*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 54797 ***

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  THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS

  VOL. VIII




               The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

   TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE

                               1610-1791

      THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
     TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
                              FACSIMILES

                               EDITED BY

                         REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
        Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

                              Vol. VIII
                 QUEBEC, HURONS, CAPE BRETON 1634-1636

  CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVII




                            COPYRIGHT, 1897
                                  BY
                        THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO

                          ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

                    _The Imperial Press, Cleveland_




EDITORIAL STAFF


  Editor                                  REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

  Translator from the French              JOHN CUTLER COVERT

  Assistant Translator from the French    MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Translator from the Latin               WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE

  Translator from the Italian             MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Assistant Editor                        EMMA HELEN BLAIR

  Bibliographical Adviser                 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS




  CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII


  PREFACE TO VOLUME VIII                                               1

  DOCUMENTS:--

  XXV. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
  1635 [Chapters iii., iv., etc., completing the document]. _Paul le
  Jeune_; Kébec, August 28, 1635; _Jean de Brébeuf_; Ihonatiria, May 27,
  1635; _Julien Perrault_; 1634-35                                     7

  XXVI. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
  1636 [Chapters i., ii., first installment of the document]. _Paul le
  Jeune_; Kébec, August 28, 1636                                     199

  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME VIII                                  283

  NOTES                                                              287




[Illustration]

ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VIII

  I. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1636
                                                                     202




PREFACE TO VOL. VIII


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:

XXV. A summary of the contents of the first two chapters of the
_Relation_ of 1635 was given in Volume VII. of our series. Continuing
his narrative, Le Jeune urges that French colonies be sent to Canada,
to develop and hold the country for the French crown. Still more
important, in his view, is the aid which these would afford to his
favorite project,--that of rendering the nomadic tribes stationary,
by furnishing nuclei for Indian settlements. He then, as usual,
closes his yearly letter by a resumé, in the form of a journal, of
the chief events during the past year, beginning with the departure
of the French fleet, in August, 1634. He relates how he and Buteux
went, in September, to Champlain's new settlement at Three Rivers,
and describes the region thereabout. An elk-hunt, a funeral, the
cruel treatment of an Iroquois prisoner, an Indian dance, and various
conversations on religion, with the savages, are narrated. The superior
gives a sad account of the famine among the Indians that winter, and
the consequent epidemic, which often proves fatal, even among the
French. He has heard ill news of his brethren who had ventured into the
Huron country, but letters from them show that these reports are in a
measure false. In May, Le Jeune and a companion go to Quebec, to meet
the French fleet, which, however, is delayed until July, when it brings
a reinforcement of six Jesuit priests and two brothers, whereat there
is great rejoicing among the missionaries. Champlain holds a council
with the Hurons, and recommends to their friendship Fathers Le Mercier
and Pijart, who depart with them. Le Jeune remains at Quebec. Again
he urges that efforts should be made to render the wandering Indians
sedentary,--intimating that not only could they thereby be more easily
converted, but that the beaver might thus be kept from extermination.
He mentions the crafty attempts of the Iroquois to arouse hostilities
among the tribes on the St. Lawrence, and thus to divert the Indian
trade from the French to the Dutch and English, at Albany. The
journalist describes the conversion of a young French Huguenot, and
closes by giving directions to his correspondents in France as to the
forwarding of their letters.

In his report on the Huron mission, sent to Le Jeune the preceding
May (1635), Brébeuf describes his journey to Lake Huron, with its
attendant hardships and perils. He, with his companions, settles at
Ihonatiria, near the place where he had formerly lived, when on his
first mission to the Hurons. These savages welcome his return, and
build a cabin for the French. The former suffer much from the same
epidemic that had attacked Three Rivers; but the French keep in good
health. Brébeuf describes his cabin, which is at once a dwelling and
a church; and relates the astonishment of the natives at the sight
of various articles brought by the French,--a small mill, a clock
(which the Indians thought was alive), a loadstone, a magnifying
glass, etc.,--but especially at the art of writing, which is utterly
incomprehensible to their simple minds.

Brébeuf writes of the Huron myths of creation, the morals and
superstitions of that tribe, the doings of their medicine men; he
praises their spirit of hospitality, their patience in sickness, their
courage in view of death,--upon which qualities he hopes to build a
Christian faith and life in their hearts. He describes the baptisms
and the apparent conversions that had rewarded the efforts of the
missionaries; the kind of religious instruction they give the savages;
the condition of their affairs; and the friendly relations existing
between them and the Hurons. He adds a postscript, to mention a new
baptism, and the mildness of the recent winter and spring.

Julien Perrault, of the mission in Cape Breton Island, describes in a
letter to his superior (Le Jeune), the situation, climate, resources,
and people of that island. He praises the docility and honesty of the
natives, and the decency of their behavior and conversation.

The _Relation_ ends with an interesting collection of "various
sentiments and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France,
taken from their last letters of 1635,"--embodying their religious
experiences, observations and opinions concerning their work, and the
qualifications they consider necessary in those who would come to
Canada as missionaries.

XXVI. Like the preceding document, the _Relation_ of 1636, although
throughout styled by bibliographers Le Jeune's, because he was the
superior and the editor, is a composite: the first half being a
_Relation_ (or annual report) of eleven chapters, sent by Le Jeune to
his provincial at Paris, and dated Quebec, August 28, 1636; the second
half consists of a _Relation_ on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated
at Ihonatiria, July 16 of the same year, and sent down to Le Jeune by a
native messenger. Brébeuf's _Relation_ is divided into two parts, one
of four chapters, the other of nine.

We have space in the present volume but for the two opening chapters
of Le Jeune's own yearly narrative. He begins by describing the
arrival of Montmagny, Champlain's successor as governor of New France.
The missionaries are rejoiced to find that the new governor has
brought with him Chastelain and Garnier, priests of their order, to
aid them in their great task; and, still more, that Montmagny is a
pious man, and greatly interested in their work. This is evinced by
his becoming sponsor in baptism for a savage, almost as soon as he
has landed at Quebec. Le Jeune mentions also the arrival of Father
Nicolas Adam, as well as several families of colonists, especially
those of De Repentigny and La Poterie. He then relates how interest
in the Canadian mission is spreading in France, not only in religious
circles, but among the nobility, court officers, and persons of
wealth. He praises the piety and generosity of the Marquis de Gamache,
who largely supports the Quebec mission; and several members of the
Hundred Associates, whose letters are quoted, showing their zeal and
liberality. He is especially pleased at the intention of a wealthy
lady, Madame Combalet, to establish a hospital in New France. He
continues, as usual, with circumstantial accounts of conversions among
the savages, and the pious deaths of several.

The translation of Brébeuf's portion of the _Relation_ of 1635 (Doc.
xxv.) is the work of the late James McFie Hunter, M.A., principal of
the Collegiate Institute at Barrie, Ont. Mr. Hunter had intended to
publish an English translation of all the _Relations_ emanating from
the Huron country, but his death in 1893 terminated the project.

                                                                 R.G.T.

MADISON, WIS., May, 1897.




XXV (concluded)

LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1635

PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1636


Chaps, i.-ii., of the opening _Relation_ by Le Jeune, appeared in
Volume VII. Chaps, iii.-iv., concluding Le Jeune's part, here follow;
the document closes with reports on the Huron and Cape Breton missions,
by Brébeuf and Perrault respectively; and a collection of "sentiments
and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France."




[51] CHAPITRE III.

QUE C'EST VN BIEN POUR L'VNE & L'AUTRE FRANCE, D'ENUOYER ICY DES
COLONIES.


IL est à craindre que dans la multiplication de nos François en ces
contrées, la paix, la ioye, & la bonne intelligence ne croissent pas
[52] à proportion que croistront les Habitans de la Nouuelle France.
Il est bien plus facile de contenir vn petit nombre d'hommes, que
des peuples entiers; si faut-il neantmoins confesser, que ce seroit
vne chose tres-honorable, & tres-profitable à l'Ancienne France, &
tres-vtile à la Nouuelle, de faire icy des peuplades, & d'y enuoyer des
Colonies.

    [51] CHAPTER III.

    HOW IT IS A BENEFIT TO BOTH OLD AND NEW FRANCE, TO SEND COLONIES
    HERE.

    It is to be feared that in the multiplication of our French,
    in these countries, peace, happiness, and good feeling may not
    increase [52] in the same ratio as do the Inhabitants of New
    France.[1] It is much easier to control a few men than whole
    multitudes; yet it must be confessed that it would be an enterprise
    very honorable and very profitable to Old France, and very useful
    to the New, to establish settlements here, and to send over
    Colonies.

Les François seront-ils seuls entre toutes les Nations de la terre,
priuez de l'honneur de se dilater, & de se respandre dans ce Nouueau
Monde. La France beaucoup plus peuplée, que tous les autres Royaumes,
n'aura des Habitans que pour soy? ou bien si ses enfans la quittent,
s'en vont qui de-çà, qui de-là perdre le nom de François chez
l'Estranger.

    Shall the French, alone of all the Nations of the earth, be
    deprived of the honor of expanding and spreading over this New
    World? Shall France, much more populous than all the other
    Kingdoms, have Inhabitants only for itself? or, when her children
    leave her, shall they go here and there and lose the name of
    Frenchmen among Foreigners?

Les Geographes, les Historiens, [53] & l'experience mesme nous fait
veoir, qu'il sort tous les ans de la France vn grand nombre de
personnes, qui vont prendre party ailleurs: Car encor que le Sol de
nostre patrie soit tres-fecond, les Françoises ont ceste benediction,
qu'elles le sont encore dauantage: de là vient que nos anciens
Gaulois manquans de terres, en ont esté chercher en diuers endroits
de l'Europe. Les Galates tirent d'eux leur origine, ils ont trauersé
l'Italie, ils sont passez dans la Grece, & en plusieurs autres
endroits. Or maintenant nos François ne sont pas en moindre nombre
que nos vieux Gaulois; mais ils ne sortent plus en troupes, ains s'en
võt espars, qui d'vn costé, qui d'autre, busquer leur fortune chez
l'Estranger. Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux décharger l'Ancienne France dans
la Nouuelle, par des Colonies [54] qu'on y peut enuoyer, que de peupler
les pays Estrangers?

    Geographers, Historians, [53] and experience itself, show us that
    every year a great many people leave France who go to enroll
    themselves elsewhere. For, although the Soil of our country is very
    fertile, the French women have this blessing, that they are still
    more so; and thence it happens that our ancient Gauls, in want of
    land, went to seek it in different parts of Europe. The Galatians
    draw their origin from them; they have crossed Italy, they have
    passed into Greece, and into many other regions. At present, our
    French people are no less numerous than our old Gauls; but they do
    not go forth in bands, but separately, some going in one direction,
    some in another, to make their fortunes among Strangers. Would it
    not be better to empty Old France into New, by means of Colonies
    [54] which could be sent there, than to people Foreign countries?

Adioustez, s'il vous plaist, qu'il y a vne infinité d'artisans en
France, qui faute d'employ, ou faute de posseder quelque peu de terre,
passent leur vie dans vne pauureté, & dans vne disette pitoyable.
Vn tres-grand nombre vont mandier leur pain de porte en porte:
plusieurs se iettent dedans les vols & dans les brigandages publics;
d'autres dans les larcins & tromperies secrettes, chacun s'efforçant
de tirer à soy ce que plusieurs ne sçauroient posseder. Or comme la
Nouuelle France est de si grande estenduë, on y peut enuoyer si bon
nombre d'habitans, que ceux qui resteront à l'Ancienne auront dequoy
employer leur industrie honnestement, sans se ietter dans des vices
qui perdent les Republiques; ce n'est pas qu'il fallust [55] enuoyer
icy des personnes perduës, & de mauuaise vie: car ce seroit bastir des
Babylones; mais les bons faisant places aux méchants, leurs donneroient
occasion de fuyr l'oysiueté qui les corrompt.

    Add to this, if you please, that there is a multitude of workmen
    in France, who, for lack of employment or of owning a little land,
    pass their lives in poverty and wretched want. Many of them beg
    their bread from door to door; some of them resort to stealing and
    public brigandage, others to larceny and secret frauds, each one
    trying to obtain for himself what many cannot possess. Now as New
    France is so immense, so many inhabitants can be sent here that
    those who remain in the Mother Country will have enough honest work
    left them to do, without launching into those vices which ruin
    Republics; this does not mean that [55] ruined people, or those
    of evil lives, should be sent here, for that would be to build
    Babylons; but if the good were to make room for the bad, it would
    give the latter an opportunity to escape the idleness that corrupts
    them.

De plus si ces Contrées se peuplent de nos François, non seulement on
affoiblit les forces de l'Estranger, qui tient dans ses vaisseaux,
dans ses villes, & dans ses armées, grand nombre de François à ses
gages: Non seulement on bannit la famine des maisons d'vne infinité
de pauures artisans, mais encore fortifie-on la France; car ceux qui
naistront en la Nouuelle France, seront François, & qui pourront dans
les besoins rendre de bons seruices à leur Roy, ce qu'on ne doit pas
attendre de ceux qui s'habituent chez nos voisins, & hors la domination
de leur Prince.

    Besides, if these Countries are peopled by our French, not only
    will this weaken the strength of the Foreigner,--who holds in
    his ships, in his towns, and in his armies, a great many of our
    Countrymen as hostages,--not only will it banish famine from the
    houses of a multitude of poor workman, but it will also strengthen
    France; for those who will be born in New France, will be French,
    and in case of need can render good service to their King,--a thing
    which cannot be expected from those who dwell among our neighbors
    and outside the dominion of their Prince.

[56] En fin si ces pays se peuplent de François, ils s'affermiront à
la Couronne, & l'Estranger ne les viendra plus troubler. Et on nous
dit que ceste année les Anglois ont rendu à Monsieur le Commandeur de
Rasilly l'habitation de Pemptegoüs, qu'ils prirent aux François l'année
mil six cens treize. D'icy prouiendra vn bien, qui attirera sur l'vne
& l'autre France vne grande benediction du Ciel; c'est la Conuersion
d'vne infinité de Nations Sauuages, qui habitent dans les terres,
lesquelles se vont tous les iours disposans à receuoir le flambeau de
la Foy.

    [56] Finally, if this country is peopled by the French, it will be
    firmly attached to the Crown, and the Foreigner will come no more
    to trouble it. And they tell us that this year the English have
    restored to Monsieur the Commander de Rasilly the settlement of
    Pemptegoüs, that they took from the French in the year one thousand
    six hundred and thirteen.[2] From this will result a good which
    will draw down upon both old and new France a great blessing from
    Heaven; it is the Conversion of a vast number of Savage Nations,
    who inhabit these lands and who are every day becoming disposed to
    receive the light of the Faith.

Or il ne faut point douter qu'il ne se trouue icy de l'employ pour
toutes sortes d'artisans. Pourquoy les grands bois de la Nouuelle
France ne pourroient ils pas bien fournir de Nauires à l'Ancienne? qui
doute qu'il n'y ait icy des mines de fer, de [57] cuiure, & d'autre
metail? On en a desia fait la découuerte de quelques vnes, qu'on va
bien-tost dresser; & par consequent tous ceux qui trauaillent en bois &
en fer, trouueront icy dequoy s'occuper. Les bleds n'y manqueront non
plus qu'en France. Ie ne fais pas profession de rapporter les biens du
pays, ny de monstrer ce qui peut occuper icy l'esprit & le corps de
nos François. Ie me cõtenteray de dire, que ce seroit vn honneur & vn
grand bien à l'vne & à l'autre France, de faire passer des Colonies, &
dresser forces peuplades dans les terres, qui sont en friche depuis la
naissance du monde.

    Now there is no doubt that there can be found here employment for
    all sorts of artisans. Why cannot the great forests of New France
    largely furnish the Ships for the Old? Who doubts that there are
    here mines of iron, [57] copper, and other metals?[3] Some have
    already been discovered, which will soon be worked; and hence
    all those who work in wood and iron will find employment here.
    Grain will not fail here, more than in France. I do not pretend
    to recite all the advantages of the country, nor to show what
    can give occupation here to the intelligence and strength of our
    French people; I will content myself by saying that it would be an
    honor and a great benefit to both old and new France to send over
    Emigrants and establish strong colonies in these lands, which have
    lain fallow since the birth of the world.

On me dira que Messieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France se sont
chargez de le faire; ie répõds qu'ils s'acquittẽt parfaictemẽt bien
de leur deuoir, quoy qu'auec de tres [58] grands frais: mais quand
ils feroient passer trois fois autant de personnes qu'ils ont promis,
ils déchargeroient de fort peu l'Ancienne France, & ne peupleroient
qu'vn petit Canton de la Nouuelle. Neantmoins auec le temps il se fera
progrés, & aussi-tost que par le défrichement on pourra recueillir de
la terre, ce qui est necessaire pour la vie, on trouuera mille vtilitez
sur le pays, qui seront encore profitables, à la Frãce: mais il semble
qu'il soit necessaire qu'vne grande estenduë de bois soit changée en
terres labourables, auparauant que d'introduire plus grand nombre de
familles, autrement la faim les pourroit égorger.

    They will tell me that the Gentlemen of the Company of New France
    have taken it upon themselves to do this; I answer that they are
    discharging their duty perfectly, although at very [58] great
    expense;[4] but even if they should bring over three times as many
    people as they have promised, they would but slightly relieve
    Old France, and would people only a little Canton of the New.
    Nevertheless, in time they will make some progress; and as soon
    as, through the clearing of the land, they can obtain from it what
    is necessary for life, thousands of useful things will be found in
    the country which will also be profitable to France. But it seems
    necessary that a great extent of forest should be converted into
    tillable land, before introducing many families, otherwise famine
    might consume them.

Ie m'estens trop sur vn point, qui sẽble éloigné de mon sujet, quoy
qu'il y soit tres-conforme; car si ie voyois icy quelques villes ou
bourgades, recueillir suffisamment des fruicts de [59] la terre pour
leurs besoins, nos Sauuages errans se rangeroiẽt bien-tost à leur abry,
& se faisans sedẽtaires à nostre exemple, notamment si on leur rendoit
quelque assistance, on les pourroit aisément instruire en la Foy. Pour
les peuples stables qui sont bien auant dans les terres, on iroit en
grand nombre les secourir, & auec d'autant plus d'authorité & moins de
crainte qu'on se sentiroit appuyé de ces Villes ou Bourgades. Plus la
puissance de nos François aura d'éclat en ces Contrées, & plus aisément
feront-ils receuoir leur creance à ces Barbares, qui se menent autant &
plus par les sens que par la raison.

    I enlarge upon a point which seems remote from my subject, although
    it is closely related thereto; for if I could see here a number
    of towns or villages, gathering enough of the fruits of [59] the
    earth for their needs, our wandering Savages would soon range
    themselves under their protection; and, being rendered sedentary
    by our example, especially if they were to be given some help,
    they could easily be instructed in the Faith. As to the stationary
    tribes farther back in the interior, we would go in great numbers
    to succor them; and would have much more authority, and less fear,
    if we felt that we had the support of these Towns or Villages.
    The more imposing the power of our French people is made in these
    Countries, the more easily they can make their belief received by
    these Barbarians, who are influenced even more through the senses,
    than through reason.




[60] CHAPITRE IV.

RAMAS DE DIUERSES CHOSES DRESSÉ EN FORME DE IOURNAL.


TOVT ce qui se dira en ce Chapitre, n'est qu'vn mélange qui n'aura pas
beaucoup de suitte, ny de liaison, sinon peut-estre du temps auquel les
choses sont arriuées: encore ne se suiura-il que de loin à loin.

    [60] CHAPTER IV.

    A COLLECTION OF VARIOUS MATTERS PREPARED IN THE FORM OF A JOURNAL.

    ALL that will be said in this Chapter is a mere medley, in which
    there will be but little sequence or connection, except perhaps
    that of the time in which the things happened; and still they will
    follow each other only at wide intervals.

Le douziesme d'Aoust de l'année precedente mil six cens trente quatre,
Monsieur du Plessis Bochard General de la flotte, leua l'ancre, &
quitta la Rade de Kebec, pour tirer à Tadoussac, & de là en France, où
l'on nous dit qu'il arriua enuiron la my-Septembre, n'ayant esté qu'vn
mois à trauerser la mer.

    On the twelfth of August of the preceding year, one thousand six
    hundred and thirty-four, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard,[5] Commandant
    of the fleet, weighed anchor and left the Roadstead of Kebec, to
    go to Tadoussac and thence to France, where we are told he arrived
    about the middle of September, having been only a month in crossing
    the sea.

[61] Le vingt-sixiesme du mesme mois d'Aoust, quelques Sauuages passans
proche de nostre Maison nous firent veoir des prunes qu'ils auoient
cueilly dans les bois, non pas bien loin de nostre Maison: elles
estoient aussi grosses que les petits abricots de France, leur noyau
est plat comme celuy de l'abricot: cela me fait dire que les froids
de ces Contrées, n'empescherõt pas qu'on n'en retire des fruits. Nous
en verrons l'experience dans quelques années; car nous auons greffé
quelques antes qui ont fort bien repris.

    [61] On the twenty-sixth of the same month of August, some Savages
    who were passing our House showed us some plums they had gathered
    in the woods not far from there; they were as large as the little
    apricots of France, their stone being flat like that of the
    apricot. This leads me to say that the cold of these Countries does
    not prevent fruit from growing. We shall know from experience, in
    a few years, for we have grafted some cuttings which have started
    very well.

Le troisiesme de Septembre nous nous embarquasmes le Pere Buteux &
moy, pour aller secourir nos François en la Nouuelle Habitation, qu'on
commençoit aux trois Riuieres. Nous passasmes proche de l'Islet de
Rich[e]lieu, nommé des [62] Sauuages _Ka ouapassiniskakhi_. Monsieur
de Champlain y a fait dresser vne platte-forme, sur laquelle on a
posé du Canon, pour commander à toute la Riuiere. Depuis cet Islet
iusques à vne bonne traite de chemin an de-là, le passage est fort
dangereux, à qui n'a cognoissance du vray chenal, nous touchasmes vne
fois, eschoüasmes vne autre, & nostre barque, dans vn grand nordest,
frisa vne roche, qui donna de l'horreur à tous ceux qui la virent. Dieu
semble auoir armé ce passage pour la conseruation du Pays, entre les
mains des François qui le possedent.

    On the third of September, we, Father Buteux and I, embarked to go
    and help our French in the New Settlement they are beginning at
    the three Rivers. We passed near the Island of Rich[e]lieu, called
    by the [62] Savages _Ka ouapassiniskakhi_. Monsieur de Champlain
    has had a platform erected there, upon which they have placed some
    Cannon in order to command the whole River.[6] From this Islet to a
    considerable distance above, the passage is very dangerous to any
    one who does not know the real channel. Once we touched bottom,
    another time we were stranded; and in a strong northeaster our bark
    grazed a rock, which filled with horror all those that saw it.
    God seems to have armed this passage for the preservation of the
    Country in the hands of the French, who now possess it.

Le huictiesme nous arriuasmes aux trois Riuieres, le seiour y est fort
agréable, la terre sablonneuse, la pesche en son temps tres-abõdante.
Vn Sauuage rapportera quelquefois dans son Canot douze ou quinze [63]
Esturgeons, dont le moindre sera par fois de la hauteur d'vn homme.
Il y a quantité d'autres poissons tres-excellens. Les Français ont
nõmé ce lieu les trois Riuieres, pource qu'il sort des terres vn assez
beau fleuue, qui se vient dégorger dans la grande Riuiere de sainct
Laurens par trois principales emboucheures, causées par plusieurs
petites Isles, qui se rencontrent à l'entrée de ce fleuue, nommé des
Sauuages _Metaberoutin_. Ie décrirois volontiers la beauté de ce lieu,
mais ie crains d'estre long; Tout le pays entre Kebec & ceste nouuelle
Habitation, que nous appellerõs la Residence de la Conception, m'a
semblé fort agreable, il est entrecoupé de ruisseaux & de fleuues, qui
se déchargent d'espaces en espaces dans le Roy des fleuues, c'est à
dire, dans la grande riuiere de S. Laurens, [64] qui a bien encore en
ce lieu là quelque deux à trois mille pas de large quoy qu'il soit à
trente lieuës au dessus de Kebec.

    On the eighth, we arrived at the three Rivers. We found living
    there very agreeable; the ground is sandy, the fish very abundant
    in its season. A Savage will sometimes bring in his Canoe twelve
    or fifteen [63] Sturgeon, the smallest of which is occasionally as
    long as the height of a man; besides these, there are also a number
    of other very good fish. The French have named this place the three
    Rivers, because there emerges here a very beautiful river which
    flows into the great River saint Lawrence through three principal
    mouths, caused by several little Islands which are found at the
    entrance of this river, which the Savages call _Metaberoutin_.[7]
    I would like to describe the beauty of this place, but I am afraid
    of being tedious. The whole country between Kebec and this new
    Settlement, which we will call the Residence of the Conception,
    seems to me very pleasant; it is intersected by brooks and streams,
    which empty at short distances from each other into the King of
    rivers, that is, into the great river St. Lawrence, [64] which
    is, even at this place, fully two or three thousand paces wide,
    although it is thirty leagues above Kebec.

Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois de Septembre vn Elan parut de l'autre
bord de ceste grande riuiere, nos François en donnerent aduis à
quelques Sauuages cabanez proche de l'Habitation, quelques-vns d'eux
s'en vont attaquer ce grand animal, qui se rafraichissoit dedans l'eau,
l'allant prendre du costé des terres, pour le pousser plus auant dans
le fleuue, ils voloient apres dans leurs petits Canots d'écorce,
ils l'approcherent à la portée d'vn iauelot, & l'vn d'eux luy lança
vne espée qui le fit bondir, & chercher le chemin de la terre pour
se sauuer; ce qu'il eust fait aisément, s'il eust peu aborder; mais
voyant ses ennemis de ce costé là, il [65] se iette à l'eau, où il
fut bien-tost lardé de coups d'espées. Comme il tiroit à la mort, ils
le repousserent vers le bord du fleuue, & là le mirent en vn momẽt en
pieces, pour le pouuoir apporter en leur cabane. Nous voyons ceste
chasse de nostre Habitation esleuée sur vne platte forme naturelle, qui
a veuë sur la grande Riuiere. Ie consideray particulierement la teste
de cest animal, il auoit poussé vn bois de la longueur seulement des
cornes d'vn bœuf; car il estoit encore tout ieune ce bois estoit tout
velu, assez mince, & d'vne grosseur quasi égale partout.

    On the twenty-seventh of the same month of September, an Elk
    appeared on the other bank of this great river; our Frenchmen gave
    notice of it to some Savages who were encamped near the Settlement,
    and some of them went to attack this great animal, which was
    standing in the water drinking. Approaching it from the land side,
    to drive it farther into the water, they flew after it in their
    little bark Canoes; and, approaching it within range, one of them
    launched a javelin at it, which made it give a bound and start for
    the shore to save itself; it might easily have done this if it had
    been able to touch the shore; but seeing its enemies there, it [65]
    rushed into the water where it was soon run through with javelins.
    When it was near its death, they drove it to the shore, and there
    in a moment they had cut it in pieces, to be able to carry it to
    their cabin. We saw this chase from our Settlement, which is on
    a natural elevation and commands a view of the great River. I
    carefully examined the head of this animal; its antlers had grown
    only as long as the horns of an ox, for it was still young; these
    antlers were covered with hair which was quite fine and almost
    equally thick throughout.

Le vingt-huictiesme le Pere Buteux & moy trouuasmes vne troupe de
Sauuages, qui faisoient festin auprés des fosses de leurs parens
trespassez; ils leur donnerent la meilleure part du banquet qu'ils
ietterent [66] au feu, & s'en voulans aller vne femme rompit des
branches, & des rameaux d'arbres, dont elle couurit ces fosses; ie luy
en demanday la raison, elle repartit qu'elle abrioit l'ame de ses amis
trespassez, contre l'ardeur du Soleil, qui a esté fort grande cet
Automne. Ils philosophent des ames des hommes & de leurs necessitez,
comme des corps, conformément à leur doctrine, se figurans que nos
ames ont les mesmes besoins que nos corps; nous luy dismes assez
que les ames des creatures raisonnables descendoiẽt aux enfers, ou
montoient au Ciel; elle ne laissa pas, sans nous rien respondre, de
garder la vieille coustume de ses ayeux. Ceux qui ne resentent pas les
obligations qu'ils ont à Dieu, d'auoir pris naissance en vn lieu où il
est cogneu & adoré, peuuent icy veoir à l'œil quel preciput [67] ils
ont par dessus vn monde de barbares.

    On the twenty-eighth, Father Buteux and I found a band of Savages
    who were having a feast near the graves of their deceased
    relatives; they gave them the best part of the banquet, which they
    threw [66] into the fire; and, when they were about to go away,
    a woman broke some twigs and branches from the trees, with which
    she covered these graves. I asked her why she did this, and she
    answered that she was sheltering the souls of her dead friends
    from the heat of the Sun, which has been very great this Autumn.
    They reason about the souls of men and their necessities as they
    do about the body; according to their doctrine, they suppose that
    our souls have the same needs as our bodies. We told her repeatedly
    that the souls of reasonable beings descended into hell or went up
    into Heaven; but, without giving us any answer, she continued to
    follow the old custom of her ancestors. Those who do not appreciate
    the obligations they are under to God, for having been born in a
    place where he is known and worshiped, can see here at a glance
    what an advantage [67] they have over a world of barbarians.

Le vingt-troisiesme iour d'Octobre, quinze ou vingt Sauuages reuindrent
de la guerre, amenans vn prisonnier. Si tost qu'il peurent découurir
nostre Habitation & leurs cabanes, ils rassemblerent leurs canots, &
s'en vindrent doucement par le milieu du grand fleuue, poussant de
leur estomach des chants tout remplis d'allegresse; si tost qu'on les
apperceut, il se fit vn grand cry dans les cabanes; chacun sortit au
deuant pour veoir ces gueriers, qui firent leuer tout debout le pauure
prisonnier, & le firent danser à leur mode au milieu d'vn canot; il
chãtoit & eux frappoient de leurs auirons à la cadence; il estoit lié
d'vne corde qui luy passoit de bras en bras derriere le dos, & d'vne
autre aux pieds, & encore d'vne autre [68] assez longue par le trauers
du corps; ils luy auoient arraché les ongles des doigts, afin qu'il ne
se peust délier. Admirez ie vous prie la cruauté de ces peuples, vne
Sauuage nous ayant apperceu le Pere Buteux & moy dans la meslée auec
les autres, nous vint dire toute remplie de ioye & de contentement,
_Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau_; en vérité ie mangeray de l'Hiroquois.
En fin ce pauure homme sorty du canot fut conduit dans vne cabane, à
l'entrée les enfans, les filles & les femmes le frappoient, qui d'vn
baston, qui d'vne pierre: vous eussiez dit qu'il estoit insensible,
passant chemin, & receuant ces coups, sans destourner la veuë: si tost
qu'il fust entré, on le fit dancer à la cadence de leurs hurlemens.
Apres auoir fait quelques tours, frappant la terre, & s'agitant le
corps, en quoy consiste toute [69] leur dance, on le fit asseoir, &
quelques Sauuages nous apostrophans, nous dirent que cet Hiroquois
estoit l'vn de ceux qui l'année precedente auoient surpris & massacré
trois de nos François, c'estoit pour estouffer en nous la compassion
que nous en pouuiõs auoir, ils oserent bien demander à quelques-vns de
nos François, s'ils n'en mangeroient pas bien leur part, puis qu'ils
auoient tué de nos Compatriotes. On leur repartit que ces cruautez
nous déplaisoient, & que nous n'estions point des antropophages. Il
ne mourut point neantmoins; car ces Barbares ennuyez de la guerre,
parlerent à ce ieune prisonnier, qui est homme fort, & d'vne riche &
haute taille, de faire la paix; ils ont esté long-tẽps à la traiter,
mais en fin ils l'ont concluë. Ie croy bien qu'elle ne durera gueres,
[70] car le premier vertige qui prendra à quelque estourdy, sur le
souuenir que l'vn de ses parens aura esté tué par les Hiroquois, en ira
surprendre quelqu'vn, & le massacrera en trahison: & ainsi recommencera
la guerre. Il ne faut pas attendre de fidelité des peuples qui n'ont
point la vraye Foy.

    On the twenty-third day of October, fifteen or twenty Savages
    returned from the war, bringing a prisoner. As soon as they could
    descry our Settlement and their cabins, they collected their canoes
    and sailed slowly down the middle of the great river, uttering
    from their chests songs full of gladness; as soon as they were
    seen, there was a great outcry among the cabins, each one coming
    out to see these warriors, who made the poor prisoner stand up and
    dance in their fashion in the middle of a canoe. He sang, and they
    kept time with their paddles; he was bound with a cord which tied
    his arms behind his back, another was around his feet, and still
    another, [68] a long one, around his body; they had torn out his
    finger-nails, so that he could not untie himself. Marvel, I pray
    you, at the cruelty of these people. A Savage, having perceived
    Father Buteux and me mingling with the others, came up to us and
    said, full of joy and satisfaction, _Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau_;
    "I shall really eat some Hiroquois." Finally this poor man came
    out of the canoe, and was taken into a cabin, the children, girls,
    and women striking him, some with sticks, others with stones, as
    he entered; you would have said he was insensible, as he passed
    along and received these blows without looking around; as soon
    as he entered, they made him dance to the music of their howls.
    After having made a few turns, striking the ground and agitating
    his body, which is all there is of [69] their dancing, they made
    him sit down; and some of the Savages, addressing us, told us that
    this Hiroquois was one of those who the year before had surprised
    and killed three of our Frenchmen; this was done to stifle in us
    the pity that we might have for him, and they even dared to ask
    some of our French if they did not want to eat their share of
    him, since they had killed our Countrymen. We replied that these
    cruelties displeased us, and that we were not cannibals. He did not
    die, however; for these Barbarians, weary of the war, spoke with
    this young prisoner, who was a strong man, tall and finely formed,
    about making peace; they have been treating about it for a long
    time, but at last it is concluded. In truth, I believe it will not
    last long; [70] for the first impulse that seizes some hot-headed
    fellow, at the remembrance that one of his relations was killed
    by the Hiroquois, will make him go and surprise one of them, and
    treacherously assassinate him; and thus the war will begin again.
    Fidelity cannot be expected from people who have not the true Faith.

Le vingt-quatriesme du mesme mois grand nombre d'Algonquains estans
arriuez, ie m'en allay chercher par leur[s] cabanes, vne petite
fillette que i'auois baptisée, & nommée Marguerite l'ã passé: sa
mere me recogneut bien, & me dit qu'elle estoit morte, c'est autant
de gaigné pour le Ciel, ie ne l'auois pas fait Chrestienne qu'à fin
qu'elle y allast. Cõme ie vins à demãder des nouuelles du pere de cét
enfant que i'auois cõmencé d'instruire, vn Sauuage me respondit qu'il
estoit mort; à ceste [71] parole vne sienne fille aagée de dix-huict à
vingt ans, fit vn grand cry toute éplorée; on me fit signe que ie ne
parlasse point de la mort, dont le seul nom leur semble insupportable.

    On the twenty-fourth of the same month, a great many Algonquains
    having arrived, I went through their cabins, looking for a little
    girl I had baptized and named Marguerite, the year before. Her
    mother readily recognized me, and told me that she was dead; that
    was so much gained for Heaven; I had only made her a Christian
    that she might go there. When I came to ask news of the father of
    the child whom I had begun to instruct, a Savage told me that he
    was dead; at this [71] answer, one of his daughters, about eighteen
    or twenty years old, uttered a loud cry and burst into tears; they
    made me a sign that I should not speak of death, its very name
    seeming to them unbearable.

Le vingt-neufiesme il arriua vne chose assez facetieuse, que ie
coucheray icy, pour faire veoir la simplicité d'vn esprit qui ne
cognoist point Dieu. Deux Sauuages estans entrez en nostre Habitation,
pendant le Diuin Seruice, que nous faisions à la Chapelle, se disoient
l'vn à l'autre, Ils prient celuy qui a tout fait, leur donnera-il ce
qu'ils demandent? Or comme nous tardions trop à leur gré, Asseurément,
disoient-ils, il ne leur veut pas donner: voyla ils crient tous
tant qu'ils peuuent (nous chantions Vespres pour lors). Or vn ieune
truchement venant à sortir, ils l'aborderent, & [72] luy dirent, Hé
bien! celuy qui a tout fait, vous a-il accordé ce que vous demandiez?
Ouy, respond-il, nous l'aurons. Asseurémẽt, repartent-ils, il ne s'en
est gueres fallu qu'il ne vous ait éconduit; car vous auez bien crié &
bien chanté pour l'auoir: nous disions à tous coups, que vous n'auriez
rien; mais encore que vous a-il promis? Ce ieune homme soufriant,
leur respondit, conformément à leur grande attente, Il nous a promis
que nous n'aurions point faim: c'est la grande beatitude des Sauuages
d'auoir dequoy contenter leur ventre.

    On the twenty-ninth, a rather amusing thing happened, which I
    shall relate here to show the simplicity of a mind that does not
    know God. Two Savages having entered our Settlement during Divine
    Service, which we were holding in the Chapel, said to each other,
    "They are praying to him who made all things; will he give them
    what they ask?" Now as we were going rather slowly, according to
    their ideas, "Certainly," they said, "he does not want to give it
    to them, see how they are all shouting as loud as they can," (we
    were singing Vespers at the time). Now, as a young interpreter was
    going away, they approached him and [72] said "Well, now, he who
    made all things, has he granted what you ask?" "Yes," he answered,
    "we shall get it." "Certainly," they replied, "he must have very
    nearly refused you, for you have cried and sung so hard to get it;
    we were saying all the time that you would not get anything; but
    tell us now, what did he promise you?" This young man, smiling,
    answered them according to their expectations, "He promised us that
    we should not be hungry." It is the highest state of happiness for
    the Savages to have something with which to satisfy their stomachs.

