

[339] Though vnto all these ils I were a frend. N.

[340] The duke of Gloucester for me did send. N.

[341] From place. 1578.

[342] Bewrayed the king. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[343] At Arundell was a counseylle of certayne lordes: as the duke of Gloucetre, tharchebysshop of Caunterbury, the erles of Arundeel, Warwyck, and Marchall, and other, for to refourme the rule abowte the kynge. Whyche lordes promysed eche to abyde by other and soo departed. And anone after the erle Marchall, whiche was captayne of Calays, bewrayed and lete the kyng haue knowleche of all theyr counseylle: wherupon the XXV daye of August, the duke of Glocetre was arested at Plassheye in Estsex, and brought to the toure of London. And from thence sent to Caleys and there murthred and slayne wyth out processe of lawe or justyce. Polychronicon.

[344] Earle. 1559, 63.

[345] It out. 1559, 63, 71.

[346] The palme represse. N.

[347] Earle. 1559, 63.

[348] Earle. 1559, 63.

[349] Manteyneth. 1559, 63.

[350] An. N.

[351] Earle. 1559, 63.

[352] Warly. 1559, 63.

[353] Misprinted, brest. 1587.

[354] In the same yere (1398) fel a great debate and dyssencyon bytwene the duke of Herforde, erle of Derby, on that one partye, and the duke of Norfolke, erle marchall, on that other partye. In soo moche that they waged battaylle and caste downe their gloues whiche were take vppe before the kynge and ensealed, and the day and place assigned at Couentree. To whyche place the kinge came, the duke of Lancastre, and other lordes. And whan both partyes were in the feelde redy for to fyghte, the kyng toke the matere in his owne honde: and forthwyth he exyled and banysshed the duke of Herforde for ten yeres, and the duke of Norfolke for euermore. The duke of Norfolke deyed at Venyse. Polychronicon.

[355] Doubtfull. 1578.

[356] That. N.

[357] Shame. N.

[358] Are iust to. 1578.

[359] Is. 1559, 63.

[360] Herewyth. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[361] Which made them thinke mee worse then any feende. 1578.

[362] For other griefe. 1578.

[363] I parted thence and. 1578.

[364] The duke of Norffolke whiche supposed to haue been borne out by the kynge, was sore repentant of his enterprise, and departed sorowfully out of the realme into Almaine, and at the laste came to Venice, where he for thoughte and melancolye deceassed. Hall.

[365] More pleasure and reliefe. 1578.

[366] Which was not longe. 1578.

[367] Loo! thus his glory grewe great, by my dispite. 1578.

[368] So enuy euer, her hatred doth acquite. 1578.

[369]

Sorrowe and false shame,

Whereby her foes do shine in higher fame. 1578.

[370] Running. 1559.

[371] T. Ch. This signature first added in the edition of 1571, and has been uniformly believed to mean Thomas Churchyard. However, it may be more confidently assigned to Master Chaloner, i. e. Sir Thomas Chaloner.—In the British Museum there is a fragment of the original edition of the Mirror for Magistrates, as printed in folio, during the reign of Queen Mary, and suppressed, as already noticed, by the Lord Chancellor. The fragment consists of two leaves, and which, unfortunately, are duplicates, commencing with the interlocutory matter before the legend of Owen Glendower, and ends with the eighteenth stanza of the same legend. It begins “Whan Master Chaloner had ended thys so eloquent a tragedy,” and therefore appears conclusive that the above was written by Thomas Chaloner, and that the legend of Richard the Second, by Ferrers, which now follows, was first written for the edition of 1559.

When the legend of Jane Shore was added in 1563, Baldwin says: “This was so well lyked, that all together exhorted me instantly to procure Maister Churchyarde to vndertake and to penne as manye moe of the remaynder as myght by any meanes be attaynted at his handes:” which compliment proves that the author was a new candidate, and upon the signatures being first added in 1571, we find his name affixed to “Shore’s Wife,” in full, Tho. Churchyarde, to distinguish it from the above abbreviation for Thomas Chaloner.

[372] About the feeste of seynt Bartholmew fell dyscension and discorde atwene the duke of Herforde and the duke of Norfolke, wherefore the duke of Herforde accusyd that other that he had taken iiii M. marke of the kynge’s, of suche money as he shulde therewith haue wagyd certeyne sowdyours at Calays, he lefte vndon, and toke the same money to his owne vse. But another wryter sayeth, that as the sayd ii dukys rode vpon a tyme from the parlyament towarde theyr lodgynges, the duke of Norfolke sayde vnto that other: “Sir, see you not howe varyable the kynge is in his wordis, and how shamefully he puttyth his lordes and kynnes folkys to deth, and other exylyth and holdyth in pryson; wherfore full necessary it is to kepe, and not for to truste moche in his wordis, for with out dowte in tyme to come, he wyll by such lyke meanys bryng vs vnto lyke deth and distruction.” Of which wordys the sayd duke of Herforde accusyd that other vnto the kynge; wherefore eyther wagyd batayle, &c. Fabyan.

[373] For where as maister Hall, whom in thys storye we chiefely folowed, making Mowbray accuser and Boleynbroke appellant, mayster Fabyan reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by the reporte of good authours, makyng Boleynbroke the accuser, and Mowbray the appellant. Which matter, &c. 1559, 63.

[374] Recordes of the parliament. 1578.

[375] We referre to the determinacion of the haroldes, or such as may cum by the recordes and registers of these doynges, contented in the mean whyle with the best allowed iudgement and which maketh most for. 1559, 63.

[376] Richard the 2. 1578.

[377] I woulde (quoth one of the cumpany) gladly say sumwhat for king Richarde. But his personage is so sore intangled as I thynke fewe benefices be at this daye, for after hys imprisonment, his brother. 1559, 63.

[378] King, omitted. 1559, 63.

[379] Thinke. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[380] In the kinge’s behalf. 1559, 63.

[381] See him all. 1559, 63.

[382] Vpon a beere in. 1578.

[383] Makyng his mone in thys sort. 1559, 63.

[384] From his seat, and miserably murdred in prison. 1559, 63.

[385] Vertue to folow and vyces to keepe vnder. 1578.

[386] Boast of high byrth, sword, scepter, ne mace. 1578.

[387] Rayne do drops of thunder. 1578.

[388] Let kinges therfore the lawes of God embrace. 1578.

[389] That vayne delightes. 1578.

[390] Do gase vpon me. 1559, 63.

[391] Lyeth, for whom none late myght rout. 1559, 63.

[392] Princes. 1578.

[393] Loute. 1559, 63, 71. Dead and least dread, to graue is caryed out. 1578.

[394] But earth and clay. 1578.

[395]

Behold the woundes his body all about,

Who liuing here, thought, 1578.

[396] Wilt nowe declare. 1571, 78.

[397] My vicious story, 1559, 63.

[398] They kepe not, doutles say I dare. 1559, 63.

[399] Tyll the one. 1559, 63.

[400] Without respect of. 1578.

[401]

I am a kynge that ruled all by lust,

That forced not of vertue, right. 1559, 63.

[402] But alway put false flatterers most in trust, 1559, 63.

In false flatterers reposinge all my trust. 1578.

[403] Embracinge sutch. 1578.

[404] Fro counsell sage I did alwayes withdrawe. 1578.

[405]

By faythfull counsayle passing not a strawe;

What pleasure prickt, that thought I to be iust:

I set my minde, to feede, to spoyle, to iust. 1559, 63.

[406] Of God or man I stoode no wise in awe. 1578.

[407] More. 1578.

[408]

And to augment my lecherous minde that must

To Venus’ pleasures alway be in awe. 1563.

The edition of 1559 reads “and all to augment,” &c.

[409] Which to mayntayne I gathered heapes of golde. 1578.

[410]

For maytenaunce where of, my realme I polde

Through subsidies, sore fines, loanes, many a prest. 1559, 63.

[411] In the two and twentyest yere of kynge Rycharde there were made blanke chartres, to whyche all the ryche men of the reame were compellyd to sette to theyr seales. Polychronicon.

[412] For which my subiectes. 1559, 63.

[413] The people my doinges did detest. 1578.

[414] I also made away the towne. 1559, 63.

[415] Prince’s vices may not be. 1559, 63.

[416] I founde the meanes that he to death was sold. N.

[417]

His lyfe I tooke, vntried without quest,

And all sutch lordes as did his cause vphold. 1578.

[418]

The piers and lordes that did his cause vpholde,

With death, exile, or greuous fines opprest. 1559, 63.

[419] Neyther lakt I ayd in. 1559, 63.

[420] A kyng can neuer ymagen. 1559, 63.

[421] But most about hym will. 1559, 63.

[422] Some to do the same most glad. 1578.

[423] As vicious humours growe. 1559, 63.

[424] Be worst of all. 1578.

[425] Thys can trye. 1559, 63.

[426] Edward. 1578.

[427] Traytors to helpe. 1578.

[428]

Ryght trayterously arose

To helpe the Percyes, plying my depose. 1559, 63.

[429] Condemned ten yeares in exyle to lye. 1559, 63.

[430] Who tyrant like did execute all those. 1578.

[431] Of which sort soone after some their liues did lose. 1578.

[432] For when I was cum back thys stur. 1559, 63.

[433] My steward false to whom. 1578.

[434] We in Wales at Flint our castell. 1559, 63.

[435] Dyd. 1559, 63.

[436] There in my hall, mindinge to fly the coast. 1578.

[437] Rebreake hys staffe, my housholde offyce stay. 1559, 63.

[438] No better stay then in a rotten post. 1578.

[439] Resigne, abandoning my throane. 1578.

[440] Forsaken left and post. N.

[441]

For whan my trayterous stuard thus was goen,

My seruantes shranke away on euery syde,

That caught I was, and caryed to my foen:

Who for theyr prince a pryson dyd provyde,

And therin kept me tyll duke Henrye’s pryde

Dyd cause me yelde hym vp my crowne and throne:

Which shortely made my frendly foes to grone,

For Henry seyng in me theyr falshode tryed,

Abhorde them all, and would be rulde by none;

For which they sought to stoppe hym strayt a tyde. 1559, 63.

[442] Yet some conspir’d. N.

[443] Conspiring streight their new prince. 1578.

[444]

The chief conspyrde by death to dryve hym downe,

For which exployte, a solempne. 1559, 63.

Which to performe a solempne. 1578.

[445] My lyberty and. 1559, 63. My sceptre and my. 1578.

[446] No festred sore. 1578.

[447]

But salues help seeld an over long suffred sore,

To stopp the brech no boote to runne or rowne,

When swellyng fluds have overflowen the town:

Tyll sayles be spred the shyp may kepe the shore,

The ankers wayed, though all the frayt do frowne,

With streame and steere perforce it shal be bore. 1559, 63.

Then winde and streame hath set the seas in rore. 1578.

[448] In such state. 1578.

[449] They soone depriued. N.

[450] Easely put me downe of late. 1559, 63.

[451]

And where with ease my pride they did abate,

They were to weake to set me vp agayne. 1578.

[452] By. 1578.

[453] In. 1559.

[454] And well meant meanes his mishaps. 1559, 63.

[455] In me appereth playne. 1559, 63.

[456] For when kyng Henry knew. 1559, 63.

[457] According to Fabian there was “made prouysyon for a dysguysynge or a mummynge, to be shewyd to the kynge vpon twelfethe nyght:” but Hall describes the plot for the assassination as intended to have been effected during the holding solemn justs at Oxford, and gives a curious and perspicuous account of the preparations made for exhibiting noble acts of chivalry.

[458] Hym yf they myght. 1559, 63. Would murder him by night. 1578.

[459] Cutthroate. 1578.

[460]

But sent syr Pierce of Exton, a traytrous knyght,

To Pomfret castell, with other, armed lyght. 1559, 63.

[461]

Sent with great dispite,

Who reft my lyfe by force against al lawes. 1578.

[462] In flaterie’s clawes, and shame’s foule pawes shall lyght. 1559, 63.

And so I end concluding with this clause;

That God though late at last wil surely smyte. 1578.

[463] George Ferrers, the initials added. 1571.

[464] When maister Ferrers had. 1578.

[465] Whan master Chaloner had ended thys so eloquent a tragedy. Fol. See n. 1, p. 53.

[466] Right notable and wurthy. Fol.

[467] ‘We paused,’ is transposed to end of sentence, after ‘piteous tragedies, we paused awhile. And seeing.’ 1578.

[468] A prince. 1578.

[469] Ware. 1571, 78.

[470] Princes. Fol.

[471] Owen Glendour, a great prince in Wales, next in succession of ill fortune with the stout Percies, his confederates, I thought it not meete to ouerpasse so great persons with silence, and therefore. 1578.

[472] ‘The,’ omitted. Fol.

[473] Howbeit Owen Glendour because he is a man of that countrey whence (as the Welchmen beare me in hand) my petigre is discended, althoughe he be but a slender prince, yet rather then he should be forgotten, I wyll tell his tale for him vnder the priuilege of Martin Hundred: which Owen coming naked out of the wilde mountaynes, like the image of death in all poyntes (his dart onely excepted) so sore hath famine and hunger consumed him, lamenteth his infortune after this maner. Fol.

[474] Monark. 1578.

[475] Rather then he should be forgotten. I wil pray maister Phaer, who of late hath placed hymselfe in that country, and haply hath met with his ghost in the forest of Kylgarran, that he wil say somwhat in his person. 1578.

[476] One of fortune’s darlynges, rather than he should be forgotten, I will tel hys tale for him vnder the pryuelidge of Martine hundred: which, &c. 1559, 63.

[477] Excepted, so sore hath famyne and hunger consumed hym, may lament his folly after. 1559, 63.

[478] Lamente his great misfortune in sutch maner as you, maister Phaer, are able most amptly to vtter and set forth. 1578.

[479] Henry then prince. 1559, 63.

[480] Henry then prince thereof chased. Fol.

[481] He most miserably starued for hunger. 1578.

[482] Anno 1401, added. 1571.

[483] Falles. Fol.

[484] May teach all men ambition to flye. 1578.

[485] Her. Fol. 1559, 63.

[486]

My body and fame she hathe made leane and slender,

For I, poor wretch, am sterved Owen Glendour. Fol. 1559, 63.

Oh false fortune, fortune, vengeaunce on thee, I crye:

Which offering a sop of sweet receyt,

Haste made me byte the hooke in steede of bayt. 1578.

[487] A Brytton borne. 1578.

[488] Of a gentle blood. Fol. 1559, 63.

[489] Make men good. Fol.

[490] So doth not soule or mynd. Fol. 1559, 63.

[491] Them doo render. Fol.

[492] And generally. Fol.

[493] Doth any property that theyr dame had, want. Fol. 1559, 63.

[494] In vertuous deedes. Fol. 1559, 63.

[495] Of vertue’s life. 1578.

[496] For. Fol.

[497] The pryde. 1559, 63.

[498] To which the mule. 1559, 63.

[499] The braging mule could nere. N.

[500] Wer. Fol. Is. 1559, 63.

[501] May, omitted. 1578.

[502] Is. Fol. 1559.

[503] Our parents’ good is theirs. N.

[504] Vertues theyrs are and not ours. Fol. 1559, 63.

[505] Noble kynd. Fol. 1559, 63.

[506] Or shine. N.

[507] Be his. Fol.

[508] Doth make a gentilman. Fol. 1559. Make a gentyll man. 1563.

[509] Of elders shew he can. Fol. 1559, 63.

[510] Merlin, whose father was an hob. Fol.

[511] For omitted. N.

[512] By many of Merlyne’s tales. Fol. 1559, 63.

[513] Such mates. N.

[514] I, inserted. 1571. So perforce I. N.

[515] Did. 1557.

[516] And with rich spoyles did homward. Fol.

[517] ’Gainst. N.

[518] A renowned knight. N.

[519] A, omitted. N.

[520] That, inserted. 1571. Omitted. N.

[521] A, omitted. N.

[522] Other. Fol.

[523] T’abide. N.

[524] And pitched downe his field hard. N.

[525] Neither other’s power durst. N.

[526] To the mountaines. Fol.

[527] See. Fol. 1559, 63.

[528] Got. Fol. 1559.

[529] The fragment of the folio, in the British Museum, ends here.

[530] Strifes. N.

[531] To put hym, 1557, 63.

[532] Holy. N.

[533] Apt. N.

[534] Here I passe ouer to declare howe a certayne writer writeth that this earle of Marche, the lorde Percy, and Owen Glendor were vnwisely made beleue by a Welsh prophecier, that kyng Henry was the moldwarpe, cursed of Godde’s owne mouthe, that and they thre were the dragon, the lion, and the wolffe, whiche shoulde deuide this realme betwene theim, by the deuiacion and not deuinacion of that mawmet Merlin. I wyll not reherse howe they by their deputies in the howse of the archdeacon of Burgor, seduced with that falce fained prophesie deuided the realme amongest them, nor yet write howe by a tripartie endenture sealed with their seales, all Englande, from Seuerne and Trent, south and eastward, was assigned to the erle of Marche; nor how all Wales, and the landes beyond Seuerne westward, were appoincted to Owen Glendor, and all the remnaunt from Trent northwarde to the lorde Percie. Hall.

[535] So folly did assure. N.

[536] As sures by sots. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78. As carelesse sots. N.

[537] Thine vncle Thomas Percy forst. N.

[538] When Henry kyng. 1559, 63. When Henry this great victory. N.

[539] Luckly. N.

[540] The prophet. N.

[541] Else. N.

[542] Payn prayed. 1559, 63.

[543] Stronge. 1578.

[544]

Forst mee to feede on barke of trees, and wood,

And last of all, to gnaw my flesh and bloud. 1578.

[545] A, omitted. N.

[546] For him that did so ill. 1578.

[547] The vayne desires, when wit doth yeeld to will. 1578.

[548] Fly false prophets. N.

[549] Lyinge skill. 1578.