Le cinquiesme de Nouembre, i'allay veoir les reliquas d'vne
bonne-pallissade, qui a autrefois entouré vne Bourgade, au lieu mesme
où nos François ont planté leur Habitation. Les Hiroquois ennemis de
ces Peuples ont tout bruslé; on voit encore [73] le bout des pieux tous
noirs; il y a quelques arpens de terre défrichée, où ils cultiuoient du
bled d'Inde. I'espere qu'auec le temps nos Canadiens reprendront cet
exercice, qui leur sera autant profitable pour le Ciel, que pour la
terre; car s'ils s'arrestent, on aura moyen de les instruire.

    On the fifth of November, I went to see the remains of a good
    palisade, which formerly surrounded a Village in the very place
    where our French have established their Abode. The Hiroquois
    enemies of these Tribes have burned everything; there can still be
    seen [73] the ends of the blackened stakes; there are some arpents
    of cleared land, where they cultivated Indian corn. I hope in the
    course of time our Canadians will resume this industry, which will
    be as profitable to them for Heaven as for earth; for, if they stop
    their wanderings there will be opportunities of instructing them.

Le septiesme on nous décriuit vne façon de dance des Sauuages que nous
n'auions point encore veuë. L'vn d'eux commence, pendant que les autres
chantẽt; la chanson finie, il va donner le bouquet, c'est à dire, qu'il
va faire vn present à celuy qu'il veut faire dancer apres soy; l'autre
finissant la dance en fait de mesme, & si nos François se trouuent auec
eux, on leur porte le bouquet & le present aussi bien qu'aux autres.

    On the seventh we had described to us a kind of Savage dance that
    we had not yet seen. One of them begins while the others sing; the
    song finished, he goes and gives the bouquet, that is, he goes and
    makes a present to the one whom he wishes to dance after him; the
    other does the same thing when he finishes the dance; and, if our
    French are with them, they bring the bouquet and the present to our
    men as well as to the others.

Le dix-huictiesme de ce mois, [74] tous les Sauuages s'escarterent,
qui deça, qui de là dans les bois, pour aller pendant l'hyuer chercher
l'Elan, le Cerf & le Caribou, dont ils viuent; Si bien que nous
demeurasmes sans voisins, nos seuls François restans en nostre nouuelle
Demeure.

    On the eighteenth of this month, [74] all the Savages dispersed,
    some here and some there into the woods, to go during the winter to
    hunt the Elk, the Deer and the Caribou, upon which they live; so
    that we were without neighbors, our French alone remaining in our
    new Dwelling place.

Le trentiesme de Decembre la neige n'estant ny assez dure ny assez
profonde, pour arrester les grandes iambes de l'Elan, vne troupe de ces
pauures Barbares, s'en vindrent crier misericorde en nostre Habitation;
la famine qui fut cruelle l'an passé les a encore traicté plus rudement
cet hyuer, du moins en plusieurs endroits; on nous a rapporté que vers
Gaspé les Sauuages ont tué & mangé vn ieune garçon que les Basques
leur auoient laissé pour apprẽdre leur langue. Ceux de Tadoussac auec
lesquels i'hyuernay il y a vn an, se sont mangez les vns les autres
[75] en quelques endroits. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart montant à Kebec,
nous a dit qu'il y en auoit encore quelques-vns dans les bois, qui
n'osoient paroistre deuant les autres, à raison qu'ils ont meschamment
surpris, massacré, & mangé leurs compagnons. Nous auons esté témoins
de leur famine aux trois Riuieres: ils venoient par bandes, tous
défigurez, décharnez comme des squelets, aymans, disoient-ils autant
mourir auprés des François, que dans leurs Forests: le malheur pour
eux, estoit, que comme ceste Habitation ne faisoit que de commencer, il
n'y auoit point encore de magasins aux trois Riuieres, nos François &
nous n'ayans apporté de Kebec que les viures necessaires pour le nombre
des hommes qui y residoient: nous nous efforçasmes pourtant de les
secourir, chacun de son costé leur [76] faisant la charité selon ses
forces, ou selon son affection, pas vn de ceux qui vindrent vers nous
ne mourut de faim.

    On the thirtieth of December, the snow having been neither hard
    nor deep enough to arrest the long legs of the Elk, a troop of
    these poor Barbarians came crying for pity at our Settlement; the
    famine, which was cruel last year, has treated them still worse
    this winter, at least in several places; we have heard a report
    that, near Gaspé, the Savages killed and ate a young boy whom the
    Basques left with them to learn their language. Those of Tadoussac,
    with whom I passed the winter a year ago, have eaten each other
    [75] in some localities. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, on his way to
    Kebec, told us that there were still some in the woods who do not
    dare appear before the others because they had wickedly surprised,
    massacred, and eaten their companions. We have been witnesses to
    their famine at the three Rivers; they came in bands, greatly
    disfigured and as fleshless as skeletons, liking, they said, as
    well to die near the French as in their own Forests; the misfortune
    for them was that, as this Settlement was only in its first stages,
    there was not yet a storehouse at three Rivers, our French and we
    having brought from Kebec only the food necessary for the number
    of men who were residing there; we tried, however, to help them,
    each on his side [76] exercising charity according to his means, or
    according to his inclinations; not one of those who came to us died
    of hunger.

Le Pere Buteux & moy entrans dans vne cabane, vne femme nous dit, qu'il
n'estoit resté qu'elle & sa compagne, de tous ceux auec lesquels elles
auoient hyuerné dans les bois. On a trouué des Chasseurs roides morts
sur la neige, tuez du froid & de la faim, entre autres, celuy qui auoit
pris le prisonnier Hiroquois duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus.

    When Father Buteux and I entered a certain cabin, a woman told us
    that no one remained but she and her companion, of all those with
    whom they had wintered in the forest. Hunters had been found stiff
    in death upon the snow, killed by cold and starvation,--among
    others, the one who had taken prisoner the Hiroquois of whom I have
    spoken above.

Vn Sauuage me dit dans ceste famine, que sa femme & sa belle sœur
estoient en deliberation de tuer leur propre frere: I'en demanday la
raison, nous craignons, fit-il, qu'il ne nous assomme pendant nostre
sommeil pour nous manger. Nous vous apportons, luy dis-je, tous les
iours vne partie de nos viures [77] pour vous secourir. Cela est vray,
respond-il, tu nous donne la vie, mais cét homme est à demy fol; il ne
mange point, il a quelque méchant dessein, nous le voulons preuenir, en
seras-tu marry? Ie me trouuay vn peu en peine, de consentir à sa mort,
ie ne pouuois: ie croyois d'ailleurs qu'ils auoient iuste occasion de
craindre. Nous luy donnasmes conseil de ne point laisser de haches ny
d'espees en sa cabane, sinon celle dont il auroit à faire, laquelle
il poseroit sous sa teste en dormant; il s'accorda à cela, & nous
donna ses haches & ses espees, pour les emporter en nostre chambrette.
A trois iours de là ce pauure miserable s'en alla à Kebec, où ayant
voulu tuer quelque François, Monsieur le Gouuerneur recognoissant sa
folie, le fit enchaisner pour le rendre aux premiers Sauuages qui [78]
viendroient.

    A Savage told me, during this famine, that his wife and
    sister-in-law contemplated killing their own brother; I asked him
    why, "We are afraid," he replied, "that he will kill us during our
    sleep, to eat us." "We supply you," said I, "a part of our food
    every day [77] to help you." "That is true," he replied, "thou
    givest us life; but this man is half-mad; he does not eat, he has
    some evil design; we wish to prevent him, wilt thou be displeased
    at that?" I found myself a little troubled; I could not consent to
    his death, and yet I believed they had good cause for their fear.
    We advised him not to leave any hatchets or javelins in his cabin,
    except one which he would have to use, and he should place that
    under his head when he was sleeping; he agreed to this, and gave
    us his hatchets and javelins, to put them away in our little room.
    Three days later, this poor wretch went to Kebec, where, having
    tried to kill some Frenchman, Monsieur the Governor, seeing that
    he was mad, had him put in chains, to surrender him to the first
    Savages that [78] might come along.

Or ces allées & venuës des Sauuages affamez ont duré quasi tout
l'hyuer; nous faisions ordinairement quelque festin de pois & de farine
boüillie à toutes les nouuelles bandes; i'en ay veu tel d'entre-eux
qui en mangeoient plus de huict escuellées, deuant que de sortir de la
place.

    Now these comings and goings of famished Savages lasted almost all
    winter; we usually made a little feast of peas and boiled flour for
    all the new bands, and I have seen certain ones among them eat more
    than eight bowlfuls of this before leaving the place.

Pendant qu'on leur preparoit le banquet, nous leur parlions de Dieu,
nous leur representions leurs miseres; ils auoient tous la meilleure
volonté du monde de cultiuer au Printemps, ce qu'ont fait quelques vns:
mais ils ne demeurerent pas assiduëment auprés de leurs bleds d'Inde,
les abandonnans pour aller pescher, qui deça, qui delà.

    While the banquet was being prepared, we talked to them about
    God, we represented to them their poverty; they all had the best
    intentions in the world to cultivate the land in the Spring, as
    some of them have done; but they did not remain constantly near
    their Indian corn,--abandoning it to go fishing, some in one
    direction, some in another.

Quand aux propositions que nous leur faisions de croire en Dieu, l'vn
d'eux me dit vn iour. Si nous [79] croyons en vostre Dieu, neigera-il?
Il neigera, luy dis je. La neige sera-elle dure & profonde? Elle le
sera. Trouuerõs nous des Orignaux? Vous en trouuerez. Les tuerons nous?
Ouy; Car comme Dieu sçait tout, qu'il peut tout, & qu'il est tres bon,
il ne manquera pas de vous assister, si vous auez recours en luy, si
vous receuez sa Foy, & luy rendez obeyssance. Ton discours est bon,
repart-il, nous penserons à ce que tu nous as dit. Cependant ils s'en
vont dans les bois, & mettẽt bien-tost en oubly ce qu'on leur a dit:
Il est bien vray qu'à la parfin on fera quelque impression sur leur
esprit, s'il n'est plus dure que la pierre qui se caue par des gouttes
d'eau.

    As to the proposals we make to them to believe in God, one of them
    said to me one day, "If we [79] believe in your God, will it snow?"
    "It will snow," I said to him. "Will the snow be hard and deep?"
    "It will be." "Shall we find Moose?" "You will find them." "Shall
    we kill some?" "Yes; for as God knows all things, as he can do all
    things, and as he is very good, he will not fail to help you, if
    you have recourse to him, if you receive the Faith, and if you
    reader him obedience." "Thy speech is good," answered he, "we will
    think upon what thou hast told us." Meanwhile, they go off into the
    woods, and soon forget what has been said to them. It is indeed
    true that, in the end, some impression will be made upon their
    minds, if they are not harder than the stone hollowed out by drops
    of water.

Vne autrefois ayant vn assez long-temps discouru sur nostre creance à
vne escouade, qui s'en retournoit chercher dequoy nourrir [80] leurs
femmes & leurs enfans, ie leur conseillay, au cas qu'ils ne peussent
rien trouuer, de se mettre à genoux, & de s'addresser à celuy qui a
fait le Ciel & la terre, de luy promettre qu'ils croiront en luy,
s'il les vouloit secourir: ils me promirent qu'ils le feroient; nous
leur presentasmes à cet effect vne petite Image de nostre Seigneur
Iesus-Christ, & les aduertismes de la façon qu'ils la deuoient placer
dans leur[s] grandes necessitez, des prieres qu'ils deuoient faire à
celuy qu'elle representoit, leur donnant bonne esperãce qu'ils seroient
secourus. Ie mis cette Image entre les mains d'vn nommé _Sakapouan_,
dont i'ay fait mention cy-dessus. Il me promit qu'il feroit de point
en point ce que nous luy auions ordonné: mais le miserable ne tint pas
sa promesse; car il n'osa iamais produire ceste Image, de [81] peur
d'estre gaussé de ses Compagnons, voire mesme il se rioit auec les
autres de ce que nous leur auions presché. Aussi Dieu le chastia-il,
car il tomba malade, & fut contraint de venir rechercher les François;
nous luy redemandasmes l'Image & la rendit. Interrogé pourquoy il
n'auoit point prié le Fils du Tout-puissant, Ie m'en estois allé,
respond-il, auec bonne volonté de le prier, i'auois conceu vne bonne
esperance, qu'il nous donneroit à manger, i'auois mesme retenu la
meilleure de toutes les oraisons que tu nous as enseigné: mais estant
arriué à nos cabanes, i'ay eu peur que si ie produisois l'Image,
qu'on ne s'en moquast, & que celuy qui a tout fait ne se faist chast
cõtre moy, & nous fist mourir. En vn mot le respect humain retiẽt
ce peuple. I'eus beau luy dire, que s'il eust esté fidele dans [82]
ces gausseries, s'il n'eust point adheré à ces mocqueurs, que Dieu
l'auroit puissamment assisté, Il faut, dit-il, parler à nos Capitaines.
Et en effet qui les auroit gaignez, il auroit tout gagné. Ie reuiens
tousiours sur mes brisées, qui sçauroit parfaictement la langue pour
les accabler de raisons, & pour refuter promptement leurs niaiseries,
seroit bien puissant parmy eux. Le temps apportera tout, & Dieu donnant
sa benediction, _Populus qui est in tenebris videbit lucem magnam_.

    Another time, having talked a long time upon our belief with a
    squad of them, who had returned to seek food for [80] their wives
    and children, I advised them, in case they could not find anything,
    to fall upon their knees and to address themselves to him who has
    made Heaven and earth, to promise him they would believe in him if
    he would relieve them; they promised that they would do so; we gave
    them for this purpose a little Image of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
    instructed them in the way in which they were to place it in the
    time of their great need, and in some prayers they were to make to
    him whom it represented, giving them strong hope that they would
    be helped. I placed this Image in the hands of a certain one named
    _Sakapouan_, of whom I have spoken above. He promised me that he
    would do everything just as we had directed; but the wretch did not
    keep his promise, for he never dared produce this Image, lest [81]
    he should be sneered at by his Companions; yes, he even laughed
    with the others about what we had preached to them. And indeed God
    chastised him, for he fell sick and was obliged to come seeking the
    French; we asked for the Image and he returned it. When asked why
    he had not prayed to the Son of the All-powerful, "I went away," he
    replied, "with the good will to pray to him; I felt a strong hope
    that he would give us something to eat, I had even kept in mind the
    best of all the prayers thou hast taught us; but, when I arrived
    at our cabins, I was afraid that if I brought out the Image they
    would make sport of me, and that he who has made all would be angry
    with me, and make us die." In one word, these people are restrained
    by worldly considerations. It was in vain I told him that if he
    had been faithful in [82] the midst of these mockeries, if he had
    not clung to these mockers, God would have given him powerful
    assistance; "It is necessary," he said "to talk to our Captains."
    And, in fact, one who could gain them could gain all. I am always
    retracing my footsteps, in saying, that one who knew the language
    perfectly, so that he could crush their reasons and promptly refute
    their absurdities, would be very powerful among them. Time will
    bring all things; God giving his blessing, _Populus qui est in
    tenebris videbit lucem magnam_.

Or pour vuider tout cét article; ie demanday à ce Sauuage, quelle
estoit ceste Oraison qu'il preferoit aux autres. Tu nous dis plusieurs
choses, me fit-il, mais ceste priere m'a semblé la meilleure de toutes.
_Mirinan oukachigakhi nimitchiminan_: donne nous auiourd'huy nostre
nourriture: donne nous à manger; [83] voyla vne excellente Oraison,
disoit-il. Ie ne m'estonne pas de ceste Philosophie; _Animalis homo,
non percipit ea quæ sunt Spiritus Dei_. Qui n'a iamais esté qu'à
l'escole de la chair, ne sçauroit parler le langage de l'esprit.

    Now to end this whole story, I asked this Savage what this Prayer
    was that he preferred to all others. "Thou hast told us many
    things," he replied; "but this prayer has seemed to me the best
    of all: _Mirinan oukachigakhi nimitchiminan_, 'Give us to-day our
    food, give us something to eat.' [83] This is an excellent Prayer,"
    he said. I am not surprised at this Philosophy; _Animalis homo,
    non percipit ea quæ sunt Spiritus Dei_. He who has never been at
    any school but that of the flesh, cannot speak the language of the
    spirit.

Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier vn Sauuage me vint apprendre
vn secret bien cogneu des Algonquains, mais non pas des Montagnais;
aussi n'est-il pas de ce pays-cy, ains de bien auant dans les terres.
Il me dit donc, que si quelqu'vn de nos François vouloit l'accompagner,
qu'il s'en iroit pescher sous la glace d'vn grand estang, placé à
quelque cinq mille pas au delà de la grande Riuiere, vis-à-vis de
nostre Habitation. Il y alla en effet, & rapporta quelques poissons;
ce qui consola fort nos François: car ils peuuent maintenant au plus
fort [84] des glaces, tendre des rets dans cét estang. I'ay veu ceste
pesche: voicy comme ils s'y comportent. Ils sont à grands coups de
hache vn trou assez grandelet dans la glace de l'estang; ils en font
d'autres plus petits, d'espaces en espaces, & auec des perches ils
passent vne fiscelle de trous en trous par dessous la glace: ceste
fiscelle aussi longue que les rets qu'on veut tendre, se va arrester
au dernier trou, par lequel on tire, & on estend dedans l'eau toute
la rets qui luy est attachée. Voyla comme on tend les filets pour la
premiere fois, quand on les veut visiter, il est fort aisé: car on les
retire par la plus grande ouuerture, pour en recueillir le poisson,
puis il ne faut que retirer la fiscelle pour les retendre, les perches
ne seruans qu'à passer la première fois la fiscelle. Quand Dieu aura
beny ces contrées d'vne peuplade de François, [85] on trouuera mille
biens, & mille commoditez sur le pays, que ces Barbares ignorent.

    On the twenty-seventh of the same month of January a Savage came
    to acquaint me with a secret well known among the Algonquains,
    but not among the Montagnais; neither is it known in this part of
    the country, but farther into the interior. He told me that, if
    some one of our Frenchmen would accompany him, he would go and
    fish under the ice of a great pond, located some five thousand
    paces beyond the great River, opposite our Settlement. One of them
    did, in fact, go there, and brought back some fish, which greatly
    comforted our French people, for they can now, in the thickest [84]
    ice, stretch their nets in this pond. I have seen them fish in this
    way; now see how they do it. With great blows of the axe they make
    a tolerably large hole in the ice of the pond; then at intervals
    they make other smaller ones, and by the use of poles they pass a
    cord from hole to hole under the ice; this cord, which is as long
    as the nets they wish to stretch, stops at the last hole, through
    which it is drawn, and they spread out in the water the whole net
    which is attached to it. This is the way they spread the nets the
    first time. When they wish to examine them, it is very easily done,
    for they draw them out through the largest opening, to collect
    the fish from them; then it is only necessary to draw back the
    cord to respread the nets, the poles serving only to put the cord
    through the first time. When God has blessed these countries with
    a colony of French, [85] there will result a thousand benefits and
    a thousand conveniences for the country, of which these Barbarians
    are ignorant.

Le sixiesme de Feurier la grande Riuiere fut gelée tout à fait, en
sorte qu'on passoit dessus en asseurance; elle gela mesme deuant Kebec,
ce qui est fort extraordinaire, à raison que les marées sont là fort
violentes. Il me semble que la rigueur de l'hyuer s'est fait sentir
particulièrement en ce mois cy.

    On the sixth of February, the great River was completely frozen
    over, so that one could walk over it in safety; it even froze
    opposite Kebec, which is very extraordinary, as the tides there are
    very strong. It seems to me that the severity of the winter makes
    itself especially felt during this month.

Le huictiesme de Mars mourut ceste femme Sauuage nommée Anne, dont i'ay
parlé au Chapitre second: cõme les douleurs de la mort approchoient,
elle disoit par fois toute seule, _nitapoueten, nitapoueten_, Ie croy,
ie croy, _nisadkihau, nisadkihau_. Ie l'ayme, ie l'ayme: _ouaskoucki
nioui itoutan_. Ie veux aller au Ciel: & vne fois elle me dit, comme
ie la quittois, après l'auoir instruite & [86] visitée en sa maladie;
Tu m'as seruy de père iusques icy, continuë iusques à ma mort, qui ne
tardera pas; retourne moy voir au plustost, & si tu me vois si bas,
que ie ne puisse parler, souuienne toy que ie penseray tousiours à ce
que tu m'as dit, & que ie croiray tousiours en mon cœur. Vn Sauuage
m'ayant informé qu'elle n'estoit point de ce pays-cy, ie l'interrogeay
quelques iours deuant sa mort de sa patrie: elle me dit, que ceux de
sa Nation s'appelloient _ouperigoue ouaouakhi_, qu'ils habitoiẽt bien
auant dans les terres plus bas que Tadoussac, de mesme costé; qu'on
pouuoit par des fleuues descendre de leur pays dans la grande riuiere
de sainct Laurens; que ses Compatriotes n'auoient aucun commerce auec
les Europeans; c'est pourquoy, disoit-elle, ils se seruent de haches de
pierres; qu'ils ont des [87] Cerfs, & des Castors en abondance, mais
fort peu d'Elans; qu'ils parlent le langage Montagnais, & qu'ils ne
manqueroient de venir à la traitte auec les François, n'estoit que les
Sauuages de Tadoussac les veulent tuer quand ils les rencontrent. Ie
ne sçay si ce ne sont point ceux que nous appellons Bersiamites, dont
quelques-vns ont esté cruellement massacrez cette année à Tadoussac.
Ces perfides Sauuages les accueillirent fort humainement, & quand ils
les eurent en leur puissance, ils les mirent à mort traistreusement.

    On the eighth of March occurred the death of the Savage woman named
    Anne, of whom I have spoken in Chapter second; as the anguish of
    death approached, she said at times to herself, _nitapoueten,
    nitapoueten_, "I believe, I believe;" _nisadkihau, nisadkihau_, "I
    love him, I love him;" _ouaskoucki nioui itoutan_, "I wish to go
    to Heaven;" and once she said to me, as I was leaving her after
    having instructed and [86] visited her in her sickness; "Thou hast
    been a father to me up to the present; continue so until my death,
    which will not be long; come back and see me very soon, and if
    thou seest me so low I cannot speak, remember that I shall always
    think of what thou hast said to me, and that I shall always believe
    in my heart." As a Savage had informed me that she did not belong
    to this region, I asked her a few days before her death about her
    native country: she told me that the people of her Nation were
    called _ouperigoue ouaouakhi_, that they dwelt farther back in
    the interior, below Tadoussac, and on the same side; that they
    could descend through the rivers from their country to the great
    river saint Lawrence; that her Countrymen had no commerce with the
    Europeans; "that is why," she said, "they use hatchets made of
    stone;" that they have [87] Deer and Beavers in abundance, but very
    few Elk; that they speak the Montagnais language, and that they
    would certainly come and trade with the French, were it not that
    the Savages of Tadoussac try to kill them when they encounter them.
    I do not know whether these are the ones that we call Bersiamites,
    some of whom have been cruelly massacred this year at Tadoussac.
    These perfidious Savages received them very kindly, and, when they
    had them in their power, treacherously put them to death.

Le cinquiesme d'Auril vn Sauuage Montaignais vint rapporter au Pere
Buteux, que nos Peres, & nos François qui les accompagnoient auoient
esté delaissez dans les bois, & liez à des arbres par les Hurons qui
les menoient en leur pays, lesquels [88] s'estans trouuez mal d'vne
certaine epidemie qui affligea l'Automne passé toutes ces Nations,
creurent que ceste maladie leur estoit causée par les François, ce qui
les auoit reduits à les traitter de la sorte, & ce sauuage asseuroit
auoir appris ceste nouuelle de la bouche de quelques Bissiriniens,
voisins des Hurons. Nous remismes toute ceste affaire entre les mains
de N. Seigneur, qui prendra nos vies dans les temps, & dans les
occasions qu'il luy plaira. Nous auiõs desia appris, comme i'escriuy
l'an passé des mauuaises nouuelles du P. Anthoine Daniel qu'on nous
faisoit quasi mort: mais en fin la bonté de Dieu nous a consolez; car
la pluspart de ces bruits se sont trouuez faux. Il est vray que le
Pere Daniel, & tous les autres, ont souffert incomparablement en leur
voyage, comme V. R. pourra veoir [89] par la Relation du Pere Brebeuf.

    On the fifth day of April, a Montaignais Savage came to report to
    Father Buteux that our Fathers and our Frenchmen who accompanied
    them had been abandoned in the woods and tied to trees, by the
    Hurons who were taking them to their country,--who, [88] falling
    ill with a certain epidemic which last Autumn afflicted all these
    Nations, believed that this malady was caused by the French, and
    it was this which made them treat the French in this way; this
    savage declared that he had heard the news from the lips of some
    Bissiriniens, neighbors of the Hurons. We placed the whole matter
    in the hands of Our Lord, who will take our lives at the time and
    in the manner that shall please him. We had already learned, as I
    wrote last year, the bad news about Father Anthoine Daniel, who had
    been reported to us as almost dead; but at last the goodness of God
    has comforted us, for most of these reports are found to be false.
    It is true that Father Daniel and all the others have endured
    incomparable sufferings in their voyage, as Your Reverence can see
    [89] by the Relation of Father Brebeuf.

Le quatorziesme du mesme mois, toutes les glaces estant parties, ie
m'embarquay dans vn canot auec vn de nos François, & vn Algonquain,
pour aller veoir ce beau lac ou estang, dont i'ay parlé cy dessus, que
i'auois veu tout glacé pendant l'hyuer. En chemin ie vis la chasse du
Rat musqué; cét animal a vne fort longue queuë, il y en a de gros comme
des lapins: quand il[s] paroissent sur l'eau les Sauuages les suiuent
dans leurs petits canots; aussi-tost ces Rats se voyant poursuiuis se
plongent en l'eau, & leurs ennemis s'en vont viste, où ils preuoyent
qu'ils reuiendront au dessus pour prendre haleine: bref ils les
poursuiuent tant qu'ils les lassent, en sorte qu'ils sont contraints de
rester quelque tẽps au dessus de l'eau, pour n'estre suffoquez: alors
ils les [90] assomment auec leurs auirons, ou les tuent à coups de
fleches. Quand cét animal a gaigné la terre, il se sauue ordinairement
dans son trou. On l'appelle Rat musqué, pource qu'en effect vne partie
de son corps prise au Printemps sent le musc, en autre temps elle n'a
point d'odeur.

    On the fourteenth of the same month, as the ice was completely
    broken up, I embarked in a canoe with one of our Frenchmen and an
    Algonquain, to go and see the beautiful lake or pond of which I
    have spoken above, and which I had seen all frozen over during the
    winter. On the way, I saw a Muskrat hunt. Some of these animals are
    as large as rabbits; they have very long tails. When they appear
    upon the water, the Savages follow them in their little canoes;
    these Rats, upon seeing themselves pursued, immediately dive into
    the water, their enemies hurrying quickly to the place where they
    expect them to come up again to take breath; in short, they pursue
    them until they are tired out, so that they must remain above the
    water a little while, in order not to suffocate; then they [90]
    knock them down with their paddles, or kill them with arrows. When
    this animal has gained the land, it usually saves itself by hiding
    in its hole. It is called Muskrat because, in fact, a part of its
    body smells of musk, if caught in the Spring,--at other times, it
    has no odor.

Le vingt-vniesme, ie partis des trois Riuieres pour venir à Kebec,
afin de m'y trouuer, selon le desir de nos Peres, à la venuë des
vaisseaux. Nous les attendions de bonne heure, ils sont venus bien
tard, le mauuais temps leur a causé vne rude trauerse; nous esperions
de les veoir sur la fin de May, & nous n'en auons eu nouuelle que
le vingt-cinquiesme de Iuin; auquel temps arriua vn canot enuoyé de
Tadoussac, qui rapporta qu'vn vaisseau estoit à l'Isle du Bic, & qu'il
en venoit encore cinq ou six, auec bonne [91] deliberation de combattre
tous ceux qu'ils trouueroient dans la Riuiere sans Commission.

    On the twenty-first, I left three Rivers to come to Kebec, in order
    to be there, according to the wish of the Fathers, at the coming of
    the ships. We expected them early, but they came very late, the bad
    weather having caused them to have a rough passage; we hoped to see
    them towards the end of May, and we had no news of them until the
    twenty-fifth of June, when a canoe arrived, sent from Tadoussac,
    which reported that a ship was at the Island of Bic, and that five
    or six more of them were coming, with the firm [91] determination
    to attack all those they found in the River without Commissions.

Le quatriesme de Iuillet, vne chalouppe enuoyée de la part de Monsieur
du Plessis Bochart, general de la flotte, resioüit tous nos Frãçois, &
nous asseura de sa venuë, & qu'il estoit suiuy de huict forts nauires,
six pour Tadoussac, & deux pour Mifcou, sans ce que l'on enuoyoit au
Cap Breton, & coste de l'Acadie à Mr le Com. de Razilly.

    On the fourth of July, a shallop sent from Monsieur du
    Plessis Bochart, commandant of the fleet, gladdened all our
    French,--assuring us of his coming, and that he was followed by
    eight strong ships, six for Tadoussac and two for Miscou, not
    including the one sent to Cape Breton and the coast of Acadia, to
    Monsieur the Commandant de Razilly.

Le dixiesme vne barque montant en haut, nous apporta le Pere Pijart.
A mesme temps deux de nos François descendant des Hurons, nous
presenterent les lettres de nos Peres qui sont en ce pays-là; c'estoit
nous réjoüyr de toutes parts. D'vn costé le Pere nous témoignoit que V.
R. nous enuoyoit 4. de nos Peres, & 2. de nos Freres pour renfort, [92]
& deux autres Peres pour la Residẽce de S. Charles. Qu'vne infinité
de personnes cherissoient ceste Mission, & que V. R. toute pleine de
cœur, nous donneroit tous les ans autant d'ouuriers Euangeliques, que
la Mission en pourroit nourrir; l'ardeur de venir souffrir quelques
choses en ces contrées pour la gloire de nostre Seigneur, estant quasi
incroyable. D'autre costé la sãté de nos Peres dans les Hurons, où
on les faisoit morts, les bonnes dispositions de ces Peuples, pour
receuoir les veritez Chrestiennes; l'affection qu'ils nous portent,
nous faisoit benir le sainct Nom de Dieu, & luy rendre graces de tant
de benedictions, qu'il va respandant sur ceste entreprise.

    On the tenth, a bark which was ascending the river brought us
    Father Pijart.[8] At the same time, two of our Frenchmen, coming
    down from the Hurons. presented to us the letters of our Fathers
    who are in that country; so we received cheering news from all
    sides. On the one hand, the Father testified to us that Your
    Reverence was sending us 4 of our Fathers, and 2 of our Brothers,
    as a reinforcement, [92] and two other Fathers for the Residence of
    St. Charles; that a vast number of people cherished this Mission,
    and that Your Reverence, in the fulness of your heart, would every
    year give as many Gospel workers as the Mission could support; the
    zeal to come and suffer something in these countries for the glory
    of our Lord, being almost incredible. On the other hand, the good
    health of our Fathers among the Hurons, where they were reported
    dead, and the good disposition of those Peoples to receive the
    Christian truths, and the affection they bear us, make us bless the
    holy Name of God, and render him thanks for so many blessings as he
    is about to pour down upon this enterprise.

Le douziesme, Monsieur le Cheualier de la Roche-Iacquelin, commandant
le nauire nommé le Sainct [93] Iacques, vint moüiller l'ancre deuant
Kebec. Nostre Frere Pierre Feauté l'ayant remercié de sa bienueillance,
nous vint veoir en nostre petite Maison de nostre Dame des Anges. Le
lendemain nostre ioye s'accreut par la venuë du Père Claude Quantin &
de nostre Frere Pierre Tellier, portez dans le vaisseau du Capitaine de
Nesle.

    On the twelfth, Monsieur the Chevalier de la Roche-Jacquelin,
    commandant of the ship called "Sainct [93] Jacques," cast anchor
    before Kebec. Our Brother Pierre Feauté,[9] having thanked him for
    his kindness, came to see us in our little House of nostre Dame des
    Anges. The next day our joy was increased by the arrival of Father
    Claude Quantin[10] and of our Brother Pierre Tellier, who were
    brought in the ship of Captain de Nesle.

Le vingtiesme, Monsieur le General nous rendit le Pere le Mercier,
qu'il amena dans sa barque; tous ces iours nous estoient des iours de
ioye & de contentement, voyant & nos François & nos Peres en bonne
santé, apres beaucoup de tourmente sur la mer.

    On the twentieth, Monsieur the General conveyed to us Father
    Mercier,[11] whom he had brought in his bark. All these days were
    for us days of joy and contentment, seeing both our French and our
    Fathers in good health after much suffering upon the sea.

Le vingt-deuxiesme de Iuillet se fit vne Assemblée ou vn Conseil entre
les François & les Hurons. Le Pere Buteux qui estoit descendu de
la Residence de la Conception, & moy [94] y assistasmes. Apres les
affaires communes, Monsieur de Champlain nostre Gouuerneur, recommanda
auec vne affection energigue nos Peres, & les François qui les
accompagnoient à ces Peuples; il leur fit dire, que s'ils vouloient
conseruer & accroistre l'amitié qu'ils ont auec les François, qu'il
falloit qu'ils receussent nostre creance, & adorassent le Dieu que
nous adorons; que cela leur seroit grandement profitable: car Dieu
pouuant tout, les benira, les protegera, leur donnera la victoire
contre leurs ennemis; que les François iront en bon nombre en leur
Pays; qu'ils épouseront leurs filles quand elles seront Chrestiennes:
qu'ils enseigneront à toute leur nation à faire des haches, des
cousteaux, & autres choses qui leur sont fort necessaires, & qu'à cet
effet ils deuroient dés l'an prochain [95] amener bon nombre de leurs
petits garçons, que nous les logerons bien, que nous les nourrirons,
& que nous les instruirons & cherirons comme s'ils estoient nos
petits Freres. Et pour autant que tous les Capitaines ne pouuoient
des descendre en bas, qu'ils tiendroient Conseil sur ce sujet en leur
Pays, auquel ils appelloient _Echom_, c'est ainsi qu'il[s] appellent
le Pere Brebeuf: & là dessus leur donnant vne lettre pour luy porter,
il adiousta: Voicy que i'informe le Pere de tous ces points. Il se
trouuera en vostre Assemblée, & vous fera vn present que ses Freres
luy enuoyent: là vous ferez paroistre si veritablement vous aymez les
François. I'auois suggeré ces pensées à Monsieur nostre gouuerneur
qu'il approuua; mais encore il les amplifia auec mille loüanges &
mille tesmoignages d'affectiõ enuers nostre [96] Compagnie. Monsieur
le General prit aussi la parole sur ce sujet, & fit tout son possible
pour donner à cognoistre à ces Peuples, l'estime que sont les grands
Capitaines de France des Peres qu'on leur enuoye; & tout cela pour les
disposer à recognoistre le Dieu des François, & de tout l'Vniuers.
A ce discours vn Capitaine repartit, qu'ils ne manqueroient pas de
rendre ceste lettre, & de tenir Conseil sur les Articles proposez.
Qu'au reste que toute leur Nation aymoit tous les François, & qu'il
sembloit neantmoins, que les François n'aymoient qu'vne seule de leurs
Bourgades, puisque tous ceux qui montoient en leur Pays la prenoient
pour leur demeure. On leur respondit, que iusques icy ils n'auoient eu
qu'vn petit nombre de nos François, & que s'ils embrassoient nostre
creance, qu'ils en auroient [97] en toutes leurs Bourgades.

    On the twenty-second of July, there was held an Assembly or
    Council between the French and the Hurons. Father Buteux, who
    had come down from the Residence of the Conception, and I [94]
    participated therein. After public affairs, Monsieur de Champlain,
    our Governor, very affectionately recommended our Fathers, and the
    French who accompanied them, to these Tribes; he told them, through
    an interpreter, that if they wished to preserve and strengthen
    their friendship with the French, they must receive our belief
    and worship the God that we worshiped; that this would be very
    profitable to them, for God, being all-powerful, will bless and
    protect them, and make them victorious over their enemies; that the
    French will go in goodly numbers to their Country; that they will
    marry their daughters when they become Christians; that they will
    teach all their people to make hatchets, knives, and other things
    which are very necessary to them; and that for this purpose they
    must next year [95] bring many of their little boys, whom we will
    lodge comfortably, and will feed, instruct and cherish as if they
    were our little Brothers. And that, inasmuch as all the Captains
    could not come down there, they should hold a Council upon this
    matter in their Country, to which they should summon _Echom_,--it
    is thus they call Father Brebeuf;[12] and then, giving them a
    letter to bear to him, he added, "Here I inform the Father of all
    these points. He will be in your Assembly, and will make you a
    present that his Brothers send him; there you will show whether you
    truly love the French." I suggested these thoughts to Monsieur our
    governor, and he approved them; but he also amplified them with a
    thousand praises and a thousand proofs of affection towards our
    [96] Society. Monsieur the General also said a few words upon this
    subject, and did all he could to let these Peoples know the high
    estimation in which the great Captains of France hold these Fathers
    that they send over to them; and all this was done to dispose them
    to recognize the God of the French and of the whole Universe. To
    this discourse a Chief replied that they would not fail to deliver
    this letter, and to hold a Council upon the Matters proposed. That,
    as to the rest, their whole Nation loved all the French; and yet,
    notwithstanding this, the French loved only one of their Villages,
    since all those who had come up to their Country selected that as
    their dwelling place. They were answered that, up to the present,
    they had had only a few of our Frenchmen; and that, if they
    embraced our belief, they would have some of them [97] in all their
    villages.

Au sortir du Conseil nous allasmes veoir ceux qui voudroient embarquer
le P. le Mercier & le Pere Pijart auec leur petit bagage, pour les
porter en leur Pays: le Pere Brebeuf m'en auoit assigné quelquesvns
dans ses lettres, mais plusieurs se presentoient; ils regardoient les
Pères attentiuement, les mesuroient de leurs yeux, ils demandoient
s'ils n'estoient point meschants, s'ils rameroient bien, ils les
prenoient par les mains, & leur faisoient signe qu'il faudroit bien
remuer l'auiron.

    At the conclusion of the Council, we went to see those who were
    to take on board Father le Mercier and Father Pijart, with their
    little baggage, to convey them into their Country; Father Brebeuf
    had designated certain ones to me in his letter, but several
    presented themselves. They gazed attentively at the Fathers,
    measured them with their eyes, asked if they were ill-natured, if
    they paddled well; then took them by the hands, and made signs to
    them that it would be necessary to handle the paddles well.

En fin le vingt-troisiesme du mesme mois de Iuillet nos Sauuages bien
contens, embarquerent nos deux Peres, & vn ieune garçon François,
qui a desia passé vne année dans le pays: iamais ie ne vy personnes
plus ioyeuses que ces bons Peres, on les fit mettre pieds nuds à
l'entrée [98] de leur nauire d'escorce, de peur de les gaster, ils s'y
mettent gayement, portans vn œil, & vn visage tout ioyeux, dans les
souffrances qu'ils vont rencontrer. Ie me represente vn S. André volant
à la Croix; on les separa en trois canots; celuy qui portoit le Pere
Pijart estant le premier prest tira droit au bord, c'est à dire au
vaisseau de Monsieur le Cheualier, pour luy donner le dernier adieu, &
le remercier encore vne fois, des courtoisies fort particulieres qu'il
auoit receu de luy, passant dans son nauire depuis la France iusques
à Tadoussac. Apres l'auoir salüé Monsieur le Cheualier fit ietter des
pruneaux dãs son canot pour les Sauuages qui le menoient, & fit tirer
trois volées de canon par honneur. Ces pauures Barbares tressailloiẽt
d'aise, mettant la main sur leur bouche en signe d'estonnement.

    At last, on the twenty-third of the same month of July, our
    Savages, well pleased, embarked our two Fathers and a young French
    boy who has already passed a year in the country. I never saw
    persons more joyful than were these good Fathers; they had to go
    barefooted into the [98] bark ships, for fear of spoiling them,
    and they did this gayly, with glad eyes and faces, notwithstanding
    the sufferings they were about to encounter. I was reminded of St.
    Andrew flying to the Cross. They were taken in three different
    canoes; the one that carried Father Pijart being the first ready,
    it went directly alongside, that is, of the ship of Monsieur the
    Chevalier, to say to him his last adieus and to thank him once
    more for very especial courtesies received from him while crossing
    in his ship from France to Tadoussac. After having saluted him,
    Monsieur the Chevalier had some prunes thrown into his canoe for
    the Savages who were taking him, and had the cannon fired off
    three times in his honor. These poor Barbarians were thrilled
    with delight, placing their hands over their mouths as a sign of
    astonishment.

[99] Le Pere le Mercier vint apres dans son canot, pour recognoistre
les obligations qu'il a à Monsieur le General, & prendre congé de luy;
il ne sçauoit en quels termes nous tesmoigner le soin qu'il a des
nostres, qui passent auec luy dans son vaisseau. Apres les adieux, on
ietta aussi des prunes à ses conducteurs, le canon du vaisseau & de la
barque, faisant entendre aux Sauuages, qu'ils deuoient auoir grand soin
de ceux que nos Capitaines François honoroient auec tant d'affection.

    [99] Father le Mercier came afterward in his canoe, to acknowledge
    the obligations he was under to Monsieur the General, and to take
    leave of him; the latter did not know how to express the interest
    he felt in those of our society who had come over with him in
    his ship. After the farewells, they also threw some prunes to
    his boatmen, the cannon of the ship and of the bark making these
    Savages understand that they must take good care of those whom our
    French Captains honored with so much affection.

Il arriua vne chose plaisante en ces entrefaites, le Pere Buteux en
mesme temps remontoit aux trois Riuieres dans vn canot, les Sauuages
qui le conduisoient, voyans l'accueil qu'on faisoit aux Peres, & aux
Sauuages qui alloient aux Hurons, tirerent comme auoient fait [100]
les deux autres canots au vaisseau où estoit Monsieur le General, &
Monsieur le Cheualier. Le Pere Buteux leur crie, Ce n'est pas là où il
faut aller, ie ne vay pas aux Hurons. Il n'importe, puis qu'on faisoit
là du bien à ceux qui portoient nos Peres, ceux-cy en vouloient gouster
aussi bien que les autres; aussi leur fit on la mesme courtoisie.

    In the midst of these ceremonies a laughable incident occurred.
    Father Buteux was starting at the same time to return to the three
    Rivers in a canoe; the Savages who were taking him, seeing the
    honors bestowed on the Fathers and the Savages who were going to
    the Hurons, turned, as [100] the other two canoes had done, to the
    ship where Monsieur the General and Monsieur the Chevalier were.
    Father Buteux called to them, "You must not go there; I am not
    going to the Hurons." It did not matter; since favors had there
    been bestowed upon those who were taking our Fathers, these wished
    to taste some of them, as well as the others; so they were shown
    the same courtesy.

Le premier iour d'Aoust le Pere Buteux m'escriuit des trois Riuieres,
ou il estoit allé, comme i'ay dit, que les Sauuages Montaignais auoient
esleu vn nouueau Capitaine, celuy qu'ils auoient auparauant nõmé
Capitanal estant mort dés l'Automne passé: ce Capitanal estoit vn homme
de bon sens, grand amy des François; assemblant les Principaux de sa
Nation à la mort, il leur enioignit de conseruer cette bonne [101]
intelligence auec ses amis, leur disant que pour preuue de l'amour
qu'il nous portoit, qu'il desiroit encore apres sa mort demeurer auec
nous, & sur l'heure il se fit rapporter de delà le grand fleuue où il
estoit, pour mourir auprés de la nouuelle Habitation. Il demanda aussi
qu'il fust porté en terre par les mains de nos François, ausquels il
destina vn petit present; bref il supplia, qu'on luy donnast sepulture
auprés de ses amis. Tout cela luy fut accordé, Monsieur de Champlain
a fait mettre vne petite closture à l'entour de son tombeau, pour le
rendre remarquable. Si nous eussions esté pour lors aux trois Riuieres,
ie ne doute point qu'il ne fust mort Chrestien: I'ay vn grand regret à
la mort de cét homme: car il auoit témoigné en plein Conseil, que son
dessein estoit d'arrester ceux [102] de sa Nation aupres du fort de la
riuiere d'Anguien; il m'en auoit aussi donné parole en particulier, il
estoit aymé des siens & des François: c'est ce Capitaine qui rauit il y
a deux ans tous ses auditeurs en vne Harangue, dont ie fis mention pour
lors. S'il viuoit encore, il fauoriseroit sans doute ce que nous allons
entreprendre ce Printemps, pour les pouuoir rendre sedentaires petit à
petit.

    On the first day of August, Father Buteux wrote me from the three
    Rivers,--where he had gone, as I have said,--that the Montaignais
    Savages had elected a new Captain, the one whom they had formerly
    called Capitanal having died the previous Autumn. This Capitanal
    was a man of good sense, and a great friend of the French.
    Assembling the Principal Men of his Nation at the time of his
    death, he charged them to preserve this good [101] understanding
    with his friends, telling them that, as a proof of the love he
    bore us, he would like, even after death, to live with us; and he
    straightway had himself carried from beyond the great river, where
    he was, to die near the new Settlement. He also asked to be borne
    to the grave by the hands of our French, for whom he designated a
    little present; in short, he begged that he might be buried near
    his friends. All this was granted him; Monsieur de Champlain has
    had a little enclosure placed around his grave, to distinguish it.
    If we had then been at three Rivers, I do not doubt that he would
    have died a Christian. I was very sorry when this man died; for he
    had shown in open Council that his purpose was to have the people
    [102] of his Nation settle near the fort of the Anguien river;[13]
    he had spoken to me also about this in private. He was loved by his
    people and by the French; it was this Captain who delighted all his
    hearers by a Speech he made two years ago, which I mentioned at the
    time. If he still lived, he would without doubt favor what we are
    going to undertake this Spring, to be able to make them, little by
    little, a sedentary people.

Comme ainsi soit que ces pauures Barbares soient dés long temps
accoustumez à estre faineants, il est difficile qu'ils s'arrestent à
cultiuer la terre, s'ils ne sont secourus. Nous auons donc dessein de
voir, si quelque famille veut quitter ses courses; s'il s'en trouue
quelqu'vne, nous employerons au renouueau trois hommes à planter du
bled d'Inde, proche de la nouuelle Habitation [103] des trois Riuieres,
où ce peuple se plaist grandement. Si cette famille s'arreste pendant
l'hyuer, nous la nourrirons de bled de nostre recolte & de la sienne;
car elle mettra aussi la main à l'œuure: si elle ne s'arreste point
nous retirerons nostre part, & la laisserons aller.

    As it happens that these poor Barbarians have been for a long
    time accustomed to be idlers, it is hard for them to locate and
    cultivate the soil unless they are assisted. Our plan now is to see
    if some family is not willing to give up these wanderings; if one
    be found, we will in the spring employ three men to plant Indian
    corn near the new Settlement [103] at the three Rivers, with which
    these people are greatly pleased. If this family settles there
    during the winter, we will maintain them with corn from our harvest
    and from theirs, for they will also work; if they do not stay with
    us, we will withdraw our assistance and let them go.

Ce seroit vn grand bien, & pour leurs corps, & pour leurs ames, & pour
le trafique de ces Messieurs, si ces Nations estoient stables, & si
elles se rẽdoient dociles à nostre direction; ce qu'elles feront comme
i'espere auec le temps. S'ils sont sedentaires, & s'ils cultiueut la
terre, ils ne mourront pas de faim comme il leur arriue souuent dans
leurs courses; on les pourra instruire aisément, & les Castors se
multiplieront beaucoup; ces animaux sont plus feconds que nos brebis de
France, [104] les femelles portent iusques à cinq & six petits chaque
année: mais les Sauuages trouuans vne cabane tuent tout, grands &
petits, & masles & femelles: il y a danger qu'en fin ils n'exterminent
tout à fait l'espece en ces Pays, comme il en est arriué aux Hurons,
lesquels n'ont pas vn seul Castor, allans traitter ailleurs les
pelleteries qu'ils apportẽt au Magazin de ces Messieurs. Or on fera
en sorte que nos Montaignais, auec le temps, s'ils s'arrestent, que
chaque famille prenne son cartier pour la chasse, sans se ietter sur
les brisees de ses voisins: de plus on leur conseillera de ne tuer que
les masles, & encore ceux qui seront grands. S'ils goustent ce conseil,
ils auront de la chair & des peaux de Castor en tres-grande abondance.

    It would be a great blessing for their bodies, for their souls,
    and for the traffic of these Gentlemen, if those Tribes were
    stationary, and if they became docile to our direction, which they
    will do, I hope, in the course of time. If they are sedentary, and
    if they cultivate the land, they will not die of hunger, as often
    happens to them in their wanderings; we shall be able to instruct
    them easily, and Beavers will greatly multiply. These animals are
    more prolific than our sheep in France, [104] the females bearing
    as many as five or six every year; but, when the Savages find a
    lodge of them, they kill all, great and small, male and female.
    There is danger that they will finally exterminate the species
    in this Region, as has happened among the Hurons, who have not a
    single Beaver, going elsewhere to buy the skins they bring to the
    storehouse of these Gentlemen. Now it will be so arranged that,
    in the course of time, each family of our Montaignais, if they
    become located, will take its own territory for hunting, without
    following in the tracks of its neighbors; besides, we will counsel
    them not to kill any but the males, and of those only such as are
    large. If they act upon this advice, they will have Beaver meat and
    skins in the greatest abundance.

Quant aux hommes que nous desirons employer pour l'assistance [105]
des Sauuages, Monsieur de Champlain nous a promis qu'il nous en
accommoderoit de ceux qui sont en l'habitation des trois Riuieres,
à raison que ne faisant point défricher pour nous là haut, nous n'y
tenons point d'hommes, mais deux Peres tant seulement qui ont soin
du salut de nos François. Nous satisferons pour les gages, & pour
la nourriture de ces ouuriers, à proportion du temps que nous les
occuperons à défricher & cultiuer auec les Sauuages: si i'en pouuois
entretenir vne douzaine, ce seroit le vray moyen de gaigner les
Sauuages: Nostre Seigneur pour lequel nous entrons dans ce dessein la
veille benir par sa bonté, & ouurir les oreilles à ce pauure Peuple
abandonné.

    As to the men whom we wish to employ for the assistance [105] of
    the Savages, Monsieur de Champlain has promised us that he would
    let us have those who are at the settlement of the three Rivers;
    for, as they have not cleared any land there for us, we do not
    keep any workmen there, but merely two Fathers who care for the
    religious needs of our French. We will arrange for the wages and
    food of these workmen, according to the time we shall employ them
    in clearing and cultivating the land with our Savages; if I had the
    means of supporting a dozen, this would be the true way to gain the
    Savages. May Our Lord, for whom we enter into this project, bless
    it through his goodness, and open the ears of these poor abandoned
    People.

Le dixiesme de ce mois le Pere Masse, & le Pere Buteux nous écriuent
[106] de la Residence de la Conception, que le bruit est la haut,
que les Hiroquois ont défait sept canots de la petite Nation des
Algonquains; si cela est la paix dont i'ay parlé cy-dessus est desia
rompuë: Car nos Montagnais alliez des Algonquains suiuront leur party.

    On the tenth of this month, Father Masse and Father Buteux wrote
    me [106] from the Residence of the Conception that it was reported
    there that the Hiroquois had destroyed seven canoes of the petite
    Nation of the Algonquains;[14] if this be true, the peace, of which
    I have spoken above, is already broken, for our Montagnais allies
    of the Algonquains will take sides with them.

On m'a rapporté, ie ne sçay s'il est vray, qu'vn certain Sauuage nommé
la Grenoüille, qui fait icy du Capitaine, a dit que les Hiroquois,
auec lesquels il auoit traitté la paix, les ont incité à tuer quelques
Hurons, & de prendre guerre auec eux.

    I have heard a report, I do not know how true it is, that a certain
    Savage named "the Frog" [la Grenoüille], who acts as Captain here,
    has said that the Hiroquois, with whom he had made a treaty of
    peace, have incited them to kill some of the Hurons, and to make
    war against them.

Les plus auisez croient que c'est vne ruse de ceux qui traittent auec
ces Peuples, & qui s'efforcent par leur entremise, de diuertir les
Hurons de commerce qu'ils ont auec nos François; ce qui arriueroit,
si nos Montagnais leur faisoient la [107] guerre, & alors ils les
attireroient à leurs Habitations, d'où s'ensuiuroit vn tres-notable
detrimẽt pour Messieurs les Associez de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle
France.

    Those best informed believe that this is a ruse of those who trade
    with these Tribes, and who are striving to divert, through their
    agency, the Hurons from their commerce with our French; which would
    happen if our Montagnais made [107] war against them; and then they
    [the traders] would attract them to their Settlements, and there
    would result a very considerable injury to the Associated Gentlemen
    of the Company of New France.

Le dix-septiesme du mesme mois d'Aoust, le Pere de Quen arriua à Kebec
dans vne chalouppe, qu'enuoyoit le Capitaine Bontemps pour donner aduis
de sa venuë à Tadoussac. Or comme on a veu ceste année les glaces
espouuantables sur la mer; vne entre autres de trente à quarante
lieuës, d'autres disent de soixante lieuës d'estenduë; vn Pilote m'a
asseuré qu'ils la costoierent trois iours & trois nuits ayans vn assez
bon vent en poupe, & qu'en quelques endroits elle auoit des campagnes
toutes rases, & en d'autres elle se releuoit en collines, & en hautes
montagnes. De plus on a veu quelques vaisseaux Turcs, au sortir [108]
de la Manche, & quelques nauires degradez voguer en mer çà & là sans
vergues & sans voiles, qu'on croit auoir esté pris de ces infideles,
lesquels abandonnent souuent les vaisseaux qu'ils rauissent, apres
auoir enleué tout ce qui est dedans. Comme disie tous ces bruits
couroient, nous auions tous perdu l'esperance de veoir le Capitaine
Bontemps, la saison de voguer icy se passant; c'est pourquoy sa venuë
inesperée a causé d'autant plus de ioye, qu'on eust esté marry qu'vn
si braue Capitaine & vn si bel equipage se fust perdu. Le Pere de Quen
nous raconta l'occasion de leur retardement, & nous donna sujet de
loüer Dieu, qui les a tiré des ombres de la mort, les sauuant d'vn
naufrage qui sembloit ineuitable.

    On the seventeenth of the same month of August, Father de Quen[15]
    arrived at Kebec in a shallop which Captain Bontemps sent to give
    the news of his arrival at Tadoussac. Now as frightful icebergs
    have been seen this year upon the sea,--among others, one from
    thirty to forty, others say sixty leagues in extent, so large that
    a Pilot has assured me that he coasted along it for three days and
    three nights having a fair wind astern, and that in some places it
    had level plains, in others it rose into hills and high mountains:
    and since some Turkish vessels had been seen sailing out [108] of
    the English Channel, and some damaged ships floating here and there
    on the sea without masts and without sails,--which are believed to
    have been captured by those infidels, who often abandon ships which
    they plunder, after having robbed them of all they contain:[16] now
    as all these reports were being circulated, we had all lost hope
    of seeing Captain Bontemps, the season for sailing to this country
    having passed. It was this that made his unexpected arrival give
    us all the more joy, for we would have been sorry if so brave a
    Captain and so fine a crew had been lost. Father de Quen related
    to us the cause of their delay, and gave us reason to thank God,
    who drew them back from the shades of death, saving them from a
    shipwreck which seemed inevitable.

Le vingt-sixiesme du mesme mois [109] vn ieune homme qui est passé
en la Nouuelle France, comme Soldat volontaire dans le vaisseau
commãdé par Monsieur le Cheualier de la Roche Iacquelin, a abiuré
publiquement les erreurs de Caluin, & embrassé les veritez Chrestiennes
& Catholiques. Monsieur le Cheualier le voyant d'vn assez bon naturel,
& l'ayant disposé à nous prester l'oreille, prit la peine luy-mesme de
l'amener en nostre petite Maison, où par apres il m'est venu trouuer
plusieurs fois luy tout seul, pour conferer auec moy; en fin apres luy
auoir éclaircy les principaux points de nostre creance, il a voulu
reporter à l'Ancienne France, le thresor de la verité que Dieu luy a
fait trouuer en la Nouuelle.

    On the twenty-sixth of the same month [109] a young man who came
    over into New France as a volunteer Soldier, in the ship commanded
    by Monsieur the Chevalier de la Roche Jacquelin, publicly abjured
    the errors of Calvin, and embraced the Christian and Catholic
    truths. Monsieur the Chevalier, seeing he had a very good
    disposition, and having inclined him to lend us an ear, himself
    took the trouble to bring him to our little House, where he
    afterwards came to see me several times alone, to confer with me.
    Finally, after having enlightened him upon the principal points of
    our belief, he desired to carry back to Old France the treasure of
    truth which God had led him to find in the New.

Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois, nous auons veu sur les neuf [110]
heures du soir ou enuiron vne grande éclypse de Lune, laquelle à mon
aduis n'aura paru en France que sur les deux ou trois heures apres
minuit.

    On the twenty-seventh of the same month, we saw, towards nine [110]
    o'clock in the evening or thereabout, a great eclipse of the Moon,
    which in my opinion did not appear in France until two or three
    hours after midnight.

Mais il est temps d'arrester ma plume, laquelle ne pourra pas cette
année respondre à plusieurs lettres, qu'vne barque qui descend à
Tadoussac nous apportera apres le depart des vaisseaux. Il arriue par
fois, soit par oubliance ou autrement, qu'on nous rend les lettres
quand la flotte a desia fait voile, ce qui fait qu'on ne peut enuoyer
les responses la mesme année. Pour nos Francois, & pour nos Peres qui
sont au pays des Hurons, on ne doit attendre la response des lettres
qu'on leur enuoye de France que deux ans apres: voire mesme si on nous
donne icy les lettres qu'on leur adresse [111] pour leur faire tenir,
apres le depart des Hurons qui ne descendent à Kebec qu'vne fois l'an,
les responses ne seront portées en France qu'au bout de trois ans.
I'ay donné cét aduis tout exprés, pour nous excuser enuers plusieurs
personnes qui nous font l'honneur de nous escrire, & qui ne voyent
point de réponses la mesme année, & quelques-fois n'en voyent point
du tout, les lettres ou les responses se perdans dans vne si grande
longueur de temps & de chemin. Ie prie Dieu que celles-cy arriuent à
bon port auec toute la flotte, elles porteront à vostre Reuerence,
pour derniere conclusion, vne supplication tres-humble de se souuenir
à l'Autel, & à l'Oratoire de nos pauures Sauuages, & de nous tous qui
sommes ses enfans, & de moy particulierement [112] qui en ay plus de
besoin que les autres, & qui me diray auec vostre permission, ce que ie
suis,

  MON R. P.


    Elle nous permettra, s'il luy plaist, d'implorer les prieres de
    tous nos Peres & de tous nos Freres de sa Prouince, ce que nous
    faisons encore tous tant que nous sommes, moy qui suis

    _En la Residence de nostre Dame des Anges, proche Kebec, en la
    Nouuelle France, ce 28. d'Aoust 1635._

    Vostre tres-humble, & tres-obligé seruiteur en nostre Seigneur,

                                                         PAVL LE IEVNE.

  ET

  P. Charles l'Allemant.
  P. Iean Brebeuf.
  P. Iean Daniel.
  P. Ambroise d'Auost.
  P. Anne de Noüe.
  P. Enemond Masse.
  P. Antoine Richard.
  P. François Mercier.
  P. Charles Turgis.
  P. Charles du Marché.
  P. Claude Quantin.
  P. Iacques Buteux.
  P. Iean de Quen.
  P. Pierre Pijart.

Et nos Freres Gilbert Burel, Iean Liegeois, Pierre le Tellier, Pierre
Feauté.

    But it is time to drop my pen, which will not be able this year to
    answer several letters that a bark which goes down to Tadoussac
    will bring us after the departure of the ships. It sometimes
    happens, either from forgetfulness or for some other reason, that
    they deliver the letters after the fleet has already set sail, so
    that we cannot send the answers the same year. As to our Frenchmen
    and our Fathers who are in the country of the Hurons, answers to
    letters sent from France should not be expected until two years
    afterwards; indeed, even if letters addressed to them are given to
    us here [111] to hold for them, after the departure of the Hurons,
    who come down to Kebec only once a year, the answers will not
    be carried to France until the end of three years. I have given
    this information purposely, so as to excuse ourselves to persons
    who have done us the honor of writing to us, and who do not get
    their answers the same year, and sometimes do not get them at all,
    the letters or the replies being lost in so great a lapse of time
    and so long a journey. I pray God that these may arrive safely,
    together with all the fleet; they will bear to your Reverence, as
    a final conclusion, a very humble supplication to remember, at the
    Altar and in the Oratory, our poor Savages, and all of us who are
    your children,--especially me, [112] who have more need of it than
    the others, and who will call myself, with your permission, what I
    am,

  MY REVEREND FATHER,

    You will permit me, if you please, to implore the prayers of
    all our Fathers and of all our Brothers in your Province,--as,
    moreover, do all of us,--I who am,

    _At the Residence of nostre Dame des Anges, near Kebec, in
    New-France, this 28th of August, 1635._

    Your very humble and greatly obliged servant in our Lord,

  PAUL LE JEUNE.

  AND

  Father Charles l'Allemant.
  Father Jean Brebeuf.
  Father Jean Daniel.
  Father Ambroise d'Avost.
  Father Anne de Noüe.
  Father Enemond Masse.
  Father Antoine Richard.[17]
  Father François Mercier.
  Father Charles Turgis.[18]
  Father Charles du Marché.[19]
  Father Claude Quantin.
  Father Jacques Buteux.
  Father Jean de Quen.
  Father Pierre Pijart.

    And our Brothers Gilbert Burel, Jean Liegeois,[20] Pierre le
    Tellier, Pierre Feauté.




[113] Relation de ce qui s'est passé avx Hvrons, en l'année 1635.

_Enuoyée à Kebec au Pere le Ieune, par le P. Brebeuf._


MON R. PERE,

C'est pour vous rendre compte de nostre voyage en ce Pays des Hurons,
lequel a esté remply de plus de fatigues, de pertes & de cousts que
l'autre, mais aussi qui a esté suiuy & le sera, Dieu aidant, de plus de
benedictions du Ciel.

    [113] Relation of what occurred among the Hurons in the year 1635.

    _Sent to Kebec to Father le Jeune, Father Brebeuf._

    MY REVEREND FATHER,

    I send you an account of our journey into this Huron Country. It
    has been filled with more fatigues, losses and expenses than the
    other, but also has been followed, and will be, God aiding, by more
    of Heaven's blessings.

[114] Dés que l'an passé mil six cens trente quatre, nous arriuasmes
aux trois Riuieres, où se faisoit la traitte, nous-nous trouuasmes
dans plusieurs difficultez & perplexitez. Car d'vn costé il n'y auoit
qu'onze canots de Hurons pour nous embarquer dix personnes que nous
estions de surcroist, & qui pretendions aller en leur Pays. D'autre
costé on estoit extremement en doute s'il en descendroit cette année
là d'autres, attendu le grand eschet qu'ils auoient receu en guerre
par les Hiroquois, nommez _Sonontrerrhonons_ au Printemps dernier, &
la crainte qu'ils auoient d'vne nouuelle armée. Cela nous mettoit fort
en doute, si nous deuions prendre l'occasion d'aller telle qu'elle
s'offroit, ou en attendre vne meilleure.

    [114] When last year, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, we
    arrived at the three Rivers, where the trading post was, we found
    ourselves in several difficulties and perplexities. For, on the
    one hand, there were only eleven Huron canoes to embark our ten
    additional persons who were intending to go into their Country.
    On the other, we were greatly in doubt whether any others would
    descend this year, considering the great loss they had experienced
    in war with the Hiroquois, named _Sonontrerrhonons_,[21] last
    Spring, and the fear they had of a new invasion. This placed us
    much in doubt whether we ought to take advantage of the opportunity
    which was presented, or wait for a better one.

En fin tout bien consideré nous [115] resolusmes de tenter fortune,
iugeans qu'il importoit du tout, d'auoir vn pied dans le Pays, afin
d'en ouurir la porte, qui sembloit estroittement fermée à la Foy. Cette
resolution fut encore plus aisée que l'execution, qui parauanture eust
esté impossible sans le soin, la faueur & la liberalité de Monsieur
du Plessis Bochard General de la flotte: car incõtinent après son
arriuée, qui fut le cinquiesme Iuillet 1634. il fit tenir Conseil auec
les Bissiriniens, ausquels il proposa le dessein qu'il auoit d'enuoyer
quelques-vns auec eux, & de nous ioindre aux Hurons. Ils en firẽt
plusieurs difficultez, & l'vn des Capitaines de l'Isle nommé la Perdrix
par dessus tous; neantmoins les raisons & les presens les gagnerent.

    At last, after full consideration, we [115] resolved to try our
    fortune, judging that it was of vital importance to have a footing
    in the Country in order to open the door which seemed firmly closed
    to the Faith. This resolution was far easier than the execution
    of it, which perchance would have been impossible without the
    care, the favor, and the liberality of Monsieur du Plessis
    Bochard, General of the fleet. For immediately after his arrival,
    which was on the fifth of July, 1634, he held a Council with the
    Bissiriniens, to whom he proposed the plan he had of sending some
    men with them, and of joining us to the Hurons. They made several
    objections, and one of the Chiefs of the Island, named "the
    Partridge" [la Perdrix],[22] more than all the rest; nevertheless,
    arguments and presents won them over.

Le lendemain matin l'Assemblée se fit de rechef, par le commandement
[116] de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, où les Bissiriniens & les Hurons
se trouuerent. Le mesme dessein leur fut representé; mais pour respect
les vns des autres ils resolurẽt tous ensemble de n'embarquer aucun
François, & n'y eut pour lors aucune raison qui les peust fléchir.
Surquoy nostre entreprise sembloit encore estre rompuë pour ce coup;
mais au depart de l'Assemblée vn des _Attiguenongha_, me tirant à
quartier, me dit que ie l'allasse veoir en sa cabane. Là il me fait
entendre que luy & son camarade en embarqueroient trois; ie respons que
nous ne pouuions aller moins de cinq, sçauoir nous trois, & deux de nos
hommes.

    The next morning, the Assembly met again, by the command [116] of
    Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, and both the Bissiriniens and the
    Hurons were present. The same plan was again presented to them; but
    out of respect for one another they all agreed not to embark any
    Frenchmen; and no arguments could, for the time being, move them.
    Thereupon our enterprise seemed again cut off, by this action.
    But, at the close of the Assembly, one of the _Attiguenongha_,[23]
    drawing me aside, asked me to visit him in his cabin. There he gave
    me to understand that he and his companion would embark three of
    us. I replied that we could not go unless five went, namely, we
    three and two of our men.

Sur cela les _Arendarhonons_ s'estant eschauffez à nous embarquer,
nous trouuasmes place pour six; si bien que nous resolusmes de [117]
partir, & laisser les deux petits garçons que nous deuions mener
iusqu'à quelque autre occasion: aussi tost nous distribuasmes nos
pacquets, & fismes des presens à vn chacun pour les encourager, & le
lendemain septiéme du mois, Mr du Plessis Bochard leur en fit encore
d'autres, en consideration seulement de ce qu'ils nous embarquoiẽt, &
les festoya tous ensemble d'vn festin de trois grandes chaudieres.
Mais la contagion qui a couru l'année passée parmy tous ces Peuples,
auec de grands rauages, ayant en vn instant saisi plusieurs de nos
Sauuages, & remply tout le reste de peur, nous causa derechef vne
grande confusion, & nous mit en de grandes peines, veu qu'il falloit
partir sur le champ. Nos six canots estans reduits à trois, & nos deux
Peres & moy nous trouuans desembarquez; [118] il me falloit chercher
de nouueaux hommes; reprendre nostre petit equipage; deliberer qui
s'embarqueroit, & qui demeureroit; choisir entre nos pacquets ceux que
nous porterions, & donner ordre pour le reste, & tout cela en moins de
demye-heure, où il eust esté besoin des iournées entieres. Neantmoins
recognoissans bien que nostre embarquement estoit vn coup de partie
pour le Ciel, nous pensasmes qu'il falloit y faire tous nos efforts,
pour resister à ceux de l'ennemy commun du salut des hommes, que nous
ne doutions nullement s'estre meslé dans cét affaire. I'y fis tout mõ
pouuoir, nous redoublasmes les presens, nous diminuasmes nostre petit
bagage, & prismes seulement ce qui concernoit le sainct Sacrifice de
la Messe, & ce qui estoit absolument necessaire pour la vie. Monsieur
[119] du Plessis y interposa son authorité, Monsieur Oliuer & Monsieur
Coullart leur industrie, & tous les François leur affection. Cependant
ie vis par plusieurs fois tout renuersé & desesperé, iusqu'à ce que
i'eus particulierement recours à nostre Seigneur +IESVS+, pour l'vnique
gloire duquel nous entreprenions ce penible voyage, & que i'eus fait
vn vœu au glorieux sainct Ioseph nouueau Patriarche des Hurons. Car
aussi-tost ie vis tout se calmer, & nos Sauuages si contens, que ceux
qui embarquerent le Pere Daniel l'auoient desia mis dans leur canot,
& sembloit qu'ils l'alloiẽt emmener, sans auoir encore receu la paye
ordinaire. Mais ledit Pere voyant qu'ils n'auoient point de capots
comme les autres, sort du canot, m'en aduertit, & ie leur en fais
donner.

    Thereupon the _Arendarhonons_[24] became eager to embark us; we
    found place for six, and so we resolved to [117] set out, and
    leave until some other time the two little boys we were to take.
    We began to distribute our baggage, and made presents to each one,
    to encourage them; and on the morrow, the seventh of the month,
    Monsieur du Plessis Bochard gave them still others, on the single
    consideration that they would embark us, and feasted all of them
    at a great feast of three large kettles. But the contagion which
    spread among all these Tribes last year, with great destruction,
    having suddenly seized several of our Savages, and filled the
    rest with fear, again threw us into confusion, and put us to
    great trouble, seeing that we had to set out immediately. Our six
    canoes being reduced to three, and our two Fathers and I being
    disembarked, [118] I had to find new men, to unload our slender
    baggage, to decide who should embark and who should remain, to
    choose among our packages those we were to carry, and to give
    orders as to the rest,--and all this in less than half an hour,
    when we would have needed entire days. Nevertheless, recognizing
    clearly that our embarkment was a decisive stroke for Heaven, we
    thought it necessary to put forth our utmost energies to resist the
    efforts of the common enemy of man's salvation, who, we doubted
    not, was mixed up in this matter. I therefore did everything I
    could; we doubled the presents, we reduced the amount of our
    baggage, and took only what belonged to the holy Sacrifice of the
    Mass, and what was absolutely necessary for life. Monsieur [119]
    du Plessis interposed his authority, Monsieur Oliver and Monsieur
    Coullart their ingenuity, and all the Frenchmen their affection.
    Yet several times I was completely baffled and desperate, until
    I had special recourse to our Lord +JESUS+, for whose glory alone
    we were undertaking this painful journey, and until I had made a
    vow to glorious saint Joseph, the new Patriarch of the Hurons.
    Immediately I saw everything become quiet, and our Savages so
    satisfied that those who embarked Father Daniel had already placed
    him in their canoe, and it seemed as if they were going to take him
    without even receiving the ordinary pay. But the Father, seeing
    that they had not cloaks like the others, stepped out of the canoe,
    told me about it, and I had some given to them.

En fin donc apres auoir briéuement [120] remercié Mr du Plessis, luy
auoir recommandé l'embarquement du reste de nos gens, si l'occasion
se presentoit, & luy auoir dit adieu, & à tous nos François: Ie
m'embarquay auec le Pere Antoine Daniel, & vn de nos hommes; les deux
autres venoient auec les Algonquains. Monsieur du Plessis honora
nostre depart de plusieurs canonnades, afin de nous rendre encore
plus recommandables à nos Sauuages. Ce fut le septiesme Iuillet. Le
P. Ambroise Dauost s'embarqua huict iours apres auec deux autres de
nos gens. Le reste suiuit huict iours apres, pour prendre sa part
des fatigues d'vn voyage tres fascheux, non seulement à raison de sa
longueur, & de la mauuaise chere qu'on y fait, mais encore pour les
circuits qu'il faut faire de Kebec iusques icy par les Bissiriniens &
la petite Nation; ie [121] croy qu'il y en a pour plus de trois cens
lieuës. Il est vray que le chemin est plus court par le Saut de S.
Louys, & par le Lac des Hiroquois, mais la crainte des ennemis, & le
peu de commodité qui s'y rencontre, en rẽd le passage desert. De deux
difficultez ordinaires, la premiere est celle des sauts & portages.
Vostre Reuerence a desia assez veu de sauts d'eau vers Kebec, pour
sçauoir ce qui en est: toutes les riuieres de ces Pays en sont pleines,
& notamment la riuiere de S. Laurens, depuis qu'on a passé celle des
Prairies. Car de là en auant elle n'a plus son lit égal, mais se brise
en plusieurs endroits, roulant & sautant effroyablement, à guise
d'vn torrent impetueux, & mesmes en quelques endroits elle tombe tout
à coup de haut en bas, de la hauteur de plusieurs brasses. Ie me
souuenois [122] en passant des Catadoupes du Nil, à ce qu'en disent nos
Historiens. Or quand on approche de ces cheutes ou torrens, il faut
mettre pied à terre, & porter au col à trauers les bois, ou sur de
hautes & facheuses roches, tous les pacquets & les canots mesmes. Cela
ne se fait pas sans beaucoup de trauail, car il y a des portages d'vne,
de deux & de trois lieuës, ioint qu'il faut en chacun faire plusieurs
voyages, si on a tãt soit peu de pacquets. En quelques endroits, qui
ne sont pas moins rapides que ces portages; mais neantmoins plus aisez
à l'abord, les Sauuages entrans dans l'eau, trainent & conduisent à la
main leurs canots, auec d'extremes peines & dangers; car ils en ont par
fois iusques au col, si bien qu'ils sont contraints de quitter prise,
& se sauuer comme ils peuuent de la rapidité de l'eau, qui emporte &
[123] leur arrache le canot. Cela est arriué à vn de nos François, qui
demeura seul dans le canot, tous les Sauuages l'ayans laissé aller au
gré du torrent mais son adresse & sa force luy sauuerent la vie, & le
canot aussi, auec tout ce qui estoit dedans. I'ay supputé le nombre des
portages, & ie trouue que nous auons porté trente cinq fois, & traisné
pour le moins cinquante. Ie me suis quelquefois meslé d'aider à mes
Sa[u]uages: mais le fond de la riuiere est de pierres si tranchantes,
que ie ne pouuois marcher long-temps estant nuds pieds.