[550] Owen and his sedicious fautors, which beyng dismaied and in maner desperate of all comfort by the reason of the kynge’s late victory fled in desert places and solitary caues, where he receiued a finall reward mete and prepared by Godde’s prouidence for suche a rebell and sedicious seducer. For beyng destitute of all comfort, dreadyng to shewe his face to any creature, lackyng meate to sustain nature, for pure hunger and lacke of fode miserably ended his wretched life. This ende was prouided for suche as gaue credence to false prophesies. This ende had they that by diabolical deuinations wer promised great possessions and seignories. This ende happeneth to suche as beleuyng suche fantasticall folies, aspire and gape for honor and high promocions. Hall.

[551] Thomas Phaer. The above signature first added in ed. 1578, is omitted in ed. 1587, though confirmed by the next note. The name is subscribed in Niccols.

[552] Whan mayster Phaer had ended the tragedy of thys hunger staruen prynce of Wales, it was well liked of al the company that a Saxon would speake so mutch for a Brytton, then sodenly one found a doubt. 1578.

[553] That. 1559, 63.

[554] Percy, added. 1571.

[555] Sir, added. 1571.

[556] As followeth, added. 1571.

[557] Anno 1407, added. 1571.

[558] Kynsfolke. 1559, 63.

[559] For our peers. N.

[560] For few there were, that were so much redoubted. N.

[561] My valyauntise were. 1559, 63.

[562] Through our foes. N.

[563] Foes. N.

[564] In favour and offyce. 1559, 63.

[565] I had a son. 1559, 63.

[566] Foes. N.

[567] Syr Henry Hotspur they gaue hym to name. 1559, 63.

[568] Clere from. 1559, 63, 71. N.

[569] And openly proclaymed trayterous knight. 1559, 63. A most disloyall knight. N.

[570] And soone. N.

[571] This alonely. 1559, 63.

[572] Nor age. N.

[573] Foes. N.

[574] With chaines fast bound. N.

[575] ’Gainst Mortimer and me. N.

[576] That. 1559, 63.

[577] To. N.

[578] Our. N.

[579] Seased. N.

[580] Into Scotland fled. N.

[581]

Who in my cause with many more made head,

And when on hope of greater aid I fed. N.

[582] Vnend. 1559, 63.

[583] Therle of Northumberland, which had been in Fraunce and other regions to obteigne aide against kyng Henry, and had missed of his purpose, nowe putte his whole confidence in the Scottes, and in especiall in hys old frende George earle of Marche, and so assembled a greate power of the Scottish nacion to inuade Northumberlande, and recouered diuerse of his owne castles and seignories, to whome the people without nombre daily resorted. Wherfore he entendyng to be reuenged of hys olde greues, accompaignied with the lorde Bardolffe and diuerse other Scottes and Englishemen entred into Yorkeshire and there began to destroy and depopulate the countrye. Wherof the kynge beyng aduertised, caused a greate army to bee assembled and marched toward his enemies, but or the kyng came to Notyngham, Raufe Rekesbie, shrife of Yorkshire, in the middest of February, with the power of the countrye, sodainly set on therle and his compaignie, at the place called Bramham More, where after long fighting, the erle and the lorde Bardolffe, and many other, were taken and brought to Yorke and there executed, and their heddes sent to London. Hall.

[584] Scape. N.

[585] This legend is without signature in all the editions, but usually attributed to William Baldwin.

[586] In the ix yere was syr Edmond erle of Kent made amerall of the see, whyche kept the see worthyly wyth many ryall shyppes. And at laste he londed at the costes of Brytayn in the yle of Bryak, and beseged the castell, and sawted it. And with a quarel he was slayn. But neuertheless the castel was goten. And thenne his meyne came home agayn wyth therles body, whyche was buryed wyth his auncestres worshipfully. Polychronicon.

[587] Plantagenet, added. 1571.

[588] Anno Dom. 1415. added. 1571.

[589] Most. 1578.

[590] As. 1578.

[591] Meaners. 1578.

[592] Do. 1578.

[593] Wer’t. N.

[594] Of the. 1559, 63.

[595] The night before the day of deperture appoincted, he (the king) was credebly informed that Richarde, earle of Cambridge, brother to Edward, duke of Yorke, and Henry, lorde Scrope, and syr Thomas Gray, knyght, had compassed his death and finall destruction: wherfore he caused theim to be apprehended lamentyng sore his chaunce that he should be compelled to loose suche personages by whose valiantnes and puissaunce he shuld be more dreadfull and fearefull to his foes and enemies. When these prisoners were examined, they not onely confessed the conspiracy, but also declared that for a great some of mony which they had receiued of the Frenche kyng, they intended either to deliuer the kyng aliue in to the handes of his enemies, or els to murther hym before that he should arriue in the duchy of Normandy. Hall.

[596] Rules. N.

[597] God. 1559, 1563.

[598] W. Baldwine. N.

[599] Q. for quoth. 1563.

[600] The, added. 1587.

[601] So, added. 1571.

[602] Of fortune, iustly may say thus. 1559, 63.

[603] The earle. 1559, 63.

[604] At Orleaunce, added. 1571.

[605] The 3 of Nouember, Anno 1428, added. 1571.

[606] A goodly thing we deeme of good report. N.

[607] Seen. 1559, 63, 75, 78.

[608] In. 1559, 63.

[609] How some. N.

[610] My sire and th’earle. N.

[611] Purpose well. N.

[612] Of wrath. 1578.

[613] Hath, misprint. 1563. Hateth. N.

[614] My lims. N.

[615] Hys. 1559, 63.

[616] The, misprint. 1563.

[617] Where ere. N.

[618] Lorde Thomas Montacute, earle of Salisbury, a man bothe for his greate pollicie and haut corage more to be compared to the old valiant Romans then to men of his daies. Hall.

[619] Do norish. 1578.

[620] And in theyr spech for to declare of. 1559.

[621] He was the man at that tyme, by whose wit, strength, and pollicie, the Englishe name was muche fearfull and terrible to the Frenche nacion, whiche of hymselfe might bothe appoynt, commaunde and do all thynges in maner at hys pleasure, in whose power (as it appeared after hys deathe) a greate part of the conquest consisted and was estemed, because he was a man bothe painfull and diligent, redy to withstand thynges perilous and imminent, and prompt in counsail, and with no labor be weried, nor yet hys corage at any tyme abated or appalled, so that all men put no more trust in any one man, nor no synguler person gat more the hartes of all men. Hall.

[622] Confesse. N.

[623] Covet them to spoyle. 1559.

[624] Had. 1559.

[625] The text is restored here from the editions of 1559, and 63, as in the others it uniformly stands ‘hee.’

[626] The dolphyn sent lorde Wyllyam Stuard, constable of Scotland, and therle of Ventadore in Auergne, and many other nobles of his part to laie siege to the toune of Crauant, in the countie of Auxerre, within the partes of Burgoyn, wherof heryng the lorde regent and the duke of Burgoyn thei assembled a greate armie, the erle of Salisbury was ordeined capitaine of the whiche. Hall.

[627] After thys fortunate vyctorye obteigned, the englishemen fyrste gaue greate laudes and thankes to allmyghtie God and after entered into the towne of Crauant much praisinge the doynges of the capitaines and the fidelitie of the citezens, and when they had set all thynges in an ordre they returned to Paris where of the regente they wer ioyously receiued, whiche there constituted therle of Salisbury (as he was wel worthy) vicegerent and lieftenaunt for the king and him in the countries of Fraunce, Bry, and Champaigne. Hall.

[628] Causde me go. N.

[629] Therle of Salisbury whiche could not slepe in his great office of truste, layde siege to the toune and castle of Monntaguilon in Bry, wherof were capitainis Pregent of Cotyny, and Giulle Bourgoys, Brytons, whiche valiantly defended the castle by the space of v. monethes, &c. Hall.

[630] With earles, with lordes. N.

[631] To driue the treacherous dolphin out of France. N.

[632] T’Aniow. N.

[633] Flee. 1563.

[634] As might or help. N.

[635] The boldest Frenchmen. N.

[636] ‘Will’ in all the editions except that of 1587.

[637]

Being fortie thousand well arm’d in field,

Fiue hundred men enforced them to yeeld. N.

[638] Did assault them. 1559. Fresh assaulted. N.

[639] Soone. N.

[640] Where in good hope to. N.

[641] Forth. N.

[642] Forward. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[643] But would hope sure. 1559.

[644] It so chaunced that the lix. daie after the siege laied before the cytie, therle of Salisbury, sir Thomas Gargraue, and Wyllyam Glasdale, and diuerse other, went into the said toure and so into the highe chambre, and loked out at the grate, and within a shorte space, the sonne of the maister gonner, perceiued men loking out at the wyndowe, tooke his matche, as his father had taughte hym whiche was gone doune to dinner, and fired the gonne, whiche brake and sheuered the yron barres of the grate, wherof one strake therle so strongly on the hed, that it stroke away one of his iyes and the side of hys cheke. Sir Thomas Gargraue was lykewyse striken, so that he died within two daies. Therle was conueyed to Meum vpon Loyre, where he laie beyng wounded viii. dayes, duryng whiche tyme he receiued deuoutly the holy sacramentes, and so commended his soule to almighty God, whose body was conueyed into Englande with all funerall and pompe, and buried at Bissam, by his progenitors. Hall.

[645] Of glory. 1559, 63, 71, 75. The most vncertaine glorie. N.

[646] Sure be, misprint. 1587. Then mortall fooles. N.

[647] W. Baldwine. N.

[648] Quoth. 1559, 63.

[649] Nor the last. 1559, 63, 71, 75.

[650] The heire (sir Stephen de Veignolles) perceiuynge the hartes, corage, and defence of the Englishe people, caused thre culuerynes to be shot emongest theim, whereof one strake the erle (of Arundel) on the ancle, and so brake hys legge that for pain he fell from hys horsse, then the Frenche men entered emongest the Englishe army, and tooke the erle beyng on the grounde, prisoner.... The erle was caried to Beauoys, where of this hurte he shortly died, and was buried in the frier’s minors. He was a man of a singuler vertue, constancie and grauitie, whose death in so troubelous a worlde, did sore appall the hartes of his nacion. Hall.

[651] Anno 1437, added. 1571.

[652] Write. 1559, 63, 71.

[653] For fault of foode. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[654] A trusted brother ’stroy hys brother’s blood. 1559, 63. Trusted brother distroy. 1571.

[655] Hys deth. 1559, 63.

[656] To auoyd. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[657] Me prysoner. 1559, 63, 71.

[658] An, misprint. 1587.

[659] This young prince and Henry Percie, sonne to the lorde Percie slaine before at Shrewesbury, by rigor of tempest were driuen on the cost of Holdeines, called Flamborough hed, the xxx daie of Marche, where the yonge prince for to refreshe hymselfe toke lande. He wrought not so preuely, but he was knowen and taken with all his company, and conueighed to the kyng beynge at Winsore. Hall.

[660] I were. 1559, 63, 71.

[661] Before that tyme the people of Scotland were rude, rusticall, without any vrbanitie, hauyng litle lernyng, and lesse good maners, and good qualities least of all. This prince beeyng XVIII. yeres prisoner within this realme, was so instructed and taught by hys schoolmaster, and pedagoges apointed to hym by the onely clemencie of the kynge, that he not onely florished in good learnynge and freshe litterature (as the tyme then serued) but also excelled in all poynctes of marciall feates, musicall instrumentes, poeticall artes and liberall sciences. In so muche that at hys returne from captiuitee, he furnished hys realme bothe with good learnynge and cyuill policye, whiche before was barbarous, seuage, rude, and without all good nurtur. Hall.

[662] The protector of the realme of Englande, by the consent of the whole baronage of the same gaue to him in maryage the lady Jane doughter to Jhon earle of Sommerset, desceased, not onely syster to Iohn then duke of Sommerset, but also cosyn germayne remoued to the kynge and nece to the cardynall of Winchester and the duke of Exceter. Hall.

[663] The heyre. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[664] Mardo, in ed. 1587; all the others support the above correction.

[665] Neither regarding his othe, nor estemynge the great abundaunce of plate and riche clothes of Arras, to hym by the mother and vncles of his wife liberally geuen and frendly deliuered, (of whiche sorte of riches fewe or none before that daie wer euer seen in the countrey of Scotlande) like a dogge whiche hath cast vp his stomacke and retourneth to his vomet, or like a snake whiche after his engenderyng with a lampray taketh again his old poyson, after he had once taken the ayre and smelled the sent of the Scottishe soyle became like his false fraudulent forefathers, an vntrue prince, &c. Hall.

[666] The. 1559, 63.

[667] He (Walter Steward, erle of Atholl) perswaded Robert Steward, hys nephew, and Robert Grame, hys cosyn, and dyuerse other, to murther and sleye the kynge theyre souereigne lorde, whiche therto by diuelyshe instigacyon incenced and procured, came to the toune of Pertho (commonly called S. Ihon’s towne) and there entered into the kinge’s priuy chambre, and slewe first diuerse of hys seruauntes, whiche made resistance and after kylled the kyng with many mortall strokes, and hurt the quene, whiche, in defence of her husband, felled one of the traytors. Hall.

[668] Or. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[669] Such as. 1559.

[670] Without signature in every edition, and therefore attributed to Baldwin.

[671] The legends of dame Elinour Cobham, and of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, were only first printed 1578. That they were written, and probably printed, in 1559, (if not for the edition in folio,) appears certain as well by the table of contents, where they are enumerated, as by the interlocutory connection being nearly the same with the above, and which in the succeeding editions of 1563, 1571, and 1575, is varied according to the notes upon the prefixture of the legend of the duke of Suffolk, given p. 146.

[672] Quod. 1559.

[673] (Q. M. Fer.) and as. 1559.

[674] Haue here ready penned ii. 1559.

[675] The. 1559.

[676] Is fyrst to be placed in. 1559.

[677] Was cause of ouerthrow to both. 1559.

[678] Blith. N.

[679] Form. N.

[680] Dames. N.

[681] For to diuine. N.

[682] There was taken also Margerie Gurdemaine, a witch of Eye, besides Westminster, whose sorcerie and witchcraft the said Elianor had long time vsed, and by hir medicines and drinkes enforced the duke of Glocester to loue hir, and after to wed hir. Stowe.

[683] Furies and feends her. N.

[684] Corps. N.

[685] Roger Bolinbrooke, a great astronomer, with Thomas Southwell, a chanon of S. Stephen’s chappell at Westminster, were taken as conspiratours of the king’s death, for it was said that the same Roger should labour to consume the king’s by waie of negromancie, and the said Thomas should say masses in the lodge of Harnesey parke, beside London, vpon certaine instruments, with the which the said Roger should vse his crafte of negromancie, against the faith, and was assenting to the said Roger in all his workes. And the fiue and twentith day of Julie, being Sondaie, Roger Bolingbroke, with all his instruments of negromancie, that is to say, a chayre painted wherein he was woont to sit; vppon the foure corners of which chayre stoode foure swordes, and vpon euery sworde an image of copper hanging, with many other instrumentes: he stoode on a high scaffolde in Paule’s churchyarde, before the crosse, holding a sword in his right hand, and a scepter in his left, arrayed in a maruellous attire, and after the sermon was ended by master Low, bishop of Rochester, he abiured all articles longing to the crafte of negromancie, or missowning to the faith. Stowe.

[686] The king’s true constellation. N.

[687] Deepest. N.

[688] Nerethelesse. N.

[689] This yere (1442-3) dame Elyanour Cobham, wyfe to the sayd duke, was accused of treason, for that she, by sorcery and enchaunment, entended to destroy the kyng to thentent to aduaunce and promote her husbande to the croune: vpon thys she was examined in sainct Stephen’s chapell, before the bishop of Canterbury, and there by examinacion conuict and iudged to do open penaunce, in iii. open places, within the cytie of London, and after that adiudged to perpetuall prisone, in the Isle of Man, vnder the kepyng of Sir Ihon Stanley, knyght. At the same season wer arrested as ayders and counsailers to the said duchesse, Thomas Southwell, prieste and chanon of saincte Stephens in Westmynster, Ihon Hum, prieste, Roger Bolyngbroke, a conyng nycromancier, and Margerie Jourdayne, surnamed the witche of Eye, to whose charge it was laied, that thei, at the request of the duchesse had deuised an image of waxe, representyng the kyng whiche by their sorcery, a litle and litle consumed, entending therby in conclusion to waist, and destroy the kynge’s person, and so to bryng him to deathe, for the whiche treison, thei wer adiudged to dye, and so Margery Jordayne was brent in Smithfelde, and Roger Bolyngbroke was drawen and quartered at Tiborne, takyng vpon his deathe that there was neuer no suche thyng by theim ymagined, Jhon Hum had his pardon, and Southwell died in the toure before execution: the duke of Gloucester toke all these thynges paciently, and saied litle. Hall.

[690] The 9 of Nouember dame Elianor appeered before the archbishop and other in the sayde chappell (of S. Stephen’s), and receiued her penance which she performed. On Monday the 13 of Nouember, she came from Westminster, by water, and landed at the Temple bridge, from whence with a taper of waxe of two pound in hir hande, she went through Fletestreete, hoodlesse (saue a kerchefe) to Paul’s, where she offered hir taper at the high altar. On the Wednesday next shee landed at the swan in Thamis streete, and then went through Bridgestreete, Gracechurchstreete, straight to Leaden Hall, and so to Christ church by Aldegate. On fryday she landed at Queene hiue, and so went through Cheape to S. Michael’s in Cornehill, in forme aforesaid: at all which times the maior, sherifes, and crafts of London, receiued her and accompanied hir. This being done she was committed to the ward of Sir Thomas Stanley, wherein she remained during hir life in the castle of Chester, hauing yeerely 100 markes assigned for hir finding, in the 22 of Henry the sixt she was remooued to Kenilwoorth, there to be safely kept, whose pride, false couetise, and lecherie, were cause of hir confusion. Stowe.

[691] A ballad, that has been modernized, entitled “the lamentable fall of the dutchess of Gloucester, wife to good duke Humphry, with the manner of her doing penance in London streets, and of her exile in the Isle of Man, where she ended her days,” may be found in Evans’s Old Ballads, historical and narrative, ed. 1784, Vol. I. p. 317.

[692] The house. 1578.

[693] I shall see you. 1578.

[694] Good peace. 1578.

[695] G. Ferrers. The peculiarity of the above signature in the addition of quod is noticeable, though, probably, it originated with the printer.

[696] Knyt vp the ende of her. 1578.

[697] Behold me Humfrey hight by name. N.

[698]

Who in the sixt king Henrie’s rule, with fame

Twice ten yeares kept the troubled state in frame;

Note well the cause of my vnhappie case,

And ’mongst thy mirrours let the same haue place. N.

[699] Weale, let men beware mishap. N.

[700] With blind securitie. N.

[701] To trust their state. N.

[702] Most smiles to haue in memorie. N.

[703] Who in most certaintie. N.

[704] Men. N.

[705] Same approue. N.

[706] To bite on fawning flatterie’s bait did loue. N.

[707]

Had I to high degree,

And yet in fine they all beguiled mee. N.

[708] Of Henry fourth by name. N.

[709] Henry fift of that same name. N.

[710] To the sixt Henrie vncle. N.

[711] To build vpon. N.

[712] To aduance my. N.

[713] When the fift Henry by his valiancie. N.

[714] T’haue. N.

[715] Which all states do spill. N.

[716] From a feend. N.

[717] Do verefy. 1578.

[718] For euermore. N.

[719] Histories. N.

[720] Neretheless. N.

[721] Bitter. N.

[722] In this season (i of Hen. VI.) Homfrey duke of Gloucester, either blynded with ambicion or dotyng for loue, maried the lady Jaquet or Jacomin doughter and sole heire to William of Bauier duke of Holland, whiche was lawfull wife to Ihon duke of Brabant then liuyng. Which mariage was not onely woundered at of the common people but also detested of the nobilitie, and abhorred of the clergie. But suerly the swete tast, of this plasant mariage, brought after a sower sauce, bothe to the amorous housbande and to the wanton wife. Hall.

[723] Feends. N.

[724] So in editions 1578, 87, and Niccols, but appears a misprint for convicted.

[725] With. N.

[726] Was. N.

[727] Could wake. N.

[728] Of my false foes. N.

[729] A parliament was somoned to be kept at Bery, whether resorted all the peres of the realme, and emongest them the duke of Gloucester, whiche on the second daie of the session was by the lord Beamonde, then highe constable of Englande, accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham, and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in warde, and all his seruauntes sequestred from hym, and xxxii. of the chiefe of his retinue, were sente to diuerse prisons, to the greate admiracion of the common people. The duke the night after hys emprisonement, was found dedde in his bed, and his body shewed to the lordes and commons, as thoughe he had died of a palsey or empostome: but all indifferent persons well knewe that he died of no natural death, but of some violent force. Hall.

[730] The vnsure. 1578.

[731] They lyue in. 1578.

[732] G. Ferrers. N.

[733] Both the realmes. 1578.

[734] Were the chiefe workers. 1578.

[735] Whan thys was sayd: “Let kyng Jamy go,” quod mayster Ferrers, “and retourn we to our owne story, and se what broyles wer among the nobylyty in the kynge’s mynorytye. How that cardinall Bewford malygneth the estate of good duke Humfrey the kynge’s vncle and protector of the realme, and by what driftes he first banisheth his wife from him. And lastly howe the good duke is murderously made away through conspiracy of queene Margaret and other: both whose tragedyes I entend at leysure to declare, for they be notable.” “Do so, I pray you,” quod another, “but take hede ye demurre not vpon them. And I to be occupyed the meane tyme, wyll shew what I haue noted in the duke of Suffolke’s doynges, one of the chefest of duke Humfrey’s destroyers, who, &c.” 1563, 71. See p. 111, note 1.

[736] Notable death, which he may lament after thys maner. 1559, 63.

[737] And sayling. 1571, 75.

[738] Lord, omitted. 1578.

[739] And procuringe the death of Duke Humfrey of Glocester, protector of England. 1578.

[740] Anno 1450. added 1571. Anno Dom. N.

[741] Banysht, headed so, and drowned. 1559, 63.

[742] Wherfore good Baldwin. 1578.

[743]

And therfore, Baldwyn, fro thy grave of gryefe

Reiect me not, of wretched prynces chief. 1559, 63.

[744] Or. 1559, 63.

[745] Good hap wyth vyces cannot long agree. 1559, 63.

[746] I am the prynce duke Wyllyam. 1559, 63.

[747] That was so famous in. 1559, 63.

[748] Whose vertuous paynes. 1559, 63.

[749] The. 1559.

[750] Luckly. N.

[751] Though Burgoyne duke had then the praise of all. N.

[752] Ere. N.

[753] Of. 1578.

[754] Help need to sue. N.

[755] And a princely. N.

[756] Heire. N.

[757] And of. 1578.

[758] Hated it. N.

[759] Gaine. N.

[760] Whom. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[761] Should. 1578.

[762] Deeds. N.

[763] To have. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[764] The queene, whiche entierly loued the duke, fearynge that some commocion and trouble might ryse, if he were let goo vnpuneshed, caused hym to be committed to the towre, where he was kepte with as muche pleasure as he that was at large, and oute of all captiuitie. But after that a monethe was expyred, she ymagenynge the people to bee pacifyed with this open emprysonment, caused hym both to be deliuered, and also to be restored to the kynge’s fauour and grace, as muche as euer he was before that tyme. But this doynge incensed the furye of the mutable commons, muche more then before: openly demounsynge and saiyng, that it was a shame to all the realme, to se such a persone, infected with so many mysdedes, either to rule about a prince or be had in honor. Of these wordes sprang dedes, and of this talkyng rose displeasure, whiche had growen to greate mischiefe, if politique prouision had not, with all celeritye, resisted the first fury: for the commons in sundry places of the realme assembled together, gathered great companies, and elected a capytayn, whom they called blew berde: but or they had attempted any enterprise, their headdes were apprehended and so the members sodainly were dispersed, without any hurte committed, or perpetrated. Hall.

[765] To adiourne. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[766]

As I was saylyng toward the coast of Fraunce,

The earle of Deuonshyre’s barke, of lytle pryce. 1559, 63.

[767] Whose captayne toke me by hys valyaunce. 1559, 63.

[768] But led me with hym into. 1559, 63.

[769] Where whan he had recounted me my. 1559, 63.

[770] In causyng. 1559, 63.

[771] On the edge wherof my. 1559, 63.

[772] Fortune wold not, that this flagitious person, shoulde so escape, for when he shipped in Suffolke, entendynge to be transported into Fraunce, he was encontered with a shippe of warre appertaininge to the duke of Excester, the constable of the towre of London, called the Nicholas of the Toure. The capitaine of the same barke with small fighte, entered into the duke’s shippe, and perceiuynge his person present, brought hym to Douer rode, and there on the one syde of a cocke bote, caused his heade to be striken of, and left hys body with the heade vpon the sandes of Douer, whiche corse was there founde by a chapelayne of his, and conuaied to Wyngfelde colledge in Suffolke, and there buried. This ende had William de la Pole, first duke of Suffolke, as men iudge, by God’s punishment: for aboue all thynges he was noted to be the very organ, engine, and deuiser of the destrucion of Humfrey the good duke of Gloucester, and so the bloudde of the innocente man was with his dolorous deathe, recompensed and punished. Hall.

[773]

A pyteous ende, and therefore, Baldwyn, warne

All pyers and prynces, to abhorre vntroth,

For vycyous grayne must cum to fowl endes barne:

Who brueth breach of lawfull bond or oth,

God wyll ere long, cause all the world to loth:

Was neuer prynce that other dyd oppresse

Vnryghteously, but dyed in distresse. 1559, 63.

[774] Initials added in ed. 1571. W. Baldwine. N.

[775] Wycked man so maruaylously well punyshed. 1559, 63.

[776] Cade beinge but base borne, of no abylytye. 1559, 63.

[777] The passage in brackets added 1571.

[778] Naming himselfe Mortimer, added. 1571.

[779] In June Anno, 1450, added. 1571.

[780] Shall I it fortune call. N.

[781] Lifte. 1578. Rais’d. N.

[782] Vp, added. 1571.

[783] Or strength of stars, which make men high to growe? 1578.

[784] Ere. N.

[785] The will. N.

[786] Be stout. N.

[787] The grace. N.

[788] So. 1559, 63.

[789] Grace be giuen to some man. N.

[790] Yet fewe there be ’mongst men that vse it can. N.

[791] The spirit weake, and will strong. N.

[792] Comes. N.

[793] For fortune is the only foe of those. N.

[794]

Wherefore I thought to be my prince’s mate,

And by some meane his power to abate:

And for that ends Mortimer would be nam’de,

Heyre apparant of England once proclaym’de. 1578.

[795] Because the Kentishe-men be impatient in wronges, disdainyng of to much oppression and euer desirous of new chaung, and new fangelnes; the ouerture of this matter was put furthe firste in Kent, and to the entente that it should not be knowen that the duke of Yorke or his frendes were the cause of the sodaine risyng: a certaine yong man of a goodely stature, and pregnaunt wit, was entised to take vpon hym the name of Ihon Mortimer allthoughe his name were Iohn Cade. Hall.

[796] As our enemies. 1578.

[797] Trap. 1559. Tray. 1563. To tary sought. 1578. To stay him. N.

[798] T’imprison. N.

[799] The, omitted. 1578.

[800] Thynges after my desyer. 1559, 63.

[801] Th’heape. N.

[802] Vpon the thyrde daye of Julii, he caused syr James Fynes, lorde Say, and threasorer of England, to be broughte to the Gylde-halle of London, and there to be arrayned: whiche beyng before the kynge’s iustices put to answere, desyred to be tryed by his peers, for the lengar delay of his life. The capytaine perceiuynge hys dilatorie ple, by force took hym from the officers, and brought him to the standard in Cheape, and there before his confession ended, caused his head to be cut of, and pitched it on a hyghe poole, which was openly borne before him through the stretes. And this cruell tyraunt not content with the murder of the lorde Say, wente to Myle ende, and there apprehended syr James Cromer, then shreue of Kent, and sonne in law to the said lorde Say, and him without confession or excuse hearde, caused there like wise to be hedded, and his heade to bee fixed on a poole, and with these two heddes, this bloody butcher entered into the cytie agayn, and in despite caused them in euery strete kysse together, to the greate detestacion of all the beholders. Hall.

[803] And into Sussex rode, all hope was lost. N.

[804] Apprehend. corrected by ed. 1578, all the others read apprend.

[805] Made men. 1559.

[806] But ere I fell I put. N.

[807] For two longe howres, our combat. 1578.

[808] A gentylman of Kent named Alexander Iden, awayted so his tyme, that he toke hym in a gardyn in Sussex, where in the takynge of hym the sayd Iak was slayne: and so beyng deed was brought into Southwarke the —— day of the moneth of September, and there lefte in the Kynge’s Benche for that nyght. And vpon morowe the deed corps was drawen through the hyghe stretes of the cytie vnto Newgate, and there hedyd and quarteryd, whose hede was than sent to London brydge and his iiii quarters were sent to iiii sondry townes of Kent. Fabyan.

[809] Debities. 1559, 63, 71.

[810] Still, restored from ed. 1563. It is omitted in all those subsequent.

[811] As, omitted. 1578.

[812] The lord. 1559, 63.

[813] And therefore. 1559, 63. Wherefore, O Baldwine. N.

[814] Must know his state, and. 1578.

[815]

Who lyst to stand at large,

Must folowe skyll, and flye all worldly charge. 1559, 63.

This legend is subscribed W. Baldwine, by Niccols.

[816] Q. for quoth. 1559, 63.

[817] Howe vpryghtly also and howe lyke. 1559, 63.

[818] Determined the office both of magistrates and subiects. For in deede magistrates. 1578.

[819] Wycked ende. 1559, 63. Shal neuer see good end of hys attempt. 1578.

[820] Q. 1559, 63.

[821] Nay rather let. 1559, 63.

[822] “Marched towarde London: but the kyng with his power taried and met him at Saint Albone’s. Where whyle the kyng and he wer about a treatye, therle of Warwyke set vpon the king’s army and slew the duke of Somerset, the earle of Northumberland, the lorde Clyfforde, and other, and in conclusyon got the victorye, and the duke was made lorde protector, which so greved the quene and her accomplices, that pryuye grutches and open dissemblyng neuer ceased tyl the duke, and his allyes were glad to flee the field and realme, he in to Irelande, they to Calayes: whence they came agayne with an army whereof the earle of Salysbury was leader, and marched toward Coventry wher the king than was and had gathered an armye to subdue them, and encountred them at Northampton, and fought and lost the fyelde and was taken hym selfe, the duke of Buckyngham, the erle of Shrewsbury, the vycount Beaumont, the lord Egermount, and many other of his retynue slayn yf no man haue any mind to any of these noble personages because they were honourably slaine in battayle, let sum man els take the booke, for I mynde to say sum what of this duke of Somerset.”

☞ Whyle he was deuysyng thereon, and every man sekyng farder notes, I loked on the cronicles, and fyndyng styll fyeld vpon fyeld, and many noblemen slaine, I purposed to haue ouerpassed all, for I was so wearye that I waxed drowsye and began in dede to slumber: but my imaginacion styl prosecutyng this tragical matter, brought me such a fantasye. Me thought ther stode before vs, a tall man’s body full of fresshe woundes, but lackyng a head, holdyng by the hande a goodlye chylde, whose brest was so wounded that his hart might be seen, his louely face and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his heare through horrour standing vpryght, his mercy crauing handes all to be mangled, and al his body enbrued with his own bloud. And whan through the gastfulnes of this pyteous spectacle, I waxed afeard, and turned away my face, me thought there came a shrekyng voyse out of the wesand pype of the headles bodye, saying as foloweth. 1559, 63. See Induction to the legend of Plantagenet Duke of York, p. 183.

[823] Was raysed by some sly drift of the duke of Yorke, who shortly after, by open war, manifested his title to the crowne and therefore gathered an army in Wales, and marched towardes London: and preuentinge the kinge goinge northward to prepare an army, in the waye at Sayncte Albanes: who for want of a sufficient power to take the field, was forced with sutch smal power as he had about him, to defend the lanes and backsydes of the towne, and to send out the duke of Buckingham for a treaty, whiche the duke of Yorke beinge head of the contrary faction, woulde not allow without fyrst hauinge the duke of Somerset and other at his will, duringe which treaty Richard Neuill earle of Warwicke, the stout maintayner of Yorcke’s title, entred the towne by force, fought a battayle in the high streat, where of the kinge’s part were slayne the sayd duke of Somerset called Edmond Beauford, Henry Percy the second. 1578.

[824] Stafford, omitted. 1578.

[825] Besides a great number of knightes, esquiers, gentlemen and yeomen of the kinge’s houshold and of other lorde’s seruantes, on whom al the slaughter and bochery fell, beinge all for the more part vnarmed. But, &c. 1578.

[826] In the edition of 1563, this legend succeeds that of Jane Shore (see p. 460), and is followed by the Blacksmith (given p. 396), and has the following induction: “This was so well lyked, that all together exhorted me instantly to procure Maister Churchyarde to vndertake and to penne as manye moe of the remaynder as myght by any meanes be attaynted at his handes. And when I had promysed I wold do my diligence therein, they asked me if I had any mo tragedyes yet vnred, for the euenyng was nowe at hand and there were enow already red to make a handsum volume. “In dede (quod I) I purpose here to ende the second parte of this volume, for here endeth the cruel reigne of kyng Rychard the thyrd: And in another volume hereafter, to dyscourse the resydue from the begynning of kyng Henry the seventh to the ende of this king and Queene’s raigne (if God so long will graunte us lyfe) and I beseche you all that you wyll dylygently performe such storyes as you haue vndertaken, and procure your frendes such as be learned, to help vs with the rest: for ther is in this part mater enough to set al the poetes in England in wurke, and I wold wishe that every fine apt wyt wold at the leest vndertake one: For so wold it be a notable volume. For my parte I entende to be so impudente and importunate a suiter to so manye as I knowe or maye hereafter be acquaynted wyth, that no excuse shall serve to shake me of: and I desyre you all to be as earnest. And to occupye the tyme whyle we be nowe together, I wyl reade vnto you Edmund the Duke of Somerset, which must be placed in the fyrst parte: and than the blacke Smyth, which must serve for thyrde volume, to thende I maye knowe youre iudgement therein.” “Do so we pray you” (qd. they.)”

[827] Not so ill. 1578.

[828] That some attempts haue neuer happy speede. 1578.

[829] But. 1578.

[830] Out wrestle. 1563.

[831]

Or in skill,

Wynne what they will and wield the world at will. 1578.

[832] Of the first sorte myselfe I count for one. 1578.

[833] Fell despyte. 1563.

[834] Of my workes never could see. 1563.

[835] Sought. 1578.

[836] Bright, and shone like a starre. 1578.

[837] By malice of me. 1563.

[838] His fame. N.

[839]

Normandy yet nethelesse,

Alwayes I wrought that wit might well contriue,

But what bootes it against the streame to striue? 1578.

[840] Maligne and enemy to my trade. 1578.

[841] His, omitted. 1578.

[842] Swarued from Sol vnto. 1578.

[843] All, omitted. 1578.

[844] Well, wanting. 1563.

[845] A bryefe. 1563.

[846] Humfrey to damme that duke most innocent. 1578.

[847] Meane I. 1578.

[848] This worthy prince as a piller longe stood. 1578.

[849] Like to a proppe. 1563. A stronge prop. 1578.

[850]

O mad malice where with obeyeth will,

Was there euer any, whom folly did so nome:

Of all forecast, rigth, reason, wit and skill. 1578.

[851] My coosyn’s bloud, my refuge and my stay. 1578.

[852] Bare the sway. 1578.

[853] So long rebelles no quarelles. 1578.

[854] Once pulled. 1563.

[855]

The duke of Yorke, than stoutly hee stept in,

And chalenged the crowne by color. 1578.

[856] And in. 1563.

[857]

And spred great brutes in England up and downe,

That he of England was the heire true. 1578.

[858] Vsurped had. 1563.

[859] May rue. 1563. Right, by practise most vntrue. 1578.

[860] A chaunge. 1563.

[861] The land. 1563.

[862] Awles wanting one to dread. 1563.

[863] Lawles by weakenes of the heade. 1563.