    At last, then, after having briefly [120] thanked Monsieur du
    Plessis, having entrusted to him the embarkation of the rest of our
    people, if opportunity presented itself, and having bid him and
    all our Frenchmen adieu, I embarked with Father Antoine Daniel and
    one of our men; the two others were coming with the Algonquains.
    Monsieur du Plessis honored our departure with several volleys,
    to recommend us still more to our Savages. It was the seventh of
    July. Father Ambroise Davost embarked eight days later, with two
    others of our people. The rest followed eight days after, to take
    their part in the fatigues of a journey extremely wearisome, not
    only on account of its length and of the wretched fare to be had,
    but also on account of the circuits that have to be made in coming
    from Kebec to this place by way of the Bissiriniens and the petite
    Nation; I [121] believe that they amount to more than three hundred
    leagues. It is true the way is shorter by the Saut de St. Louys and
    the Lake of the Hiroquois; but the fear of enemies, and the few
    conveniences to be met with, cause that route to be unfrequented.
    Of two ordinary difficulties, the chief is that of the rapids and
    portages. Your Reverence has already seen enough of the rapids
    near Kebec to know what they are. All the rivers of this Country
    are full of them, and notably the St. Lawrence after that of the
    Prairies[25] is passed. For from there onward it has no longer a
    smooth bed, but is broken up in several places, rolling and leaping
    in a frightful way, like an impetuous torrent; and even, in some
    places, it falls down suddenly from a height of several brasses.
    I remembered, [122] in passing, the Cataracts of the Nile, as they
    are described by our Historians. Now when these rapids or torrents
    are reached, it is necessary to land, and carry on the shoulder,
    through woods or over high and troublesome rocks, all the baggage
    and the canoes themselves. This is not done without much work; for
    there are portages of one, two, and three leagues, and for each
    several trips must be made, no matter how few packages one has. In
    some places, where the current is not less strong than in these
    rapids, although easier at first, the Savages get into the water,
    and haul and guide by hand their canoes with extreme difficulty and
    danger; for they sometimes get in up to the neck and are compelled
    to let go their hold, saving themselves as best they can from the
    rapidity of the water, which snatches [123] from them and bears off
    their canoe. This happened to one of our Frenchmen who remained
    alone in the canoe, all the Savages having left it to the mercy of
    the torrent; but his skill and strength saved his life, and the
    canoe also, with all that was in it. I kept count of the number of
    portages, and found that we carried our canoes thirty-five times,
    and dragged them at least fifty. I sometimes took a hand in helping
    my Savages; but the bottom of the river is full of stones, so sharp
    that I could not walk long, being barefooted.

La deuxiesme difficulté ordinaire est pour le viure; souuent il
faut ieusner, si l'on vient à perdre les caches qu'on a faites en
descendant, & quand on les retrouue, on ne laisse pas d'auoir bon
appetit apres s'y estre traicté. Car le manger ordinaire n'est que d'vn
peu de bled d'Inde [124] cassé assez grossierement entre deux pierres,
& quelquefois tout entier dans de l'eau pure. Cela n'est pas de grand
goust. Quelquesfois on a du poisson, mais c'est hazard, excepté quand
on passe quelque Nation où l'on en peut acheter. Adioustez à ces
difficultez, qu'il faut coucher sur la terre nuẽ, ou sur quelque dure
roche, faute de trouuer dix ou douze pieds de terre en quarré pour
placer vne chetiue cabane; qu'il faut sentir incessammẽt la puanteur
des Sauuages recreus, marcher dãs les eaux, dãs les fanges, dans
l'obscurité & l'embaras des forests, où les piqueures d'vne multitude
infinie de mousquilles & cousins vous importunent fort.

    The second ordinary difficulty, is in regard to provisions.
    Frequently one has to fast, if he misses the caches that were made
    when descending; and, even if they are found, one does not fail
    to have a good appetite after indulging in them; for the ordinary
    food is only a little Indian corn [124] coarsely broken between
    two stones, and sometimes taken whole in pure water; it is no great
    treat. Occasionally one has fish, but it is only a chance, unless
    one is passing some Tribe where they can be bought. Add to these
    difficulties that one must sleep on the bare earth, or on a hard
    rock, for lack of a space ten or twelve feet square on which to
    place a wretched hut; that one must endure continually the stench
    of tired-out Savages; and must walk in water, in mud, in the
    obscurity and entanglement of the forest, where the stings of an
    infinite number of mosquitoes and gnats are a serious annoyance.

Ie laisse à part vn long & ennuyeux silence où l'on est reduit.
I'entends pour les nouueaux qui n'ont par fois en leur compagnie
personne de leur langue, & ne sçauent [125] celle des Sauuages. Or ces
difficultez comme elles sont ordinaires, aussi nous ont elles esté
communes auec tous ceux qui viennent en ces Pays. Mais en nostre voyage
nous en auons eu tous d'extraordinaires. La premiere a esté qu'il nous
a fallu continuellement ramer, ny plus ny moins que les Sauuages: de
sorte que ie n'auois le loisir de reciter mon Breuiaire sinon à la
couchée, lors que i'eusse eu plus de besoin de repos que de trauail.
L'autre a esté qu'il nous falloit porter nos pacquets, és portages,
ce qui nous estoit aussi dur que nouueau, & encore plus aux autres
qu'à moy, qui sçait desia vn peu ce que c'est que de fatigue. A chaque
portage il me falloit faire au moins quatre voyages, les autres n'en
faisoiẽt gueres moins. I'estois desia venu aux Hurõs vne autre fois,
mais ie n'auois point manié [126] l'auiron, ny porté de fardeaux non
plus que les autres Religieux, qui auoient aussi fait le mesme chemin.
Mais en ce voyage il nous a fallu tous commencer par ces experiences
à porter la Croix que Nostre Seigneur nous presente pour son honneur,
& pour le salut de ces pauures Barbares. Certes ie me suis trouué
quelquesfois si las, que le corps n'en pouuoit plus. Mais d'ailleurs
mon ame ressentoit de tres-grands contentemens, considerant que ie
souffrois pour Dieu: nul ne le sçait, s'il ne l'experimente. Tous n'en
ont pas esté quittes à si bon marché.

    I say nothing of the long and wearisome silence to which one is
    reduced, I mean in the case of newcomers, who have, for the time,
    no person in their company who speaks their own tongue, and who do
    not understand [125] that of the Savages. Now these difficulties,
    since they are the usual ones, were common to us as to all those
    who come into this Country. But on our journey we all had to
    encounter difficulties which were unusual. The first was that we
    were compelled to paddle continually, just as much as the Savages;
    so that I had not the leisure to recite my Breviary except when I
    lay down to sleep, when I had more need of rest than of work. The
    other was that we had to carry our packages at the portages, which
    was as laborious for us as it was new, and still more for others
    than it was for me, who already knew a little what it is to be
    fatigued. At every portage I had to make at least four trips, the
    others had scarcely fewer. I had once before made the journey to
    the Hurons, but I did not then ply [126] the paddles, nor carry
    burdens; nor did the other Religious who made the same journey.
    But, in this journey, we all had to begin by these experiences to
    bear the Cross that Our Lord presents to us for his honor, and for
    the salvation of these poor Barbarians. In truth, I was sometimes
    so weary that the body could do no more, but at the same time my
    soul experienced very deep peace, considering that I was suffering
    for God; no one knows it if he has not experienced it. All did not
    get off so cheaply.

Le Pere Dauost, entre autres, a esté tres-mal mené; on luy a dérobé
beaucoup de son petit equipage; on l'a contraint de ietter vn petit
moulin d'acier, & quasi tous nos liures, quelques linges, & vne bonne
partie [127] du papier que nous portions, dont nous auons grand besoin.
On l'abandonna à l'Isle parmy les Algonquains, où il a eu dequoy
souffrir à bonnes enseignes. Quand il arriua aux Hurons, il estoit si
défait & abbatu, que de long-temps il ne pût se remettre.

    Father Davost, among others, was very badly treated. They stole
    from him much of his little outfit. They compelled him to throw
    away a little steel mill, and almost all our books, some linen, and
    a good part [127] of the paper that we were taking, and of which
    we have great need. They deserted him at the Island, among the
    Algonquains, where he suffered in good earnest. When he reached the
    Hurons, he was so worn-out and dejected that for a long time he
    could not get over it.

Le Pere Daniel fut delaissé & contraint de changer de canot, comme
aussi pareillemẽt Pierre l'vn de nos hommes; le petit Martin fut bien
rudement traitté, & en fin abandonné aux Bissiriniens, où il demeura
si long-temps, qu'il fut quelques deux mois en chemin, & n'arriua aux
Hurons que le dix-neufiéme de Septembre. Baron fut volé par les siens
la mesme iournée qu'il arriua en ces contrées, & eust encore bien plus
perdu, s'il ne les eust contraints par la peur de ses armes luy en
rendre quelque partie. Bref [128] tous les François y ont souffert de
grandes peines, fait de grosses dépenses, eu égard à leurs petites
commoditez, & couru de notables dangers. Et quiconque montera icy haut,
se doit resoudre à tout cela, & à quelque chose de plus; mesme à la
mort, dont on voit à chaque moment l'Image deuant les yeux. Pour moy
qui ne sçais point nager ie m'en suis veu vne fois fort proche: car au
partir des Bissiriniens en descendant vn saut, nous-nous en allions
tomber dedans vn precipice, si mes Sauuages n'eussent promptement &
habilement sauté en l'eau, pour destourner le canot que le courant
emportoit. Il est croyable que les autres en pourroient bien dire
autant & plus, veu le nombre qu'il y a de semblables rencontres. Trois
autres difficultez m'ont donné de la peine en mon particulier. La
premiere, [129] l'importunité que mes gens me firent du commencement,
pour cacher en quelque part vne quaisse qu'vn de nos François auoit
mise dãs nostre canot. La seconde, le soing de ceux de nos gens, que
nous auions laissé derriere. La troisiesme, que les Algonquains par où
nous passions taschoient de nous intimider, disans que les Hurons nous
tueroiẽt, comme ils auoient fait en la personne de Brulé, desirans de
nous retenir chez eux, auec beaucoup de demonstration de bienueillance.
Depuis nostre arriuée, i'ay appris que le Maistre de mon canot auoit
ietté en auant de me degrader en quelque part, auec mon petit bagage;
mais que sa proposition auoit esté aussi-tost rebuttée; aussi ne m'en
fit-on iamais aucun semblant. Tout cela, Dieu mercy, ne me tourmenta
pas beaucoup. Car leur ayant declaré [130] que ie porterois moy-mesme
la quaisse dont il estoit question, quoy qu'ils en eussent receu le
port; ie me resigné, quant au reste, à la volonté de Dieu, prest à
mourir pour l'honneur de son Fils nostre bon Seigneur, & pour le salut
de ces pauures Peuples.

    Father Daniel was abandoned, and compelled to seek another canoe,
    as also was Pierre, one of our men. Little Martin was very roughly
    treated, and at last was left behind with the Bissiriniens, where
    he remained so long that he was about two months on the road, and
    only arrived among the Hurons on the nineteenth of September.
    Baron[26] was robbed by his savages on the very day he arrived
    in these regions; and he would have lost much more if he had not
    compelled them, through fear of his arms, to give him back a part
    of what they had taken. In short, [128] all the Frenchmen suffered
    great hardships, incurred great expense, considering the few goods
    they had, and ran remarkable risks. And whosoever will come up
    here must make up his mind to all this, and to something more,
    even to death itself, whose Image we see every moment before our
    eyes. For myself, not knowing how to swim, I once had a very narrow
    escape from drowning. As we were leaving the Bissiriniens, while
    descending a rapid we would have gone over a precipice, had not
    my Savages promptly and skillfully leaped into the water, to turn
    aside the canoe which the current was sweeping on. It is probable
    that the others might say as much, and more, considering the number
    of such incidents there are. Three other difficulties gave trouble
    to me in particular. The first [129] was the importunity of my men,
    at the start, to hide somewhere a box that one of our Frenchmen had
    put into our canoe. The second was anxiety for those of our men we
    had left behind. The third, that the Algonquains, through whose
    territory we were passing, tried to intimidate us, saying that the
    Hurons would kill us as they had Brulé, and desiring to keep us
    among them, with abundant demonstrations of good will. Since our
    arrival, I have learned that the Master of my canoe had proposed
    to land me somewhere with my little baggage, but that his proposal
    had been at once repelled, and so I saw no sign of anything of the
    kind. All that, thank God, did not trouble me much; for having
    declared to them [130] that I would myself carry the box about
    which the trouble arose, although they had received pay to carry
    it, I resigned myself as far, as everything else was concerned, to
    the will of God, ready to die for the honor of his Son, our good
    Lord, and for the salvation of these poor Peoples.

Ie ne sçay pas quand on parla de me quitter; mais mes Saunages me
témoignoient tãt d'affection, & disoiẽt tãt de bien de nous aux
autres, qu'ils faisoiẽt enuie à tous les Hurõs que nous rencõtrions,
d'embarquer quelqu'vn des nostres. Cela me fait douter, si ce qu'on m'a
dit du Maistre de mon canot est vray. Car ceux qui auoiẽt embarqué le
Pere Daniel & Baron, voulurent les quitter à l'Isle; mais le Maistre du
canot où estoit le Pere Daniel, le voyant mescontent de cela, le fit
aussi-tost embarquer, & le porta iusques à ce qu'ils eussent rencontré
[131] le Capitaine de la Rochelle, lequel estant de la cognoissance du
Pere, pour l'auoir voulu conduire l'an passé, le mit volontiers dans
son canot, auec ses deux pacquets. Il luy fit plaisir, & aux Sauuages
aussi; car le Pere eust eu encore bien de la peine dans vn canot fort
chetif, qui n'auoit que trois hommes languissans, & dont la demeure
estoit à douze lieuës loing de la nostre: là où ce Capitaine demeuroit
au village, où nous auiõs quelque dessein de nous habituer, & assez
proche du lieu où nous sommes; & d'ailleurs son canot estoit fort,
& equippé de six puissans Sauuages tous sains & gaillards. Ce bon
eschange luy arriua la veille de sainct Ignace au matin, ayant fait
le iour precedent naufrage par deux fois. Pour Baron, n'eust esté le
Capitaine de l'Isle qui fit remettre ses pacquets dans les canots,
[132] il y fust demeuré. Encore ses gens ne luy furent pas si barbares,
comme furent autresfois à vn de nos François, ceux qui le ramenoient
des Hurons à Kebec. Ce ieune homme surnommé la Marche fust mort dans
les bois, si nous n'eussions eu le soin & le credit de le renuoyer
chercher plus d'vne lieuë loing du lieu où nous-nous en apperceusmes.

    I do not know when they spoke of leaving me; but my Savages
    exhibited so much affection for me, and said so much that is kind
    about us to others, that they excited the desire in all the Hurons
    we met to embark some one of our people. This makes me doubt the
    truth of what has been said about the Master of my canoe. For those
    who had embarked Father Daniel and Baron wished to leave them at
    the Island; but the Master of the canoe in which Father Daniel was,
    seeing him dissatisfied at that, caused him to embark at once, and
    carried him until they met [131] the Captain of la Rochelle,[27]
    who, knowing the Father from having wished to take him last year,
    willingly received him with his two packages into his canoe. It
    pleased him, and the Savages also; for the Father would have
    still had much trouble in a wretched canoe which had only three
    sick men in it, whose home was twelve leagues distant from ours;
    this Captain lived at a village where we had some intention of
    settling, and quite near the place where we are. Besides, his canoe
    was strong, and manned by six powerful Savages, quite healthy and
    good-natured. This happy exchange happened to him the morning
    of the day before the festival of saint Ignace, he having been
    shipwrecked twice the previous day. As to Baron, had it not been
    for the Captain of the Island, who caused his baggage to be put
    back into the canoes, [132] he would have remained there. Still,
    his people were not so barbarous as formerly were those who brought
    back one of our Frenchmen from the Hurons to Kebec. This young man,
    surnamed la Marche, would have died in the woods, if we had not had
    the care and the interest to send back in search of him more than a
    league from the place where we missed him.

Il ne faut quelquefois qu'vn mot, quelquefois qu'vn songe, quelque
fantaisie, ou la moindre pensée d'incommodité, pour faire dégrader ou
mettre à terre, i'ose dire, pour faire massacrer vn hõme, ainsi qu'il
arriua l'an passé à vn pauure Algõquain, qui fut abandonné en vn saut
par son propre neueu: & il n'y a pas vn mois qu'vn pauure ieune homme
aussi Algonquain, estant tombé dans le feu, fut tué auprés de nostre
village par ceux de sa Nation, de peur qu'ils auoient [133] d'en estre
incommodez dans le canot. Ce qui me persuade qu'ils l'assommerent,
c'est la coustume qu'ils en ont; que les Hurons le disoient; & que
le soir auparauant il mangeoit bien, & en bonne quantité de ce que
nous luy donnions; outre que deux Algonquains nous asseurerent, qu'on
estoit dans la pensée de le trépaner d'vn coup ou deux de hache. Vostre
Reuerence a veu ou sceu de semblables cas en son hyuernement auec les
Sauuages. En vn mot, il faut se resoudre à beaucoup de dangers euidens,
& de grandes fatigues, qui veut venir icy. I'attribue neantmoins toutes
ces difficultez extraordinaires à la maladie de nos Sauuages. Car
nous sçauons assez combien les maladies alterent les humeurs, & les
complexions mesmes des plus sociables. Ie ne sçay pas à quel prix nos
François, & les Montagnais [134] en aurõt esté quittes. Biẽ sçay je
que la pluspart des Mõtagnais qui estoient aux trois Riuieres quand
nous-nous embarquasmes, estoient malades, & que plusieurs en mouroient;
comme aussi, qu'il n'est quasi point reuenu de canot de la traitte,
qui n'aye esté affligé de ceste contagiõ. Elle a esté si vniuerselle
parmy les Sauuages de nostre cognoissance, que ie ne sçay si aucun
en a euité les atteintes. Tous ces pauures gents en ont esté fort
incommodez, notamment pendant l'Automne, tant en leurs pesches qu'en
leurs moissons. Plusieurs bleds sont demeurez sous les neiges, grand
nombre de personnes sont mortes; il y en a encore à present qui ne
sont pas gueris. Cette maladie commençoit par des ardeurs violentes,
qui estoient suiuies d'vne espece de rougeolle, ou petite verolle,
differente [135] toutesfois de celle de Frãce, accompagnée en plusieurs
d'aueuglement pour quelques iours, ou obscurcissement de veuë, & en fin
se terminoit en vn flux de ventre, qui en a conduit plusieurs, & en
conduit encore quelques-vns au tombeau.

    Sometimes a word, or a dream, or a fancy, or even the smallest
    sense of inconvenience, is enough to cause them to illtreat, or
    set ashore, and I dare say to murder one,--as happened last year
    to a poor Algonquain, who was abandoned in a rapid by his own
    nephew; and, not a month ago, a poor young man, also an Algonquain,
    having fallen into the fire, was killed near our village by his
    own Tribesmen, for fear he might [133] be an inconvenience in the
    canoe. What makes me believe they killed him is that it is the
    custom among them; that the Hurons said so; and that, the evening
    before, he ate heartily a good quantity of what we gave him;
    besides, two Algonquains assured us that they had a mind to brain
    him with one or two blows of an axe. Your Reverence has seen or
    known of similar cases in your winter's stay among the Savages. In
    a word, he who thinks of coming here must make up his mind to many
    obvious dangers and to great fatigues. I attribute, nevertheless,
    all these extraordinary difficulties to the sickness among our
    Savages. For we know very well how sickness alters the disposition
    and the inclinations even of the most sociable. I know not at what
    price our French and the Montagnais [134] will have become rid of
    it. I know, indeed, that the greater part of the Montagnais who
    were at the three Rivers when we embarked were sick, and that many
    of them died; and also that almost no one who returned by canoe
    from trading, was not afflicted with this contagion. It has been
    so universal among the Savages of our acquaintance that I do not
    know if one has escaped its attacks. All these poor people have
    been much inconvenienced by it, particularly during the Autumn,
    as much in their fishing as in their harvesting. Many crops are
    lying beneath the snow; a large number of persons are dead; there
    are still some who have not recovered. This sickness began with
    violent fever, which was followed by a sort of measles or smallpox,
    different, [135] however, from that common in France, accompanied
    in several cases by blindness for some days, or by dimness of
    sight, and terminated at length by diarrhœa which has carried off
    many and is still bringing some to the grave.

Parmy ces peines & dangers, nous auons de grandes obligations à la
prouidence & bonté paternelle de nostre Seigneur: car ny par les
chemins, ny dedans le Pays, pas vn de nous n'a esté pris de ce mal,
ny cedé à la faim, ou perdu l'appétit. Quelques-vns ont eu du depuis
quelque legere atteinte de maladie, mais cela s'est passé en peu de
iours. Nostre Seigneur soit loüé à iamais, & la tres-immaculée Vierge,
auec son tres-chaste Espoux, de cette singuliere faueur, qui nous a
beaucoup aidé pour authoriser nostre Foy parmy ces Peuples.

    Among these troubles and dangers, we owe much to the care and
    fatherly goodness of our Lord; for neither on the journey hither,
    nor while in this Country, has one of us been taken with this
    sickness, nor yielded to hunger, nor lost appetite. Some have had
    since then light attacks of sickness, but they have passed away in
    a few days. Our Lord be forever praised, and the most immaculate
    Virgin with her most chaste Spouse, for this singular favor, which
    has aided us much in giving authority to our Faith among these
    Peoples.

[136] I'arriué aux Hurons le cinquiesme d'Aoust, iour de nostre Dame
des Neiges; ayant demeuré trente iours par les chemins, en continuel
trauail, excepté vn iour de repos que nous prismes au pays des
Bissiriniens. Tous les autres, excepté Robert le Coq & Dominique,
demeurerent bien dauantage, quoy que d'ordinaire le voyage ne soit que
de 20. iours ou enuiron. Ie pris terre au port du village de Toanché
ou de _Teandeouïata_, où autresfois nous estions habituez; mais ce
fut auec vne petite disgrace, nostre Seigneur nous voulant faire
cognoistre dés l'entrée, qu'il nous appelle icy afin d'y endurer.
Mes Sauuages s'oublians des caresses que ie leur avois fait, & de
l'assistance que ie leur auois rendu, pendant leurs maladies, & outre
cela des belles paroles & promesses qu'ils m'auoient faites, apres
m'auoir [137] debarqué, auec quelques ornemens d'Eglise, & quelque
autre petit equipage, m'abandonnerent là tout seul, sans viures, ny
sans cabane, & reprindrent leur route vers leurs villages, distans de
quelques sept lieuës; le mal estoit, que le village de Toanché auoit
changé depuis mon depart, & que ie ne sçauois pas bonnement en quel
endroit il estoit situé, & que ce riuage n'estant plus hanté, ie ne
pouuois pas bien m'asseurer du chemin, & que quand ie l'eusse sceu,
ny ma foiblesse ne m'eust pas permis de porter tout mon petit bagage
à la fois, ny le hazard du lieu d'en faire à deux. C'est pourquoy ie
priois mes Sauuages de m'accompagner iusques au village, ou au moins
de coucher en ce bord pour cette nuiét, & garder mes hardes tandis que
i'irois prendre langue. Mais leurs oreilles estoient sourdes [138]
à mes prieres, & à mes remonstrances. Pour toute consolation ils me
dirent que quelqu'vn me viendroit trouuer là. Il fallut auoir patience:
ils partent, & ie me prosterne aussitost à genoux, pour remercier Dieu,
nostre Dame, & sainct Ioseph, des faueurs & des graces que i'auois
receu durant le voyage. Ie saluay l'Ange tutelaire du Pays, & m'offris
à nostre Seigneur, auec tous nos petits trauaux, pour le salut de ces
pauures Peuples, prenant esperãce que Dieu ne m'abandonneroit point
là, puis qu'il m'auoit conserué & conduit auec tant de faueurs. Apres
ayant consideré que cet abbord estoit desert, & que i'y pourrois bien
demeurer longtemps, auant qu'aucun du village m'y vinst trouuer; ie
caché mes pacquets dedans les bois, & prenant auec moy ce que i'auois
de plus precieux, ie m'en allé chercher le [139] village, que ie
rencontré heureusemẽt enuiron à trois quarts de lieuës, ayant en
passant veu auec attendrissement & ressentiment le lieu où nous auions
habité, & celebré le S. sacrifice de la Messe trois ans durant, cõuerty
en vn beau champ; comme aussi la place du vieux village, où excepté vne
cabane rien ne restoit que les ruines des autres. Ie vis pareillement
l'endroit où le pauure Estienne Brulé auoit esté barbarement &
traistreusement assommé; ce qui me fit pẽser que quelque iour on nous
pourroit bien traitter de la sorte, & desirer au moins que ce fust en
pourchassant la gloire de N. Seig. Dés aussi-tost que ie fus apperceu
au village, & qu'on eust crié, voyla Echom reuenu, c'est ainsi qu'ils
me nommẽt, tout le monde sortit pour me salüer & bienueigner, chacun
m'appellant par mon nom, & me [140] disant: Quoy Echom, mon nepueu,
mon frere, mon cousin, es tu donc reuenu? Mais sans m'arrester, parce
que la nuict s'approchoit, ie prends logis, & m'y estant bien peu de
temps rafraischy, ie sors aussi-tost auec vne bande de ieunes gens
volontaires, pour aller reprendre mon petit bagage. Il estoit vne heure
de nuict quand nous fusmes de retour au village. Ie me logeay chez vn
nommé _Aouandoïé_, lequel est, ou au moins a esté vn des plus riches
des Hurons. Ce que ie fis à dessein, par ce qu'vn autre moins fort
eust pû estre incommodé du grand nombre de François que i'attendois, &
qu'il falloit nourrir iusques à ce que nous fussions tous assemblez, &
que nostre cabane fust faite. Vous pouuez vous loger où vous voulez,
car ceste Nation entre toutes les autres, est fort hospitaliere enuers
toute sorte [141] de personnes, mesmes enuers les Estrangers: & vous
y demeurez tant qu'il vous plaist, tousiours bien traité à la façon
du pays, & au partir de là vous en voyla quitte pour vn, _ho, ho,
ho, outoécti_, ou vn grand mercy, au moins par entre-eux. Car des
François ils attendent quelque recompense, à discretion toutesfois.
Il est bien vray que tous ne sont pas également hospitaliers, il y
a du plus & du moins. Mon hoste est des premiers en ceste vertu, &
peut-estre est-ce pour ce sujet que Dieu l'a cõblé iusques à present
de benedictiõs temporelles, & l'a preserué entre tous ses Concitoyens.
Car leur village nommé _Teandeouïhata_, ayant esté bruslé par deux
fois, il n'y a eu en toutes les deux fois, que sa seule maison exempte
de l'embrasement. Quelques vns attribuent cela au fort; pour moy ie le
rapporte à vne [142] cause plus noble; & si ie me souuiens d'vn bon
trait, soit de prudence, soit d'humanité, dont il se seruit au premier
embrasement; car l'enuie s'estant allumée contre luy, & quelques-vns
voulant perdre sa cabane, que le feu auoit espargnée, aussi tost il
fait mettre chaudiere haute, appreste vn bon festin, conuie tout le
village, & les ayant assemblez, leur fait ceste harangue. Mes freres,
i'ay vn tres-sensible déplaisir de l'accident qui est arriué; mais
qu'y ferions nous, c'en est fait. Pour moy ie ne sçay pas ce que i'ay
fait au Ciel, pour auoir esté espargné entre tous les autres. Or pour
vous tesmoigner mon déplaisir, & le desir que i'ay de participer à la
calamité commune, voyla deux quaisses de bled (elles tenoient pour le
moins cent ou six vingts boisseaux) i'en donne vne de bon cœur à tout
le [143] village. Cette action appaisa l'enuie, & esteignit les mauuais
desseins que l'on couuoit desia contre luy. C'est faire sagement, que
de perdre vne partie pour sauuer le reste.

    [136] I arrived among the Hurons on the fifth of August, the day
    of our Lady of the Snows, after being thirty days on the road
    in continual work, except one day of rest, which we took in the
    country of the Bissiriniens. All the others, except Robert le Coq
    and Dominique, took much longer; although usually the journey is
    only 20 days, or thereabout. I landed at the port of the village
    of Toanché or of _Teandeouïata_, where we had formerly lived; but
    it was with a little misfortune, our Lord wishing us to recognize
    from the beginning that he is calling us here to suffer. My
    Savages,--forgetting the kindness I had lavished upon them and the
    help I had afforded them in their sickness, and notwithstanding
    all the fair words and promises they had given me,--after having
    [137] landed me with some Church ornaments and some other little
    outfit, left me there quite alone, without any provisions and
    without shelter, and resumed their route toward their villages,
    some seven leagues distant. My trouble was that the village of
    Toanché[28] had changed since my departure, and that I did not
    know precisely in what place it was situated. The shore being no
    longer frequented, I could not easily ascertain my way; and, if I
    had known it, I could not from weakness have carried all my little
    baggage at once; nor could I risk, in that place, doing this in
    two trips. That is why I entreated my Savages to accompany me as
    far as the village, or at least to sleep on the shore for the
    night, to watch my clothes while I went to make inquiries. But
    their ears were deaf [138] to my prayers and my remonstrances.
    The only consolation they gave me was to tell me that some one
    would find me there. I was obliged to be patient; they went away,
    and I prostrated myself at once upon my knees to thank God, our
    Lady, and saint Joseph, for the favors and mercies I had received
    during the voyage. I saluted the tutelary Angel of the Country, and
    offered myself to our Lord, with all our little labors, for the
    salvation of these poor Peoples, taking hope that God would not
    abandon me there, since he had preserved and led me with so many
    favors. Then, having considered that this shore was deserted, and
    that I might indeed remain there a long time before any one in the
    village would come to find me, I hid my packages in the woods; and,
    taking with me what was most precious, I set out to find the [139]
    village, which fortunately I came upon at about three-quarters
    of a league,--having seen with tenderness and emotion, as I passed
    along, the place where we had lived, and had celebrated the Holy
    sacrifice of the Mass during three years, now turned into a fine
    field; and also the site of the old village, where, except one
    cabin, nothing remained but the ruins of the others. I saw likewise
    the spot where poor Estienne Brulé was barbarously and traitorously
    murdered, which made me think that perhaps some day they might
    treat us in the same manner, and to desire at least that it might
    be while we were earnestly seeking the glory of Our Lord. As soon
    as I was perceived in the village, some one cried out, "Why, there
    is Echom come again" (that is the name they give me); and at once
    every one came out to salute and welcome me, each calling me by
    name and [140] saying: "What, Echom, my nephew, my brother, my
    cousin, hast thou then come again?" But without stopping, for night
    was approaching, I found a place to lodge; and, having rested a
    short time, I quickly set out with a volunteer band of young people
    to bring my slender baggage. It was an hour after sunset when we
    returned to the village. I lodged with a man named _Aouandoïé_,
    who is, or at least was, one of the richest of the Hurons. I did
    this on purpose, because another with smaller means might have
    been inconvenienced with the large number of Frenchmen whom I
    was expecting, and who had to be provided with food and shelter
    until we had all gathered together, and our cabin was ready. You
    can lodge where you please; for this Nation above all others is
    exceedingly hospitable towards all sorts [141] of persons, even
    toward Strangers; and you may remain as long as you please, being
    always well treated according to the fashion of the country. On
    going away, one acknowledges their hospitality by a _ho, ho, ho,
    outoécti_, or "many thanks!" at least among themselves; but from
    Frenchmen they expect some recompense, always at one's discretion.
    It is quite true that not all are equally hospitable, there are
    some more and some less so. My host is one of the first in this
    virtue; and perhaps it is on this account that God has crowned him
    until now with temporal blessings, and has preserved him among all
    his Fellow Countrymen; for their village, named _Teandeouïhata_,
    having been burned twice, each time his house alone escaped the
    conflagration. Some attribute this to chance; for myself, I ascribe
    it to a [142] nobler cause, and so I recall a fine trait, call it
    prudence or call it humanity, which he displayed on the occasion of
    the first conflagration. For jealousy having been enkindled against
    him, and some wishing to destroy his cabin that the fire had
    spared, at once he caused a large cauldron to be hung, prepared a
    good feast, invited the whole village, and, having assembled them,
    delivered this harangue: "My brethren, I am very deeply grieved at
    the misfortune that has happened; but what can we do about it? It
    is over. For myself, I know not what I have done for Heaven, to be
    spared before all others. Now, in order to testify to you my deep
    grief and my desire to share in the common misfortune, I have two
    bins of corn" (they held at least one hundred to one hundred and
    twenty bushels); "I give one of them freely to the whole [143]
    village." This action calmed their jealousy, and put an end to
    their wicked designs which they were already forming against him.
    It was a wise action, this losing a part to save the rest.

Ie me logeay donc chez cét homme, où ie demeuray auec nos deux Peres,
& vn de nos gens, l'espace de plus d'vn mois & demy, iusques à ce
que nous-nous transportasmes en nostre nouuelle cabane. Cependant
ces pauures Sauuages nous faisoient toutes les caresses possibles,
les vns portez par leur bon naturel, les autres par la consideration
de quelques petits presens que ie leur auois fait, & l'esperance de
quelques autres.

    I lodged therefore with this man, and lived there with our two
    Fathers and one of our people, for the space of more than a month
    and a half, until we took possession of our new cabin. Yet these
    poor Savages lavished upon us all possible kindnesses,--some
    influenced by their good natural disposition; others, by a few
    trifling gifts I made them, and the hope of some others.

Ie departis le reste de nos gens en vne autre cabane, pour éuiter
l'importunité & l'incommodité, si nous eussions esté tous en vn seul
logis.

    I distributed the rest of our people in another cabin, to avoid the
    annoyance and inconvenience of being all in one lodging.

[144] Le soir & le lendemain se passa en caresses, visites, salutations
& applaudissemens de tous ceux du village. Les iours suiuans plusieurs
des autres villages, qui estoient de ma cognoissance, me vindrent
veoir, & remporterent tous en eschange de leur visite quelques petits
presens; c'est peu de chose en détail, mais tout mis en gros fait
beaucoup, & monte assez haut pour les lieux. Les vns me disoient; Quoy
Echom? és tu donc reuenu? A la bonne heure, nous te souhaittions &
demandions grandement, adioustans les raisons telles qu'ils iugeoient,
& nous fusmes fort resioüis, quand on nous dist que tu estois à Kebec
à dessein de remonter icy. D'autres disoient. Nous voyla bien aises.
Les bleds ne mourront plus, pendant ton absence nous n'auions eu
que famine. Et en effet, ie croy qu'à nostre arriuée, [145] il n'y
auoit que deux familles en tout le village, qui eussent prouision de
bled. Tout le reste en alloit acheter ailleurs, ce qui estoit commun
à plusieurs autres villages. Depuis nostre arriuée il y en a eu
tres-grande abondance par tout le Pays, quoy qu'au Printemps il aye
fallu semer par trois fois, à l'occasion des gelées blanches, & des
vers.

    [144] That evening and the next day passed in the exchanges of
    affection, visits, salutations, and encouraging words from the
    whole village. On the following days, several from other villages,
    who were of my acquaintance, came to see me; and all took away with
    them, in exchange for their visit, some trifling presents. This
    is a small thing in detail, but on the whole it exerts a great
    influence and is of great importance in these regions. Some said to
    me: "What, Echom, and so thou hast come back! That's right; we were
    wishing and asking earnestly for thee" (adding their reasons), "and
    we were heartily glad when they told us that thou wert at Kebec,
    with the purpose of coming up here." Others said: "We are indeed
    very glad; the crops will no longer fail; during thy absence we
    have had nothing but famine." And, in truth, at our arrival there
    were, I believe, [145] only two families in the whole village who
    had a store of corn; all the others were going to buy elsewhere,
    and this was the case in several other villages. Since our arrival,
    there has been a very great abundance throughout the whole Country,
    although in the Spring it was necessary to sow three times by
    reason of white frosts and worms.

Bref ceux de nostre village me disoient, Si tu ne fusses reuenu, la
traite des François estoit perduë pour nous: car les Algonquains, &
mesmes les Hurons des autres villages, ne nous menaçoiẽt que de mort,
si nous y allions, à cause du massacre de Brulé; mais maintenant nous
irõs traiter sãs crainte. I'ay esté quelques quinze iours à visiter les
villages, & à ramasser auec beaucoup de frais & de peine tout nostre
monde, qui abordoit ça & là, & qui ne sçachant [146] pas la langue,
n'eust pu venir nous trouuer qu'apres beaucoup d'ennuy. Il est vray
qu'vn de nos hommes n'a pas laissé de venir sãs autre adresse, que de
ces deux mots, _Echom Ihonatiria_, qui sont mon nom, & celuy de nostre
village. Entre tous les François, ie n'en trouue point qui aye eu plus
de peine que le P. Dauost & Baron. Le Pere pour le mauuais traitement
de ses Sauuages, Baron pour la longueur du voyage. Il a demeuré
quarante iours par les chemins, souuent il estoit luy seul auec vn
Sauuage, à nager dans vn canot fort grand & fort chargé. Il luy falloit
porter luy-mesme tous ses pacquets. Il a couru risque trois ou quatre
fois dans les torrens, & pour comble de ses peines, on luy a dérobé
beaucoup de ses marchandises. Certes il faut icy auoir bien de la force
& de la patience, & qui croira y venir [147] chercher autre que Dieu,
n'y trouuera pas son conte.