[864] Where the prynce prest hath alway sword. 1563.

[865]

For dread of whom no man dare do amis,

Whose prince is prest alwayes and sword in hand. 1578.

[866] All enemies. 1578.

[867] In case the sonne had proued sutch a one. 1578.

[868]

Sure had he sitten in the royall throne,

Dreadlesse, and carelesse of common vpror;

But Henrie’s weakenesse appeered more and more. 1578.

[869] And that gave boldenes to the aduers bande. 1563. Contrary band. 1578.

[870]

To the gaye gallants of Yorke’s retinue;

Any lowe ground is highly ouerflowen. 1578.

[871] By bold traytours may bee soone remoued. 1578.

[872] That men durst. 1563.

[873] Head poste. 1563.

[874] Then wanting. 1563.

[875] I, omitted. 1563, 78.

[876] By whose malice this. 1578.

[877] To such a noble man. 1563.

[878] Afterward did ban. 1563.

[879] When our poste removed. 1563.

[880] The close traytour then. 1578.

[881] And he that lay hyd came. 1563. From the dark came. 1578.

[882] Whych thyng to compasse him. 1563.

[883] But this to achieue, first it him behoued. 1578.

[884] For, wanting. 1563.

[885] Who once perforce, or practice ill remoued. 1578.

[886] In hyghest authoritie about his grace. 1563.

Next to the prince and other to abase. 1578.

[887] I was the fyrst. 1571, 75, 78.

[888] Therefore he wrought strayght me to displace. 1563.

[889] For by. 1563.

[890] Would. 1563, 78.

[891] Subdue and haue them at his will. 1578.

[892] That geue. 1578.

[893] Loe, to a rebell what it is to geve place. 1563.

[894] So for the fishe when cast forth was the net. 1578.

[895] His plat. 1563.

[896] Common doltes to cause furiously to fret. 1563.

[897] He standing at. 1563.

[898] Graspe would the pray that he long dyd awayte. 1563.

[899] Practises. 1563.

[900] Which nought lesse meant then he. 1563. Who little ment, that which hee. 1578.

[901] Lurkinge. 1578.

[902] But wanting. 1563.

[903] Then dyd he attempt the people. 1563.

[904] In, wanting. 1563.

[905] The troublous storme yet. N.

[906] How speedily. N.

[907] Like a Judas. 1563.

[908] Thynkinge time. 1578.

[909] Any wanting. 1563.

[910]

S. Albane’s towne, where both our hoastes did meete,

To trye a fielde, was not an equall place,

For we were forst to fight within a streete,

With fewe agaynst many, sutch was the case. 1578.

[911] But thought no whit. 1563. But little thought of. 1578.

[912] More foole hee that. 1578.

[913] The stout earle. N.

[914] Clifford couragious could not. N.

[915] Couragious Clifford could not eschewe the dart. 1578.

[916] Stafford although stout, free went not from this marte. 1563.

[917] Ralph Babthorpe sewer to the king, and Ralph his sonne, the king’s attorney. Stowe.

[918] Was found very. 1563.

[919]

Babthorp th’attorney, with his skill in law,

In pleeding here appeared very raw. N.

So thus this poore kyng disarmed. 1563.

[920] So thus poore prince disarmed. 1578. King Henrie thus disarmed. N.

[921] Friends all slayne, wantinge good. 1578.

[922] His friends and followers wanting assistence. N.

[923] Depriued. N.

[924] When all in poste it was by acte decreed. 1563.

[925] The duke of Yorke should haue the regally. 1578.

[926] Then came the duke of Somerset, and all the other lordes with the kynge’s power, whiche fought a sore and a cruel battail, in the whiche, many a tall man lost hys lyfe: but the duke of Yorke sent euer freshe men, to succor the wery, and put new men in the places of the hurt persones, by whiche onely pollicie, the kynge’s army was profligat and dispersed, and all the cheeftaines of the fielde almoste slaine and brought to confusion. For there died vnder the signe of the castel, Edmond duke of Somerset, who long before was warned to eschew all castles, and besyde hym lay Henry the second erle of Northumberlande, Humfrey erle of Stafford, sonne to the duke of Buckyngham, Ihon lorde Clifford, &c. Hall.

[927] A liege to. 1563.

[928] Titles should slepe. 1563.

[929] Realme for theyr tryall to wepe. 1563.

[930] From the heyre female came Yorke and his lede. 1563.

[931] And wee Lancastrians. 1578.

[932] I was in fault, or some about the queen. 1563.

[933] Some, omitted. 1578.

[934]

Thou lookest, Baldwyn, I should myselfe accuse,

Of some subtyle dryft or other lyke thing. 1563.

[935]

To the duke’s foes overmuch adhering,

Though some men’s practise did me thereto bryng. 1563.

[936] Forgeve it me for sore I dyd repent. 1563. To my foes driftes, which I could not preuent. 1578.

[937] England had never felt. 1563.

[938] Second poynt. 1563.

[939] To any aduice agaynst. 1578.

[940] I and other mo abused. 1578.

[941] Therefore. N.

[942]

Forecast we lackt, which cannot be excused,

Of thinges to come, as soone. 1578.

[943] Cause of. 1578.

[944] Faultes I confesse, as no man liues without. 1578.

[945] I put thee, omitted. 1578.

[946] Thing to me is comfort. 1563.

[947] G. Ferrers. N.

[948] At S. Albane’s when he toke K. Henry prisoner, he was. 1578.

[949] Compare the remainder of this induction with the reading of the editions of 1559, 63, at p. 166, n. 2.

[950] An. Dom. 1460 added. 1571. Earl of Rutland, an infant, cruelly murdered, Anno 1460. 1578.

[951] Quoth. 1578.

[952] Trust not in chance, in whom. N.

[953] Of foolish men. N.

[954] O fooles most brute, that. 1578.

[955] How now? why dost thou, Baldwin, hide. 1578.

[956] See this poore boy, whom by the hand I lead. 1578.

[957] With bloud, and teares halinge his body staynd. 1578.

[958]

Rychard I am Plantagenet by name,

Whilom of Yorke the duke of worthy fame. 1573.

[959] Of duke Edmond, thirde. 1578.

[960] Engendred me of Anne, whose course. 1559, 63. This reading is restored to supply sense to the text. The subsequent editions have: Engendred mee, whereof the course.

[961] For when Edmond her brother dyed warde. 1578.

[962]

From Lionel, the third begotten sonne

Of kingly Edward, by descent I came

From Philip hight, his heire we first begun

The crowne as due to vs by right to clame:

And in the end we did obtaine the same,

She was sole heire.——N.

[963] Troublous. 1559. N. Troubles. 1563, 71. Troubles and daungers. 1578.

[964] And how by might, oft right. 1578.

[965] Duke Henry of Hereforde, called Bolenbrooke. 1578.

[966] Whan traytour like he. 1578.

[967] Kild him in prison, vsurped. 1578.

[968] The crowne by right came to Edmond Mortimer. 1578.

[969] And them of Lancaster. 1578.

[970] Houses. 1578.

[971]

And therefore thought good, to extirpe vs quight. 1578.

Against vs therefore he did all he might. N.

[972] To slay. N.

[973]

His cursed sonne ensued the father’s trade,

And kept my cosin guiltlesse in sure hold

For whom my father ful often did perswade,

With his allies and cousins, that they would

Their kinsman’s right mainteyn, and vphold,

And to depose by pollicy or power,

The heyre of him that was an vsurper. 1578.

[974] Whereof when Henry. 1578.

[975] Thys. 1559, 63, 71.

[976] Had heard, and knew of this conspiracye. 1578.

[977] Sayd that my father was the. 1578.

[978] French kyng hys ally. 1559, 63. French king Charles his alley. N.

[979]

And hyred by him to worke this trecherye,

For which at Hampton, as it came to passe,

His lyfe he lost, and there beheaded was. 1578.

[980] This. 1559.

[981] To, added. 1571.

[982]

Thus was the name of Mortimer extinct,

Whose right and title descended vnto me,

Being forst to lyue within a precinct,

For feare I would to other countries flee,

And so beeing at myne owne libertee,

Might haplye moue sedicion or strife,

For guilty hartes can leade no quiet lyfe. 1578.

[983] Whereby great frendes I had my part to take. 1578.

[984]

I by mariage,

Fowre fayre sonnes my yong wife to me bore,

Valiaunt. 1578.

[985] Brothers. 1578.

[986] As none of the kin had any time before. 1578.

[987] Were knights peerelesse. 1578.

[988]

—— Fortune’s frendly grace,

I first began to claime my lawful right,

And my chiefe foes with stoutnesse to deface. 1578.

[989] Al my hole force, I dayly did employ. 1578.

[990] The queene was wholy on hys syde. 1578.

[991] Stroke. 1559.

[992]

in Ireland I did byde,

Ful often driuen of force my head to hyde,

Yet through. 1578.

[993] This doutye duke most deare to king. 1578.

[994]

the queene her partie helde

Farre in the north, where ouermatcht with power,

My life I lost, in an vnlucky howre. 1578.

[995] Led, omitted. 1578.

[996] And, omitted. 1578.

[997] Got the. 1559, 78.

[998] Next I with kinsfolke. N.

[999]

I at the next was present in persone,

With my chiefe kin, whereas by one and one,

Our souldiers false withdrew away by night,

Vnto our foes and wee put all to flight. 1578.

[1000] Not. The text corrected by editions 1559 and 63. The others read: no.

[1001] Came I. 1559, 63.

[1002] My. 1559, 63. Make clayme. 1571. New claime to make. 1578.

[1003] In the kinge’s seate I boldly. 1578.

[1004] Clayming the place, whereat. 1578.

[1005] At last to my demaund agreed. 1578.

[1006] But sith Henry had raigned than so long. 1578.

[1007] And to thend to make my title strong. 1578.

[1008] My, misprint. 1571. Apparant heire of England they me. 1578. In each place heire apparant they me. N.

[1009]

I sped me straight northward, whereas she lay,

Meaning by force to cause her to obay. 1578.

[1010] Bosworth. 1559.

[1011]

She thereof warned, prepared a strong power,

And ere my men were altogether redye,

To Sandale came, where, in a dismal houre,

I like a beast, so rash was and so heddy

To trie fortune which alwaies is vnsteddy,

With thousands fiue of souldiers to assayle

The double number in campe to their auayle. 1578.

[1012] Th’infant. N.

[1013]

whyle my pore infant

Scarse twelue yere olde, sought way himselfe to saue,

That cruel Clifford, that fel bloudy tyrant,

While the pore chyld with tears did mercy craue,

With dagger sharp his hart a sunder claue. 1578.

[1014]

And set a crowne of paper theruppon,

Which for a sport he sent vnto the quene. 1578.

Which with a painted paper crowne thereon,

He for a present sent vnto the quene. N.

[1015] Might. 1559. To Yorke and set vp to be. 1578. To Yorke fast by, where that it might. N.

[1016]

In some such place as theuis and traitors bene,

This mocke I had of fortune for rewarde,

After long hope that she wold me regard. 1578.

[1017]

Wherfore, Baldwin, see that thou set her forth

With her slipper pranks so as they may be known,

And warne all princes wel. 1578.

[1018] Sede. 1578

[1019] The gaine no surer but as of dice throwen. 1578.

[1020] Far, omitted. 1578. N.

[1021] Wrestling. 1578. Striuing. N.

[1022] But God aboue that kingdomes set in frame. 1578.

[1023] Chance. 1578.

[1024] Warne lordes no wise to wade. 1578.

[1025] Cause, saue their countrie’s defence. 1578.

[1026] And foes. 1559, 63.

[1027] My long. 1578.

[1028]

best than to tary time,

Low by the ground, than ouer high to clyme. 1578.

[1029] This. 1559, 63.

[1030] Quoth I. 1559, 63.

[1031] The nine and twenty daye. 1571.

[1032] Passage in brackets, added. 1571.

[1033] Now, added. 1571.

[1034] He ratleth out this rhime. 1578.

[1035] Lorde Clifforde for his extreame crueltie, came to a cruel, straunge, and sodaine death. 1578.

[1036] Anno 1461, added. 1571.

[1037] His fault should hide. 1578.

[1038]

But sith pardon commeth by repentaunce,

Playnesse is best when truth is plainly tryde,

Open or hid, al faultes at length be spyed;

For couer fyer neuer so close within,

Yet out it will, and so will secret synne. 1578.

[1039] So brode. 1559, 63. Bruted and knowne abroade. 1578.

[1040] Cannot them reteyne. 1578.

[1041] Griefe, omitted. 1578.

[1042] Wherefore, Baldwin, write thou my. 1578.

[1043] Clifford I am that. 1578.

[1044] Craued. 1578.

[1045] My honour. 1559, 63, 71, 75. My fame, most. 1578.

[1046] Mercy. 1578.

[1047] I meane such wrath as works parental. 1578.

[1048] As these reuengers. 1578.

[1049] Know those people. 1578.

[1050] Which kyndle vs. 1578.

[1051] The father’s fault that wreake vpon. 1578.

[1052] To annoy. 1559, 63.

[1053] Friends for to destroy. N.

[1054] This caused me with bloudy. 1578.

[1055] A paper royal. 1559, 63, 71, 75.

[1056]

The father’s corps, dead lying on the ground,

The neck I cut asunder with my sword,

The bleding head I pight, by way of borde,

Vpon a speare, with a white paper crowne,

And in great scorne I sent it to Yorke towne. 1578.

[1057] Cruel deeds. 1578.

[1058] Of open shame, or of some bloudy death. 1578.

[1059] Blustring. 1578.

[1060] Heades. 1559, 63.

[1061]

For vengeance due doth sodaynly alight,

On cruel deedes the mischiefe to requite. 1578.

[1062] Fyght agaynst. 1559, 63. With this. N.

[1063]

Agaynst Edward, duke Richard’s eldest son,

My death I caught not far. 1578.

[1064] T’euent. N.

[1065]

To vent out heate traueiling in the sonne,

An headles arrowe percyd my throte boule,

Which parted straight my body from the soule. 1578.

[1066] His. 1578.

[1067] The lord Clifforde, either for heate or payne, putting of his gorget, sodainly with an arrowe (as some say) without an hedde, was striken into the throte, and incontinent rendered hys spirite, and the erle of Westmerland’s brother, and all his company almost were there slayn, at a place called Dintingdale, not far from Towton. This ende had he which slew the yong erle of Rutland, knelyng on his knees: whose yong sonne Thomas Clifforde was brought vp with a shepperd in poore habite, and dissimuled behauior, euer in feare to publishe his lignage or degre, till kyng Henry the vii. obtayned the croune and gat the diademe. Hall.

[1068] On the. 1559, 63.

[1069] To aske mercy at my last dying. 1578.

[1070] Wherefore, Baldwin, perswade the. 1578.

[1071] And. 1578.

[1072] To which they sayle through shame. 1559, 63, 71, 75.

[1073] To suffer endles payne. 1578.

[1074] Halleth. 1587. N.

[1075] Vnquyted left but had as. 1578.

[1076] Quod. 1559, 63.

[1077] Cruelty shewed to his young sonne by this mercilesse man, saue. 1578.

[1078] Destruction most part of the. 1578.

[1079] Richarde his. 1578.

[1080] Battaile at Towton in Yorkeshire, whereat besydes this Clifford, were slayne the earles. 1578.

[1081] Besydes mo then 3000 men, the. 1578.

[1082] Keepe the common course. 1578.

[1083] Caused the erles of Devonshire and Oxforde wyth dyuers other. 1559, 63.

[1084] Other of king Henrie’s parte, to. 1578.

[1085] He, omitted. 1578.

[1086] For thyther came those lordes with. 1578.

[1087] Which they lost, wherein most. 1578.

[1088] The army slayne. 1559. The slayne. 1563. Were slaine. 1578.

[1089] What may bee noted by his ende. 1578.

[1090] An. 1470, added. 1571.

[1091] Euer. 1559, 63. Nere was nor nere. N.

[1092] Stories alwayes be not true. 1578.

[1093] Added some with better grace. 1578.

[1094] This. 1578.

[1095] Or shew them so as they were in some dout. 1578.

[1096] The, omitted. N.

[1097] Wherfore, Baldwin, either speake thou vpryght. 1578.

[1098] Thou heardst of. N.

[1099] They’ill. N.

[1100] Ere. N.

[1101] The. 1571, 75, 78.

[1102] As guiltie lose my head. N.

[1103] Foemen. N.

[1104] The. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1105] To. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1106] Me also from office. 1578.

[1107] The earle of Warwicke, through mallice and grudge. 1578.

[1108] Sith. 1578.

[1109] Some greedy gulles did beare. 1578.

[1110] Murder, and mischiefe done. 1578.

[1111] To. 1578.

[1112] Swalowed. 1578.

[1113] This Typtofte’s. 1578.

[1114] Harry. 1559, 63.

[1115] Kidsdale, misprint. 1587.

[1116] The. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1117] The ded bodies of the erle and the marques were brought to London in a coffin, and before they should be buried, by the space of three dayes, they lay open visaged, in the cathedral church of S. Paule, to thintent that al men might euidently perceiue, that thei vnfainedly wer dedde least perauenture the common people hereafter, heryng of some dissmulyng person, to take on him the name of therle of Warwicke, thynkyng hym to be liuyng, might stirre a newe sedicion and excite an vnware rebellion. The common people saied that the kyng was not so iocound nor so ioyous, for the destruccion of therle, but he was more sorowful and dolorous for the death of the marques, whom bothe he knewe and it appered to other, to be inwardly his faithfull frend: for whose onely sake he caused bothe their bodies to be with their auncesters, solempnly entered at the priory of Bissam. Hall.

[1118] Date added. 1571.

[1119] So I. 1559, 63.

[1120] Had held. N.

[1121] In hold. N.

[1122] Matched. 1559, 63.

[1123] Allyed me. 1559, 63.

[1124] Power we dyd from. 1559, 63.

[1125] He to go to. 1559, 63.

[1126] The earle. 1559, 63, 71.

[1127] In the edition of 1563 the text is “lo towle,” which in the “Faultes escaped in the printing,” is corrected as above “to fowle.” In those of 1571, 75, 78, 87, and Niccols, the text is “lo foule.”