    In short, those of our village told me, "If thou hadst not
    returned, the trade with the French was lost for us; for the
    Algonquains and even the Hurons of the other villages, threatened
    us with death if we went there on account of the murder of Brulé;
    but now we shall go to trade without fear." I was occupied some
    two weeks in visiting the villages, and bringing together, at much
    expense and trouble, all our party, who landed here and there,
    and who, not knowing [146] the language, could only have found
    us out after much toil. It is true that one of our men was able
    to come without any other address than these two words, _Echom_,
    _Ihonatiria_, which are my name and that of our village. Among
    all the French I do not find any who had more trouble than Father
    Davost and Baron; the Father from the wicked treatment of his
    Savages, Baron from the length of the journey. He occupied forty
    days on the road; often he was alone with a Savage, paddling in a
    canoe very large and very heavily laden. He had to carry all his
    packages himself; he had narrow escapes three or four times in the
    torrents; and, to crown his difficulties, much of his property was
    stolen. Truly, to come here much strength and patience are needed;
    and he who thinks of coming here [147] for any other than God, will
    have made a sad mistake.

Iean Nicolet, en son voyage qu'il fit auec nous iusques à l'Isle,
souffrit aussi tous les trauaux d'vn des plus robustes Sauuages. Estans
en fin tous ralliez, nous prismes resolution de nous habituer icy à
_Ihonatiria_, & y bastir nostre cabane, pour les raisons suiuantes.
La premiere est, qu'apres auoir serieusement recommandé cét affaire à
Dieu, nous iugeasmes que telle estoit sa volonté, parce que la moisson
des ames y est plus meure qu'en aucun-autre endroit, tant à cause de
la cognoissance que i'ay auec les habitans du lieu, & de l'affection
qu'ils m'ont tesmoignée autresfois, que pource qu'ils sont desia à
demy instruits en la Foy. En effet nous y en auons baptizé huict, dont
les sept sont allez au Ciel, auec la grace du Baptesme, [148] & tout
le village est en telle disposition, qu'il ne tient qu'à nous de le
baptiser. Mais nous attendons qu'ils soient mieux instruits, & qu'ils
ayent quitté par effect leurs principales superstitions.

    Jean Nicolet,[29] in the voyage that he made with us as far as
    the Island, suffered also all the hardships of one of the most
    robust Savages. Being at last all gathered together, we decided
    to dwell here at _Ihonatiria_, and to build here our cabin, for
    the following reasons: First, after having earnestly recommended
    the matter to God, we judged that such was his will, because the
    harvest of souls is more ripe here than in any other place,--as
    much because of the acquaintance I have with the inhabitants of
    the place, and of the affection they showed for me formerly, as
    because they are already partly instructed in the Faith. In truth,
    we have baptized eight of them, of whom seven have gone to Heaven
    with the grace of Baptism, [148] and the whole village is of such a
    disposition that it is only a question of our readiness to baptize
    it. But we are waiting until they are better instructed, and until
    they have forsaken for good their principal superstitions.

La seconde raison est, que horsmis ce village, il n'y auoit que la
Rochelle où nous deussions auoir inclination de nous arrester; &
ç'auoit esté nostre pensée dés l'an passé. Tous les habitans qui le
desiroiẽt fort, nous y inuitoient, disans que nous serions comme
au centre de la Nation, & adioutans d'autres motifs & raisons qui
nous aggreoient assez. Mesme sur le chemin ie m'entretenois en ceste
pensée, que ie ne quittay que long-temps apres estre icy arriué;
si bien que nous laissasmes assez bon espace de temps à ce village
de la Rochelle, les pacquets du Pere Daniel chez le Capitaine, qui
[149] l'auoit accueilly dans son canot, en intention d'y faire porter
les autres, & nous y loger. Mais ayant consideré, qu'ils deuoient
à ce Printemps changer de place, comme ils ont déja fait, nous ne
voulusmes point bastir vne cabane pour vn hyuer. D'ailleurs, quoy
qu'il nous soit fort à desirer, pour cueillir plus de fruit, d'auoir
beaucoup d'auditeurs en nos assemblées, ce qui nous peut faire choisir
les grand[s] villages, plustost que les petits; neantmoins pour le
commencement, nous auons trouué plus à propos de nous tenir comme à
l'ombre, prés d'vne petite bourgade, où les habitans sont déja faits
à hanter les François, que de nous mettre tout à coup en vne grãde,
où l'on ne fust point accoustumé à nos façous de faire. Autrement
c'eust esté exposer des hommes nouueaux & ignorans en la langue, à
vne [150] ieunesse nombreuse, qui par ses importunitez & mocqueries
eust peû apporter quelque desordre. De plus si nous fussions allez
ailleurs, ceux de ce village eussent creû estre encore en la disgrace
des François, & eussent peut-estre abandonné le commerce auec eux, veu
mesmement que cét Hyuer dernier le Borgne de l'Isle a fait icy courir
le bruit, que Monsieur de Champlain n'en vouloit pas demeurer là, pour
la mort de Brulé, & qu'il demandoit quatre testes; & il est croyable
que si nous n'eussions esté icy, & si nous n'y demeurions comme pour
gages, plusieurs craignans d'estre arrestez, soit pour leurs fautes,
soit pour celles d'autruy, ne retourneroient plus à la traicte. En
outre ces bonnes gents ont pretendu que nous deuiõs demeurer chez eux,
s'il estoit vray que nous les aimassions: car, disoiẽt-ils, [151] si
vous allez ailleurs, nõ seulemẽt nous aurions sujet de craindre pour
nostre particulier, mais encore pour tout le Pays, nos interests estans
vnis ensemble; mais maintenãt que vous nous prenez pour vos hostes,
nous n'auons plus que craindre comme nous eussions fait: car si vous
eussiez choisi vn autre lieu, & que quelque meschant vous eust fait du
mal, non seulement les François, mais encore les Hurons s'en fussent
pris à nous. Ie pourrois encore icy alleguer quelques autres raisons
& considerations qui ne sont pas à mépriser, comme seroit vne plus
grãde commodité, tant pour le poisson & pour le gibier, comme pour
l'embarquement. Mais la principale est la premiere que i'ay apportée,
entre les villages qui nous ont voulu auoir, ceux d'_Oënrio_ en ont
fait plus d'instance. Ce petit village assez proche [152] du nostre,
faisoit autresfois vne partie de celuy où nous estions iadis: mais nous
n'auons pas iugé à propos de nous y arrester ceste fois, seulement
ayant reconneu qu'il estoit expedient, que de ce village & du nostre il
s'en fist vn en quelque autre part, tant pour leurs affaires communes,
que pour nos fonctions & ministeres particuliers. Nous auons fait
depuis peu quelques presens à tous les deux ensemble à cette fin.
Nos presents sont de grande consideration parmy eux: neantmoins ils
ne sont pas encore resolus. Ayant donc arresté de nous tenir où nous
sommes, il fut question de bastir vne cabane. Les cabanes de ce pays,
ne sont ny des Louures ny des Palais, ny rien de semblable aux riches
bastimens de nostre France, nõ pas mesmes aux plus petites chaumines;
c'est neantmoins quelque [153] chose de meilleur & plus commode, que
les tandis des Montagnais. Ie ne vous sçaurois mieux exprimer la façon
des demeures Huronnes, que de les comparer à des berceaux ou tonnelles
de iardin; dont au lieu de branches & de verdure, quelques-vnes sont
couuertes d'escorce de cedres, quelques autres de grosses escorces de
fresnes, d'orme & de sapin, ou perusse: & quoy que celles de cedres
soient les meilleures, suiuant l'aduis & l'vsage le plus commun, il y
a neantmoins ceste incommodité, qu'elles sont quasi aussi susceptibles
du feu que des allumettes, d'où procede quantité d'embrasemens des
bourgades entieres, & sans aller plus loing que ceste année, nous en
auons veu en moins de dix iours deux grandes entierement consommées;
& vne autre, qui est celle de Louys, bruslée [154] en partie. Nous
auons veu aussi vne fois nostre propre cabane en feu; mais Dieu mercy
nous l'esteignismes aussi tost. Il y a de ces cabanes ou berceaux de
diuerse grandeur, les vnes de deux brasses en longueur, d'autres de
dix, d'autres de vingt, de trente, & de quarante: la largeur ordinaire
est d'enuiron quatre brasses, la hauteur est presque pareille. Il n'y
a point de diuers estages; il ne se voit icy ny caue, ny chambre, ny
grenier. On n'y veoit autre fenestre ny cheminée qu'vn meschant trou
au haut de la cabane, qu'on y laisse à dessein pour chasser la fumée.
C'est ainsi qu'on nous a basty la nostre.

    Secondly, except this village there was only la Rochelle at which
    we might have had any inclination to stop, and that had been our
    intention from last year. All the inhabitants desired it very much,
    and invited us there, saying that we would be, as it were, in the
    center of the Nation, and adding other motives and reasons which
    pleased us well. Even on the road I entertained this thought, and
    only laid it aside a long time after my arrival here,--so long,
    indeed, that we left for a considerable space of time the baggage
    of Father Daniel at this village of la Rochelle, with the Captain
    who [149] had received him into his canoe,--intending to carry the
    rest thither, and to abide there. But, having taken into account
    that they were intending this Spring to change the location of the
    place, as they have already done, we did not wish to build a cabin
    for one winter. Besides, although it is a desirable thing to gather
    more fruit, and to have more listeners in our assemblies, which
    would make us choose the large villages rather than the small,
    nevertheless, for a beginning we have thought it more suitable
    to keep in the shadow, as it were, near a little village where the
    inhabitants are already disposed to associate with the French, than
    to put ourselves suddenly in a great one, where the people are
    not accustomed to our mode of doing things. To do otherwise would
    have been to expose new men, ignorant of the language, to a [150]
    numerous youth, who by their annoyances and mockery would have
    brought about some disturbance. Besides, if we had gone elsewhere
    the people of this village would have thought themselves still in
    disgrace with the French, and perhaps would have abandoned trade
    with them,--especially as during this last Winter Le Borgne,[30]
    of the Island, spread the report that Monsieur de Champlain did
    not wish us to remain there, on account of the death of Brulé,
    and that he was demanding four heads; and it is probable that,
    if we had not been here, and if we had not remained as pledges,
    several, fearing to be arrested for their own faults or for those
    of others, would not have returned again to the trade. Besides,
    these good people have claimed that we ought to remain among them
    if it were true that we loved them; "for," said they, [151] "if
    you go elsewhere, not only shall we have cause to fear on our own
    account, but for the whole Country besides, our interests being
    bound together. But, now that you take us for your hosts, we have
    no longer to fear as we would; for if you had chosen another place,
    and if some wicked person had done you harm, not only the French
    but the Hurons also would have blamed us for it." I might bring
    forward some other reasons and considerations which are not to be
    despised,--as, for example, it would be a more convenient place,
    as well for fish and game as for embarking. But the principal
    reason is the first I mentioned. Among the villages that wished to
    have us, the people of _Oënrio_[31] have entreated us most. This
    little village, quite near [152] ours, used to be a part of the
    one in which we were formerly; but we have not judged it expedient
    for us to stop there this time, simply having recognized it to be
    best that from this village and from ours one should be formed at
    some other place, both for their common interests and for our own
    special functions and ministrations. We made, not long ago, some
    presents to both of them at the same time, for this purpose. Our
    presents have great influence among them, nevertheless they have
    not yet decided the question. Having, therefore, determined to stay
    where we are, the question of building a cabin arose. The cabins
    of this country are neither Louvres nor Palaces, nor anything like
    the buildings of our France, not even like the smallest cottages.
    They are, nevertheless, somewhat [153] better and more commodious
    than the hovels of the Montagnais. I cannot better express the
    fashion of the Huron dwellings than to compare them to bowers or
    garden arbors,--some of which, in place of branches and vegetation,
    are covered with cedar bark, some others with large pieces of ash,
    elm, fir, or spruce bark; and although the cedar bark is best,
    according to common opinion and usage, there is, nevertheless,
    this inconvenience, that they are almost as susceptible to fire as
    matches. Hence arise many of the conflagrations of entire villages;
    and, without going farther than this year, we have seen in less
    than ten days two large ones entirely consumed, and another, that
    of Louys, partially burned. [154] We have also once seen our own
    cabin on fire; but, thank God, we extinguished it immediately.
    There are cabins or arbors of various sizes, some two brasses in
    length, others of ten, others of twenty, of thirty, of forty; the
    usual width is about four brasses, their height is about the same.
    There are no different stories; there is no cellar, no chamber, no
    garret. It has neither window nor chimney, only a miserable hole in
    the top of the cabin, left to permit the smoke to escape. This is
    the way they built ours for us.

Ceux d'Oënrio & de nostre village s'y sont employez, au moyen de
quelque present que nous leur fismes. Nous n'auons pas manqué
d'exercice pour la faire acheuer, tant [155] à cause de la maladie
vniuerselle de quasi tous les Sauuages, qu'à cause de la cooperation
de ces deux villages. Car encore que l'ouurage ne fust pas grand;
toutesfois ceux de nostre village, regardans ceux d'Oënrio, qui sous
esperance de nous attirer à eux à la longue, ne faisoiẽt que s'amuser
sans rien auãcer. Nous estions quasi au mois d'Octobre auant que nous
fussions à couuert. Pour le dedans nous l'auons accõmodé nous mesmes;
en sorte que bien que ce ne soit pas grand' chose, les Sauuages ne
laissent de la venir veoir, & la voyant de l'admirer. Nous l'auons
separée en trois. La premiere partie du costé de la porte, sert
d'antichambre, de briseuent, & de magazin pour nos prouisions de bled,
à la façon des Sauuages. La seconde est, celle que nous habitons, & où
est nostre cuisine, nostre [156] menuiserie, nostre moulin, ou lieu
à battre le bled, nostre Refectoire, nostre salle, & nostre chambre.
Aux deux costez à la façon des Hurons sont deux establies, qu'ils
nomment _Endicha_, sur lesquelles sont des quaisses pour mettre nos
habits & autres petites commoditez; mais au dessous, au lieu que les
Hurons y logent leur bois, nous y auons pratiqué de petites cabanes
pour nous coucher, & retirer quelque chose de nos hardes, hors de la
main larronnesse des Hurons. Pour eux ils couchent auprés du feu: mais
cependant eux & nous n'auons que la terre pour chalit; pour paillasse
& pour matelats quelque escorce, ou quelque branchage couuert d'vne
nate de ionc; car pour les linceuls & couuertes, nos habits & quelques
peaux en font l'office. La troisiesme partie de nostre cabane est
encore [157] diuisée en deux, par le moyen d'vn ouurage de menuiserie,
qui luy donne assez bonne grace, & qui se fait admirer icy pour sa
nouueauté. En l'vne est nostre petite Chapelle, où nous celebrons
tous les iours la saincte Messe, & nous y retirons de iour pour prier
Dieu. Il est vray que le bruit qu'on fait quasi continuellement nous
en empesche d'ordinaire, horsmis le matin & le soir, que tout le
monde est retiré, & nous contraint de gaigner le dehors pour faire
nos prieres. En l'autre partie nous y mettons nos vtensiles. Toute la
cabane n'a que six brasses de longueur, & enuiron trois & demie de
large. Voyla comme nous sommes logez, non sans doute si bien que nous
n'ayons dedans ce logis assez bonne part à la pluye, à la neige, &
au froid. Cependant, comme i'ay dict, on ne laisse pas de nous venir
[158] visiter par admiration; principalement depuis que nous auons eu
deux portes de menuiserie, & que nostre moulin & nostre horloge ont
commencé à ioüer. On ne sçauroit dire les estonnemens de ces bonnes
gens, & combien ils admirent l'esprit des François. Mais ils ont tout
dit, quand ils ont dit qu'ils sont _ondaki_, c'est à dire des Demons:
& nous releuions bien ce mot à leur profit, quand nous leur disons.
Or ça mes freres, vous auez veu cela; & l'auez admiré, & vous pensez
auoir raison, voyant quelque chose d'extraordinaire, de dire _ondaki_;
qu'il faut que ceux qui font tant de merueilles soient des Demons. Et
qu'y a t'il d'admirable, comme la beauté du Ciel & du Soleil? qu'y
a-t'il d'admirable, comme de voir tous les ans les arbres quasi morts
durant l'Hyuer, tous nuds & défigurez, reprendre [159] sans mãquer à
chaque Printemps vne nouuelle vie & vn nouuel habit? Le bled que vous
semez pourrit, & de sa pourriture va poussant de si beaux tuyaux, &
de meilleurs espics? Et ce pendant vous ne dites point, Il faut que
celuy qui a fait tãt de beautez, & qui nous estalle tous les ans deuant
les yeux tant de merueilles, soit quelque excellent _oki_; & quelque
intelligẽce sureminẽte, &c. Il n'est venu persõne qui n'aye voulu
tourner le moulin; neantmoins nous ne nous en seruons point, d'autãt
que nous auõs par veu experiẽce que nos Sagamités sont meilleures
estant pilées dedans des mortiers de bois, à la façon des Sauuages, que
broyées dedans le moulin. Ie croy que c'est à cause que le moulin fait
la farine trop fine. Pour ce qui est de l'horloge, il y auroit mille
choses à dire. Ils croyent tous [160] que c'est quelque chose viuante;
car ils ne se peuuent imaginer comment elle sonne d'elle mesme, & quand
elle vient à sonner, ils regardent si nous sommes tous là, & s'il n'y a
pas quelqu'vn de caché, pour luy donner le branle.

    The people of Oënrio and of our village were employed at this,
    by means of presents given them. It has cost us much exertion to
    secure its completion, not only [155] on account of the epidemic,
    which affected almost all the Savages, but on account of the
    coöperation of these two villages; for although the work was not
    great, yet those of our village followed the example of those of
    Oënrio, who, in hopes of finally attracting us to their village,
    simply amused themselves without advancing the work; we were almost
    into October before we were under cover. As to the interior, we
    have suited ourselves; so that, even if it does not amount to
    much, the Savages never weary of coming to see it, and, seeing
    it, to admire it. We have divided it into three parts. The first
    compartment, nearest the door, serves as an antechamber, as a
    storm door, and as a storeroom for our provisions, in the fashion
    of the Savages. The second is that in which we live, and is our
    kitchen, our [156] carpenter shop, our mill, or place for grinding
    the wheat, our Refectory, our parlor and our bedroom. On both
    sides, in the fashion of the Hurons, are two benches which they
    call _Endicha_, on which are boxes to hold our clothes and other
    little conveniences;  but below, in the place where the Hurons
    keep their wood, we have contrived some little bunks to sleep in,
    and to store away some of our clothing from the thievish hands of
    the Hurons. They sleep beside the fire, but still they and we have
    only the earth for bedstead; for mattress and pillows, some bark
    or boughs covered with a rush mat; for sheets and coverings, our
    clothes and some skins do duty. The third part of our cabin is also
    [157] divided into two parts by means of a bit of carpentry which
    gives it a fairly good appearance, and which is admired here for
    its novelty. In the one is our little Chapel, in which we celebrate
    every day holy Mass, and we retire there daily to pray to God. It
    is true that the almost continual noise they make usually hinders
    us,--except in the morning and evening, when everybody has gone
    away,--and compels us to go outside to say our prayers. In the
    other part we put our utensils. The whole cabin is only six brasses
    long, and about three and a half wide. That is how we are lodged,
    doubtless not so well that we may not have in this abode a good
    share of rain, snow, and cold. However, as I have said, they never
    cease coming [158] to visit us from admiration, especially since
    we have put on two doors, made by a carpenter, and since our mill
    and our clock have been set to work. It would be impossible to
    describe the astonishment of these good people, and how much they
    admire the intelligence of the French. But they have said all when
    they have said they are _ondaki_, that is, Demons; and indeed we
    make profitable use of this word when we talk to them: "Now, my
    brothers, you have seen that and admired it, and you think you are
    right, when you see something extraordinary, in saying _ondaki_,
    to declare that those who make so many marvels must be Demons. And
    what is there so wonderful as the beauty of the Sky and the Sun?
    What is there so wonderful as to see every year the trees almost
    dead during the Winter, all bare and disfigured, resume [159]
    without fail, every Spring, a new life and a new dress? The corn
    that you plant rots, and from its decay spring up such beautiful
    stalks and better ears. And yet you do not say, 'He who made so
    many beauties, and who every year displays before our eyes so many
    marvels, must be some beneficent _oki_, and some supereminent
    intelligence,'" etc. No one has come who has not wished to turn the
    mill; nevertheless we have not used it, inasmuch as we have learned
    by experience that our Sagamités[32] are better pounded in a wooden
    mortar, in the fashion of the Savages, than ground within the mill.
    I believe it is because the mill makes the flour too fine. As to
    the clock, a thousand things are said of it. They all think [160]
    it is some living thing, for they cannot imagine how it sounds of
    itself; and, when it is going to strike, they look to see if we are
    all there and if some one has not hidden, in order to shake it.

Ils ont pensé qu'il entendoit, principalement quand pour rire quelqu'vn
de nos François s'escrioit au dernier coup de marteau, c'est assez
sonné, & que tout aussi tost elle se taisoit. Ils l'appellent le
Capitaine du iour. Quand elle sonne ils disent, qu'elle parle, &
demandent quand ils nous viennent veoir, combien de fois le Capitaine
a desia parlé. Ils nous interrogent de son manger. Ils demeurent les
heures entieres, & quelquesfois plusieurs, afin de la pouuoir ouyr
parler. Ils demandoient au commencement ce qu'elle disoit; on leur
respondit deux [161] choses, qu'ils ont fort bien retenuës; l'vne
que quand elle sonnoit à quatre heures du soir pendant l'hyuer, elle
disoit, Sortez, allez vous en, afin que nous fermions la porte; car
aussi tost ils leuent le siege, & s'en vont: l'autre qu'à midy elle
disoit _yo eiouahaoua_, c'est à dire, sus dressõs la chaudiere, & ils
ont encore mieux retenu ce langage. Car il y a de ces écornifleurs, qui
ne manquent point de venir à cette heure là, pour participer à nostre
Sagamité. Ils mangent à toutes heures, quand ils ont dequoy. Cependant
d'ordinaire ils ne font que manger deux chaudieres par iour, sçauoir
est, au matin & au soir. Partant ils sont bien aises pendant le iour de
prendre part à la nostre.

    They think it hears, especially when, for a joke, some one of our
    Frenchmen calls out at the last stroke of the hammer, "That's
    enough," and then it immediately becomes silent. They call it the
    Captain of the day. When it strikes, they say it is speaking;
    and they ask when they come to see us how many times the Captain
    has already spoken. They ask us about its food; they remain a
    whole hour, and sometimes several, in order to be able to hear
    it speak. They used to ask at first what it said. We told them
    two [161] things that they have remembered very well; one, that
    when it sounded four o'clock of the afternoon, during winter, it
    was saying, "Go out, go away that we may close the door," for
    immediately they arose, and went out. The other, that at midday
    it said, _yo eiouahaoua_, that is, "Come, put on the kettle;" and
    this speech is better remembered than the other, for some of these
    spongers never fail to come at that hour, to get a share of our
    Sagamité. They eat at all hours, when they have the wherewithal,
    but usually they have only two meals a day, in the morning and in
    the evening; consequently they are very glad during the day to take
    a share with us.

A propos de leurs admirations, i'en pourrois icy coucher plusieurs
faites au sujet de la pierre d'aymant; en laquelle ils regardoient s'il
y auoit [162] de la colle, & d'vne lunette à onze facettes, qui leur
representoit autant de fois vn mesme obiet, d'vne petite phiole dans
laquelle vne pulce paroist comme vn hanneton, du verre triangulaire,
des outils de menuiserie. Mais sur tout de l'escriture; car ils ne
pouuoient conceuoir comme ce qu'vn de nous, estãt au village leur
auoit dit & couché en mesme temps par escrit; vn autre qui cependant
estoit dans la maison bien esloignée, le disoit incontinent en voyant
l'escriture. Ie crois qu'ils en ont fait cent experiences. Tout cela
sert pour gaigner leurs affections, & les rendre plus dociles, quand il
est question des admirables & incomprehensibles mysteres de nostre Foy.
Car la croyance qu'ils ont de nostre esprit & de nostre capacité, fait
que sans replique ils croyent ce qu'on leur annonce.

    Speaking of their expressions of admiration, I might here set down
    several on the subject of the lodestone, into which they looked
    to see if there was [162] some paste; and of a glass with eleven
    facets, which represented a single object as many times; of a
    little phial in which a flea appears as large as a beetle; of the
    prism, of the joiner's tools; but above all of the writing, for
    they could not conceive how, what one of us, being in the village,
    had said to them, and put down at the same time in writing,
    another, who meanwhile was in a house far away, could say readily
    on seeing the writing. I believe they have made a hundred trials of
    it. All this serves to gain their affections, and to render them
    more docile when we introduce the admirable and incomprehensible
    mysteries of our Faith; for the belief they have in our
    intelligence and capacity causes them to accept without reply what
    we say to them.

[163] Reste maintenant à dire quelque chose du pays, des meurs &
coustumes des Hurons, de la disposition qu'ils ont à la Foy, & de nos
petits trauaux.

    [163] It remains now to say something of the country, of the
    manners and customs of the Hurons, of the inclination they have to
    the Faith, and of our insignificant labors.

Quant au premier, le peu de papier & de loisir que nous auons,
m'oblige à vous dire en peu de mots ce qui pourroit faire vn iuste
volume. Le pays des Hurons n'est pas grand, sa plus longue estenduë
se peut trauerser en trois ou quatre iours, l'assiette en est belle,
la plus part toute en plaines. Il est environné & entrecoupé d'vne
quantité de tres-beaux lacs, ou plustost mers, d'où vient que celuy
qui leur est au Nord, & au Nord-nordouest, est appellé mer douce.
Nous passõs par là en venāt des Bissiriniens. Le sol de ce pays
est tout sablonneux, quoy que non esgalement. Cependant il produit
quantité de tres-bon bled d'Inde, & peut-on [164] dire, que c'est
le grenier de la plus part des Algonquains. Il y a vingt Bourgades,
qui disent enuiron trente milles ames, sous vne mesme langue, &
encore assez facile à qui a quelque maistre. Elle a distinction de
genres, de nombre, de temps, de personnes, de mœuds, & en vn mot
tres-parfaite & tres accomplie, contre la pensée de plusieurs. Ce qui
me resioüit, c'est que i'ay appris que cette langue est commune à
quelques douze autres Nations toutes sedentaires & nombreuses. Sçauoir
est aux _Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons, Atiouandaronks,
Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons,
Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonõs, Rhiierrhonons, &
Ahouenrochrhonons_. Les Hurons sont amis de tous ces peuples, excepté
des _Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons_
[165] _& Agnierrhonons_, que nous comprenons tous sous le nom
d'Hiroquois. Encore ont ils desia la paix auec les _Sonontoerrhonons_,
depuis qu'ils furent par eux défaits l'année passée an Printemps.

    As to the first, the little paper and leisure we have compels me
    to say in a few words what might justly fill a volume. The Huron
    country is not large, its greatest extent can be traversed in
    three or four days. Its situation is fine, the greater part of it
    consisting of plains. It is surrounded and intersected by a number
    of very beautiful lakes or rather seas, whence it comes that the
    one to the North and to the North-northwest is called "fresh-water
    sea" [mer douce].[33] We pass through it in coming from the
    Bissiriniens. The soil of this country is quite sandy, although not
    equally so. However, it produces a quantity of very good Indian
    corn, and one may [164] say that it is the granary of most of the
    Algonquains. There are twenty Towns, which indicate about 30,000
    souls speaking the same tongue, which is not difficult to one
    who has a master. It has distinction of genders, number, tense,
    person, moods; and, in short, it is very complete and very regular,
    contrary to the opinion of many. I am rejoiced to find that this
    language is common to some twelve other Nations, all settled and
    numerous; these are, the _Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons,
    Atiouandaronks, Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons,
    Onoiochrhonons, Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonons,
    Rhiierrhonons_, and _Ahouenrochrhonons_.[34] The Hurons are
    friends of all these people, except the _Sonontoerrhonons_,
    _Onontaerrhonons_, _Oüioenrhonons_, _Onoiochrhonons_ [165] and
    _Agnierrhonons_, all of whom we comprise under the name Hiroquois.
    But they have already made peace with the _Sonontoerrhonons_, since
    they were defeated by them a year past in the Spring.

Les deputez de tout le Pays sont allez à _Sonontoen_ pour cõfirmer
cette paix, & dit on que les _Onontaerhonons, Ouioenrhonons,
Ouiochrhonons & Agnierrhonons_, veulẽt entrer en ce party. Mais ce
n'est pas chose asseurée; que si cela est, voila vne belle grande porte
ouuerte à l'Euangile. On m'a voulu mener audit _Sonontoen_, mais ie
n'ay pas iugé à propos d'aller encore en aucune part, iusques à ce
que nous ayons icy mieux estably les fondemens de la Loy Euangelique,
& que nous y ayons tiré vn crayon, sur lequel les autres Nations qui
se conuertiront se puissent reigler. Ie voudrois bien n'aller en aucũ
lieu qu'on [166] ne nous recogneust aussi tost pour Predicateurs de
Iesus-Christ.

    The deputies of the whole Country have gone to _Sonontoen_[35]
    to confirm this peace, and it is said that the _Onontaerhonons_,
    _Ouioenrhonons_, _Ouiochrhonons_ and _Agnierrhonons_ wish to
    become parties to it. But that is not certain; if it were, a noble
    door would be open to the Gospel. They wanted me to go to this
    _Sonontoen_, but I did not judge it wise to go yet into any other
    part, until we have better established here the foundation of the
    Gospel Law, and until we have drawn a line by which the other
    Nations that shall be converted may guide themselves. Indeed, I
    would not go to any place where [166] we would not be immediately
    recognized as Preachers of Jesus Christ.

Il est si clair & si euident, qu'il est vne Diuinité qui a fait le Ciel
& la terre, que nos Hurons ne la peuuent entierement mécognoistre. Et
quoy qu'ils ayent les yeux de l'esprit fort obscurcis des tenebres
d'vne longue ignorance, de leurs vices & pechez, si est-ce qu'ils en
voyent quelque chose. Mais ils se méprennent lourdement, & ayant la
cognoissance de Dieu, ils ne luy rendent pas l'honneur, ny l'amour, ny
le seruice qu'il conuient: car ils n'ont ny Temples, ny Prestres, ny
Festes, ny ceremonies aucunes.

    It is so clear, so evident that there is a Divinity who has made
    Heaven and earth, that our Hurons cannot entirely ignore it. And
    although the eyes of their minds are very much obscured by the
    darkness of a long ignorance, by their vices and sins, they still
    see something of it. But they misapprehend him grossly, and, having
    the knowledge of God, they do not render him the honor, the love,
    nor the service which is his due. For they have neither Temples,
    nor Priests, nor Feasts, nor any ceremonies.

Ils disent qu'vne certaine femme nommée _Eataentsic_, est celle qui a
fait la terre & les hommes. Ils luy baillent pour adioint vn certain
appellé _Iouskeha_, qu'ils disent estre son petit fils, auec lequel
elle gouuerne [167] le monde; cest _Ious_k_eha_ a soin des viuans &
des choses qui concernent la vie, & par consequent ils disent qu'il
est bõ: _Eataentsic_ a soin des ames, & parce qu'ils croyent qu'elle
fait mourir les hommes, ils disent qu'elle est meschante. Et ce sont
parmy eux des mysteres si cachez, qu'il n'y a que les vieillards qui en
puissent parler auec credit & authorité, pour estre creus. D'où vient
qu'vn certain ieune homme m'en ayant discouru, me dist en se ventant,
Ne suisie pas bien sçauant? Quelques vns me disent que la maison de ces
deux Diuinitez est au bout du monde vers l'Orient. Or chez eux le monde
ne passe point leur Pays, c'est à dire l'Amerique, d'autres les logent
au milieu.

    They say that a certain woman named _Eataentsic_[36] is the one
    who made earth and men. They give her an assistant, one named
    _Jouskeha_, whom they declare to be her little son, with whom she
    governs [167] the world. This _Jouskeha_ has care of the living,
    and of the things that concern life, and consequently they say
    that he is good. _Eataentsic_ has care of souls; and, because they
    believe that she makes men die, they say that she is wicked. And
    there are among them mysteries so hidden that only the old men,
    who can speak with credit and authority about them, are believed.
    Whence it comes that a certain young man, who was talking to me
    about this, said boastingly, "Am I not very learned?" Some told me
    that the house of these two Divinities is at the end of the world
    to the East. Now with them the world does not pass beyond their
    Country, that is, America. Others place their abode in the middle.

Ce Dieu & cette Deesse viuent comme eux, mais sans disette; font des
festins comme eux, sont lascifs aussi bien qu'eux: bref ils se les
figurent [168] tous tels qu'ils sont eux mesmes. Et encor qu'il[s] les
facent hommes & corporels, ils semblent neantmoins leur attribuer vne
certaine immensité en tous lieux. Ils disent que cette _Eataentsic_
est tombée du Ciel, où il y a des habitans comme icy, & que quand elle
tomba, elle estoit enceinte. Que si vous leur demandez qui a fait le
Ciel & ses habitans, ils n'ont autre repartie, sinon qu'ils n'en
sçauent rien. Et quand nous leur preschons vn Dieu, Createur du Ciel
& de la terre & de toutes choses: de mesme quand nous leur parlons
d'vn Enfer & d'vn Paradis, & du reste de nos mysteres; les opiniastres
respondent, que cela est bon pour nostre Pays, non pour le leur; que
chaque Pays a ses façons de faire: mais leur ayant monstré par le
moyen d'vn petit globe que nous auons apporté, qu'il n'y a [169] qu'vn
seul monde, ils demeurẽt sans replique. Ie trouue dans leur mariage
deux choses qui me plaisent fort; l'vne qu'ils n'ont qu'vne femme,
l'autre qu'ils ne se marient point à leurs parens en ligne directe
ou collaterale, pour esloignez qu'ils puissẽt estre. Il y a assez
d'ailleurs à y reprendre, quand ce ne seroit que le frequent changement
que les hommes font de leurs femmes, & les femmes de leurs maris: ils
croyent l'immortalité des ames, qu'ils feignent estre corporelles.
Toute la plus grande partie de leur Religion consiste en ce poinct. Ce
ne sont d'ailleurs que superstitions, que nous esperons auec la grace
de Dieu changer en vraye Religion, & comme despoüilles enleuées sur
l'ennemy, les consacrer à l'honneur de nostre Seigneur & en profiter
pour leur soulagement particulier. Certes si [170] estãs vn iour
Chrestiens, ils viennent à les aider à proportion de ce qu'ils sont à
present pour elles en vain; il faudra que nous leur cedions, ou que
nous les imitions; car ils n'y espargnent rien, non pas mesmes les
plus auaricieux. Nous en auons veu quelques-vns dénuez, ou peu s'en
faut, de toutes leurs commoditez, pour ce que plusieurs de leurs amis
estoient morts, aux ames desquels ils en auoient fait largesse. Au
surplus les chiens, les cerfs, les poissons & autres animaux ont des
ames immortelles & raisonnables à leur dire: Pour preuue dequoy les
vieillards racontent certaines fables qu'ils font passer pour veritez;
ils ne font mention ny de peine ny de recompense au lieu où vont les
ames apres la mort; aussi ne mettent-ils point de distinction entre les
bons & les mauuais, les vertueux & les vicieux, [171] & ils honorent
également la sepulture des vns & des autres: ainsi que nous auons veu
en celle d'vn ieune homme qui s'estoit empoisonné du déplaisir qu'il
auoit conceu, à raison qu'on luy auoit osté sa femme. Ils ont vne
infinité de superstitions, leurs festins, leur[s] medecines, leurs
pesches, leurs chasses, leurs guerres; bref quasi toute leur vie ne
roule que sur ce piuot; les songes sur tout ont icy grand credit.

    This God and Goddess live like themselves, but without famine; make
    feasts as they do, are lustful as they; in short, they imagine them
    [168] exactly like themselves. And still, though they make them
    human and corporeal, they seem nevertheless to attribute to them a
    certain immensity in all places. They say that this _Eataentsic_
    fell from the Sky, where there are inhabitants as on earth; and,
    when she fell, she was with child. If you ask them who made the Sky
    and its inhabitants, they have no other reply than that they know
    nothing about it. And when we preach to them of one God, Creator of
    Heaven and earth, and of all things, and even when we talk to them
    of Hell and Paradise and of our other mysteries, the headstrong
    savages reply that this is good for our Country and not for theirs;
    that every Country has its own fashions. But having pointed out to
    them, by means of a little globe that we had brought, that there is
    [169] only one world, they remain without reply. I find in their
    marriage customs two things that greatly please me; the first, that
    they have only one wife; the second, that they do not marry their
    relatives in a direct or collateral line, however distant they
    may be. There is, on the other hand, sufficient to censure, were
    it only the frequent changes the men make of their wives, and the
    women of their husbands. They believe in the immortality of the
    soul,[37] which they believe to be corporeal. The greatest part of
    their Religion consists in this point. There are, besides, only
    superstitions, which we hope by the grace of God to change into
    true Religion, and, like spoils carried off from the enemy, to
    consecrate them to the honor of our Lord, and to profit by them for
    their special advantage. Certainly, if, [170] should they some day
    be Christians, these superstitions help them in proportion to what
    they do for them now in vain, it will be necessary that we yield
    to them, or that we imitate them; for they spare nothing, not even
    the most avaricious. We have seen several stripped, or almost so,
    of all their goods, because several of their friends were dead, to
    whose souls they had made presents. Moreover, dogs, deer, fish,
    and other animals have, in their opinion, immortal and reasonable
    souls. In proof of this, the old men relate certain fables, which
    they represent as true; they make no mention either of punishment
    or reward, in the place to which souls go after death. And so
    they do not make any distinction between the good and the bad,
    the virtuous and the vicious; [171] and they honor equally the
    interment of both, even as we have seen in the case of a young man
    who had poisoned himself from the grief he felt because his wife
    had been taken away from him. Their superstitions are infinite;
    their feasts, their medicines, their fishing, their hunting, their
    wars,--in short, almost their whole life turns upon this pivot;
    dreams, above all, have here great credit.

Tout ce pays, & ie crois qu'il en va de mesme ailleurs, ne manque pas
d'hommes meschans, lesquels par enuie ou par vengeance, ou autre motif,
empoisonnent ou ensorcellent, & en fin tost ou tard font mourir ceux
qu'ils entreprennent. Quand telles gens sont surpris, on les execute
sur le champ, sans autre forme de procés, & il n'en est autre bruit.
Pour les autres meurtres ils [172] les vengent sur toute la Nation
du meurtrier; aussi ne sçay-je que cette sorte de gens qu'ils facent
mourir impunément. I'ay bien connu vne fille larronnesse, qui fut aussi
tost assommée sans aucune recherche, mais ç'auoit esté par son propre
frere: s'il paroist quelque traistre qui machine la ruine du Pays, ils
taschent en commun de s'en défaire au plustost; mais ces accidens sont
fort rares.

    This whole country, and I believe it is the same elsewhere, is not
    lacking in wicked men, who, from motives of envy or vengeance, or
    from other cause, poison or bewitch, and, in short, put to death
    sooner or later those whom they wish to injure. When such people
    are caught, they are put to death on the spot, without any form of
    trial, and there is no disturbance about it. As to other murders,
    they [172] are avenged upon the whole Nation of the murderer; so
    that is the only class I know about that they put to death with
    impunity. I knew indeed a girl that stole, who was at once killed
    without any inquiry, but it was by her own brother. If some traitor
    appears, who is planning the ruin of the Country, they endeavor in
    common to get rid of him as soon as possible; but these accidents
    are very rare.

Ils disent que ces Sorciers les ruinent; car si quelqu'vn a reüssy
en quelque entreprise, si la traitte, si la chasse luy a succedé;
aussi-tost ces méchans l'ensorcellent, ou quelque autre de sa maison,
afin qu'il consomme tout en Medecins & Medecines. Aussi pour remedier
à ces sorts, & autres maladies, il y a vne infinité de Medecins
qu'ils appellent _Arendiouane_. Ces gens à [173] mon aduis son[t]
vrays Sorciers, qui ont accez au Diable. Les vns ne font que iuger
du mal, & ce en diuerses facons, sçauoir est, par Pyromantie, par
Hydromantie, Negromantie, par festins, par danses & chansons. Les
autres s'efforcent de guerir le mal par souflemens, breuuages & autres
singeries ridicules, qui n'ont aucune vertu ny efficacité naturelle.
Mais les vns & les autres ne font rien sans grands presens, & sans
bonnes recompenses.

    They say that the Sorcerers ruin them; for if any one has succeeded
    in an enterprise, if his trading or hunting is successful,
    immediately these wicked men bewitch him, or some member of his
    family, so that they have to spend it all in Doctors and Medicines.
    Hence, to cure these and other diseases, there are a large number
    of Doctors whom they call _Arendiouane_. These persons, in [173]
    my opinion, are true Sorcerers, who have access to the Devil.
    Some only judge of the evil, and that in divers ways, namely, by
    Pyromancy, by Hydromancy, Necromancy, by feasts, dances, and songs;
    the others endeavor to cure the disease by blowing, by potions,
    and by other ridiculous tricks, which have neither any virtue nor
    natural efficacy. But neither class do anything without generous
    presents and good pay.

On void en ce Pays quelques Deuins, qu'ils appellent encore
_Arendiouane_, & qui se meslent de faire tomber ou cesser la pluye, &
predire les choses futures. Le Diable leur reuele quelques secrets,
mais auec tant d'obscuritez, qu'on n'a garde de les arguer de mensonge:
témoin vn du village de _Scanonaenrat_ [174] lequel vn peu auparauant
l'embrasement des bourgades cy dessus mẽtionnées, auoit veu en songe
trois flammes qui tomboient du Ciel sur lesdites bourgades. Mais
le Diable ne luy auoit declaré le sens de cet enigme: car ayant
obtenu du village vn chien blanc pour en faire festin, & en impetrer
l'intelligence, il demeura aussi ignorant apres comme auparauant.

    There are here some Soothsayers, whom they call also _Arendiouane_
    and who undertake to cause the rain to fall or to cease, and to
    predict future events. The Devil reveals to them some secrets,
    but with so much obscurity that one is unable to accuse them of
    falsehood; witness one of the village of _Scanonaenrat_[38] [174]
    who, a little while before the burning of the villages before
    mentioned, had seen in a dream three flames falling from the Sky on
    those villages. But the Devil had not declared to him the meaning
    of this enigma; for, having obtained from the village a white dog,
    to make a feast with it and to seek information by it, he remained
    as ignorant afterward as before.

Dernierement comme i'estois chez Louys de saincte Foy, vne vieille
sorciere ou deuineresse dudit village, dist qu'elle auoit veu ceux
qui estoient allez à la guerre, qu'ils reuenoient, & amenoient vn
prisonnier. Nous verrons si elle a dit vray: son procedé est par
pyromantie: elle vous figure en sa cabane le lac des Hiroquois, puis
d'vn costé elle fait autant de feux comme il y a de personnes qui ont
marché en [175] campagn[e]; & de l'autre costé encore autant de feux,
qu'ils ont d'ennemis à combattre. Puis si son sort reüssit, elle donne
à entendre que les feux de deça ont trauersé, & cela signifie, que
les guerriers ont desia passé le lac. Vn feu qui y esteint l'autre,
marque vn ennemy défait, que si il l'attire à soy sans l'esteindre,
c'est vn prisonnier pris à mercy. C'est ainsi, pour finir ce discours,
qui seroit trop long, si ie voulois tout dire, que le Diable amuse ce
pauure peuple, substituant ses impietez & superstitions, en la place
de la conformité, qu'ils deuroient auoir à la prouidence de Dieu, & du
culte qu'ils luy deuroient rendre.

    Lastly, when I was in the house of Louys de saincte Foy, an old
    woman, a sorceress, or female soothsayer of that village, said
    she had seen those who had gone to the war, and that they were
    bringing back a prisoner. We shall see if she has spoken the
    truth. Her method is by pyromancy. She draws for you in her hut
    the lake of the Hiroquois;[39] then on one side she makes as many
    fires as there are persons who have gone on [175] the expedition,
    and on the other as many fires as they have enemies to fight.
    Then, if her spell succeeds, she lets it be understood that the
    fires from this side have run over, and that signifies that the
    warriors have already crossed the lake. One fire extinguishing
    another marks an enemy defeated; but if it attracts it to itself
    without extinguishing it, that is a prisoner taken at mercy. It
    is thus,--to finish my discourse, which would be too long if I
    tried to say everything,--that the Devil amuses this poor people,
    substituting his impieties and superstitions in place of the
    compliance they ought to have with the providence of God, and the
    worship they ought to render him.

Quant à ce qui concerne les mœurs, les Hurons sont lascifs, quoy
qu'en deux chefs moins que plusieurs Chrestiens, qui rougiront [176]
vn iour deuant eux. Vous n'y verrez point de baisers, ny de caresses
deshonnestez; & dans le mariage vn homme y demeurera les deux & trois
ans entiers, sans cognoistre sa femme, tandis qu'elle est nourrice.
Ils sont gourmands iusques à rendre gorge: vray est que cela n'est pas
souuent, mais seulement en quelques festins superstitieux. Encore ne
s'y trouuent-ils pas volontiers; & d'ailleurs ils supportent beaucoup
mieux la faim que nous; si bien qu'apres auoir ieusné les deux ou
trois iours entiers, vous en verrez encore ramer, porter, chanter,
rire, gausser, cõme s'ils auoiẽt biẽ disné. Ils sont fort faineants,
menteurs, larrons, importuns demandeurs. Quelques-vns les estiment
vindicatifs; mais pour moy ie crois que ce vice est plus notable
ailleurs qu'icy. On y voit reluire d'assez belles vertus [177] morales.
Vous y remarquez en premier lieu vne grande amour & vnion, qu'ils
sont soigneux de cultiuer par le moyen de leurs mariages, de leurs
presens, de leurs festins, & de leurs frequentes visites. Au retour
de leur pesche, de leur chasse, & de leur traitte, ils s'entredonnent
beaucoup: s'ils y ont pris quelque chose d'exquis, ou mesme s'ils l'ont
acheté, ou si on le leur a donné, ils en font festin à tout le village:
l'hospitalité enuers toute sorte d'estrãgers y est remarquable. Ils
leur presentẽt en ces festins ce qu'ils ont preparé de meilleur, & cõme
i'ay desia dit, ie ne sçay si ailleurs il se recontre rien de pareil
en ce sujet. Il me semble auoir leu dans les vies [des] Peres, qu'vne
armée Payenne se conuertit, voyant la charité & l'hospitalité d'vne
ville Chrestienne, dont les habitans s'efforçoient à l'enuy de [178]
caresser & festoyer les Estrangers. Iugeant bien que ceux-là deuoient
professer la vraye Religion, & adorer le vray Dieu Pere commun de
tous, qui auoient vn cœur si benin, & faisoient indifferemment tant de
bien à toute sorte de personnes. Nous auons aussi esperance que nostre
Seigneur donnera en fin la lumiere de sa cognoissance, & communiquera
l'ardeur de ses graces à cette Nation, qu'il semble y auoir disposée
par la pratique de cette belle vertu. Ils ne refusent iamais la porte
à vn Estranger; & l'ayans receu vne fois en leur maison, ils luy font
part de ce qu'ils y ont de meilleur: ils ne luy donnent iamais son
congé; & quand il le prend de soy-mesme, il en est quitte pour vn
simple grand-mercy. Cela me fait esperer, que si vne fois il plaist
à Dieu de les illuminer, ils correspondront parfaictement [179] aux
graces & aux inspirations de son Fils. Et puis qu'il est venu comme
Estranger en sa propre maison, ie me promets que ces bonnes gens le
receuront à toutes heures en leur cœur, sans le faire attendre à la
porte par trop de dureté; sans luy rien espargner en toute l'estenduë
de leurs affections: sans le trahir & le chasser dehors par quelque
faute signalée, & sans rien pretendre en son seruice que son honneur
& sa gloire: qui est tout ce qu'on peut souhaitter de fidelité en vne
ame, pour le bon vsage & sainct employ des faueurs du Ciel.

    As regards morals, the Hurons are lascivious, although in two
    leading points less so than many Christians, who will blush [176]
    some day in their presence. You will see no kissing nor immodest
    caressing; and in marriage a man will remain two or three years
    apart from his wife, while she is nursing. They are gluttons, even
    to disgorging; it is true, that does not happen often, but only
    in some superstitious feasts,--these, however, they do not attend
    willingly. Besides, they endure hunger much better than we,--so
    well that after having fasted two or three entire days you will see
    them still paddling, carrying loads, singing, laughing, bantering,
    as if they had dined well. They are very lazy, are liars, thieves,
    pertinacious beggars. Some consider them vindictive; but, in my
    opinion, this vice is more noticeable elsewhere than here. We see
    shining among them some rather noble moral [177] virtues. You note,
    in the first place, a great love and union, which they are careful
    to cultivate by means of their marriages, of their presents, of
    their feasts, and of their frequent visits. On returning from their
    fishing, their hunting, and their trading, they exchange many
    gifts; if they have thus obtained something unusually good, even
    if they have bought it, or if it has been given to them, they make
    a feast to the whole village with it. Their hospitality towards
    all sorts of strangers is remarkable; they present to them in
    their feasts the best of what they have prepared, and, as I have
    already said, I do not know if anything similar, in this regard,
    is to be found elsewhere. I think I have read, in the lives of the
    Fathers, that a Pagan army was converted on seeing the charity and
    hospitality of a Christian town, the inhabitants of which vied with
    each other in [178] caressing and feasting the Strangers,--judging
    well that those must profess the true Religion and worship the true
    God, the common Father of all, who had hearts so benign and who
    did so much good to all sorts of persons, without distinction. We
    have also hope that our Lord will give at last the light of his
    knowledge, and will communicate the fire of his graces, to this
    Nation, which he seems to have disposed thereto by the practice of
    this noble virtue. They never close the door upon a Stranger, and,
    once having received him into their houses, they share with him the
    best they have; they never send him away, and, when he goes away of
    his own accord, he repays them by a simple "thank you." This makes
    me hope that, if once it pleases God to illumine them, they will
    respond perfectly [179] to the grace and inspiration of his Son.
    And, since he has come as a Stranger into his own house, I promise
    myself that these good people will receive him at all hours into
    their hearts without making him wait too long on account of their
    hardness, without withholding from him anything in the whole range
    of their affections, without betraying him or driving him outside
    by any serious fault, and without claiming anything in his service
    other than his honor and glory; which is all the fidelity one can
    ask in a soul for the good use and holy employment of the favors of
    Heaven.

Que diray-je de leur estrange patience dans leur pauureté, disette
& maladies? Nous auons veu cette année les villages entiers sur la
litiere, nourris d'vn peu de sagamité insipide, & cependant pas vn mot
pour se plaindre, pas vn mouuement [180] d'impatience. Ils reçoiuent
bien plus constamment la nouuelle de la mort, que ces Messieurs & Dames
de la Chrestienté, à qui on en oseroit ouurir la bouche. Nos Sauuages
l'entendent non seulement sans desespoir, mais sans se troubler,
sans pallir ou blesmir tant soit peu. Nous auons sur tout admiré la
constance de nos nouueaux Chrestiens: le penultiéme qui est mort,
nommé Ioseph _Oatij_ a demeuré sur la dure l'espace de quatre ou cinq
mois, tant deuant qu'apres son Baptesme, si décharné qu'il n'auoit
que les os; dãs vne cabane si chetiue, que les vents y souffloient de
tous costez, couuert pendant les froidures de l'hyuer d'vne peau fort
legere, de bestes noires ou d'escurieux noirs, nourry fort pauuremẽt.
On ne l'a cependant iamais ouy faire aucune plainte. Nostre Seigneur
Iesus-Christ soit à iamais [181] loüé. C'est sur ces dispositions &
fondemens, que nous esperons auec la grace de Dieu bastir l'edifice
de la Religiõ Chrestienne parmy ce peuple, qui desia d'ailleurs nous
est grandemẽt affectiõné, & a vne grãde opinion de nous. C'est à nous
maintenãt à correspõdre à nostre vocatiõ, & à la voix de N. S. qui
nous dit, _videte regiones, quoniam albæ sunt iam ad messẽ_. Il est
vray, mon R. P. que _messis multa, operarij pauci_, & de plus nous
nous trouuõs fort foibles pour vne si grãde entreprise; au moins moy;
& partant ie supplie nostre R. P. Prouincial & V. R. de nous enuoyer
du secours. Sur quoy ie m'escrierois volõtiers au bon Dieu, _mitte
quem missurus es_; car pour nous, nous sõmes des enfans qui ne faisons
que begayer. Cependant nous confians en la bonté de N. Seign. & non en
nos propres forces & industries, voicy ce que [182] nous auons fait
pour la conuersion de ce Peuple, depuis nostre arriuée. Premierement
nous-nous sommes employez en l'estude de la langue, qui à cause de la
diuersité de ses mots composez est quasi infinie. On ne peut neantmoins
rien faire sans cét estude. Tous les François qui sont icy s'y sont
ardemment portez, ramenant l'ancien vsage d'escrire sur des escorces
de bouleau faute de papier. Les P. Dauost & Daniel y ont trauaillé par
dessus tous. Ils y sçauẽt autant de mots que moy, & peut-estre plus.
Mais ils n'ont pas encore la prattique pour les former & assembler
promptement; quoy que le Pere Daniel s'explique desia passablement.
Pour moy qui y fais leçon à nos François, si Dieu ne m'assiste
extraordinairement, encor me faudra-il aller long temps à l'escole des
Sauuages, telle est la fecondité [183] de leur langue. Cela n'empesche
pas que ie n'entende quasi tout ce qu'ils disent, & que ie ne leur
face assez comprendre mes conceptions, mesmes dans l'explication de
nos plus ineffables mystres. Apres cela, nous nous sommes employez à
la visite, sollicitation & instruction des malades, qui ont esté comme
i'ay dit en tres-grand nombre; ç'a esté dãs ce pieux exercice que nous
auons acquis des ames à nostre Seigneur, iusques au nombre de treize.
La premiere fut vne petite fil[l]ette de ce village aagée seulement de
quatre ou cinq mois, elle mourut vn quart d'heure après son baptesme,
auquel elle fut nõmée Iosephe, pour accomplir vn vœu que i'auois faict
de donner ce nom au premier que nous regenererions des sainctes eaux,
en recognoissance de tant de faueurs que nous auons receu & receuons
[184] par l'entremise de ce grand Sainct. Ce fut le sixiesme Septembre
1634. La deuxiesme, fut vne autre petite fille d'enuirõ deux ans, que
nous baptisames le lendemain; elle mourut l'onziesme du mesme mois &
an, ayant esté nommée Marie.

    What shall I say of their strange patience in their poverty, famine,
    and sickness? We have seen this year whole villages prostrated,
    their food a little insipid sagamité; and yet not a word of
    complaint, not a movement [180] of impatience. They receive
    indeed the news of death with more constancy than those Christian
    Gentlemen and Ladies to whom one would not dare to mention it.
    Our Savages hear of it not only without despair, but without
    troubling themselves, without the slightest pallor or change of
    countenance. We have especially admired the constancy of our
    new Christians. The next to the last one who died, named Joseph
    _Oatij_, lay on the bare ground during four or five months, not
    only before but after his Baptism,--so thin that he was nothing
    but bones; in a lodge so wretched that the winds blew in on all
    sides; covered during the cold of winter with a very light skin
    of some black animals, perhaps black squirrels, and very poorly
    nourished. He was never heard to make a complaint, however. May our
    Lord Jesus Christ be ever [181] praised. It is on such dispositions
    and foundations that we hope, with the grace of God, to build the
    edifice of the Christian Religion among these people, who, besides,
    are already affectionately inclined toward us and have a great
    opinion of us. It is now our part to correspond to our vocation,
    and to the voice of Our Savior, who says to us, _videte regiones,
    quoniam albæ sunt iam ad messem_. It is true, my Reverend Father,
    that _messis multa, operarii pauci_, and, besides, we are very
    weak for so great an enterprise, at least I am, and therefore
    I beseech our Reverend Father Provincial and Your Reverence to
    send us help. For this I could cry willingly to the good God,
    _mitte quem missurus es_; as for us, we are children, who can only
    stammer. Yet see what we, trusting in the goodness of Our Lord,
    and not in our own strength and skill, [182] have done for the
    conversion of this People since our arrival. In the first place, we
    have been employed in the study of the language, which, on account
    of the diversity of its compound words, is almost infinite. One
    can, nevertheless, do nothing without this study. All the French
    who are here have eagerly applied themselves to it, reviving the
    ancient usage of writing on birch-bark, for want of paper.
    Fathers Davost and Daniel have worked at it, beyond all; they know
    as many words as I, and perhaps more; but they have not yet had
    practice in forming and joining them together promptly, although
    Father Daniel already explains himself passably well. As for me,
    who give lessons therein to our French, if God does not assist me
    extraordinarily, I shall yet have to go a long time to the school
    of the Savages, so prolific is [183] their language. That does not
    prevent me from understanding almost all they say, and from making
    them fairly understand my meaning, even in the explanation of our
    most ineffable mysteries. In addition, we have employed ourselves
    in visiting, entreating, and instructing the sick, who have been,
    as I have said, very numerous. It has been in this pious exercise
    that we have won souls for our Lord, to the number of thirteen.
    The first was a little girl of this village, only four or five
    months old; she died a quarter of an hour after her baptism, in
    which she was named Josepha, to fulfill a vow I had made to give
    this name to the first that we should regenerate with the holy
    waters,--in gratitude for so many favors that we have received and
    are receiving [184] by the interposition of that great Saint. This
    was on the sixth of September, 1634. The second was another little
    girl, about two years of age, whom we baptized on the next day. She
    died on the eleventh of the same month and year, having been named
    Marie.

Le 26. du mesme mois ie baptisay Marie _Oquiaendis_ mere du Capitaine
de ce village, ayeule de l'autre Marie. Celle-cy vit encore, & attribuë
sa guerisõ à la vertu du S. Baptesme, le publiant par tout. En effet
elle estoit quasi aux abois, & dés qu'elle fut lauée de ces sacrées
eaux, elle commença à se mieux porter. Le 20. d'Octobre, ie partis
pour aller à la Nation du Petun: en ce voyage Dieu me fit la faueur de
baptifer & enuoyer au Ciel trois petits enfans, l'vn desquels entre
autres alloit ietter les derniers souspirs quãd i'arriuay dãs sa
cabane, où à peine eus-je le loisir [185] de l'ondoyer. Au retour du
voyage, ie trouuay que le P. Daniel auoit baptisé Ioseph _Ioutaya_,
qu'on croyoit deuoir expirer sur le chãp. Ie l'auois instruit
auparauãt. Il a suruécu long temps, tousiours languissant, & faisant
beaucoup d'actes de vertu. Nous l'auons assisté corporellement &
spirituellement; si bien que luy & toute sa cabane n'attribuoient la
prolongatiõ de sa vie, qu'au double secours qu'il a receu de nostre
part. En fin estant mort heureusement dãs la cõfession & inuocatiõ
du vray Dieu, & dans la repentãce de ses pechez, nous l'enterrasmes
solẽnellement comme il l'auoit desiré. Nous auõs admiré le soin, la
charité & la perseuerãce de sa fẽme, dãs les deuoirs & seruices qu'elle
luy rẽdoit pendãt vne fort longue, fort salle, & fort puãte maladie.
Elle & toute sa cabane (où nous en auons déja baptisé trois) nous
est demeurée [186] fort affectionnée, & ils m'ont protesté plusieurs
fois qu'ils seroient tous à la vie, à la mort, & au delà en nostre
disposition. Mais nous ne les iugeons pas encore assez instruits. C'est
en ceste cabane où demeure le premier Huron que i'aye iamais baptizé
qui fut l'an mil six cens vingt-neuf, auant nostre depart de ce Pays.
C'estoit vn petit enfant tenu pour mort, lequel sembla renaistre &
reuiure doublement dans les eaux viuifiantes du sainct Baptesme. Il vit
encore aagé d'enuiron cinq ans, & est fort gentil.

    On the 26th of the same month, I baptized Marie _Oquiaendis_, the
    mother of the Captain of this village, grandmother of the other
    Marie. She is still living, and attributes her recovery to the
    virtue of Holy Baptism, publishing it everywhere. In truth, she
    was almost gone; and as soon as she was washed with the sacred
    waters she began to improve. On the 20th of October, I set out to
    go to the Tobacco Nation.[40] In this journey God granted me the
    favor of baptizing and sending to Heaven three little children,
    one of whom, among others, was about to give forth his last breath
    when I reached the lodge and had scarcely time [185] to sprinkle
    him. When I returned from the journey I found that Father Daniel
    had baptized Joseph _Joutaya_, who was believed to be at the point
    of death. I had instructed him previously. He survived a long
    time, in a languishing condition, and doing many acts of virtue.
    We helped him both bodily and spiritually; so well that he and all
    his family attributed the prolongation of his life to nothing but
    the double assistance he had received from us. At last, having
    happily died in the confession and invocation of the true God, and
    in repentance for his sins, we solemnly interred him as he had
    desired. We admired the care, the charity, and the perseverance
    of his wife in the duties and services she rendered to him during
    a long, very dirty, and very disgusting sickness. She and all her
    house, (where we have already baptized three) have continued [186]
    warmly attached to us; and they have often protested to me that
    they will all be, in life, in death, and beyond, at our service.
    But we do not judge them yet sufficiently instructed. It is this
    cabin where lives the first Huron I ever baptized, which was in the
    year one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, before our departure
    from this Country. It was a little child, looked upon as dead,
    who seemed to be born and live again in a double sense, in the
    life-imparting waters of holy Baptism. He still lives, being about
    five years of age, and is very gentle.

Le vingt-vniesme d'Octobre fut baptizé Ioseph _Sondaarouhané_, aagé
d'enuiron quarante ou cinquante ans; il auoit vne grande bonté &
douceur naturelle, & m'estoit de longue main affectionné; il rendit son
bienheureux esprit à Dieu le vingtiesme Nouembre. Le mesme [187] iour
fut baptisé Ioachim _Tsindacaiendoua_, vieillard de 80. ans. C'estoit
vn des Hurons du meilleur naturel que i'aye connu, le lendemain il
quitta cette vie pour en commencer vne meilleure, comme nous croyons:
nous l'enterrasmes solemnellement en vn lieu separé. Cette ceremonie
attira sur nous les yeux de tout le village, & causa à plusieurs le
desir qu'on honorast leur sepulture de cette façon, notamment à Ioseph
_Ioutaia_, cy dessus mentionné: lequel apres les obseques acheuées me
dit qu'il eust esté bien aise que nous eussions passé au trauers de sa
cabane en l'estat que nous estions habillez, pour nous veoir du lieu
où la maladie le tenoit attaché: car on luy en auoit fait tant de cas,
qu'il declara authentiquement vouloir estre enterré de nos mains, ce
qui fut fait.

    On the twenty-first of October, was baptized Joseph
    _Sondaarouhané_, about forty or fifty years of age. He had great
    goodness and natural sweetness, and had been attached to me
    for a long time. He yielded up his blessed spirit to God, on
    the twentieth of November. On the same [187] day was baptized
    Joachim _Tsindacaiendoua_, an old man of 80 years. He was one of
    the best-natured Hurons I have ever known. The next day he left
    this life, to begin a better one, as we believe; we interred him
    solemnly in a separate place. This ceremony attracted upon us
    the eyes of the whole village, and caused several to desire that
    we should honor their burial in the same way,--notably Joseph
    _Joutaia_, the one above-mentioned, who, after the obsequies were
    over, told me that he would have been very glad if we had passed
    through his cabin in the style in which we were dressed, so that he
    might see us from the place in which sickness kept him bound; for
    they had talked so much to him about the matter that he declared of
    his own will that he wished to be interred by our hands, which was
    done.

[188] Puisque ie suis retombé sur le propos de cét homme, ie diray
vne chose memorable qui luy arriua apres son Baptesme. Le Diable
luy apparut vn iour en forme d'vn sien frere decedé. Entrant dans sa
cabane, il ne le salüa pas, & s'asseyant de l'autre cofté du feu, vis
à vis de nostre nouueau Chrestien, il demeura long-temps sans parler.
En fin prenant la parole, il luy dit, Quoy donc mon frere, vous nous
voulez quitter? Nostre Ioseph, qui n'estoit pas encore assez duit en
cette milice, respondit: non, mõ frere, ie ne vous veux pas quitter, ie
ne vous quitteray point; & dit-on qu'alors ce faux frere commença à le
caresser. Toutesfois il a depuis protesté plusieurs fois qu'il desiroit
aller au Ciel.

    [188] Since I have referred to this man's decision, I will tell
    a memorable thing which happened to him after his Baptism. The
    Devil appeared to him in the form of one of his deceased brothers.
    Entering his cabin without any salutation, he sat down on the other
    side of the fire opposite our new Christian, and remained a long
    time without speaking. At last beginning to speak, he said to him,
    "How now, my brother, do you wish to leave us?" Our Joseph, who was
    not yet sufficiently equipped for this warfare, replied, "No, my
    brother, I don't wish to leave you; I will not leave you," and it
    is said this false brother then began to caress him. Still, he has
    since declared several times that he desired to go to Heaven.

Le vingt-septiesme de Nouembre Martin Tsicok, vieillard desia [189]
fort aagé, & d'vne humeur fort douce, fut baptisé. Ce bon hõme ne
cessa d'inuoquer Iesus & Marie depuis son baptesme iusques au 15.
Decembre qu'il mourut. Ie commençay à l'instruire par cette verité:
que nos ames apres la mort alloient toutes en Enfer ou en Paradis: Que
le Paradis estoit vn lieu remply de delices & de contentemens: & au
contraire, l'Enfer, vn lieu de feux, de peines & de tourmens eternels.
Qu'au reste, il auisast, tandis qu'il estoit encore en vie, auquel
de ces deux lieux il vouloit aller, & demeurer pour iamais. Alors ce
bon vieillard se tournant vers sa femme, Ma femme, luy dit-il, ne
vaut-il pas bien mieux aller au Ciel? I'ay peur de ces effroyables feux
d'enfer: sa femme fut de mesme aduis; & ainsi il presta volontiers
l'oreille aux instructiõs qu'on luy dõna.

    On the twenty-seventh of November, Martin Tsicok, already a very
    [189] old man and of a very gentle disposition, was baptized. This
    good man did not cease to invoke Jesus and Mary from his baptism
    until the 15th of December, when he died. I began to instruct
    him with this truth, that our souls after death all go to Hell
    or to Paradise; that Paradise is a place full of delights and
    contentment, and on the contrary that Hell is a place of fires, of
    pains, and eternal torments; that, besides, he should think, while
    he was yet in life, to which of these places he desired to go and
    dwell forever. Then this good old man, turning to his wife, said to
    her, "My wife, is it not indeed better to go to Heaven? I am afraid
    of those horrible fires of hell." His wife was of the same opinion,
    and thus he willingly listened to the instructions we gave him.

Le dixneufiesme Ianuier, ie partis [190] pour aller en la maison de
Louys de saincte Foy, distante de nostre village de sept ou huict
lieuës. Ie n'auois peû ny deu y aller plustost, pour ce qu'il estoit
allé en la Nation neutre querir son Pere, qui y estoit demeuré perclus.

    On the nineteenth of January, I set out [190] for the house of
    Louys de saincte Foy, distant from our village seven or eight
    leagues. I had been neither able nor willing to go sooner, as he
    had gone to the neutral Nation[41] to seek his father, who had
    remained there, a cripple.

En ce voyage, passant par _Onnentissati_, i'allay voir vn nommé
_oukhahitoüa_, qui auoit l'an passé embarqué vn de nos hommes: le
trouuant à l'extremité, ie l'instruisis, il creut, il detesta sa vie
passée, il fut baptisé sous le nom de François, & deux iours apres
quitta ce monde pour s'enuoler au Ciel.

    On this journey passing through _Onnentissati_,[42] I went to see
    a man named _oukhahitoüa_, who last year embarked one of our men.
    Finding him dying, I instructed him; he believed, he detested his
    past life, he was baptized under the name of François, and two days
    later quitted this world to fly to Heaven.

Le vingt-neufiesme de Mars nous baptisames solemnellement en nostre
petite Chapelle Ioseph Oatij: François petit Pré luy seruit de Parain,
plusieurs y assisterent. Il y auoit long-temps que nous l'instruisions;
c'est pourquoy il respondit [191] luy-mesme aux interrogations
que ie luy faisois en langue Huronne. Ce bon ieune homme estoit
d'vne complexion fort valetudinaire; nous l'auions gaigné par vne
continuelle assistance, qui l'auoit remis par deux fois: de sorte que
tres-volontiers il remit entre nos mains le soin de son ame, laquelle
alla heureusement à Dieu le quatorziesme Auril, apres auoir esté
fortifiée du Sacrement d'extreme-Onction.

    On the twenty-ninth of March, we solemnly baptized in our little
    Chapel Joseph Oatij; François petit Pré[43] was his Godfather,
    and many were present. We had been instructing him a long time,
    and hence he replied [191] personally to the questions I put to
    him in the Huron tongue. This good young man was of a very sickly
    constitution; we had gained him by continual assistance, which
    had twice saved his life; so that he willingly put in our hands
    the care of his soul, which went happily to God on the fourteenth
    of April, after having been fortified by the Sacrament of extreme
    Unction.

Nous auons sur tout admiré sa patience, & sa tranquillité d'esprit,
principalement depuis le baptesme. A peine auions nous commencé à
l'instruire, qu'il commença à dire fort souuent & de iour & de nuict;
Iesus ayez pitié de moy. Marie & Ioseph secourez moy.

    We especially admired his patience and tranquility of mind,
    especially after his baptism. Scarcely had we begun to instruct him
    when he began to say very often, both by day and by night, "Jesus,
    have pity on me! Mary and Joseph, help me!"

Finalement le vingtiesme d'Auril, ie baptisay à Oënrio vne femme fort
vieille. Elle deceda le vingt-quatriesme; [192] du commencement que
ie l'abborday, & que ie luy demanday si elle vouloit aller au Ciel
ou en Enfer: elle ne respondoit autre chose, sinon qu'elle iroit où
son fils voudroit. Mais luy ayant esté dit que son pere feu Ioachim
_Tsindacaiendoua_ estoit allé au Ciel: I'y veux donc aller, dit-elle.

    Lastly, on the twentieth of April, I baptized at Oënrio a very old
    woman, who died on the twenty-fourth. [192] At first, when I talked
    to her, and asked her whether she wished to go to Heaven or to
    Hell, she did not answer, except to say that she would go where her
    son wished. But having told her that her father, the late Joachim
    _Tsindacaiendoua_, had gone to Heaven, she said, "Then I wish to go
    there!"

Ce sont là les fruicts que nous auons recueilly de nos visites, &
instructions particulieres. Ie croy que la moisson eust esté plus
grande, si i'eusse peu abandonner nostre village, & parcourir les
autres. Plaise à nostre Seigneur accepter ces petites premices, & nous
donner les forces & les moyens d'en faire dauantage. On en a instruit
beaucoup d'autres, qui demandoient le Baptesme fort instãment. Mais ne
les voyant pas en dãger de mort, nous les auons reseruez pour vne plus
grãde instructiõ.

    These, then, are the fruits that we have gathered from our visits
    and private instructions. I believe the harvest would have been
    greater if I could have left our village, and visited the others.
    May it please our Lord to accept these few first fruits, and give
    us strength and opportunities to gather more of them. We have
    instructed many others, who asked very urgently for Baptism; but
    not seeing them in danger of death, we have kept them back for
    further instructions.

[193] Enuiron le mois de Decembre les neiges commencerent à prendre
pied, & les Sauuages se rendirent sedentaires dans le village. Car
tout l'Esté, & tout l'Automne, ils sont la plus-part ou dans des
cabanes chãpestres à prendre garde à leurs bleds, ou sur le lac à la
pesche, ou en traite; ce qui n'est pas vne petite incommodité pours
les instruire. Les voyãt donc ainsi reünis, au commencemẽt de ceste
année, nous resolusmes de prescher publiquement à tous, & leur faire
cognoistre le sujet de nostre venuë en leur Pays, qui n'est pas pour
leurs pelleteries, mais pour leur annoncer le vray Dieu, & son fils
Iesus-Christ, Sauueur vniuersel de nos ames.

    [193] About the month of December, the snow began to lie on the
    ground, and the Savages settled down in the village. For, during
    the whole Summer and Autumn, they are for the most part either in
    their rural cabins, taking care of their crops, or on the lake
    fishing, or trading; which makes it not a little inconvenient to
    instruct them. Seeing them, therefore, thus gathered together at
    the beginning of this year, we resolved to preach publicly to all,
    and to acquaint them with the reason of our coming into their
    Country, which is not for their furs, but to declare to them the
    true God and his son, Jesus Christ, the universal Savior of our
    souls.

Nous faisons cette Instruction ou Catechisme en nostre cabane: car nous
n'auons point encore d'autre Eglise capable. C'est le plus souuent
[194] que nous pouuons: car leurs festins, leurs danses, & leurs ieux,
les occupent tellement, qu'on ne les assemble pas comme l'on veut.

    We gave the Instruction or Catechism in our cabin, for we had as
    yet no other suitable Church. This is often the most [194] we can
    do; for their feasts, dances, and games so occupy them that we
    cannot get them together as we would like.

La façon ordinaire que nous y tenons est cette-cy. Nous appellons le
monde par le moyen du Capitaine du village, qui les assemble tous chez
nous comme en Conseil, ou bien au son de la clochette. Ie me sers du
surplis & du bonnet carré, pour donner plus de maiesté. Au commencement
nous chantons à genoux le _Pater noster_ reduit en vers Hurons. Le P.
Daniel comme autheur de cela chante vn couplet tout seul, & puis nous
le rechantons tous ensemble, & ceux d'entre les Hurons, principalement
les petits enfans qui le sçauent desia, prennent plaisir de chanter
auec nous, & les autres d'escouter. Cela fait, comme vn chacun est
assis, ie me leue, & fais [195] faire le signe de la Croix à tous,
puis ayãt recapitulé ce que i'ay dit la derniere fois, i'explique
quelque chose de nouueau. Apres cela nous interrogeons les ieunes
enfans, & les filles, donnans ou vn petit canon de verre, ou de la
racade à ceux qui l'ont merité. Les parents sont fort aises de veoir
leurs enfans bien dire, & remporter quelque petit prix, dont ils se
rendent dignes par le soin qu'ils ont de venir en particulier se faire
instruire. Nous de nostre costé, pour leur donner plus d'emulation,
faisons reprendre chaque leçon, par nos deux petits garçons François,
qui s'entreinterrogent l'vn l'autre; ce qui rauit les Sauuages en
admiration. En fin tout se conclud par le discours des Anciens, qui
proposent leurs difficultez, & quelquesfois me [196] font escouter à
mon tour le narré de leur creance.