[1128] The earle. 1559, 63, 71.

[1129] Both at length wer slayne. 1559, 63.

[1130] Harten. 1559, 63.

[1131] Nere. N.

[1132] But we ere lucke. N.

[1133] With force and number were. N.

[1134] Ere. M.

[1135] Souerayne. 1578.

[1136] Glory I was not bent. 1559, 63. Or good was I nere bent. N.

[1137] Passed. 1559, 63.

[1138] Olde. 1559, 63.

[1139] Duely. 1559, 63.

[1140] Paimentes wer. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1141] And holpe vp Henry the better. 1559, 63. Vp Henry better. 1571, 75, 78. And holpe king Henrie better. N.

[1142] Weale. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1143] Without signature, and therefore given to Baldwin.

[1144] Quod. 1559, 63.

[1145] In the fight. 1559, 63.

[1146] Cruelly. 1571, 75, 78.

[1147] Date added 1571.

[1148] Lycketh. 1559, 63.

[1149] May, omitted. 1578.

[1150] Soust. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1151] Doust. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1152] Unopprest. 1559.

[1153] Or. 1559.

[1154] To the. 1559, 63.

[1155] My. 1559.

[1156] Theyr. 1559, 63.

[1157] Time. 1559, 63.

[1158] Fro. 1571, 75, 78, 87.

[1159] She. 1559, 63.

[1160] In edition 1563 among the faults escaped in the printing “for” is corrected to “from;” in all the subsequent editions the erroneous text is followed.

[1161] Without signature, and attributed to Baldwin.

[1162] Date added. 1571.

[1163] Baldwin, with teares I. 1578. Baldwin I do thee. N.

[1164] Though vnneth. 1559, 63, 78.

[1165] Maketh. 1559, 63.

[1166] Not whych I drank of. 1559, 63. Not that I. N.

[1167] Not which I drancke, but wherein I was dround. 1578. I was drown’d. N.

[1168] Was creature. 1559, 63. Man was. N.

[1169] Misprinted “preferred,” and corrected among the faults escaped in edition 1563, but the erroneous text is continued in the other editions.

[1170] Second childe. 1578.

[1171] Vncle. 1559, 63.

[1172] Begot faire Philip hight, whom. N.

[1173] Vnfylde. 1563.

[1174] The second Iohn who lost in youth hys lyfe. 1559, 63.

[1175] Was Glocester’s duke, N.

[1176] Did, added. 1571.

[1177] Edward the quarell styrd agayne. 1578.

[1178] Wan. 1578.

[1179]

That litle passinge on them that brought him in,

Forgat his frendes, and set at naught his kin. 1578.

[1180] His dealinge ingrate. 1578.

[1181]

From prison to enlarge Henry, the sely kinge,

Him to restore to kingdome. 1578.

[1182] To his ill practise the sooner to encline. 1578.

[1183]

Because the king to me was so vnkinde,

No canker sure, soft flesh doth fret so sore. 1578.

[1184] Wickedness. 1559.

[1185] By. 1559, 63.

[1186] Ere. N.

[1187] My sire. N.

[1188] We, omitted. 1571, 78.

[1189] To. 1559, 63.

[1190] Not for the cares which thereto bene annext. 1578.

[1191] That. 1578.

[1192] Raging. 1578, 87.

[1193] Haue, misprint. 1563, 71.

[1194] That some. N.

[1195] Giue. N.

[1196] On. 1571, 78.

[1197] Prophecies. 1559, 63.

[1198] Beleeu’d to losse. N.

[1199] To. 1559.

[1200] And she being dead I. N.

[1201] Of, wanting. 1563.

[1202] That then my. N.

[1203] To wed. N.

[1204] Hys hayer. 1559, 63. N.

[1205] Might. 1559. N.

[1206] Bereue my lyfe by any. 1578.

[1207] Nay butcher I may rightly say. 1578.

[1208] Tower, commaundinge all away. 1578.

[1209] In the xvii yere of king Edward, there fel a sparcle of priuy malice betwen the king and his brother the duke of Clarence: whether it rose of old grudges before tyme passed, or were it newly kyndled and set a fyre by the quene or her bloud, which were euer mistrustyng and priuely barkyng at the kynge’s lignage, or were he desirous to reigne after his brother: to men that haue thereof made inquisicion, of suche as were of no small authoritie in those daies, the certayntie therof was hyd, and coulde not truely be disclosed, but by coniectures, which as often deceyue the imaginacions of fantastical folke, as declare truthe to them in their conclusion. The fame was that the kyng or the quene, or bothe, sore troubled with a folysh prophesye, and by reason therof began to stomacke and greuously to grudge against the duke. The effect of which was, after kyng Edward should reigne, one whose firste letter of his name should be a G. and because the deuel is wont with suche wytchcraftes, to wrappe and illaqueat the myndes of men, which delyte in such deuelyshe fantasyes, they sayd afterward that that prophesie lost not his effect, when after king Edward, Glocester vsurped hys kyngdome. Other allege this to be the cause of his death: that of late, the olde rancor betwene them beyng newly reuiued (the which betwene no creatures can be more vehement then betwene bretheren, especially when it is fermely radicate) the duke beyng destitute of a wife, by the meanes of lady Margaret duches of Burgoyn, hys syster, procured to haue the lady Marye, doughter and heyre to duke Charles her husbande, to bee geuen to hym in matrimony: whiche mariage kyng Edward (enuyenge the felicitie of hys brother) bothe agayne sayed and disturbed. Thys priuy displeasure was onely appeased, but not inwardly forgotten, nor outwardly forgeuen, for that notwythstandyng a seruaunt of the duke’s was sodainly accused (I can not saie of truth, or vntruely suspected by the duke’s enemies) of poysonyng, sorcery, or inchaunmente, and thereof condempned, and put to take the paynes of death. The duke, whiche might not suffer the wrongfull condemnacion of hys man (as he in hys conscience adiudged) nor yet forbere, nor paciently suffer the vniust handelyng of hys trusty seruaunt, dayly dyd oppugne and wyth yll woordes murmur at the doyng thereof. The kyng muche greued and troubled with hys brother’s dayly querimonye, and contynuall exclamacion, caused hym to be apprehended, and cast into the Towre, where he beyng taken and adjudged for a traytor, was priuely drowned in a but of Malmesey. Hall.

[1210] All, omitted. 1578.

[1211] T’eschue. N.

[1212] Like blasts of winde which. 1578.

[1213] Without signature, by W. Baldwin.

[1214] Be now come. 1578.

[1215] Fowerth hys raygne. 1559, 63.

[1216] And some other day when your leasure will beste serue, let us mete here altogether. 1578.

[1217] Quod. 1559, 63.

[1218] In his name, the true copy wherof, as hee wrote the same, I haue here readye to be red. 1578.

[1219] The fourth, added. 1571.

[1220] xxiij. 1559, 63.

[1221] And yeres xxii bare scepter ryall. 1578.

[1222] Et ecce. 1578.

[1223] God in the world vniuersall. 1578.

[1224] But a. 1559, 63.

[1225] Great felicity. 1578.

[1226] With me had. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[1227] As, restored from the correction of the press, ed. 1563.

[1228] Nought els. 1578.

[1229] Ye. 1578.

[1230] Whan this was said, euery man tooke hys leave of other, and departed: and I the better to acquyte my charge, recorded and noted all such matters as they had willed me.

Such is the conclusion of the edition of 1559 which is noted in that of 1563 by there immediately following:

Thus endeth the first parte.

The new legends, in the edition of 1563, form a second part, whereto is prefixed the following induction, which is abridged in the edition of 1571, according to the text of the next page.

The seconde parte of the Mirrour for Magistrates. William Baldwyn to the reader. The tyme beynge cum, whan (according to our former appoyntment) we should meete together agayne to deuyse vpon the tragicall affayres of our English rulers, I with suche storyes as I had procured and prepared, went to the place wherein we had debated the former parte. There founde I the prynter, and all the rest of our frendes and furderers assembled and tarying for vs, save maister Ferrers, who shortly after according to hys promys came thyther. Whan we had blamed hym for hys long tarying, he satisfied vs fully with this reasonable excuse. “I haue been letted,” quoth he, “dyuers wayes, but chyeflye in taryeng for suche tragedyes, as many of our frendes at myne instauns vndertoke to discours, wherof I am sure you wyll be right glad: for moe wits are better then one, and diuersity of deuice is alway most plesante. And although I have presentlye brought but a fewe, becaus no moe are redye, yet shall you be sure hereafter to have all the rest, which notable men haue vndertaken: wherof sum are half doen, sum more, sum less, sum scarce begun, which maketh me thynke that the dyuersytye of braynes in divisyng, is lyke the sundrynes of beastes in engendryng: for sum wyttes are readye, and dispatch many matters spedilye, lyke the conye which lyttereth every moneth: sum other are slowe lyke the olyfaunt, skarce delyueryng any matter in x yeares. I disprayse neyther of these byrthes, for both be naturall: but I commende most the meane, whiche is neyther to slowe nor to swyft, for that is lion-lyke, and therfore most noble. For the ryght poet doth neyther through haste bring furth swift feble rabettes, neither doth he weary men in lookyng for hys strong ioyntles olyphantes: but in reasonable tyme he bryngeth furth a perfect and liuely lion, not a bear whelp that must be longar in lyckyng than in breedynge. And yet I knowe manye that dooe hyghly lyke that lumpysh deliuery. But every man hath hys gyft, and the diversitie of our mindes maketh every thing to be liked. And therfore while the oliphantes are in bredyng (to whom I haue therfore geuen the latter storyes) I haue brought you such as are allready doen, to be publyshed in the mean season, wherin there nedeth no furder labour, but to place them in due order. Loe you, Baldwyne, here is of myne owne the duke of Somerset slain at S. Albons with other which I promysed, whom I wysh you shoulde place last: there is also Shore’s wyfe, trimly handled by master Churchyard, which I pray you place where you thynk most conuenient. Here are other also of other mens, but they are rabettes. Do with them as you thynk best. I would tary with a good wyll and helpe you in the order, save that my busines is great and weighty, but I know you can do it wel inough, and therfore, tyl we meet agayne I will leaue you.” Than deliuered he the tragedyes vnto me, and departed. Dyuers of the rest lykyng hys deuyse, vsed the lyke maner: for the prynter delyvered vnto me the lord Hastynges penned by maister Dolman, and kyng Rychard the third, compiled by Frauncis Segars. “Then,” sayd I “wel my masters sith you thinke yt good to charge me with the order, I am contented therwith: for as you haue doen, so have I lykewyse procured sum of my frendes to ayd vs in our labour, for master Sackvyle hath aptly ordered the duke of Buckkyngham’s oracion, and master Cavyl the black smythe’s, and other.” “I pray you,” quoth one of the cumpany, “let vs heare them.” “Nay soft,” quoth I, “we wyl take the cronycles, and note theyr places, and as they cum so will we orderly reade them al.” To thys they all agreed. Then one tooke the cronicle whom therfore we made, and call the reder, and he began to rede the story of prince Edward called the fift king of that name: and whan he came to the apprehending of the lord Riuers: “Stay ther, I pray you,” quoth I, “for here is hys complaynt: for the better vnderstanding wherof you must ymagin that he was accompanyed with the lord Richard Graye, and with Hault and Clappam, whose infortunes he bewayleth after this manner.”

[1231] The. 1578.

[1232] Anno 1483, added. 1571.

[1233] Cause. 1578.

[1234] That one Baldwin by help of. 1578.

[1235] Fallen. 1563, 71.

[1236] We stert. 1578.

[1237] Preaced forth among the ruful. 1578.

[1238] Attended. 1563.

[1239] Moved. 1578.

[1240] That. 1563.

[1241] This stanza omitted. N.

[1242] Theyr, restored from 1563. The others read: my.

[1243] The. N.

[1244] Wise and welthy. 1578.

[1245] Th’abuse. N.

[1246] For, omitted in the text, 1563, but corrected by the faults escaped. The erroneous text followed. 1571, 75, 78.

[1247] The. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1248] The. N.

[1249] Enmies. 1578.

[1250] Espoused Bedford duchesse. N.

[1251] He ’spous’d. N.

[1252] So great. N.

[1253] Bene. 1578.

[1254] In. 1578.

[1255] In myne eye very. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1256] Sire. N.

[1257] In. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1258] The. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1259] The. 1563, 71.

[1260] Haue. 1578.

[1261] Foaded. 1563.

[1262] Nor. 1563.

[1263] Kiddesdale. 1587. N. The Northamptonshire men with diuers of the northe-men by them procured, in this fury made them a capitayne, and called hym Robyn of Riddisdale. Hall. Robert Hilliard who named himselfe Robin of Ridsdale. Stowe.

[1264] My. 1578.

[1265] Nor. N.

[1266] Awaked. 1578.

[1267] An. 1563.

[1268] For, omitted. N.

[1269] That or we must with other’s bloud. N.

[1270] Clowne. N.

[1271] Naturall. 1563. Owne. N.

[1272] To. misprint. 1563.

[1273] Of spryte. 1563. N.

[1274] Was. 1578.

[1275] Defende. 1563, 71.

[1276] Among the faults corrected in ed. 1563 ‘frendes’ is altered to ‘fyendes.’ In this instance it is, perhaps, best to continue the uncorrected text of the subsequent editions.

[1277] In faults corrected altered from ‘our’ to ‘your,’ ed. 1563. False reading preserved, 1571, 75, 78, 87, and N.

[1278] The exces. 1563, 71.

[1279] Cry, ah. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1280] Proudest. 1563.

[1281] Loudest. 1563.

[1282] The. 1571.

[1283] Eyther prooue. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1284] Never. 1563, 71, 76, 78.

[1285] They have. 1563, 71.

[1286] I blest me, rose. N.

[1287] Them, corrected by ed. 1563, 75, 78. Him, 1571, 87. N.

[1288] Theyr, omitted. N.

[1289] To agree. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1290] Where after we had a while in 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1291] At dynner, the duke of Glocester sent a dyshe from his owne table to the lord Ryuers, praiyng him to bee of good chere, and all shoulde be well: he thanked him and prayed the messenger to beare it to his nephiewe the lorde Richard with like wordes whom he knewe to haue nede of comfort, as one to whom suche aduersite was straunge, but he hymselfe had bene all his daies ennured therwith, and therefore could beare it the better. But for al this message the duke of Gloucester sent the lorde Ryuers, the lord Richard, and sir Thomas Vaughan, and sir Richarde Hawte, into the north parties into diuerse prisones, but at last, al came to Pomfret where they all foure were beheaded without iudgement. Hall.

[1292] Without signature: supposed by W. Baldwin.

[1293] Had. 1563.

[1294] Words added. 1571.

[1295] The 13 of June, Anno 1483. added. 1571.

[1296] Loanes. 1563, 87. Loyns 1571.

[1297]

I am that Hastings, whose to hasty death

They blame that know wherefore I lost my breath,

Wyth others fearinge least my headlesse name

Bee wrongde, by partiall bruite of flatteringe fame:

Hearinge, O Baldwin, that thou mean’st to penne,

The lyues, and fals of English noblemen,

Myselfe here present, do present to thee,

My life, my fal, and forced destenye. 1575, 78. N.

[1298] Drown’d. 1575, 78. N.

[1299] Take this for. 1575, 78. N.

[1300] Distracteth. 1563, 71.

[1301] Infecteth. 1563, 71.

[1302] Dowteth. 1563.

[1303] Tyckle, from correction of faults escaped. 1563. Title. 1571.

[1304] Stanzas 3, 4, and 5, omitted 1575, 78, and by Niccols.

[1305] The heauens hye and earthly vale belowe. 1575, 78. N.

[1306] So to me. 1575, 78. N.

[1307] Make. N.

[1308] Wholye. 1563.

[1309] Rayseth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1310]

See here the difference of a noble minde,

Some vertue raiseth, some by vice haue climde. N.

[1311] Within themselues their. 1578. N.

[1312] Endeth hit. 1563, 71, 75.

[1313] Or how may that, that hath no end, be vndone? 1575, 78. N.

[1314] Thother. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1315] Flatterie, so soone they rue. N.

[1316] Fro. N.

[1317] Discended. 1563. Which once stept downe. 1578. N.

[1318] Rayseth. 1575, 78.

[1319] To excuse. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1320] Helpe. N.

[1321] As death in later. N.

[1322] Shineth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1323] Or. 1578. N.

[1324] Pleasing. 1575, 78. N.

[1325] That. 1575, 78. N.

[1326] These faults except, if so my life thou skan. 1575, 78. N.

[1327] So kind to all and so. N.

[1328] Rule. 1575, 78. N.

[1329] Chaunging. 1575, 78. N.

[1330] Admir’d through Christendome. N.

[1331] My prince’s brother did him then forgo. 1575, 78. N.

[1332] Lynked. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1333] Nor. 1575. 78. N.

[1334] Beare any other. N.

[1335] Awayt. 1563, 71, 75, 78. W’await. N.

[1336] Further. N.

[1337] And vse best meanes Edward in to bring. N.

[1338] Tide, to bar. N.

[1339] Sayles, misprint. 1587.

[1340] Surginge. 1575, 78. N.

[1341] Erst mought. 1563. Erst might. 1571. Late might. 1575, 78. N.

[1342] Then ghastly Greekes erst brought to. 1575, 78. N.

[1343] Maye. 1563, 75, 78. N. Might. 1571.

[1344] Might. N.

[1345] Myght. 1578. N.

[1346] That. 1575, 78.

[1347] Heauye. 1575, 78. N.

[1348] A fleete. N.

[1349] Flyeth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1350] Breakes. N.

[1351] Syngeth, is the text of 1563, and corrected to ‘swimmeth,’ as a fault escaped. It stands singeth, 1571, 87. Swyndgthe, 1575, 78. Swindg’th. N.

[1352] Heauy. 1575, 78. N.

[1353] Swyne, text of 1563, corrected in faults escaped as above. The false reading repeated in all the five subsequent editions.

[1354] Hare. 1575, 78. N.

[1355] Pursueth, before she flerteth. 1563, 71, 75, 78. Flert. N.

[1356] Pricketh. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1357] Afore. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1358] Stayeth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1359] Agaynst. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1360] Reserued. 1563, 71, 75. Reserues. N.

[1361] Welcom’d by. N.

[1362] Suffyseth. 1563, 71, 75, 78. Sufficeth say. N.

[1363] My prince’s foe. 1575, 78. N.

[1364] Spyced. 1563. Staind. 1575, 78. N.

[1365] Bloudy for warre. 1578. N.

[1366] Liue. N.

[1367] Arms. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1368] Glocester, Clarence, I and Dorset slewe. N.

[1369] His bones, shall broile for bloud which he hath spilt. N.

[1370] Deadly. N.

[1371] Attaynteth 1563, 71, 75, 78. Attaint’th. N.

[1372] Wicked. N.

[1373] As. 1575, 78. N.

[1374] All men. 1575, 78. Of men. N.

[1375] Whoe fyrst dyd such. 1563.

[1376] As they merite well who do men’s liues preserue. 1575, 78. N.

[1377] If those therefore, 1575, 78. N.

[1378] Is he. 1575, 78. N.

[1379] Old is the practise of such bloudy strife. 1575, 78. N.

[1380] Abhorreth. 1575, 78. N.

[1381] Loue. 1575, 78. N.

[1382] ‘To cloake thy covert,’ 1563.

[1383] Difeldasd. 1563, 71.

[1384] My, wanting. 1563, 75, 78. N.

[1385] Troubled. 1575, 78. N.

[1386] Wanteth. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1387] Royall. 1575, 78. N.

[1388] Enfants. 1575, 78.

[1389] Insaciate. 1575, 78. N.

[1390]

Onely because our prince displeasde we sawe

With him, we slue him straight before all lawe. 1575, 78. N.

[1391] The 37th stanza first inserted in ed. 1575, and only repeated in 1578, and Niccols.

[1392] Before. 1575, 78. N.

[1393] The. 1563, 75, 78. N.

[1394] Soareth. 1563, 75, 78. N.

[1395] To thothers. 1575, 78. N.

[1396] Mine onely trust. 1575, 78. N.

[1397] Loued. 1571, 75.

[1398] The, misprint. 1587.

[1399] Least. 1571.

[1400] So. 1571.

[1401] Soone, not yet to soone mistrust. 1575, 78. N.

[1402] Twyneth betwyxt, and steareth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1403] Loveth. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1404]

In frendship soueraigne it is as mithridate

Thy frend to loue as one whome thou mayst hate. 1575, 78. N.

[1405] The infamous. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1406] Light. 1575, 78. N.

[1407] Hap me without his. 1575, 78. N.

[1408] Tickle. 1575, 78. N.

[1409] The. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1410] When as by no meanes frendship. 1575, 78. N.

[1411] Force behold they me assailde. 1575, 78. N.

[1412] No place is. 1575, 78.

[1413] My bloud must repay. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1414] Parted. 1563, 75, 78. N.

[1415] Or better mynded. 1575, 78. N.

[1416] The message and other incidents, in the remainder of this legend, are closely versified from Hall’s Chronicle, but too long to be given here. Compare with reign of Edward the Fift.

[1417] Cannot matche. 1575, 78.

[1418] Construe. N.

[1419] Thinke appall’d. 1575, 78. Might thinke appall’d. N.

[1420] Pledeth. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1421] Seruyce. 1563.

[1422] Might. N.

[1423] Fayned 1575, 78. N.

[1424] He. 1563.

[1425] Meanes. 1575, 78. N.

[1426] God didst suffer so. 1575, 78. N.

[1427] Heady. 1563.

[1428] For that they are neare to. 1575, 78. N.

[1429] Hyghest. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1430] Laughed. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1431] The excesse. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1432] Hane. 1587.

[1433] Foule, misprint. 1587.

[1434]

Had not the Troyans hares foolishe forthright eyen?

But since the time was come that I should dye. 1575, 78. N.

[1435] Was. 1575, 78. N.

[1436] Nay. N.

[1437] Within the which I. 1575, 78.

[1438] Thy. 1587.

[1439] ‘Now,’ restored from list of faults escaped in ed. 1563. It is omitted in every edition.

[1440] Tending 1571, 87.

[1441] Doe neuer care. 1575, 78. N.

[1442] The passage from the line beginning “That twinckling sterres,” to the one ending “at the poorest gates,” (l. 4, st. 92, p. 305,) which commences fo. Cx and concludes page b, of fo. Cxiii, forming sheet O in the edition of 1563, was, by some error, omitted in the editions of 1571 and 1587. Perhaps the edition of 1571 was printed from a copy of the preceding one, wanting that sheet, and that of 1587 taken from the reprint, without the deficiency being discovered. The above text, for the lines restored, is from the edition of 1578.

[1443] Taxe. 1563.

[1444] It, misprint. 1578. N.

[1445] But euen last fyne. 1563.

[1446] He. N.

[1447] Stately. N.

[1448] Might. N.

[1449] For he. 1563.

[1450] Ye. 1563.

[1451] That thus maddeth his. 1563.

[1452] Is, misprint. 1578.

[1453] Furrwed, misprint. 1578.

[1454] What earned they, whoe me. 1563.

[1455] Might. N.

[1456] Iohn Baptists’ dishe. 1563.

[1457] His. 1563.

[1458] Downe tottreth whoe. 1563.

[1459] Of. 1563.

[1460] No. 1563.

[1461] Thyne. 1563.

[1462] From dunghill couche vpsterte. 1563.

[1463] Resollve. 1563.

[1464] Hit dissolueth. 1563.

[1465] And. 1563.

[1466] Fleeteth. 1563, 75.

[1467] Wynd doth. 1563.

[1468] Then fed they fame by. 1563.

[1469] Nought. 1575, 78.

[1470] Spare his quyted fame. 1563.

[1471] Might. N.

[1472] End of the passage omitted. See note, p. 296.

[1473] By this sloape. 1575, 78. N.

[1474] Whose hasty death, if it doe any. 1575, 78. N.

[1475] Her, misprint. 1587.

[1476] The aged. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1477] Godly. 1575, 78. N.

[1478] To engraue. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1479]

Who spareth not speaking, with danger of his bloud:

Yet, loe, this noble lord did thinke it good

To cleare the innocent, not to spare to speake,

Although his shoulders with his bloud should reake. 1575, 78. N.

[1480] Who. 1563, 71, 75, 78. N.

[1481] Seruice honour to. 1575, 78. N.

[1482] Tracke. 1575, 78. N.

[1483] Iohn Dolman. Ritson, in the Bibliographia Poetica, art. Dolman, has mentioned a manuscript note upon this legend describing it as “evidently the worst in the collection.” That note is written in a copy of the edition by Niccols, now in the possession of Mr. Heber, and being so quoted has given it more importance than it is worth; but, for the sake of juxta position, the whole is now given. “The stile of this legend, which is evidently the worst in the collection, and in this edition much alter’d from the three former publications of it, convinced me the author of it was not Drayton. By the second edition of these poems, printed A. 1563, this poem appears to have been penned by Maister Dolman.” Whatever credit may be given to this writer as a critic, his statement is too erroneous to be of any value, as the principal alterations made by Dolman are inserted in the edition of 1575, and the above signature is not to be found in that of 1563, but first appears in 1571.

[1484] Q. 1563.

[1485] Purposed with him selfe to. 1563.

[1486] This celebrated poem was reprinted in Mrs. Cooper’s Muse’s Library, 1738, from the edition of 1610. By Capell in the Prolusions, 1760. from those of 1563 and 71, with the text modernized. And also by Warton in the History of English Poetry, 1781, Vol. III. from the edition of 1610, who adopted most of the emendations of Capell. Also, in Anderson’s Poets, Vol. I. 1793; from the first edition.

[1487] In two copies of the edition of 1563 is the following variation. In the title one has “The Induction:” the other “Mayster Sackuille’s Induction.”

[1488] Hastning. N.

[1489] This line was also altered in the first edition while at press, as in one copy the reading is,

“The tapets torne and euery tree downe blowen:”

and is uniformly repeated in the subsequent editions, which also adopt the running title of “Mayster Sackuille’s Induction,” following the copy where the alteration to “tree” appears, though the head title conforms to the other copy. It therefore remains uncertain which was intended as the correction. “Bloom” is the reading preferred by Capell and Warton, and the context appears to confirm the adoption. In a preceding line the blustering blasts of winter are said to have bared the trees, and the poet goes on to describe that the cold had pierced the green, had rent and overthrown the mantles of the groves, had torn the tapets, or tapistry, and blown down every bloom. In this picture there is not any thing extravagant, or beyond the usual effects of winter, whereas were every tree down blown, it would amount to a hurricane, and not to the common decay of nature despoiling the earth of the flowers wherewith it was clad by summer, and as described by the poet in the following stanza. J. H.

I would prefer “tree” notwithstanding. Bloom applies to spring, not autumn. E. B.

[1490] Walk. Capell.

[1491] The remainder of this stanza and the next omitted by Capell. In Warton the omission includes also the three following stanzas.

[1492] Night’s black chare. N. Nightys chair. Capell.

[1493] Leafe. Cooper.

[1494] Beams. Warton.

[1495] Bright starres. N. Nightys stars. Capell.

[1496] Omitted by Warton.

[1497] This. 1563. Capell.

[1498] Furth from her iyen. 1563. Capell, Warton.

[1499] ‘And,’ restored from ed. 1563. So Capell.

[1500] Swollen her eyes. Capell.

[1501] Aparte 1563.

[1502] Betime. 1563. Capell, Warton.

[1503] The infernall. 1563, 71. Capell.

[1504] Lethe’s. Capell, Warton.

[1505] Thing. Capell.

[1506] The next eight stanzas omitted by Warton.

[1507] Calstell. 1571, 87.

[1508] Gathered spirites. 1563.

[1509] T’auale. N.

[1510] Spirits. 1563, 71.

[1511] ‘Stike’ is altered to ‘syke’ in the list of faults escaped 1563, a correction now first adopted.

[1512] Iyen. 1563. Eyen. Capell.

[1513] Shewe. 1563.

[1514] Fortune. 1563, 71. Capell.

[1515] Silly. 1563.

[1516] Capell suggests reading ‘be bold.’

[1517] World’s certainty. 1571, 75, 78.

[1518] Paced. 1563.

[1519] Imbraced. 1563.

[1520] Traced. 1563.

[1521] Trauayle end. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1522] Arose. 1563.

[1523] And. 1571, 87. N.

[1524] A dreadfull lothly. N.

[1525] The ayer. 1563. I’the air. Capell.

[1526] Pestilent. 1563. Pestlent. 1571, 75, 78, 87. Noysome. N. Noysom vapours. Warton.

[1527] Jer. 1578.

[1528] Tost. Capell.

[1529] The, omitted. 1571, 75, 78, 87. N.

[1530] Shoulders. 1563.

[1531] Full dayntlye would he fare. 1563. Capell.

[1532] But. Capell. Warton.

[1533] The, omitted. N.

[1534] That chance. Warton. Capell.

[1535] Esteemed. Warton. Capell.

[1536] Broken. 1563. Capell. Warton.

[1537] But, an’ the. Warton. Capell.

[1538] His, omitted. N. Her. Capell.

[1539] Neuer. 1563, 71.

[1540] Sometimes. Warton.

[1541] Bread. Warton.

[1542] O. Capell. Warton.

[1543] Ne. 1571, 75, 78.

[1544] Shrinkt. N.

[1545] Glittering. 1571.

[1546] Look’d. Capell. Warton.

[1547] Kings. 1563.

[1548] His kings, his princes, peers. Capell. Warton.

[1549] Stanzas 59, 60, and 61, omitted by Capell and Warton.

[1550] Trebery, corrected to Treby, in faults escaped, ed. 1563. The error uniformly continued in every subsequent edition.

[1551] Thebes too I saw. Capell. Warton.

[1552] God. 1571, 87. N.

[1553] ‘Perfore,’ ed. 1563. The others have ‘perforce.’ A similar line in the legend of Lord Hastings, see stanza 27, l. 2, p. 284.

[1554] O Troy, Troy, Troy; amended by Capell and repeated by Warton.

[1555] ‘Vpspring,’ corrected by ed. 1563. So Capell and Warton. All the others read vprising.

[1556] Greek. Capell.

[1557] Liuelike. 1563.

[1558] My. 1571, 75, 78.

[1559] Boote. 1571, 75, 78.

[1560] The vnwonted. 1563, 71. Capell.

[1561] The ayer. 1563, 71. Capell.

[1562] Whils. 1571, 75, 78. Whiles. Capell.

[1563] Passed by. 1563, 71.

[1564] Instead of the 74th stanza the four following are substituted by Niccols, who has so closely imitated his author that Warton has given the first two stanzas as genuine.

Thence did we passe the three-fold emperie,

To th’ vtmost bounds, where Radamanthus raignes,

Where proud folke waile there woefull miserie,

Where dreadfull din of thousand dragging chaines,

And balefull shriekes of ghosts in deadly paines

Tortur’d eternally are heard most brim

Through silent shades of night so darke and dim.

From hence vpon our way we forward passe,

And through the groues and vncoth paths we goe,

Which leade vnto the Cyclops walles of brasse:

And where that maine-broad flood for aye doth floe,

Which parts the gladsome fields from place of woe,

Whence none shall euer passe t’Elizium plaine,

Or from Elizium euer turne againe.

With Sorrow for my guide, as there I stood,

A troope of men the most in armes bedight,

In tumult clustred ’bout both sides the flood;

’Mongst whom, who were ordaind t’eternall night,

Or who to blissefull peace and sweet delight

I wot not well, it seem’d that they were all

Such as by death’s vntimely stroke did fall.

Some headlesse were, some body, face and hands,

With shamefull wounds despoil’d in euery part.

Some strangled, some that dide in captiue bands,

Some smothred, drown’d, some stricken through the hart

With fatall steele, all drown’d in deadly smart:

Of hastned death, with shrikes, sobs, sighs and teares,

Did tell the woes of their forepassed yeares.

[1565] Pewed. 1571, 75, 78.

[1566] O. Capell.

[1567] Warton has given this stanza, in a note, as from the edition of 1559, but the Induction was first printed 1563.

[1568] Omitted by Warton.

[1569] The last four lines not in Warton.

[1570] Forlorne. Warton.

[1571] Layne. Warton.

[1572] In. 1563.

[1573] Warily. N.

[1574] Swaye. 1563.

[1575] And gayn. 1563.

[1576] The vnsuerty. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1577] Season. 1578.

[1578] That he him nere in. N.

[1579] Than. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1580] Liued. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1581] Wistand. N.

[1582] Matchlesse. N.

[1583] ‘O,’ added. 1587. N.

[1584] Crieth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1585] Murderers. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1586] Traytours. 1571, 75, 78. N.

[1587] Auenge. N.

[1588] Suffereth. 1578. N.

[1589] The examples. 1563.

[1590] Murdered. 1578.

[1591] On. 1563.

[1592] Longer. N.

[1593] Folly. 1587. N.

[1594] Pressed. 1563.

[1595] Murders. N.

[1596] Gleluis. 1578.

[1597] Deepely graue. 1578.

[1598] Startlesse. 1571, 75, 78.

[1599] Grieved. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1600] Furth brought. 1563.

[1601] ‘Strayned’ is the reading of 1563. All the other editions have stayned.

[1602] By. 1563.

[1603] T’encrease. N.

[1604] Searcheth. 1563, 71 75, 78.

[1605] Foreyrked. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1606] Loth’d. N.

[1607] Agriefde. 1575, 78. Agrieud. N.

[1608] Sauag’d. N.

[1609] Never. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1610] So foule. N.

[1611] Nay. N.

[1612] Wealaway. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1613] Nay. N.

[1614] Could tourne. 1563.

[1615] Nay. N.

[1616] Hard to. 1563.

[1617] Cursed case. 1763.

[1618] Sillye. 1563. N.

[1619] That. 1563.

[1620] Basely. N.

[1621] Count’st. N.

[1622] Inconstancye. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1623] The vnstable. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1624] Recur’d. N.

[1625] Ben. N.

[1626] Livedst. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1627] They, misprint. 1587.

[1628] Might. N.

[1629] Heauens. N.

[1630] Mate. 1575, 78. N.

[1631] Whych. 1563.

[1632] Loved. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1633] And every. 1563.

[1634] Sown’d. N.

[1635] Lyeth. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1636] Rufull. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1637] Was his. 1578.

[1638] Spirites. 1563.

[1639] Thy. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1640] Gevest. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1641] Trone despyse. 1563.

[1642] That. 1563.

[1643] The vnhappy. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1644] ‘Place,’ reading of 1563. Day. 1571, 75, 78, 87. N.

[1645] Vouchsafe. N.

[1646] Shalt thou not. 1563.

[1647] The eternall. 1563, 71 75, 78.

[1648] May. 1563.

[1649] And. 1563.

[1650] Halfe, wanting. 1563.

[1651] Thy. 1563.

[1652] ‘Hugie,’ the reading of 1563. Huge. 71, 75, 78, 87. Dolefull. N.

[1653] Thy daughter strucken with the leprosie. N.

[1654] Graule. 1571, 75, 78. Groule. N.

[1655] Lyved. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1656] Whan. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1657] Bidden. N.

[1658] Mishap. 1578.

[1659] By. 1563, 71, 75.

[1660] Initials added 1571. T. Saxuill. N.

[1661] Q. 1563.

[1662] Sayd one. 1578.

[1663] Q. 1563.

[1664] Q. 1563. Quod. 1575.

[1665] My thynke. 1563, 71, 75.

[1666] Q. 1563.

[1667] Sayd one. 1578.

[1668] Other hand. 1563.

[1669] I say, beware. N.

[1670] Mule’s. 1587.

[1671] Though Juuenal so be, that. 1563.

[1672] That doth make. N.

[1673] Maketh. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1674] Ere. N.

[1675] And therefore lothe we taunters. 1563.

[1676] Whose minde thereby to. 1563.

[1677] Amend. 1563.

[1678] To guyde. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1679] Moe. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1680] The affections of the wycked sorte. 1563.