    The usual method that we follow is this: We call together the
    people by the help of the Captain of the village, who assembles
    them all in our house as in Council, or perhaps by the sound of
    the bell. I use the surplice and the square cap, to give more
    majesty to my appearance. At the beginning, we chant on our knees
    the _Pater noster_, translated into Huron verse. Father Daniel,
    as its author, chants a couplet alone, and then we all together
    chant it again; and those among the Hurons, principally the
    little ones, who already know it, take pleasure in chanting it
    with us, and the others in listening. That done, when every one
    is seated, I rise and make [195] the sign of the Cross for all;
    then, having recapitulated what I said the last time, I explain
    something new. After that we question the young children and
    the girls, giving a little bead of glass or porcelain to those
    who deserve it. The parents are very glad to see their children
    answer well and carry off some little prize, of which they render
    themselves worthy by the care they take to come privately to get
    instruction. On our part, to arouse their emulation, we have each
    lesson retraced by our two little French boys, who question each
    other,--which transports the Savages with admiration. Finally the
    whole is concluded by the talk of the Old Men, who propound their
    difficulties, and sometimes [196] make me listen in my turn to the
    statement of their belief.

Nous commençasmes nos Catechismes par cette verité memorable, que
les ames qui sont immortelles, vont toutes apres la mort en Paradis
ou en Enfer. Et c'est ainsi que nous les abordons, soit en public,
soit en particulier. I'adioustay qu'ils auoiẽt le choix pendant la
vie, de prendre party apres la mort icy ou là, où ils aduiseroient
presentement. A quoy vn bon veillard m'ayant dit, Aille qui voudra dans
les feux d'Enfer, pour moy ie desire aller au Ciel. Tous les autres
le suiuirent, & vsans de la mesme response, nous prierent de leur en
monstrer le chemin, & oster les pierres, les arbres & les halliers qui
y sont, & qui pourroient les arrester.

    We began our Catechizing by this memorable truth, that their souls,
    which are immortal, all go after death either to Paradise or to
    Hell. It is thus we approach them, either in public or in private.
    I added that they had the choice, during life, to participate
    after death in the one or the other,--which one, they ought now to
    consider. Whereupon one honest old man said to me, "Let him who
    will, go to the fires of Hell; I want to go to Heaven;" all the
    others followed and making use of the same answer, begged us to
    show them the way, and to take away the stones, the trees, and the
    thickets therein, which might stop them.

Nos Hurons comme vous voyez ne sont pas si massifs qu'on croiroit biẽ,
[197] ils me semblent auoir le sens cõmun assez bon, & ie les recognois
vniuersellemẽt fort dociles. Il y en a neantmoins d'opiniastres, &
attachez à leurs superstitiõs & mauuaises coustumes; ce sont notamment
les vieillards: car horsmis ceux là, qui ne sont pas en grand nombre,
tout le reste ne sçait rien en leur croyance. Nous en auons en nostre
village deux ou trois de ce nombre. Ie suis souuent aux prises auec
eux, où ie les conuaincs & les mets en contradiction, de telle sorte
qu'ils aduoüent ingenuement leur ignorance, & les autres se mocquent
d'eux; neantmoins ils ne se rendent pas, ayant pour tout refuge, que
leur Pays n'est pas comme le nostre, qu'ils ont vn autre Dieu, vn autre
Paradis, en vn mot d'autres coustumes.

    Our Hurons, as you see, are not so dull as one might think them;
    [197] they seem to me to have rather good common sense, and I
    find them universally very docile. Nevertheless, some of them are
    obstinate, and attached to their superstitions and evil customs.
    These are principally the old people; for beyond these, who are not
    numerous, the rest know nothing of their own belief. We have two
    or three of this number in our village. I am often in conflict with
    them; and then I show them they are wrong, and make them contradict
    themselves, so that they frankly admit their ignorance, and the
    others ridicule them; still they will not yield, always falling
    back upon this, that their Country is not like ours, that they have
    another God, another Paradise, in a word, other customs.

Ils nous racontent que cette femme nommé _Eataentsic_ tomba du Ciel
[198] dedans les eaux, dont estoit couuerte la terre, & que peu à peu
la terre se descouurit. Ie leur demande qui a creé ce Ciel, où cette
femme n'a pû se tenir, & ils demeurent muets; comme aussi quãd ie
les presse de me dire qui auoit produit la terre, veu qu'elle estoit
au fond des eaux auparauant la cheute de ceste femme. Vn certain me
demanda assez subtilement sur ce propos, où estoit Dieu auant la
creation du monde. La response me fut plus facile, apres S. Augustin,
qu'à eux l'intelligence de la question qu'ils me faisoient. Vn autre
bon vieillard estant tombé malade, ne vouloit point oüyr parler d'aller
au Ciel, disant qu'il desiroit aller où estoient ses ancestres.
Quelques iours apres il se rendit, & me fit vn plaisant conte. Resioüys
toy, me dit-il, car ie suis reuenu du pays des ames, & ie n'y en ay
plus trouué, [199] elles sont toutes allées au Ciel. Il n'y a rien qui
ne serue à salut, quand il plaist à Dieu, iusques aux songes.

    They tell us how the woman, named _Eataentsic_, fell from Heaven
    [198] into the waters with which the earth was covered; and that
    little by little, the earth became bare. I ask them who created the
    Heaven in which this woman could not stay, and they remain mute;
    as also when I press them to tell me who formed the earth, seeing
    that it was beneath the waters before the fall of this woman. One
    man asked me very cunningly, in this connection, where God was
    before the creation of the world. The reply was more easy for me,
    following St. Augustine, than the grasp of the question put to me
    was for them. Another good old man, having fallen sick, did not
    wish to hear of going to Heaven, saying he desired to go where his
    ancestors were. Some days afterwards, he came to me and told me a
    pleasant story: "Rejoice," he said, "for I have returned from the
    country of souls, and I have found none there any longer; [199]
    they have all gone to Heaven." There is nothing which does not
    serve for salvation when God pleases, not even dreams.

Deux choses entre autres nous ont fort aydé, pour si peu de profit que
nous auons desia fait icy, par la grace de nostre Seigneur. La premiere
est, comme i'ay desia dit, la santé que Dieu nous a conseruée parmy
vne si grande & si vniuerselle contagion: car nos Hurons ont pensé que
s'ils croyoient en Dieu, & le seruoient comme nous, il[s] ne mouroient
pas en si grand nombre.

    Two things among others have aided us very much in the little we
    have been able to do here, by the grace of our Lord; the first is,
    as I have already said, the good health that God has granted us in
    the midst of sickness so general and so widespread. For our Hurons
    have thought that, if they believed in God and served him as we do,
    they would not die in so large numbers.

La seconde est l'assistance temporelle, qu'on a rendu aux malades.
Ayans apporté pour nous quelques petits rafraichissemens, nous leur en
donnions, à l'vn vn peu de prunes, à l'autre vn peu de raisins; aux
autres quelque autre chose. Les pauures gens venoient [200] de fort
loin pour en auoir tous leur part.

    The second is the temporal assistance we have rendered to the sick.
    Having brought for ourselves some few delicacies, we shared them
    with them, giving to one a few prunes and to another a few raisins,
    to others something else. The poor people came [200] from great
    distances to get their share.

Nos François ayant assez heureusement reüssy à la chasse pendant
l'Automne; nous en portions quelque morceau à tous les malades. Cela
leur gagnoit le cœur. Veu principalemẽt, qu'ils mouroient n'ayãt ny
chair ny poissõ, pour affaisõner leur sagamité. Adioustez que tous
nos François se sont Dieu mercy comportez si vertueusement, & si
paisiblemẽt dedãs & dehors, pẽdant toute cette année, qu'ils ont attiré
la benediction du Ciel. Nous deuons aussi beaucoup au glorieux sainct
Ioseph espoux de nostre Dame, & protecteur des Hurons, dont nous
auons touché au doigt l'assistãce plusieurs fois. Ce fut vne chose
remarquable, que le iour de sa feste, & durant l'Octaue, les commoditez
nous venoient de toutes parts.

    Our French servants having succeeded very well in hunting, during
    the Autumn, we carried portions of game to all the sick. That
    chiefly won their hearts, as they were dying, having neither flesh
    nor fish to season their sagamité. Add that all our French have
    borne themselves, thank God, so virtuously and so peaceably on
    all sides, during the whole year, that they have drawn down the
    blessing of Heaven. We owe much also to our glorious saint Joseph,
    spouse of our Lady, and protector of the Hurons, who has rendered
    us tangible aid several times. It was a remarkable thing that on
    the day of his feast, and during the Octave, accommodations came to
    us from all sides.

[201] Auant que de finir, ie diray seulement ce mot de Louys de saincte
Foy, que i'aymerois mieux taire, n'estoit qu'il peut seruir pour
reconnoistre plus iudicieusement cette Nation. C'est qu'il n'est pas
tel qu'il deuroit estre, & que nous l'eussions souhaitté; neantmoins
nous en auõs encore bonne esperance. Il fut pris l'année passée par
les Hiroquois en la défaite commune, & emmené prisonnier. Il luy en
a cousté vn doigt; ce coup de foüet deuroit estre bastant pour le
remettre en son deuoir. Son Pere ne fut pas pris: il se sauua à la
fuite, mais en fuyãt il patit à bon escient dedans les bois, où il
demeura, à ce qu'il dit, trente iours, combattu de trois puissans
ennemis; scauoir est du froid, car c'estoit au Printemps, & il estoit
nud & sans feu: de la maladie, car il demeura comme perclus des deux
iambes & [202] n'en est pas encore guery; & en fin de la faim. A propos
de laquelle il raconte vne chose remarquable, si elle est vraye. Il
dit qu'ayant demeuré dix ou douze iours sans manger, & priant Dieu,
duquel il auoit ouy parler à son fils, il vit comme vn pot de grais tel
qu'il en auoit veu à Kebec, remply d'vne très suaue liqueur, & oüyt vne
voix, qui luy disoit, _Saranhes_, aye bon courage, tu n'en mourras pas;
prens, boy de ce qui est dans ce pot afin de te fortifier: ce qu'il
fit, & en fut merueilleusement soulagé. Que peu apres il rencontra
en vn arbrisseau vn sachet de bled, dont il sustenta petitement sa
vie, iusques à ce que quelques Sauuages de la Nation neutre, l'ayant
fortuitement trouué, l'enleuerent en leur village.

    [201] Before drawing to a close, I shall say only this one word
    about Louys de saincte Foy, which I would prefer not to say were it
    not that it may help to make this Nation more correctly known; it
    is this,--he is not such as he ought to be, and as we had wished.
    Nevertheless, we still have good hope. He was taken prisoner last
    year by the Hiroquois, in the common defeat, and carried away a
    captive. It cost him a finger. This severe stroke ought to suffice
    to bring him back to duty. His Father was not taken; he escaped by
    flight, but in fleeing he suffered in good earnest in the woods,
    where he remained, according to his account, thirty days struggling
    against three powerful enemies,--namely, cold, for it was Spring,
    and he was naked and fireless; sickness, for his two legs were
    powerless, and [202] he has not yet recovered; and, lastly, against
    hunger, in reference to which he relates a remarkable story, if it
    be true. He says that, having gone for ten or twelve days without
    eating, and praying to God, of whom he had heard his son speak,
    he saw what seemed a pot of grease, such as he had seen at Kebec,
    full of a very savory liquor, and heard a voice that said to him,
    "_Saranhes_, be of good cheer; thou wilt not die; take, drink
    what is in the pot and strengthen thyself," which he did, and was
    marvelously solaced by it. A little later, he found in a thicket
    a small bagful of corn, with which he barely sustained life until
    some Savages of the neutral Nation, having accidentally found him,
    brought him to their village.

Cét homme m'a témoigné qu'il desiroit se conuertir, luy & toute sa
[203] famille, & cooperer à ce que tout son village seruist à Dieu,
comme nous. Mais c'est vn esprit deslié aussi bien que son fils, ie
ne me fie pas encore en luy. Nostre esperance est en Dieu, & en nostre
Seigneur Iesus-Christ, qui a respandu son sang pour le salut des
Hurons, aussi bien pour le reste du monde.

    This man has declared to me that he and his whole family were
    desirous of being converted, [203] and of helping to bring the
    entire village to God's service. But his is a crafty spirit, as
    well as his son's, and I do not trust him yet. Our hope is in God,
    and in our Lord Jesus Christ, who shed his blood for the salvation
    of the Hurons, as well as for the rest of the world.

C'est sur cét appuy, & non sur nos industries, que nous esperons de
veoir vn iour icy vne Chrestienté florissante. Les esprits certes y
sont dociles & flexibles, ie ne voy que la liberté des femmes qu'ils
changent à plaisir, & quelques superstitions difficiles à abolir.
Car d'ailleurs ils n'ont point d'auersion de la Foy, ny de la Loy
Chrestienne; ils recourent volontiers à Dieu en leurs [204] necessitez:
viennent faire benir leurs bleds auant que de les semer, & demandent ce
que c'est que nous desirons d'eux. Nous n'auons à apprehender que nos
pechez & imperfections, & moy sur tous. Certes ie me sens extremement
i[n]digne de cét employ; mais enuoyez nous des saincts, ou faites
enuers Dieu nostre Seigneur, que nous soyons tels qu'il desire. Mille
recommandations aux saincts sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, & de tous
nos Peres & Freres.

  DE V. R.

    De nostre petite Maison de S. Ioseph au village d'Ihonatiria
    és Hurons ce 27. May 1635. iour auquel le S. Esprit descendit
    visiblement sur les Apostres.

     Tres-humble & tres-obeyssant
     seruiteur en nostre Seigneur,

                                                       IEAN DE BREBEVF.


    It is through this support, and not our own efforts, that we hope
    one day to see here a flourishing Christianity. Indeed, their minds
    are docile and flexible; I see only the liberty with which they
    change their wives at pleasure, and some superstitions, difficult
    to abolish, for in other respects they have no aversion to the
    Faith nor to the Christian Law. They turn willingly to God in their
    [204] necessities; they come to get their crops blessed, before
    sowing them; and ask us what we desire of them. All we have to
    fear is our own sins and imperfections, and I above all. In truth,
    I feel myself extremely unworthy of this employment; but send
    holy ones to us, or pray to God our Lord that we may be such as
    he desires. A thousand entreaties for the holy sacrifices of your
    Reverence and of all our Fathers and Brothers.


  YOUR REVERENCE'S

    From our little House of St. Joseph, in the village of Ihonatiria
    in the Huron country, this 27th of May, 1635, the day on which the
    Holy Spirit descended visibly upon the Apostles.

     Very humble and obedient
     servant in our Lord,

                                                       JEAN DE BREBEUF.




[205] MON R. PERE,

Depuis la presente escrite nous auõs baptisé vn enfãt malade, arriere
petit neueu de feu Ioachim _Tsindacaiendoua_, & ce d'autant plus
hardiment que ceste famille semble estre toute disposée à la Foy.
Nostre Seigneur luy a rendu la santé auec admiration de ses parens,
qui remarquerent qu'incontinent apres le baptesme, il reposa fort
doucement. Cela seruira pour renuerser vne mauuaise opinion que le
Diable va semant dans quelques esprits, ausquels il persuade qu'on
ne guerit iamais apres le baptesme. C'est là vne des ruses du Diable
contre nous; il en a bien d'autres dont il a fait l'essay desia en
partie, mais N. Seigneur le confondra; c'est en luy en qui nous nous
confions. Paraduenture V. R. sera-elle [206] biẽ aise de sçauoir que
l'Hyuer a esté icy fort court, & fort moderé, le Pays est tel, qu'il
porte assez pour la nourriture des habitans. Tout ce Printemps a esté
grandement beau & sec, les bleds commencent à pâtir faute de pluye. Ie
prie nostre Seigneur, qu'il luy plaise y remedier, & nous donner ce
qui sera necessaire pour sa gloire, pour les heureux commencemens de
ceste Chrestienté, & pour la benediction des petits trauaux que nostre
Compagnie entreprend en ces terres éloignées, sous la protection des
Fleurs de Lys, & de nostre Grand Roy, qui les fait fleurir auiourd'huy
si glorieusement.

    [205] MY REVEREND FATHER,

    Since the above was written, we have baptized a sick child,
    grandnephew of the late Joachim _Tsindacaiendoua_; and this the
    more boldly, as this family seems to be disposed to the Faith. Our
    Lord has restored his health, to the wonder of his parents, who
    remarked that immediately after the baptism he rested very sweetly.
    This will serve to overthrow a bad opinion that the Devil goes
    about sowing in some minds, whom he persuades that they will never
    get better after baptism. This is but one of the ruses of the Devil
    against us; he has many others, which he has already attempted in
    part; but Our Lord will confound him; it is in him that we put our
    trust. Your Reverence will perhaps [206] be glad to hear that the
    Winter here has been very short and moderate. The Country is such
    that it bears sufficient for the nourishment of its inhabitants.
    All this Spring has been extremely clear and dry; the crops are
    beginning to suffer for want of rain. I pray our Lord that it may
    please him to remedy this, and to give us what will be necessary
    for his glory, for the happy beginnings of this Christianity, and
    for the blessing of the insignificant labors that our Society is
    undertaking in these distant lands, under the protection of the
    Fleurs de Lys and of our Great King who to-day is causing them to
    bloom so gloriously.


[207] Relation de qvelqves particularitez, du lieu & des Habitans de
I'Isle du Cap Breton.

_Enuoyée par le P. Iulien Perrault, de la Compagnie de Iesus, à son
Prouincial, en France, l'an 1634. & 35._


L'ISLE du Cap Breton est esloignée de nostre France d'enuiron neuf cens
lieuës par mer. Elle en a soixante & dix ou quatre vingts de circuit.
Les mõtagnes y sont fort hautes & en nombre, au pied desquelles [208]
se voyent de grandes fondrieres & precipices affreux. La terre y est
couuerte de toutes sortes d'arbres, comme de chaisnes, haistres,
bouleaux, pins, sapins & autres.

    [207] Relation of certain details regarding the Island of Cape
    Breton and its Inhabitants.

    _Sent by Father Julïen Perrault, of the Society of Jesus, to his
    Provincial, in France, in the years 1634 and 35._[44]

    THE Island of Cape Breton[45] is about nine hundred leagues
    distant from our France by sea. It is seventy or eighty leagues
    in circumference. The mountains here are very high and numerous,
    at the foot of which [208] are seen great bogs and frightful
    precipices. The land is covered with all sorts of trees, such as
    oak, beech, birch, pine, hemlock, and others.

Le Chibou principale partie de ceste Isle, est vne grande Baye
d'enuiron deux lieuës de large en son entré, qui va peu à peu
s'estressissant le long de six ou sept lieuës, qu'elle comprend en
estenduë. Sur le milieu, à main gauche en montant, au haut de la
coste, qui regarde le Nor-oüest, est basti le fort de saincte Anne, à
l'entrée du port, vis à vis d'vne petite Ance. L'assiete du lieu est
si auantageuse, au rapport de ceux qui s'y cognoissent, qu'auec dix ou
douze pieces de canon, on pourroit couler à fonds tous les vaisseaux
ennemis qui s'y presenteroient.

    Chibou,[46] which is the principal part of this Island, is a great
    Bay about two leagues wide at its entrance, becoming narrower
    little by little, in the six or seven leagues which form its
    extent. In the middle, on the left hand in ascending, on the summit
    of the shore that faces the Northwest, is built the fort of sainte
    Anne, at the entrance of the harbor, opposite a little Cove. The
    situation of the place is so advantageous, according to the report
    of those who are acquainted with it, that with ten or twelve pieces
    of cannon, all the hostile ships that might present themselves
    could be sent to the bottom.

Ceux qui ont vieilly sur mer, protestent qu'ils n'ont iamais veu vn
[209] Port plus recommandable pour sa capacité, ny pour la facilité de
son abord. Trois mille nauires y peuuent estre à l'aise, & à l'abry
de tout vent, en vn beau rond tres-agreable à veoir; car sa figure
est circulaire, ou peu s'en faut. Les marées y sont fort douces &
reiglées; il y a tousiours de dix à douze brassées d'eau: au reste
nonobstant que toute l'Isle soit de quarante-six degrez & demy en son
eleuation; si est-ce que le froid y est extréme, parmy des neiges de
cinq à six mois l'année. Voila pour ce qui est de la situation du lieu:
venons aux commoditez de la vie, qu'il offre aux habitans: surquoy
on peut dire en general, que les Sauuages sont icy plus à leur aise,
qu'en beaucoup d'autres endroits. Si l'Hyuer leur y fournit moins de
Castors sur eau, il leur donne aussi en récompense plus d'Orignacs
[210] sur terre. En esté ils y viuent assez doucement de Marmettes,
de Perroquets, de Cormorans, & autres oyseaux de marine. Ils y ont
aussi les Outardes, l'Esplan, les Maquereaux, les Moruës, & semblables
prouisions selon la diuersité des saisons, dans les forests, ou sur les
costes de la mer.

    Those who have grown old upon the sea protest that they have
    never seen a [209] more desirable Port, either in extent or for
    its facility of access. Three thousand ships could easily anchor
    there, and be sheltered from every wind, in a beautiful enclosure
    very pleasant to look upon; for its form is circular, or nearly
    so. The tides here are very mild and regular; there is always from
    ten to twelve fathoms of water. Furthermore, notwithstanding that
    the Island is in forty-six and a half degrees north latitude, the
    cold is extreme, the island lying in the midst of snow five or six
    months of the year. This is the situation of the place, let us come
    to the conveniences of life which it offers to its inhabitants.
    On this subject we may say, in general, that the Savages are more
    comfortable here than in many other places. If the Winter supplies
    them with fewer Beavers upon the water, it gives them, by way of
    compensation, more Moose [210] upon the land. In summer, they live
    very well on Marmots and Parrot fish,[47] with Cormorants and other
    marine birds. They have also Bustards, Smelts, Mackerel, Codfish,
    and like supplies, according to the different seasons, in the
    forests or upon the coasts of the sea.

Quant à eux, pour ce qui est du corps, ils n'ont rien de monstrueux;
vous y voyez des gẽs bien-faits, d'vn beau visage, & d'vne riche
taille, forts & puissans. Leur charnure est blanche naturellement,
comme en font foy les petits enfans; mais le hasle du Soleil, & les
frictions d'huile de Loup marin, & de graisse d'Orignac, les rend fort
bazanez, à mesure qu'ils croissent. Ils vont la plus-part la teste nuë,
& portent de longs cheueux noirs, auec fort peu ou point de barbe,
tellement que les femmes n'y sont recogneües, [211] qu'en ce qu'elles
se seruent d'vne ceinture, & qu'elles sont moins découuertes que les
hommes; tout au rebours de ce qui se prattique en plusieurs lieux de la
Chrestienté, à la honte du Christianisme. On void icy des vieillards
de quatre-vingts & cent ans, qui n'ont presque pas vn poil gris. Pour
le regard de l'esprit, s'il en faut iuger de leurs deportemens, & de
leurs façons de traitter auec nos François, ils ne l'ont pas mauuais.
Vous ne voyez paroistre en leurs gestes & démarches aucune sottise ou
niaiserie, mais plutost vne certaine grauité & modestie naturelle, qui
les rend aimables. Ils sont bien si industrieux, que de déguiser leur
langage, adioustans à chaque mot vne syllabe, qui ne sert qu'à troubler
l'imagination de ceux, dont ils ne veulent point estre entendus.

    As to the people, there is nothing anomalous in their physical
    appearance; you see well-formed men, good-looking, of fine figures,
    strong and powerful. Their skin is naturally white, for the little
    children show it thus; but the heat of the Sun, and the rubbing
    with Seal oil and Moose fat, make them very swarthy, the more so as
    they grow older. Most of them go bareheaded, and they have long,
    black hair, with very little or no beard, so that the women cannot
    be distinguished, [211] except that they use a girdle and are less
    naked than the men; quite the reverse of what is practiced in many
    Christian lands, to the shame of Christianity. One sees here old
    men, of eighty and a hundred years, who have hardly a gray hair.
    As to their intelligence, if we may judge from their conduct and
    from their way of dealing with the French, they are not at a great
    disadvantage. You do not see in their gestures and bearing any
    foolishness or nonsense, but rather a certain gravity and natural
    modesty, which makes them agreeable. They are indeed so clever
    that, in order to disguise their language, they add to every word a
    syllable, which only serves to confuse the minds of those by whom
    they do not wish to be understood.

[212] Ce qui leur manque, est la cognoissance de Dieu, & du seruice
qu'ils sont obligez de luy rendre, comme aussi de l'estat des ames
apres la mort: c'est merueille, que nous n'en auons sceu encore
découurir aucun vestige, en ce que nous sçauons de leur langue.
Peut-estre qu'en descouurirons nous quelque chose de plus, quand
nous y serons plus sçauans: car il n'est pas croyable que la lumiere
naturelle soit tout à fait esteinte en eux pour ce regard, ne l'estant
point en d'autres Natiõs plus barbares; ou qu'ils ne parlent iamais
entre-eux de ce qu'ils ne peuuent tout à fait ignorer. Tant y a que
iusqu'à maintenant, nous n'auons non plus remarqué de Religion parmy
ces pauures Sauuages, que parmy les bestes. C'est ce qui nous fend le
cœur de compassion, pour des ames rachetées au mesme [213] prix que
nous, & dont elles feroient leur profit volontiers mieux que nous, si
elles sçauoient ce qu'elles vallent, & ce qu'elles ont cousté à celuy
qui nous a tant aimez tous ensemble.

    [212] What they do lack is the knowledge of God and of the service
    that they ought to render to him, as also of the state of the
    soul after death; it is wonderful that we have not yet been able
    to discover any trace of this knowledge in what we know of their
    language. Perhaps we shall discover something more, when we become
    better versed in it; for it is not credible that the light of
    nature should be altogether extinct in them in this regard, when
    it is not in other more barbarous Nations, or that they never talk
    among themselves of that of which they cannot be entirely ignorant.
    For all that, we have not up to the present noticed any more
    Religion among these poor Savages than among brutes. This is what
    wrings our hearts with compassion for souls redeemed at the same
    [213] price as ours, by which they would willingly profit better
    than we, if they could know what they themselves are worth, and
    what they cost him who has loved us all so much.

Or ce qui nous console parmy cette ignorance & barbarie, & ce qui
nous fait esperer d'y veoir vn iour la Foy plantée bien auant;
c'est en partie la docilité qu'ils nous sont paroistre à vouloir
estre instruits, & en partie la fidelité & l'honnesteté que nous y
remarquons.

    Now what consoles us in the midst of this ignorance and barbarism,
    and what makes us hope some day to see the Faith widely planted, is
    partly the docility they have shown in wishing to be instructed,
    and partly the honesty and decency we observe in them.

Ils se rendent fort assidus & attentifs aux instructions que nous leur
donnons: ie ne sçay, si c'est par complaisance, car ils en ont beaucoup
naturellement, ou par instinct d'enhaut, qu'ils nous escoutent si
volontiers sur les mysteres de nostre Foy, & redisent apres nous, soit
qu'ils l'entendent ou non, tout ce [214] que nous leur en declarons.
Ils font tres-volontiers le signe de la Croix, comme ils nous voyent
faire, leuans les mains & les yeux au Ciel, prononçans, Iesus Maria,
comme nous: iusque-là qu'ayans remarqué l'honneur que nous rendons à
la Croix, les pauures gens se la peignent au visage, à l'estomach, aux
bras, & aux iambes, sans en estre priez. Ie veux bien qu'ils fassent
tout cela en ces commencemens par vne simplicité naturelle, qui les
porte à imiter tout ce qu'ils voyent, plus que pour aucune meilleure
consideration; si est-ce qu'auec le temps, ils en peuuẽt estre aidez;
& ils ne seront pas les premiers, quãd ils viendront à pratiquer par
election, ce qui leur a esté en vsage, comme par rencontre & par
hazard. Au surplus, ce qui n'est pas peu, ils nous pressent parfois
de prier nostre bon Iesus pour eux, [215] pour les succez de leurs
chasses, & pour la deliurance de leurs maladies.

    They are very diligent and attentive to the instructions we give
    them; I do not know whether it is through complaisance, for they
    have a great deal of this naturally, or through an instinct from
    above, that they listen to us so willingly concerning the mysteries
    of our Faith, and repeat after us, whether they understand it or
    not, all that [214] we declare to them. They very willingly make
    the sign of the Cross, as they see us make it, raising their hands
    and eyes to Heaven and pronouncing the words, "Jesus, Mary," as we
    do,--so far that, having observed the honor we render to the Cross,
    these poor people paint it on their faces, chests, arms, and legs,
    without being asked to do so. I am very willing that they should
    do all these things in the beginning from a natural simplicity,
    which causes them to imitate all they see, rather than from any
    greater consideration; because in time they may be helped by it,
    and they will not be the first, who come to practice by choice that
    to which by casual encounter they have become accustomed. Besides,
    what is of no small importance, they sometimes urge us to pray our
    good Jesus for them, [215] for the success of their hunting and for
    relief from their diseases.

L'autre aduantage que nous remarquons icy, pour la predication de
l'Euangile, est en la fidelité, & en l'honnesteté que nous y voyons
reluire, comme deux clairs rayons de lumiere, au milieu des tenebres.
On n'a que faire de se défier de nos Sauuages, ou de prendre garde à
leurs mains & à leurs pieds, comme en quelques autres, qui attirent
tout à eux, & s'accommodent de tout ce qu'ils treuuent à leur
bienfeance. Tout leur est ouuert en tout lieu, & si rien n'est en
danger deuant eux, quand ils feroient seuls en vne cabane, & sans
pouuoir estre apperceus de personne. Pour l'honnesteté, ils l'ont en
telle recõmandation, au moins quãt à ce qui se void à l'exterieur,
en leurs actions & paroles, qu'il y a de l'apparence [216] qu'ils se
leueront au dernier iour, & condamneront plusieurs Chrestiens, qui
l'auront moins cultiuée en la Loy de grace, que ne font ces pauures
gens, en celle de nature.

    The other encouragement we see here, for the preaching of the
    Gospel, is in the honesty and decency that we see shining forth in
    them like two bright rays of light in the midst of darkness. We
    never think of distrusting our Savages, or of watching their hands
    and their feet, as with some others who attract everything to them
    and appropriate all they find at their convenience. Everything is
    free to them in all places, and yet nothing is in danger in their
    presence, even if they are alone in a cabin and where no one can
    see them. As to decency, they hold it in such high estimation,
    at least as far as external appearances are concerned, in their
    actions and words, that there is a probability [216] that they will
    rise up on the last day and condemn many Christians, who will have
    cultivated this virtue less under the Law of grace, than these poor
    people have under that of nature.

Nous ne leur auons iamais oüy dire parole messeante, ny veu faire
aucune action trop libre, quoy que nous ayons vescu assez familierement
auec eux, dedans & hors de leurs cabanes.

    We have never heard them use unseemly words, nor seen any actions
    too free, although we have lived on familiar terms with them inside
    and outside their cabins.

Vous diriez qu'ils veulent pratiquer par aduance ce beau mot de
l'Apostre, qui commande aux Chrestiens, de n'auoir pas mesme, si faire
se peut, en leur bouche, vne parole qui signifie le vice contraire.
Quelqu'vn repliquera volontiers, que si nous eussions esté plus versez
en leur langue, nous n'eussions pas manqué d'y en remarquer. Mais
n'est-ce pas beaucoup, que si peu [217] que nous en sçauons ne nous
ait encore appris rien de semblable? Et n'y a-t'il pas grande occasion
de rougir pour beaucoup de Nations Chrestiennes, parmy lesquelles il
ne faut pas auoir fait grand apprentissage en leur Grammaire, pour se
trouuer honteux & confus és compagnies, à qui a tant soit peu l'honneur
en affection. Que si nous n'auons pas encore les oreilles assez
ouuertes, pour rendre tesmoignage asseuré de l'indifference, ou de
l'hõnesteté de leurs discours; sõmes nous aueugles, ou ne pouuons nous
pas recognoistre ce que c'est qu'vn geste ou vn deportement honteux? &
neantmoins nous n'y auons rien veu de semblable, non pas mesme parmy
les gens mariez. Que diray-je, sur ce que m'estant vn iour apperceu,
qu'vn ieune Sauuage auoit baisé sa femme, que ie ne croyois [218] pas
estre la sienne; comme cela me sembloit extraordinaire parmy eux, ie
luy demanday sur le champ, si c'estoit sa femme; & il me respondit,
qu'oüy; mais ce ne fut pas sans confusion de l'vn & de l'autre, qui se
trouuerent surpris. Ioignez cela auec cette grauité, que i'ay desia dit
leur estre naturelle, & vous iugerez que Dieu aidant, ils receuront à
bras ouuerts vne Loy qui ne recommande rien tãt que cette vertu, qui
rẽd les hommes semblables aux Anges; & qu'ils n'auront pas si grande
difficulté, qu'ont plusieurs Chrestiens mal appris, de se conformer à
tout ce qui est des paroles de l'Euangile, quand on le leur annoncera
aux termes de l'Apostre; qu'ils ayẽt à faire paroistre leur modestie
aux yeux de tout le mõde, veu que le Seigneur est proche. Il est vray,
qu'ils ont la polygamie, & ne gardent point l'indissolubilité [219] du
Mariage. Mais il faut esperer, que quand ils viendront a recognoistre
les obligations qu'ils ont, auec toutes les Nations de la terre, à vn
Dieu qui s'est fait homme pour eux, ils se soumettront volontiers à ses
Loix toutes sainctes, nommémẽt en ce qui concerne une vertu, au moyen
de laquelle il veut que nous le portions & glorifions sans cesse en nos
corps, luy qui a liuré le sien pour nous aux tourmens, & qui nous le
donne tous les iours en viandes, pour cét effect singulier.

    You would say they are trying to practice in advance that beautiful
    motto of the Apostle, which commands Christians not even to have,
    if they can help it, upon their lips a word which signifies
    indecency. Some one will readily reply that, if we were better
    versed in their language, we would not fail to notice it therein.
    But is it not a great deal, that the little [217] we know of it has
    not taught us anything of the kind? And is there not great reason
    to blush for many Christian Nations, among whom one does not have
    to serve a long apprenticeship to their Grammar, to find oneself
    embarrassed and confused in company, if he has even a little regard
    for propriety? And if our ears are not yet sufficiently opened to
    give positive evidence of the unconcern or decency of their talk;
    are we blind, or are we incapable of recognizing a shameful gesture
    or action? And yet we have never seen anything of this kind, not
    even among married people. But what shall I say about noticing one
    day a young Savage kissing a woman, who I did not think [218] was
    his wife; as that seemed something extraordinary among them, I
    straightway asked him if that was his wife, and he replied that
    she was; but it was not without embarrassment on the part of the
    two who had been taken by surprise. Add to this modesty the gravity
    which I have said is natural to them, and you will judge that, God
    helping, they will receive with open arms a Law which recommends
    nothing so much as this virtue, which makes men like unto Angels;
    and that they will not have as much difficulty as many badly
    taught Christians have, to conform entirely to the injunctions of
    the Gospel, when it shall be declared to them in the words of the
    Apostle that they have to show their modesty in the eyes of all the
    world, since the Lord is near. It is true they have polygamy, and
    pay no attention to the indissolubility [219] of Marriage. But we
    must hope that, when they come to recognize the obligations they
    are under, together with all the Nations of the earth, to a God who
    made himself man for them, they will willingly submit to his most
    holy Laws, especially in that which concerns a virtue by means of
    which he wishes us to bear witness to and glorify without ceasing,
    in our bodies, him who for us has delivered his own up to torture,
    and who gives it to us every day as food, for this sole purpose.


[220] Divers Sentimens & aduis des Peres qui sont en la Nouuelle France.

_Tirez de leurs dernieres lettres de 1635._


1 LA Nouuelle France est vn vray climat où on apprend parfaictement
bien à ne chercher que Dieu, ne desirer que Dieu seul, auoir
l'intention purement à Dieu, & à ne s'attendre & ne s'appuyer qu'en sa
diuine & paternelle Prouidence; & cela c'est vn riche thresor du cœur,
qui ne se peut estimer.

    [220] Various Sentiments and opinions of the Fathers who are in New
    France.

    _Taken from their last letters of 1635._

    1 NEW France is truly a region where one learns perfectly to seek
    God alone, to desire God alone, to have sincere intentions toward
    God, and to trust to and rely solely upon his divine and paternal
    Providence; and it is a rich heart treasury, impossible to estimate.

2 Viure en la Nouuelle France, c'est à vray dire viure dans le
sein de [221] Dieu, & ne respirer que l'air de sa Diuine conduite;
on ne sçauroit croire la douceur de cét air là, si ce n'est quand
actuellement on le respire.