[1681]

Theyr sinnes, all hate to heare them touched,

Howe covertly so ever they be couched. 1563.

[1682] Th’intent. N.

[1683] Is godly. 1563.

[1684] From. N.

[1685] Doubtfull. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1686] Well may. 1578.

[1687] Which rymed that whych made full many mourne. 1563.

[1688] The kynge himselfe of. 1563.

[1689] His faultors faultes. 1563.

[1690] Was. 1571, 75, 78.

[1691] The chyefe was Catesby whom. 1563.

[1692] Whom I did call. N.

[1693] Tyll he vsurped the crowne, he. 1563.

[1694] So many thousandes as they have destroyed. 1563.

[1695] Laweles dealynges al men dyd. 1563.

[1696] Pessima. 1571, 75, 78.

[1697] Quis vetat? None, save clymers stil in ferum, 1563.

[1698] Satyr. 1563.

[1699] Who rudely named were. 1563.

[1700] Me wyth most haynous traytrous cryme. 1563.

[1701] And strangled fyrst in. 1563. And strangled then in. N.

[1702] Ore. N.

[1703] And so sore. 1578.

[1704]

This wicked iudgement vexed me so sore

That I exclamed agaynst. 1563.

[1705] The ravenyng dog. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1706] The rat lord Ratclyve. 1563.

[1707] Touch thinges which they wish. 1563.

[1708] No flatterer, no bolsterer of vyce. 1563.

[1709] From. N.

[1710] Vnto. 1563.

[1711] An, misprint. 1587.

[1712] The heauens hye. 1563.

[1713]

He must (as she had) have one onlye iye,

Regarde of truth, that nought maye leade awrye. 1563.

[1714] And that no power or fansie do him force. 1563.

[1715] Must also. 1563.

[1716] Bruse. N.

[1717] To heauen thereto to feede and rest. 1563.

[1718] Of skyll and hope. 1563.

[1719] That (than) al the ioyes which worldly wyts desyre. 1563.

[1720] He must be also nymble. 1563.

[1721] The. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1722] Thinges notable he. 1563. Impart he. 1571, 75, 78.

[1723] These propertyes yf I had well consydered. 1563.

[1724] From the stormy blast. 1563.

[1725] Bin cast. N.

[1726] But trusting vaynely to the tyrauntes. 1563. Trust vnto a tyrant’s. 1571, 75, 78.

[1727] Had bene allowed plea at any barre. 1563.

[1728] Ryght. 1563.

[1729] Tyrants t’is. N.

[1730] That with the lewde save this no order was. 1563.

[1731] Where this is. 1563.

[1732] Or. 1563.

[1733] Their libertyes. 1563.

[1734] This auncient freedome ought. 1563.

[1735] Of slaunderers iust lawes. 1563.

[1736] Seemed euel sayd. 1563.

[1737] Foolyshe. 1563.

[1738] To abase. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1739] Of traytrous actes abhord of God. 1563.

[1740] They arraynde and staynde me with that shameful crime. 1563.

[1741] Vse. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1742] Rebuke thou vice, so. 1563.

[1743] His. 1563.

[1744] His sinfull prankes. 1563.

[1745] Warne poetes therfore not to. 1563.

[1746] Kepe them in the streames. 1563.

[1747] Vnto. 1571, 75, 78.

[1748] Freedome save them from extreames. 1563.

[1749] This legend without signature. Attributed to Baldwin.

[1750] Q. 1563.

[1751] Destructions. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[1752] Eternal. 1563.

[1753] Q. 1563.

[1754] Q. 1563.

[1755] Q. 1563.

[1756] Date added. 1571.

[1757] Murdred. 1563, 75.

[1758] I conspyred. 1563.

[1759] Spyrytes. 1563.

[1760] To cruel cursed. 1563.

[1761] Lived. 1563, 71, 75.

[1762] Attempt. 1578.

[1763] Proffer ready for my. 1563.

[1764] Q. 1563.

[1765] Rendered. 1563, 71, 75.

[1766] The. 1563.

[1767] Rufull. 1563.

[1768] Torne. 1563.

[1769] Bloudy. 1563.

[1770] His life also from him I raught. 1563.

[1771] Were. 1563.

[1772] Silly. 1563.

[1773] Do. 1563, 71, 75.

[1774] Ful euel. 1563, 71, 75.

[1775] Happy happe. 1563.

[1776] And. 1563.

[1777] Therle. 1563, 71, 75.

[1778] Added ed. 1571 for Francis Segar. This legend omitted by Niccols.

[1779] Q. 1563.

[1780] The. 1563.

[1781] Q. 1563.

[1782] Yll. 1563.

[1783] In the editions of 1571, 75, 78, the legends of Michael Joseph and Jane Shore were transposed, the latter being made to conclude the volume. The induction to the first in 1563 is in few words, nearly the same as the above conclusion. It follows: “When they had sayde their myndes herein allowyng it very well, they willed me also to reade the blacke Smyth. “Wyth a good wyll,” quod I, “but fyrst you must ymagine that you see hym standynge on a ladder, ouershryned wyth the Tyborne, a meete trone for all suche rebelles and trayters: and there corageouslye sayenge as folowethe.”

[1784] Date added. 1571.

[1785] Then is the Bayard blind. N.

[1786] Then do the bold in mind. N.

[1787] Is. 1563, 71. N.

[1788] Swimming carelesse of. N.

[1789] Starest and lookest. 1563, 71.

[1790] Sawest. 1563, 71.

[1791] Boldie. N.

[1792] Nature planted so in. N.

[1793] The, wanting. 1563. N.

[1794] Awdley, one of birth. N.

[1795] My. 1563.

[1796] Beginth. 1563. Beginneth. 1571.

[1797] Do. 1563, 71.

[1798] Vertues. N.

[1799] Be. 1563, 71.

[1800] Weale. N.

[1801] Inforst. 1563, 71.

[1802] Proue it vntrue. N.

[1803] Rebell heretofore or since. N.

[1804] Purpose. N.

[1805] He entred is to. N.

[1806] Seeke. N.

[1807] With foolish men so falsehood is. N.

[1808] That faith is sinne. N.

[1809] Soldiers out. N.

[1810] To praise. N.

[1811] Hopes. N.

[1812] They ’ncrease. N.

[1813] Through. N.

[1814] Christen. 1563, 71.

[1815] Assur’d. N.

[1816] God’s fierce wrath. N.

[1817] Hear’st reason. N.

[1818] Think’st. N.

[1819] Lacked. 1563, 71.

[1820] Hole. 1563, 71.

[1821] Others. 1563.

[1822] Flamoke both agreed together. N.

[1823] Breake bondage now. N.

[1824] To purchase fame. N.

[1825] Counted was a lout. N.

[1826] Man his brother did entice. N.

[1827] Each one so wedded was vnto. N.

[1828] With sword. N.

[1829] Men rebell there. N.

[1830] Sort. N.

[1831] They beare the port. N.

[1832] Crie vnto the rest. N.

[1833] For that he there did sit in high commission. N.

[1834] Wels and were. N.

[1835] He had. N.

[1836] ’Twill. N.

[1837] From vs by night away together straid. N.

[1838] City and with. N.

[1839] Did intend the. N.

[1840] Fully bent to N.

[1841] Were farthest from our habitation. N.

[1842] Were slaughtered all as. N.

[1843] Arm’d. N.

[1844] Led as. N.

[1845] After doome. N.

[1846] An, wanting. 1563.

[1847] Al torne, 1563.

[1848] Reuers’d. N.

[1849] He (the king) caused the Lord Audeleigh to be drawen from Newgate to the Towre hie in a cote of his awne armes peinted vpon paper, reuersed and al to torne, and there to be behedded the xxviii day of Juyn. And Thomas Flamock and Myghell Joseph he commaunded after the fassyon of treytours to be drawen, hanged and quartred. Hall.

[1850] With Flamoke I and. N.

[1851] Lookt. N.

[1852] I should haue fame. N.

[1853] This Mighell Joseph, surnamed the black smyth, one of the capiteins of this donge hill and draffe sacked ruffians, was of such stowte stomack and haute courage, that at the same time that he was drawen on the herdle toward his death, he sayd, as men do reporte: “That for this myscheuous and facinorous acte, he should haue a name perpetual and a fame permanent and immortal.” So (you may perceaue) that desire and ambicious cupidite of vaine glorie and fame, enflameth, and encourageth aswel poore and meane persones, as the heartes of great lords and puyssaunt princes to trauayle and aspire to the same. Hall.

[1854] Seruant happier. N.

[1855] Mightie men. N.

[1856] The loftie towre. N.

[1857] Toile. N.

[1858] Griefe. N.

[1859] Baldwin, therefore do. N.

[1860] For president to. N.

[1861] The talent well. N.

[1862] One’s. N.

[1863]

Thrice happie are those men, yea, blest is hee,

Who can contented serue in his degree. N.

[1864] Signature added. 1571.

[1865] Q. 1563.

[1866] Q. 1563.

[1867] Good pleasure. 1563.

[1868] Q. 1563.

[1869] “But because the night is cum, I will trouble you no longer, I haue certayne rabets here but they are not wurth the readinge. I will cause these which you haue allowed, to be printed as soon as I may conueniently.” This sayd we take leue eche of other, and so departed. 1563.

This sentence concludes the edition of 1563. The above continuance of the induction, added by Higgins in 1587, to introduce his own legend of sir Nicholas Burdet, then first printed, and who adopted Holinshed instead of Hall for his authority. See Chronicles temp. Hen. VIth. passim.

[1870] If erst in king’s affaires. N.

[1871] Warr’d. N.

[1872] Prince’s warre. N.

[1873] See Holinshed’s Chronicles, Vol. III. p. 345, ed. 1808.

[1874] Nerethelesse. N.

[1875] Proue. N.

[1876] Wondrous. N.

[1877] Quoth. N.

[1878] Dispatcht. N.

[1879] Quoth. N.

[1880] Pierce. N.

[1881] This legend first published in ed. 1587.

[1882] M. H. i. e. Maister Higins.

[1883] This and the following legend are only inserted in the edition of 1587. There are copies of both in the Harleian MS. 2252, and not improbable that which furnished Higgins with his copy. The notes will shew the alterations.

[1884] Crye. MS.

[1885] Began. MS.

[1886] Sore aferde. MS.

[1887] Sawe hee had a berd. MS.

[1888] My, wanting. MS.

[1889] Lackyd. MS.

[1890] Order my realme I cowde with a whyte wand. MS.

[1891] Life, wanting. MS.

[1892] A, wanting. MS.

[1893] Chaungeth aye me. MS.

[1894] My. MS.

[1895] To folow yo^r apetyte I dyde as ye me badde. MS.

[1896] But showyll and spade: varied in the margin to: hence for to fade. MS.

[1897] Yn my men torne. MS.

[1898] Payn eternall for my inequyte. MS.

[1899] And my realme and ek to owr shame. MS.

[1900] He wynneth. MS.

[1901] Was only. MS.

[1902] But began by. MS.

[1903]

I was curssyd with candyll boke & bell,

I cowde not achyve yn no maner a degre,

To assyste ‘a sysmatyke’ me dyde not well. MS.

The last varied to ‘an enemye,’ in margin.

[1904] Awtoryte. MS.

[1905] The seusurys of the chyrche. Corrected in margin as above. MS.

[1906] Dam͞ ed, also altered as above. MS.

[1907] Cruell swerde. MS.

[1908] And exsampyll. MS.

[1909] Yn. MS.

[1910] A. MS.

[1911] With. MS.

[1912] Chyrche, altered as above in the margin. MS.

[1913] God neythyre. MS.

[1914] Crystyn man yn worse case. MS.

[1915] Then. MS.

[1916] In, wanting. MS.

[1917] Abhorryth me. MS.

[1918] Forsakyth me & hathe. MS.

[1919] Mercyfull Lord, for me pray. MS.

[1920]

O Rex regum in thy realme celestyall,

Gloryfied with joyes of Gabryall’s company,

Haue mercy onn kyng Jemy’s sowle.

Thy pete on hym Lord do magnyfye.

For thow haste hym prostrate so sodenlye

That vs to withstonde he had no myghte

By the helpe of Saynte George, our ladye’s knyghte. MS.

The first three lines altered in the margin conformable to the above text. The last line forms the conclusion of every stanza.

[1921] Wonderly. MS.

[1922] Gretythe. MS.

[1923] As. MS.

[1924] Than sone was cryed. MS.

[1925] Ar. MS.

[1926] Daunt warde. MS.

[1927] Conyes. MS.

[1928]

For hym pray all England for hee

Was the noblest man yn that fyghte,

By the helpe of S. George owr ladye’s knyght. MS.

[1929] Ever more blessyd mote thowe be. MS.

[1930] Wyte well call hym we may. MS.

[1931] As delygente as. MS.

[1932] Ded helpe. MS.

[1933] Yt was to see at that. MS.

[1934] Perdy, not in the MS.

[1935] A royall. MS.

[1936] Which manly. MS.

[1937] Begyn. MS.

[1938] A one. MS.

[1939] Whoo durst abyde strokks neuer retourned. MS.

[1940] They devyded them yn bushements with. MS.

[1941] Yn thys maner. MS.

[1942] Men that tyme fled for fere. MS.

[1943] Seyne. MS.

[1944] That gracyous fleyng. MS.

[1945] With the comlyeste company yⁿ crystentte. MS.

[1946] Holy Trenyte. MS.

[1947] To show there. MS.

[1948] Ancre the Skotts dyd myche tene. MS.

[1949] Dyd by grace of God almyght. MS. Altered in the margin according to the above text.

[1950] Scotts by pow^r. of God almyght. Altered in margin as above. MS.

[1951] Bells dyd ryng that lay. MS.

[1952] They were. MS.

[1953] Go we to hyt good fellows, all shalbe owrs by the grace of God’s might. MS.

[1954] To sle and fall. MS.

[1955] Vnto. MS.

[1956] Lythe. MS.

[1957] Haue the lovyng. MS.

[1958] Euery. MS.

[1959] His, wanting. MS.

[1960] Be to. MS.

[1961] From danger dolefull vs defendyng. MS.

[1962] And ruler. MS.

[1963] Suffryd. MS.

[1964]

Haue mercye on kyng Jemy’s sowle,

Indulgens graunt hym for hys transgression. MS.

[1965]

And lawde honor & prayse be to the o͞ Lord almyght,

For the redde lyon ys confusyd, & y^e. whyte hath vyctory. MS.

[1966]

Explycit bellum de Brampton.

Quod. Fraunces Dyngley de manston. MS.

[1967] The induction to the following legend of Jane Shore, in the edition of 1563, is that already given at p. 394, continuing from the sentence “so yll a person. And to supplye that whych is lackinge in him, here I haue Shore’s Wyfe, an eloquent wentch, whyche shall furnishe out both in meter and matter, that which could not comlily be sayd in his [K. Richard’s] person. Marke, I praye you, what she sayeth, and tell me howe you like it.”

In the editions of 1571, 75, 78, where this legend comes by transposition next after Michael Joseph, the Blacksmith, it has the induction printed at p. 415-17, to the words “God will suffer none of his to be tempted aboue their strength. But because [it continues] these two persons last before rehersed were thoughte not onelye obscure in the matter but also crabbed in the meeter, I haue here redy to supply that which lacked in them, Shore’s wyfe, an eloquent wench,” as just quoted, varying “his person” to “their persons.”

[1968] Although the name of Churchyard was affixed to the legend of Jane Shore in common with the other authors in the edition of 1571, it is certain that his title to that production was often questioned, (unless it may be believed that the doubt was started to assist in obtaining notoriety,) from the many laboured assertions made in various places in support of his title, and it is to that circumstance the above passage alludes.

Jane Shore did not die until about 1527, and her popularity long survived her: the events of her life were then almost recent and well known from the interesting character drawn other by Sir T. More, which will be found in a future note, and must have given celebrity to this poem beyond many other of the same poet’s productions. After a lapse of thirty years from its first appearance, Churchyard reprinted “the tragedie of Shore’s Wife, much augmented with divers newe additions,” with other pieces in his Challenge, 1593, and in a dedication strenuously defended himself against those who had attempted to wrest from him this portion of his literary honours. This fact was first pointed out by that accurate and diligent researcher into the productions of the elder poets, Mr. Park, in the Censura Literaria, Vol. II. p. 309, (where the whole legend had been previously inserted) and from that source with the advantage and kindness of a further collation of the additions with the original by Mr. Park, those additions are now inserted in their respective places in the body of the work. They consist of 21 stanzas, viz. from 11 to 14-29 to 31-34 to 36-52 to 60-68 and 74, and are distinguished with asterisks. To complete the additions there is now given the author’s dedication.

“To the right honorable the Lady Mount-Eagle and Compton, wife to the right honourable the Lord of Buckhurst’s son and heire.

“Good Madame. For that the vertuous and good ladie Carie, your sister, honourablie accepted a discourse of my penning, I beleeved your ladiship would not refuse the like offer, humbly presented and dutifully ment, I bethought me of a tragedie that long laye printed and many speake well of: but some doubting the shallownesse of my heade, (or of meere mallice disdaineth my doings) denies me the fathering of such a worke, that hath won so much credit: but as sure as God lives, they that so defames me, or doth disable me in this cause, doth me such an open wrong, as I would be glad to right with the best blood in my body, so he be mine equall that moved such a quarrell: but mine old yeares doth utterly forbid me such a combat, and to contend with the malicious, I thinke it a madnesse; yet I protest before God and the world, the penning of Shore’s Wife was mine; desiring in my hart that all the plagues in the worlde maie possesse me, if anie holpe me, either with scrowle or councell, to the publishing of the invencion of the same Shore’s Wife: and to show that yet my spirits faile me not in as great matters as that, I have augmented her tragedie, I hope in as fine a forme as the first impression thereof, and hath sette forth some more tragedies and tragicall discourses, no whit inferiour, as I trust, to my first worke. And, good madame, because “Rosimond” is so excellently sette forth (the actor[1969] whereof I honour) I have somewhat beautified my Shore’s Wife, not in any kind of emulation, but to make the world knowe my device in age is as ripe and reddie as my disposition and knowledge was in youth, so having chosen a noble personage to be a patrones to support poore Shore’s Wife’s tragedie againe I commend all the verses of her, olde and newe to your good ladiship’s judgment, hoping you shall lose no honour in the supportation of the same because the true writer thereof, with all humblenesse of mind and service, presents the tragedie unto your honourable censure, wishing long life and increase of vertue’s fame to make your ladiship’s day happie.

T. Churchyard.”

[1969] Samuel Daniel.

[1970] “That is crept is in” is the text and corrected among the faults escaped to “that crept is in the strawe.” 1563.

[1971] Eche vice. 1563.

[1972] Good Baldwyn. 1563.

[1973] That. 1563.

[1974] Of. 1563.

[1975] “Of the earth,” in the text corrected as a fault escaped to “of earth.” 1563.

[1976] Were. 1563.

[1977] Was. 1563.

[1978] Then, misprint. 1587.

[1979] The offendour. 1563.

[1980] You are never the. 1563.

[1981] To. 1563.

[1982] The nightingale.

[1983] Neuer. 1563.

[1984] The ende. 1563.

[1985] Helpt. 1563.

[1986] No care. 1563.

[1987] Flitting. 1563. Which appears intended to be altered, as in the faults escaped we are directed to read “her flitting frames.”

[1988] Her net. 1563.

[1989] Wee, misprint. 1587.

[1990] From me. 1563.

[1991] Him. 1563.

[1992] Fayned. 1563, 71.

[1993] The description of the person and the character of this frail, though not quite unamiable beauty, was faithfully delineated in her lifetime by the eloquent sir Thomas More, in the history of Richard III. That that description is now given from Hall’s Chronicle, ed. 1548, may need requiring the reader’s indulgence, as much apposite matter, less known, has been, of necessity, omitted in the notes, from the unusual size of the present volume, but the relation appeared too interesting to reject. After the execution of Lord Hastings, the historian says: “By and by, as it were for anger and not for coueteous, the protectoure sent sir Thomas Hawarde to the house of Shore’s wyfe (for her husbande dwelte not with her) whiche spoyled her of all that euer she had, aboue the valure of twoo or thre thousande markes, and sent her bodye to pryson. And the protectoure had layde to her for the maner sake that she was a counsaill with the lorde Hastynges to destroye hym. In conclusion, when no coloure could fasten vpon these matters, then he layed heynously to her charge that thyng that she could not denye, for all the world knewe that it was true, and that notwithstandyng euery man laughed to heare it then so sodeynly, so highly taken, that she was naught of her body. And for this cause as a godly continent prince cleane and fautlesse of hym selfe, sent out of heauen into thys vicious worlde, for the amendement of men’s maners, he caused the byshop of London to putte her to open penaunce, goyng before a crosse one Sondaye at procession with a taper in her hand. In the whiche she went in countenaunce and peace so womanly, and albeit she was out of all aray sauyng kyrtel only, yet went she so fayre and louely, and namely when the wondryng of the people cast a comely red in her chekes, of the whiche she before had most mysse, that her great shame wanne her much prayse amongest them that were more amorous of her body then curious of her soule, and many good folke that hated her liuyng and were glad to se synne corrected, yet pitied they more her penaunce then reioysed it, when they considered that the protector did more of corrupt mynd then any vertuous affection.

“This woman was borne in London, well frended, honestly brought vp and very well maryed, sauyng somewhat to sone, her husbande an honest and a yong citezen, godly and of good substaunc, but forasmuche as they were coupled or she were well rype, she not very feruently loued for whom she neuer longed, which was the thyng (by chaunce) that the more easily made her to encline to the kynge’s appetite, when he required her. Howbeit the respect of his royaltie, the hope of gaye apparell, ease, pleasure, and other wanton wealth, was hable sone to perce a softe tendre hart: but when the kyng had abused her, anone her husband beyng an honest manne and one that could his good, not presumyng to touche a kynge’s concubyne left her vp to hym altogether. When the kyng dyed, the lorde Hastynges toke her, whiche in the kynge’s dayes albeit that he was sore enamoured with her yet he forbare, either for a pryncely reuerence or for a certayne frendely faithfulnesse. Proper she was and fayre, nothyng in her bodye that you could haue chaunged, but yf you would haue wished her somewhat higher. This saye they that knewe her in her youthe, some sayed and iudged that she had bene well fauoured, and some iudged the contrary, whose iudgement seameth like as menne gesse the beautye of one long before departed, by a scaple taken out of a chanell house, and this iudgment was in the tyme of kyng Henry the eyght in the xviii. yere of whose reigne she dyed, when she had nothing but a reueled skynne and bone. Her beautye pleased not menne so muche as her pleasaunt behauoure, for she had a proper wytte and coulde both reade and wryte, mery in compaigny, redy and quicke of answere, neyther mute nor full of bable, somtyme tantyng without displeasure, but not without disporte. Kyng Edward would saye that he had thre concubines, which in diuerse proparties diuersly excelled, one the meriest, the other the wyliest, the thirde the holyest harlot in the realme as one, whom no man coulde get out of the churche to any place lightly, but if it were to his bed, the other two were somwhat greater personages then mastres Shore, and neuerthelesse of their humilitie were content to be nameles and to forbeare the prayse of these properties. But the meriest was Shore’s wyfe in whom the kyng therfore toke great pleasure, for many he had, but her he loued, whose fauoure to saye the trueth (for it were synne to lye on the deuil) she neuer abused to any man’s hurt, but to many men’s comforte and reliefe. For where the kyng toke displeasure, she would mitigate and apeace his mynde, where men were out of fauour, she would bryng them into his grace, for many that had highly offended, she obteyned pardon, and of forfeatures she gat remission; and, finally, in many weighty suites she stode many menne in great steade, either for none or very small rewarde: and those rather gaye then riche, either for that she was content with the dede well done, or for that she delighted to be sued vnto, and to shewe what she was able to do with the kyng, or for that that wanton women and welthy be not alwaies couetous, I doubt not some man wyl thynke this woman to be to slight to be written of emong graue and weyghtie matters, whiche they shall specially thynke that happely sawe her in her age and aduersite, but me semeth the chaunce so much more worthy to be remembred, in how much after wealth she fell to pouertie, and from riches to beggery vnfrended, out of acquaintance, after great substaunce, after so great fauour with her prince, after as great suite and sekyng to with all those which in those dayes had busynes to spede as many other men were in their tymes, whiche be now famous onely by the infamy of their euill deedes, her doynges were not muche lesse, albeit they be muche lesse remembred, because they were not euyll, for men vse to write an euyll turne in marble stone, but a good turne they wryte in the dust, which is not worst proued by her, for after her wealth she went beggyng of many that had begged them selfes if she had not holpen them, suche was her chaunce.” See Percy’s Reliques, 1794, Vol. II. p. 256. More’s Utopia, by Dibdin, Vol. I. p. lxxxiii.

[1994] Moved. 1563.

[1995] ‘Warning,’ corrected by the faults escaped in ed. 1563. The text of every copy is ‘warrant.’

[1996] Bad. 1563.

[1997] And say. 1563.

[1998] Of my. 1563.

[1999] This. 1563, 71, 75, 78.

[2000] Signature added 1571.

[2001] Hid. N.

[2002] Tale, misprint. 1587. N.

[2003] Off’cers. N.

[2004] He died of a continuall flyxe, in the abbey of Leycester, as Stowe writeth. Margin.

[2005] This concludes the edition of 1587.

[2006] This legend of Cromwell, by Drayton, was entered in the Stationers’ books, to Iohn Flaskett, 12 Oct. 1607, and printed in quarto the same year. It was inserted by Niccols in the edition of 1610, from which it is now given, collated with the author’s poems, printed for Iohn Smethwick, 1637, 12mo.

[2007] Can tell as one that much did know. 1637.

[2008] Me that my breath. 1637.

[2009] To my sicke mother. 1637.

[2010] Who. 1637.

[2011] Win that place. 1637.

[2012] I tooke. 1637.

[2013] For ’twas distastefull. 1637.

[2014] Being besides industriously. 1637.

[2015] My judgement more to rectifie. 1637.

[2016] World it meant to win. 1637.

[2017] For Boston businesse hotly then in. 1637.

[2018] Soon it me won. 1637.

[2019] Jovial in my selfe was I. 1637.

[2020] And there. 1637.

[2021] Yet. 1637.

[2022] From the pomp. 1637.

[2023] Into the same I thought to make my way. 1637.

[2024] And my. 1637.

[2025] Her. 1637.

[2026] Fast declining. 1637.

[2027] To see. 1637.

[2028] He first. 1637.

[2029] Studies wholly I did. 1637.

[2030] To that which then the wisest. 1637.

[2031] Thereto. 1637.

[2032] There then were very. 1637.

[2033] Which after did most fearfull. 1637.

[2034] I no occasion vainly did reject. 1637.

[2035] Some that those courses diligently ey’d. 1637.

[2036] Slily. 1637.

[2037] Nought. 1637.

[2038] Into. 1637.

[2039] Who. 1637.

[2040] Up to him which that. 1637.

[2041] This. 1637.

[2042] Sat him far. 1637.

[2043] Wits doe. 1637.

[2044]

For which my master Wolsey might and maine,

Into such favour. 1637.

[2045] Tow’rds. 1637.

[2046] Before that Card’nall had me. 1637.

[2047] Hasting then. 1637.

[2048] To prove. 1637.

[2049] I had won. 1637.

[2050] Did. 1637.

[2051] When I had laine full low. 1637.

[2052] Who as. 1637.

[2053] And an. 1637.

[2054] Russel. 1637.

[2055] One that me. 1637.

[2056] Strook pale. 1637.

[2057] Or I could aske. 1637.

[2058] Were such in. 1637.

[2059] Bad. 1637.

[2060] Then of. 1637.

[2061] And then. 1637.

[2062] There were not. 1637.

[2063] Was he found. 1637.

[2064] I lesse that. 1637.

[2065] Was vicegerent made. 1637.

[2066] Him kindly to embrace. 1637.

[2067] Wrong to thy most noble. 1637.

[2068] When th’wast great’st. 1637.

[2069] He to. 1637.

[2070] Though, omitted. 1637.

[2071] Disdaigned not to. 1637.

[2072] The man thought sure he. 1637.

[2073] To wake. 1637.

[2074] I was to this good gentleman. 1637.

[2075] To. 1637.

[2076] With what might make them any. 1637.

[2077] To. 1637.

[2078] Had to the church. 1637.

[2079] Besides the. 1637.

[2080] Had not knowne. 1637.

[2081]

Example it to him was showne,

How Rome might here be eas’ly ouerthrowne. 1637.

[2082] Slander which from him should. 1637.

[2083] These. 1637.

[2084] Herselfe not limiting. 1637.

[2085] Dislik’d of her. 1637.

[2086] Seeing those. 1637.

[2087] To her great. 1637.

[2088] To the wise world. 1637.

[2089] Againe but onely to destroy. 1637.

[2090] As it in midst of much abundance. 1637.

[2091] Him should to the. 1637.

[2092] Hand to my deare cousin here. 1637.

[2093] Crost him, I could not be. 1637.

[2094] What. 1637.

[2095] When what. 1637.

[2096] Truth, now turn’d to heresie. 1637.

[2097] Enduring and as seldome good. 1637.

[2098] Much. 1637.

PART III.
The Author’s Preface. Baldwin.	Page 3
To the reader. Baldwin.	7
To the reader, ed. 1610. Niccols	11
LEGENDS FROM THE CONQUEST.
53 The falle of Robert Tresilian Chiefe Iustice of England, and other his fellowes, for misconstruing the Lawes, and expounding them to serue the Prince’s affections. A. D. 1388. G. Ferrers.	13
54 How the two Rogers surnamed Mortimers for their sundry vices ended their liues vnfortunately, the one An. 1329, the other 1387. Cavil.	23
55 How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the seconde, was vnlawfully murdered. A. D. 1397. G. Ferrers.	33
56 How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second to the state of a Duke, was by him banished the Realme, in 1398, and after died miserablie in exile. Sir Thomas Chaloner.	44
57 How King Richard the second was for his euill gouernance deposed from his seat, 1399, and murdered in prison. G. Ferrers.	56
58 How Owen Glendour seduced by false prophecies tooke vpon him to bee Prince of Wales, and was by Henry Prince of England chased to the mountaynes, where hee miserably died for lack of food. A. D. 1401. Thomas Phaer.	65
59 How Henrie Percy Earle of Northumberland, was for his couetous and trayterous attempt put to death at Yorke. A. D. 1407. Attributed to Baldwin.	78
60 How Richard Plantagenet Earle of Cambridge, intending the Kings destruction, was put to death at Southhampton. A. D. 1415. Attributed to Baldwin.	86
61 How Thomas Montague Earle of Salisbury, in the middest of his glory was chaunceably slayne at Orleaunce with a piece of Ordinaunce. A. D. 1428. Attributed to Baldwine.	90
62 Howe King Iames the first for breaking his othes and bondes was by God’s sufferaunce miserably murdered of his owne subiectes. A. D. 1437. Attributed to Baldwin.	103
63 How Dame Eleanor Cobham Duchesse of Glocester, for practising of Witchcraft and sorcery suffred open penaunce, and after was banished the realme into the Ile of Man. Ferrers.	112
64 How Humfrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester, Protector of England, during the minority of his nephue King Henry the sixt, commonly called the good Duke, by practise of enemyes was brought to confusion. Ferrers.	128
65 How Lord William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke, was worthely banished for abusing his King, and causing the destruction of the good Duke Humfrey. A. D. 1450. Baldwin.	147
66 How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer, trayterously rebelling against his King, was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthily punished. A. D. 1450. Baldwin.	157
67 The tragedye of Edmund Duke of Somerset, slayne in the first battayle at St. Albons, in the 32. yeare of Henry the sixt. A. D. 1454. Ferrers.	168
68 Howe Richarde Plantagenet Duke of York, was slayn through his ouer rash boldnesse, and his sonne the Earle of Rutland for his lacke of valiaunce. A. D. 1460.	184
69 How the Lorde Clyfford for his straunge and abhominable cruelty, came to as straunge and sodayn a death. A. D. 1461. Attributed to Baldwin.	195
70 The infamovs end of Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundements. A. D. 1470. Attributed to Baldwin.	201
71 How Sir Richard Neuill Earle of Warwicke, and his brother Iohn, Lord Marquise Montacute, through their too much boldnesse were slaine at Barnet. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin.	210
72 How King Henry the sixte a vertuous Prince, was after many other miseries cruelly murdered in the Tower of London. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin.	217
73 How George Plantagenet third sonne of the Duke of Yorke, was by his brother King Edward wrongfully imprisoned, and by his brother Richard miserably murdered. A. D. 1478. Attributed to Baldwin.	226
74 How King Edward the fourth through his surfeting & vntemperate life, sodaynly dyed in the middest of his prosperity. A. D. 1483. Skelton.	244
75 How Syr Anthony Wooduile Lord Riuers and Scales, Gouernour of Prince Edward, was with his nephue Lord Richard Gray and others causelesse imprisoned, and cruelly murthered. A. D. 1483. Attributed to Baldwin.	249
76 How the Lord Hastings was betraied by trusting too much to his euill counsellour Catesby, and villanously murdered in the Tower of London by Richard Duke of Glocester. A. D. 1483. Dolman.	275
MAYSTER SACKUILLE’S INDUCTION.	309
77 The complaynt of Henry Duke of Buckingham. Sackville.	333
78 How Colingbourne was cruelly executed for making a foolish Rime. Attributed to Baldwin.	366
79 How Richarde Plantagenet Duke of Glocester murdered his brother’s children, vsurping the crowne, and in the third yeare of his raigne was most worthely depriued of life and kingdome, in Bosworth plaine, by Henry Earle of Richmond after called King Henry the VII. A. D. 1485. Segar.	381
80 The wilfvll fall of the Blackesmith, and the foolishe end of the Lorde Audley. A. D. 1496. Cavill.	396
81 How the valiant Knight Sir Nicholas Burdet, Chiefe Butler of Normandy, was slayne at Pontoise. A. D. 1441. Higgins.	418
82 The Lamentation of King Iames the fourth, King of Scots, slayne at Brampton in the fifthe yeare of King Henry the eight. A. D. 1513.	442
83 The Bataile of Brampton, or Floddon fielde, faught in the yeare of our Redeemer 1513, and in the fifth yeare of the raygne of that victorious prince King Henry the eyght. Dingley.	449
84 How Shore’s wife, King Edward the fourth’s Concubine, was by King Richard despoyled of her goods, and forced to doe open penaunce. Churchyard.	461
85 How Thomas Wolsey did arise vnto great authority and gouernment, his maner of life, pompe and dignitie, & how hee fell downe into great disgrace, and was arested of high treason. Churchyard.	484
86 How the Lord Cromwell exalted from meane estate, was after by the enuie of the Bishop of Winchester and other his complices brought to vntimely end. A. D. 1540. Drayton.	502
PART IV.
(The remainder of the volume by Richard Niccols.)
Dedicatory Sonnet to the Earl of Nottingham.	543
To the reader.	544
The Induction.	546
87 The famovs life and death of King Arthur.	553
88 The life and death of King Edmvnd svrnamed Ironside.	583
89 The lamentable life and death of Prince Alfred brother to King Edmund Ironside.	605
90 The treacherous life and infamovs death of Godwin Earle of Kent.	622
91 The life and death of Robert svrnamed Curthose Duke of Normandie.	639
92 The memorable life and death of King Richard the first, surnamed Cœur de Lion.	673
93 The vnfortvnate life and death of King Iohn.	699
94 The wofvll life and death of King Edward the second.	726
95 The lamentable lives and deaths of the two yong Princes, Edward the fifth and his brother Richard Duke of York.	766
96 The tragicall life and death of King Richard the third.	785
97 The Poem annexed called England’s Eliza.	813
PART V.
Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere.	817
Advertisement to the Reader.	818
The Induction.	819
98 Englands Eliza, or the victoriovs and trivmphant reigne of that virgin Empresse of sacred memorie, Elizabeth Queene of England, France and Ireland &c.	828

Mirror for Magistrates.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.