    2 To live in New France means truly to live in the bosom of [221]
    God, and to breathe only the air of his Divine guidance; the
    sweetness of that air can be realized only by actually breathing it.

3 Il n'est pas à propos que tout le monde sçache, combien il fait
bon dans les sacrées horreurs de ces forests, & combien on trouue
de lumieres du Ciel dans les tenebres espaisses de cette barbarie:
nous aurions trop de monde qui y voudroit venir, & nos Habitatiõs
ne seroient pas capables de loger tant de gens: & c'est ce qui nous
confond qui Dieu nous ait choisis, pour nous faire participans de cette
misericorde, voyãt qu'il y a tant de nos Peres en France, qui seroient
mieux que nous.

    3 It is not fitting that every one should know how agreeable it is
    in the sacred awe of these forests, and how much Heavenly light one
    finds in the thick darkness of this barbarism; we would have too
    many persons wishing to come here, and our Settlements would not be
    capable of accommodating so many; and what confounds us is that God
    has chosen us, to make us participants in this mercy, seeing that
    there are so many of our Fathers in France, who would do better
    than we.

4 La ioye qu'on a quand on a baptisé vn Sauuage, qui se meurt peu
apres, & qui s'enuole droit au Ciel, pour deuenir vn Ange, certainemẽt
[222] c'est vne ioye qui surpasse tout ce qu'on se peut imaginer: on
ne se souuiẽt plus ny de la mer, ny du mal de la mer, ny de l'horreur
des tempestes passées; on voudroit auec la souffrance de dix mille
tempestes pouuoir aider à sauuer vne ame, puisque Iesus-Christ pour vne
seule ame auroit volontiers respandu tout son pretieux sang.

    4 The joy that one feels when he has baptized a Savage who dies
    soon afterwards, and flies directly to Heaven to become an Angel,
    certainly [222] is a joy that surpasses anything that can be
    imagined; one no longer remembers the sea, nor seasickness, nor the
    horror of past tempests; but one would like to have the suffering
    of ten thousand tempests that he might help save one soul, since
    Jesus Christ for one soul would have willingly shed all his
    precious blood.

5 Le plus grand combat que nous ayons eu parmy nous, c'est qui seroit
celuy qui auroit la bonne aduenture d'estre choisi pour aller aux
Hurons. Dieu a fait tomber le sort sur ceux qu'il luy a plû choisir, &
qui sont allez à ces Nations barbares, comme si c'eust esté le Paradis
Terrestre. Vne fois qu'on a gousté à bon escient la douceur de la Croix
de Iesus-Christ, on la prefere à tous les Empires de la terre.

    5 The greatest strife we have had among ourselves was to see which
    would have the good fortune of being chosen to go to the Hurons.
    God has made the lot fall upon those he was pleased to choose, and
    who are going to these barbarous Nations as if to a Terrestrial
    Paradise. When once a person has tasted in earnest the sweetness of
    the Cross of Jesus Christ, he prefers it to all the Empires of the
    earth.

6 Nous trouuans nagueres dans [223] vne tempeste si furieuse, que tout
l'Ocean sembloit se bouleuerser, on nous dit que nous estions cause
de cét horrible orage; cela nous estonna d'abord, estant dit par des
gens de bien; & en demandant la raison, il nous fut dit, que voyant
vne si furieuse & enragée tourmẽte, il falloit croire que l'Enfer
enrageãt de nous veoir aller en la Nouuelle France, pour conuertir les
infidelles, & diminuer sa puissance, par dépit il sousleuoit tous les
Elemens contre nous, & vouloit abysmer la flotte, & tout ce qui estoit
dedans. Mais nous leur dismes tout doucement; Souuenez vous, Messieurs,
que Dieu est plus puissant pour nous defendre, que Lucifer pour nous
persecuter: Que la mer s'esleue tant qu'elle voudra, si faut-il que
Dieu soit le Maistre. _Mirabiles elationes maris, mirabilis in altis
Dominus._ Nous craignons bien [224] plus la cholere de Dieu contre nos
infidelitez, que celle de la mer contre nos infirmitez humaines.

    6 Finding ourselves lately in [223] a tempest so furious that the
    whole Ocean seemed to be in a turmoil, they told us that we were
    the cause of this horrible storm; this astonished us at first, as
    it was said by honest people; on asking the reason, we were told
    that, seeing so furious and raging a tempest, it must be that Hell
    was enraged at seeing us go to New France to convert infidels and
    to diminish its power; for revenge it raised up all the Elements
    against us, and was trying to sink the fleet and all that was
    within it. But we said to them very gently: "Remember, Sirs, that
    God is more powerful to defend us, than Lucifer is to persecute
    us; that the sea may rise as high as it will, yet God must be its
    Master. _Mirabiles elationes maris, mirabilis in altis Dominus._ We
    fear indeed [224] the anger of God against our unfaithfulness, more
    than that of the sea against our human weakness".

7 En Europe on a coustume de dire, que quiconque veut apprendre à
prier Dieu, il faut aller sur la mer: mais c'est toute autre chose
d'y estre effectiuement. Dernierement nous fusmes plus de deux iours
& deux nuicts en continuel danger d'estre absorbez de l'Ocean; chaque
moment sembloit deuoir estre le dernier moment de nos vies. Vous voyez
venir des montagnes, qui sembloient nous deuoir engloutir: Nous estions
nous deux prosternez à genoux, priant Dieu de bon cœur; la plus grande
peur estoit que quelqu'vn ne mourust sans Confession: c'est là où on
fait bien les Oraisons iaculatoires, & où on regarde le Ciel de bon
œil: mais on ne croiroit iamais l'efficace de la grace, & les [225]
puissantes asseurances que Dieu donne à ses seruiteurs, au milieu des
tempestes, & des desespoirs les plus espouuantables.

    7 In Europe they are accustomed to say that whoever would learn to
    pray to God must go upon the sea; but it is quite a different thing
    to be there in reality. Lately we were more than two days and two
    nights in continual danger of being engulfed by the Ocean; every
    moment, it seemed, must be the last of our lives. We saw mountains
    coming toward us, which seemed about to swallow us up; we two were
    prostrate upon our knees, praying God with earnest hearts; the
    greatest fear was that some one would die without Confession; it is
    there that jaculatory Prayers are made, and that one looks gladly
    toward Heaven; but one can never believe the power of grace and the
    [225] invincible confidence that God gives to his servants in the
    midst of tempests and the most fearful despair.

8 Iamais ie n'auois entendu que c'est d'arriuer à vn poinct de vertu,
que pour passer plus auant il faudroit faire miracle: tant il est vray
qu'on se trouue quelquefois si auant ou dans la souffrance, ou dans les
hazards, ou dans l'abandonnement des creatures, qu'on ne trouue plus
rien que Dieu, Mais on le trouue tousiours au bout de l'eschelle de
Iacob, à bras & cœur ouuerts, pour embrasser les Anges, & les ames qui
volent droit à luy: & c'est chose admirable comme Dieu prend plaisir à
se communiquer abondamment aux ames qui ont tout abandonné, & se sont
toutes abandonnées à luy. Perdre tout pour trouuer Dieu, c'est vne
douce perte, & vne saincte vsure.

    8 I have never understood what it was to reach such a point
    of virtue that, to pass beyond, a miracle would have to be
    performed; so true is it that a person sometimes finds himself
    so far plunged into either suffering, or danger, or desertion by
    his fellow-creatures, that nothing is left to him but God, who
    nevertheless is always found at the end of Jacob's ladder, with
    arms and heart open to embrace the Angels and the souls which fly
    straight to him; and it is wonderful how God takes pleasure in
    abundantly communicating himself to souls which have abandoned all
    and given themselves wholly to him. To lose all, that one may find
    God, is a sweet loss and a holy usury.

[226] 9 Le cœur croist à mesure que les trauaux croissent pour
Iesus-Christ; & la Nouuelle France est le pays du monde le plus propre,
pour entendre le sens literal de ces belles paroles, _Sicut misit me
viuens Pater, ita & ego mitto vos._ Ie vous enuoye de mesme sorte, que
mon Pere m'a enuoyé. _Ecce ego mitto vos sicut oues in medio luporum._
Voicy que ie vous enuoye cõme des brebis au milieu des loups. Parmy ces
forests, en voyant ces Sauuages, nous pauures Estrangers, & seruiteurs
de Dieu, que pouuons nous attendre sinon vn coup de dent, & quelque
effect de leur barbarie naturelle. Qui craind bien Dieu, ne sçauroit
plus rien craindre en ce monde.

    [226] 9 The heart grows according as its works for Jesus Christ
    increase; and New France is the most suitable country in the world
    in which to understand the literal meaning of these beautiful
    words, _Sicut misit me vivens Pater, ita et ego mitto vos_, "I send
    you, even as my Father has sent me." _Ecce ego mitto vos sicut
    oves in medio luporum._ "Behold, I send you as sheep in the midst
    of wolves." Among these forests, at the sight of these Savages,
    what can we poor Foreigners and servants of God expect but to feel
    their teeth and some of the effects of their natural barbarism. He
    who truly fears God can fear nothing more in this world.

10 Il est vray que faire neuf cens lieuës sur les flots de la mer, &
auec cent & cent rencontres de Turcs, de glaces, de bancs, d'orages
assez horribles, [227] cela peut estonner la nature; & donner de la
palpitation au cœur humain; là on experimente ce que veut dire Dauid,
_Anima mea in manibus meis semper._ Ie tiens mon ame tousiours dans mes
mains, & ie suis tout prest à tout moment de la sacrifier à Dieu; trop
heureux helas! de pouuoir faire tant de fois vn pretieux holocauste
de moy-mesme; mais les infusions de Dieu dans les cœurs, & le renfort
qu'il verse dans nos ames surpasse tous nos maux. Ie confesse que i'ay
mieux appris sur la mer que sur la terre, que c'est qu'infusion de Dieu
dans vne ame bien faite.

    10 Truly, to make nine hundred leagues upon the waves of the
    sea, with hundreds of encounters with Turks, icebergs, reefs,
    and horrible storms--[227] all these things can appall human
    nature, and cause the human heart to throb; there one experiences
    what David meant, _Anima mea in manibus meis semper_. "I hold my
    soul always in my hands," and I am always ready at any moment to
    sacrifice it to God; too happy, alas! to be able to make so many
    times a precious offering of myself; but the infusion of God into
    our hearts, and the relief he pours into our souls, exceed all of
    our ills. I confess that I have learned better upon the sea than
    upon the land what the infusion of God into a well-trained soul is.

11 Quand on void ces Sauuages, bien faits, forts, de bonne façon, doüez
d'vn bon sens naturel, & qu'il ne tient qu'à vne goutte d'eau qu'ils ne
deuiennent enfans de Dieu, & que Iesus-Christ a respandu tout [228] son
sang pour eux, on sent vne ardeur incroyable de les attirer à l'Eglise,
& à Dieu; & il est vray qu'on aimeroit mieux la conuersion d'vn de ces
pauures Sauuages, que la conqueste d'vn Empire tout entier. La peine
qu'on y prend est si agreable, qu'on ne la prend point pour vne peine,
mais pour vne faueur du Ciel bien extraordinaire. _Caritas Lei vrget
nos_, tant il est vray que la charité presse les cœurs.

    11 When we see these Savages, well formed, strong, of good mien,
    endowed with natural good sense,--and that it needs only a drop
    of water to make them children of God, and that Jesus Christ has
    shed all [228] his blood for them, we feel an incredible ardor to
    attract them to the Church and to God; and it is true that we would
    prefer the conversion of one of these poor Savages to the conquest
    of a whole Empire. The trouble we take in this is so pleasant that
    we do not consider it trouble, but a truly extraordinary favor of
    Heaven. _Caritas Dei urget nos_, so true is it that charity presses
    our hearts.

12 Ie fus vingt-quatre heures, que nous voyant poursuiuis par les Turcs
au sortir de la manche, ie n'attendois plus rien que de tomber entre
leurs mains, & estre couuert de chaisnes, & viure en esclauage. Parmy
ces frayeurs naturelles, voyla vne forte pensée qui se va saisir de mon
cœur, & me dit: Ha! quel bon-heur seroit-ce de pouuoir imiter sainct
Paul, & me veoir enchaisner [229] pour l'amour de Iesus, qui fut lié
pour moy, & traitté comme vu esclaue, & comme le Roy des voleurs. Ceste
douce pensée eut tant de pouuoir sur mon ame, que i'auois plus d'enuie
de ces chaisnes, que de crainte de la captiuité.

    12 I passed twenty-four hours when, seeing that we were pursued
    by the Turks in leaving la manche [English Channel], I expected
    nothing else than to fall into their hands, to be loaded with
    chains and to live in slavery. In the midst of these natural fears,
    lo! a strong thought took possession of my heart, and said to me
    "Ha! what good fortune it would be to be able to imitate saint
    Paul, and to see myself in fetters [229] for the love of Jesus,
    who was bound for me, and treated as a slave and as the King of
    thieves." This sweet thought had so much power over my soul that I
    had more desire for those chains than fear of captivity.

13 Trois puissantes pensées consolent vn bon cœur, qui est dans les
forests infinies de la Nouuelle France, ou parmy les Hurons. La
premiere est, ie suis au lieu où Dieu m'a enuoyé, où il m'a mené comme
par la main, où il est auec moy, & où ie ne cherche que luy seul. La
deuxiéme est, ce que dit Dauid; selon la mesure des douleurs que ie
souffre pour Dieu, ses Diuines consolations réjoüyssent mõ ame. La
troisiéme, que iamais on ne trouue ny Croix, ny cloux, ny espines, que
si on regarde bien, on ne trouue I. C. au milieu. Or peut-on estre mal
quand on est en [230] compagnie du Fils de Dieu viuant.

    13 Three mighty thoughts console a good heart which is in the
    infinite forests of New France, or among the Hurons. The first is,
    "I am in the place where God has sent me, where he has led me as
    if by the hand, where he is with me, and where I seek him alone."
    The second is, in the words of David, "according to the measure
    of the pain I endure for God, his Divine consolations rejoice my
    soul." The third, that we never find Crosses, nails, nor thorns, in
    the midst of which, if we look closely, we do not find J.C. [Jesus
    Christ]. Now, can a person go wrong when he is in [230] the company
    of the Son of the living God?

14 Quand ie me veois assiegé de flots homicides, de forests infinies,
& de mille dangers, il me vient à l'esprit ceste riche parole de
S. Ignace martyr: _Nunc incipio esse Christi discipulus_: c'est
auiourd'huy que ie commẽce d'estre de la Cõpagnie de Iesus; car à quoy
seruent tant d'exercices, tant de Meditations feruentes, tant de desirs
boüillans? tout cela n'est que du vẽt, si on ne les met en pratique;
tellement que la vieille France est bonne pour conceuoir de bons
desirs, mais la Nouuelle est propre pour l'execution: ce qu'on desire
en l'ancienne France, c'est ce qu'on fait dans la Nouuelle.

    14 When I see myself surrounded by murderous waves, by infinite
    forests, and by a thousand dangers there comes to mind that
    precious saying of the martyred St. Ignace, _Nunc incipio esse
    Christi discipulus_: to-day I begin to be of the Company of Jesus.
    For what avail so many exercises, so many fervent Meditations,
    so many eager desires? all these are nothing but wind, if we do
    not put them into practice. So old France is fitted to conceive
    noble desires, but the New is adapted to their execution; that one
    desires in old France is what one does in the New.

15 Ie ne sçay que c'est que le pays des Hurons, où Dieu m'enuoye par
vne misericorde infinie: mais ie sçay bien que i'ayme mieux y aller
qu'au Paradis Terrestre, puisque ie vois [231] que Dieu en a ordonné de
la sorte. Chose estrange! que plus i'y vois de Croix preparées, & plus
le cœur me rit, & y volle; car quel bõ-heur de ne voir rien de ses yeux
que des Sauuages, des Croix, & Iesus-Christ: en ma vie ie n'ay bien
compris en France, que c'estoit de se défier totalement de soy-mesme,
& se confier en Dieu seul: mais ie dis seul, & sans meslange d'aucune
creature. _Maior est Deus corde nostro._ Dieu est plus grand que nos
cœurs: cela est euidẽt en la Nouuelle France, & c'est vne consolation
du tout ineffable, que quand on ne trouue plus rien, aussi tost on
rencontre Dieu, qui se communique plus abondamment aux bons cœurs.

    15 I do not know what the country of the Hurons is, where God
    sends me in his infinite mercy, but I do know that I would rather
    go there than to an Earthly Paradise, since I see [231] that God
    has so ordained. Strange thing! the more Crosses I see prepared
    for me there, the more my heart laughs and flies thither; for what
    happiness to see with these eyes nothing but Savages, Crosses, and
    Jesus Christ. Never have I understood in my life in France what
    it was to distrust self entirely and to trust in God alone; I say
    alone, and without the presence of any creature: _Major est Deus
    corde nostro_, "God is greater than our hearts;" this is evident in
    New France, and it is an unutterable consolation that when we find
    nothing else we immediately encounter God, who communicates himself
    most richly to good hearts.

16 Ma consolation parmy les Hurons, c'est que tous les iours ie me
confesse, & puis ie dis la Messe, comme si ie deuois prendre le
Viatique, & mourir ce iour là, & ie ne crois pas [232] qu'on puisse
mieux viure, ny auec plus de satisfaction & de courage, & mesme de
merites, que viure en vn lieu, où on pẽse pouuoir mourir tous les
iours, & auoir la deuise de S. Paul. _Quotidie morior fratres, &c._ mes
freres ie fais estat de mourir tous les iours.

    16 My consolation among the Hurons is that I confess every day, and
    then I say Mass as if I were to take the Viaticum and die that very
    day; and I do not think [232] that a person can live better, nor
    with more satisfaction and courage, and even merit, than to live in
    a place where he expects every day to die, and to have the motto of
    St. Paul, _Quotidie morior fratres, etc._, "I protest, brethren,
    that I die daily."

17 Pour conuertir les Sauuages, il n'y faut pas tant de science que de
bonté & vertu bien solide. Les quatre Elemens d'vn homme Apostolique
en la Nouuelle Frãce, sont l'Affabilité, l'Humilité, la Patiẽce & vne
Charité genereuse. Le zele trop ardent, brusle plus qu'il n'eschauffe,
& gaste tout; il faut vne grande magnanimité & condescendence pour
attirer peu à peu ces Sauuages. Ils n'entendent pas bien nostre
Theologie, mais ils entendent parfaictement bien nostre humilité, &
nostre affabilité & se laissent gaigner.

    17 To convert the Savages, not so much knowledge is necessary as
    goodness and sound virtue. The four Elements of an Apostolic man
    in New France are Affability, Humility, Patience, and a generous
    Charity. Too ardent zeal scorches more than it warms, and ruins
    everything; great magnanimity and compliance are necessary to
    attract gradually these Savages. They do not comprehend our
    Theology well, but they comprehend perfectly our humility and our
    friendliness, and allow themselves to be won.

18 La Nation des Hurons se dispose [233] à receuoir la lumiere de
l'Euangile, & on espere vn bien incroyable en tous ces quartiers là:
mais il y faut deux sortes de personnes pour bien faire cela: les vns
en l'anciẽne France assistãt de leurs sainctes prieres, & de leur
charité; les autres en la Nouuelle, trauaillant auec grande douceur,
& infatigabilité de la bonté de Dieu, & de ce doux cõcert dépend la
conuersion de plusieurs milliers d'ames, pour chacune desquelles
Iesus-Christ a versé tout son pretieux sãg.

    18 The Huron Nation is becoming disposed [233] to receive the light
    of the Gospel, and inestimable good is to be hoped for in all those
    regions; but two kinds of persons are necessary to accomplish
    this,--those in old France, assisting by their holy prayers and
    their charity; the others in the New, working with great gentleness
    and tirelessness; on the goodness of God and on this sweet harmony
    depends the conversion of many thousand souls, for each one of whom
    Jesus Christ has shed all his precious blood.

19 Si on pouuoit fonder à Kebec vn petit Seminaire d'vne douzaine de
petits Hurons, dans peu d'années on en tireroit vn secours incroyable,
pour aider à conuertir leurs Peres, & planter vne Eglise fleurissante
dans la Nation des Hurons. Helas! combien y en a t'il en Europe qui
perdẽt à trois coups de dez, plus qu'il ne faudroit pour conuertir vn
monde.

    19 If a small Seminary of a dozen little Hurons could be founded
    at Kebec, in a few years incredible assistance could be derived
    therefrom, to help in converting their Fathers, and in planting
    a flourishing Church in the Nation of the Hurons. Alas! how many
    there are in Europe who lose in three casts of the dice more than
    would be needed to convert a world.

[234] 20 Vne des pensées qui pressent dauantage ceux qui sont si
heureux, que de seruir Dieu parmy ces forests, c'est d'estre indignes
d'vne vocation Apostolique, & si releuée, & auoir si peu de vertus
dignes d'vn bel employ. Qui ne void la Nouuelle Frãce que par les yeux
de chair & de nature, il n'y void que des bois & des croix: mais qui
les considere auec les yeux de la grace, & d'vne bonne vocation, il
n'y void que Dieu, les vertus, & les graces, & on y trouue tant & de
si solides consolations, que si ie pouuois acheter la Nouuelle France,
en donnant tout le Paradis Terrestre, certainement ie l'acheterois.
Mon Dieu qu'il fait bon estre au lieu où Dieu nous a mis de sa grace,
veritablement i'ay trouué icy ce que i'auois esperé, vn cœur selon le
cœur de Dieu, qui ne cherche que Dieu.

    [234] 20 One of the thoughts which weigh most upon those who
    are so fortunate as to serve God among these forests, is their
    unworthiness of their Apostolic and so exalted calling, and that
    they have so few of the virtues worthy of a noble work. He who sees
    New France only through the eyes of the flesh and of nature, sees
    only forests and crosses; but he who looks upon these with the eyes
    of grace and of a noble vocation, sees only God, the virtues, and
    the graces; and he finds therein so many and so firm consolations,
    that, if I were able to buy New France by giving in exchange all
    the Terrestrial Paradise, I would certainly buy it. My God! how
    good it is to be in the place where God has placed us by his grace;
    truly I have found here what I had hoped for, a heart in harmony
    with God's heart, which seeks God alone.

[235] 21 On dit que les premiers qui fondent les Eglises, d'ordinaire
sont saincts: ceste pensée m'attendrit si fort le cœur, que quoy que
ie me voye icy fort inutile dans ceste fortunée Nouuelle France, si
faut-il, que i'auoüe que ie ne, me sçaurois defendre d'vne pensée qui
me presse le cœur. _Cupio impendi, & superimpendi pro vobis_: Pauure
Nouuelle France, ie desire me sacrifier pour ton bien, & quand il me
deuroit couster mille vies, moyennant que ie puisse aider à sauuer vne
seule ame, ie seray trop heureux, & ma vie tres bien employée.

    [235] 21 It is said that the pioneers who found Churches are
    usually saints; this thought so softens my heart that, although
    I see I am of but little use here in this fortunate New France,
    yet I must confess that I cannot forbid one thought which presses
    upon my heart. _Cupio impendi, et superimpendi pro vobis_: Poor New
    France, I desire to sacrifice myself for thy welfare; and though
    it should cost me a thousand lives, if thus I can aid in saving a
    single soul, I shall be too happy, and my life will be well spent.

22 Ie ne sçay pas que c'est d'entrer en Paradis, mais ie sçay bien
qu'en ce monde, il est mal-aisé de trouuer vne ioye plus excessiue &
surabondante, que celle que i'ay sentie entrant en la Nouuelle France,
& y disant la premiere Messe, le iour de la [236] Visitation. Ie vous
asseure que ce fut bien voirement le iour de la Visitation. Par la
bonté de Dieu & de nostre Dame, il me sembla que c'estoit Noël pour
moy, & que i'allois renaistre en vne vie toute nouuelle, & vne vie de
Dieu.

    22 I do not know what it is to enter Paradise; but I know well that
    in this world it is difficult to find a greater and fuller joy than
    I had upon entering New France, and saying the first Mass here on
    the day of the [236] Visitation. I assure you that this was very
    truly the day of the Visitation. Through the goodness of God and of
    our Lady, it seemed to me that it was Christmas for me, and that I
    was going to be reborn into an altogether new life, and a life of
    God.

23 Le mal de la mer qui m'auoit donné de la peine flottant sur la
marine, fut bien-tost effacé par le bien du Ciel, & la ioye que Dieu
respandit en mon ame touchant le Cap Breton. En rencontrant nos Peres,
il me sembla d'embrasser des Anges du Paradis, ie ne me pû empescher
de crier, helas! que sera-ce quand on entrera en Paradis, & que Dieu
& les Anges receuront vne belle ame, qui sortira des orages de la vie
miserable qu'on mene sur la terre.

    23 The seasickness which troubled me, when sailing upon the ocean,
    was soon effaced by the mercy of Heaven and the joy that God shed
    in my soul, upon landing at Cape Breton. In meeting our Fathers
    it seemed to me I was embracing Angels from Paradise; I could not
    refrain from exclaiming, "Ah! what will it be when we shall enter
    Paradise, and when God and the Angels shall receive a beautiful
    soul, which will emerge from the tempests of the wretched life that
    we lead upon earth!"

24 I'auois creu qu'il falloit des miracles pour conuertir ces Sauuages
volans; mais ie me suis trompé, [237] car les miracles propres de la
Nouuelle France sont ceux-cy. Leur faire bien du bien, & souffrir bien
des maux, ne s'en plaindre qu'à Dieu, s'en estimer indigne, & se tenir
pour fort inutile. Quiconque aura ces vertus, fera des miracles plus
grands que les miracles, & deuiendra vn Sainct. En effect il y a bien
plus de peine de s'humilier profondement deuant Dieu & les hommes, & de
s'aneantir, que de resusciter vn mort; car cela ne couste que le dire,
quand on a le don des miracles, & pour s'humilier comme il faut à vray
dire, il y faut la vie toute entiere d'vn homme.

    24 I had thought that miracles were necessary to convert these
    flying Savages; but I was mistaken, [237] for the real miracles of
    New France are the following: To do them much good, and endure many
    pains; to complain to God alone; to judge oneself unworthy, and
    to feel one's uselessness. He who has these virtues will perform
    miracles greater than miracles, and will become a Saint. Indeed, it
    is harder to humiliate oneself deeply before God and men, and to
    annihilate oneself, than to raise the dead; for that needs only the
    word, if one has the gift of miracles, but to humiliate oneself as
    one ought to,--truly, that requires a man's whole life.

25 Nous auons esté fort estonnez & infiniment resioüys, voyant que dans
nos petites cabanes, & dans nos Habitations la discipline Religieuse y
estoit aussi exactement gardée, qu'aux plus grands Colleges [238] de
la France, & que la ferueur interieure est d'autant plus grande, que
l'exterieur semble y estre plus suiette à beaucoup de diuertissements:
c'est l'ordinaire de la bonté infinie de Dieu, qui selon les besoins
multiplie la benediction de ses graces; & en effect à mesure qu'vn
seruiteur de Dieu s'abandonne à sa saincte conduite, nostre Seigneur
s'eslargit aussi dauantage, & respand plus abõdamment la pluye
pretieuse de ses graces.

    25 We were greatly astonished and infinitely glad to see in our
    little cabins, and in our Settlements, the Religious discipline as
    strictly observed as in the largest Colleges [238] of France, and
    that the internal fervor is so much the greater as the external
    seems to be subjected to so many diversions; it is God's ordinary
    practice, in his infinite goodness, that according to our needs
    he multiplies the gift of his graces; and, in truth, to the same
    extent as a servant of God gives himself up to his holy guidance,
    our Lord expands so much the more and sheds more abundantly the
    precious shower of his graces.

26 Ces pauures Barbares ont coustume de nõmer tous les Prestres
Patriarches, & portent grand respect aux hommes vertueux. Ils nous
promettent de nous apporter leurs enfans, quand ils seront malades à
la mort, pour les baptiser; en effect on en a baptisé quelques vns
qui sont morts peu apres le baptesme. Ils sont bien predestinez à bon
escient, & bien-heureux de sortir de la Barbarie, [239] & entrer aussi
tost dans le Paradis. Quand on ne feroit iamais autre chose, quel
bon-heur d'auoir esté instrument de la predestination de ces petites
ames.

    26 These poor Barbarians are accustomed to call all the Priests,
    Patriarchs,[48] and they show great respect to men of integrity.
    They promise to bring us their children, when they are sick unto
    death, to be baptized; in fact, some have been baptized who died
    shortly after baptism. They are indeed the elect, beyond a doubt,
    and so blessed as to go forth from Barbarism [239] and enter
    immediately into Paradise. If one should never do anything else,
    what happiness to have been instrumental in placing these little
    souls among the elect!

27 On en trouue de si ignorants de toute sorte de Religion, qu'on ne
sçauroit trouuer vn nom pour leur faire entendre Dieu; il le faut
appeller le grand Capitaine des hommes; celuy qui nourrit tout le
monde; celuy qui demeure là haut. On fait tout ce qu'on peut: quelle
obligation auront-ils à ceux qui les instruisent, & qui s'efforcent
de leur faire cognoistre vn Dieu, pour le seruir le moins mal qu'ils
pourront. Là il ne faut pas grande doctrine, mais vne profonde
humilité, vne patience inuincible, & vne charité Apostolique pour
gaigner ces pauures Sauuages, qui d'ailleurs ont vn bon sens commun.
Que si vne fois on commence à les [240] gaigner, le fruict sera
inestimable.

    27 One meets men so devoid of every notion of Religion, that one
    cannot find a name to make them understand God; we have to call him
    the great Captain of men, he who feeds all the world, he who lives
    on high. We do all we can; what obligations will they be under to
    those who instruct them and who try to make them know a God in
    order to serve him as well as they can. Here deep learning is not
    needed, but a profound humility, an unconquerable patience, and an
    Apostolic charity, to win these poor Savages, who in other respects
    have good common sense. And if we begin once to gain [240] them,
    the fruit will be incalculable.

28 La pensée de sainct Francois Xauier nous passe mille fois par
l'esprit, & a vn grand pouuoir. Si les hommes du siecle pour auoir
des peaux de Castor, de la moulue, & ie ne sçay quelles denrées,
n'apprehendent ny les orages de la mer, ny les Sauuages de la terre,
ny la mer, ny la mort; quelle horrible confusion seroit-ce à des
seruiteurs de Dieu, d'apprehender cela, ou quelques petits trauaux,
pour tascher de gaigner des ames rachetées auec le sang pretieux de
Iesus-Christ, & empourprées de son sang de valeur inestimable? Se
leueront-ils point au iour du iugement cõtre nous ces petits facteurs,
& pescheurs de mouluë pour nous condamner, s'ils prennent plus de peine
pour gaigner vne piece d'argent, que nous pour aider à sauuer les
Sauuages. Ceste pensée pique si fort nos [241] cœurs, qu'on ne sent
point son mal, ou si on le sent on ne s'en oseroit plaindre.

    28 A thousand times the thought of saint François Xavier passes
    through our minds, and has great power over us. If the men of the
    world, in order to have Beaver skins, and codfish, and I know not
    what commodities, do not fear either the storms on the sea, or
    the Savages on land, or the sea, or death; how dreadful will be
    the confusion of God's servants for being afraid of these things,
    or of a few little hardships, in trying to win souls ransomed by
    the precious blood of Jesus Christ, and empurpled by his blood of
    inestimable value? On the day of judgment will not these petty
    traders and fishers of cod rise up to condemn us, if they take more
    pains to gain a piece of money than we do to help save the Savages?
    This thought stings our hearts so [241] deeply that we do not feel
    our sufferings, or if we feel them we do not dare to complain of
    them.

29 Il y a mille personnes en France qui sont fort inutiles, & qui
n'ont nul employ; ils sont sçauans, & puis c'est tout, & cela ne sert
de rien du tout à l'Eglise de Dieu; helas! en la Nouuelle France ce
seroient des Apostres s'ils vouloient y venir employer leur talent;
moins de sçauoir & plus d'humilité & de zele, feroit miracle icy, & ils
gagneroient possible plus en vn an, qu'ils ne feront toute leur vie en
France.

    29 There are many persons in France who are of no use, and have
    nothing to do there; they are scholars and that is all, and that is
    of no use in the Church of God; alas! in New France these men would
    be Apostles, if they would come here to use their talents; less
    wisdom, and more humility and zeal, would perform miracles here,
    and it is possible they would gain more in one year than they will
    do in a lifetime in France.

30 L'experience nous fait voir, que ceux de la Compagnie qui viennent
en la Nouuelle France, il faut qu'ils y soient appellez par vne
vocation speciale & bien forte; que ce soit gens morts & à soy, &
au monde; hõmes veritablement Apostoliques, qui ne cherchent que
Dieu, & le [242] salut des ames, qui aiment d'amour la Croix, & la
mortification; qui ne s'espargnent point; qui sçachent supporter les
trauaux de la mer & de la terre, & qui desirent plus la conuersion d'vn
Sauuage, que l'Empire de toute l'Europe; qui ayent des cœurs de Dieu,
& tous remplis de Dieu; qui soient comme des petits Iean Baptistes,
criant parmy ces deserts & ces forests, comme des voix de Dieu, qui
appellent tous ces pauures Sauuages à recognoistre Iesus-Christ; en fin
que ce soient des hommes qui ont tous leurs contentemens dans Dieu, &
ausquels les souffrances soient leurs plus cheres delices. Voila ce
que l'experience nous fait veoir tous les iours: mais aussi il est
vray, qu'il semble que Dieu respande bien plus abondamment les rosées
de ses graces sur cette Nouuelle France, que sur la vieille, [243] &
que les cõsolations interieures, & les Diuines infusions y sont bien
plus solides, & les cœurs bien plus embrasez. _Nouit Dominus qui sunt
eius._ Mais il n'appartient qu'à Dieu de faire le choix de ceux dont il
se veut seruir, & ausquels il fait cette misericorde de les amener en
la Nouuelle France, pour en faire des saincts. Sainct François Xauier
disoit qu'il y auoit vne Isle en Orient, qui estoit bien propre pour
faire perdre la veuë à force de plorer de ioye excessiue du cœur; ie ne
sçay si nostre Nouuelle France ressemble point ceste Isle: mais nous
experimẽtons que si quelqu'vn icy s'abandonne à Dieu à bon escient, il
court hazard d'y perdre la veuë, & la vie, & tout, & auec grande ioye
à force de trauailler; il n'appartient qu'à ceux qui y sont, & qui
goustent Dieu, d'en parler par experience.

    30 Experience shows us that those of the Society who come to New
    France should be impelled to it by a special and very forcible
    call; persons who are dead to themselves and to the world; men
    truly Apostolic, who seek God alone, and the [242] salvation of
    souls, who love with real love the Cross and self-mortification;
    who do not spare themselves; who can endure the hardships of the
    sea and of the land, and who desire the conversion of a Savage more
    than the Empire of all Europe; who have Godlike hearts, all filled
    with God; who are like little John the Baptists, crying through
    these deserts and forests like voices from God, which summon all
    these poor Savages to acknowledge Jesus Christ; in fine let them
    be men whose sole satisfaction is in God and to whom suffering is
    the greatest delight. That is what experience shows us every day;
    but it is also true that it seems as if God shed the dew of his
    grace much more abundantly upon this New France than upon the old,
    [243] and that the internal consolations and the Divine infusions
    are much stronger here, and hearts more on fire. _Novit Dominus
    qui sunt ejus._ But it belongs to God alone to choose those whom
    he will use, and whom he favors by taking them into New France, to
    make saints of them. Saint François Xavier said that there was an
    Island in the Orient which was quite capable of making a person
    lose his sight, by crying from excessive joy of the heart; I know
    not if our New France resembles this Island, but we know from
    experience that, if any one here gives himself up in earnest to
    God, he runs the risk of losing his sight, his life, his all, and
    with great joy, by dint of hard work; it belongs only to those who
    are here and who enjoy God to speak from experience.

[244] 31 Nous recognoissons euidemmẽt, qu'il faut que ce soit le Ciel
qui conuertisse la terre de la Nouuelle Frãce, & que nous ne sõmes pas
assez forts. Nous ne craignõs rien tãt, sinon que nos imperfectiõs
n'empeschẽt la cõuersiõ de ces pauures Sauuages; c'est pourquoy nous
auõs tous esté d'auis de recourir au Ciel, & à la tres saincte Vierge
Mere de Dieu, par laquelle Dieu a coustume de faire ce qui ne se peut
faire, & conuertir les cœurs les plus abandonnez. A cet effet nous
auons resolu de faire vn vœu fort solemnel, dont voicy la teneur.

    [244] 31 We clearly recognize that it must be Heaven which shall
    convert the land of New France, and that we are not strong enough.
    We fear nothing so much as that our imperfections may prevent the
    conversion of these poor Savages; that is why we have all been
    minded to have recourse to Heaven and to the very holy Virgin,
    Mother of God, through whom God is accustomed to do what seems
    impossible, and to convert the hearts of the most abandoned. To
    this end, we have resolved to make a very solemn vow, of which the
    following is the purport:--

Mon Dieu & mon Sauueur Iesus, quoy que nos pechez nous doiuent
esloigner de vostre presence, si est-ce qu'épris d'vne affection de
vous honorer & vostre tres-Ste Mere, poussez d'vn desir de nous veoir
dans la fidelle correspondance que vous desirez de vos seruiteurs,
souhaittãs en [245] outre de vous veoir recõneu & adoré de ces
pauures peuples: Nous vous promettons & faisons vœu, comme aussi à la
tres-saincte Vierge vostre Mere, & à sõ glorieux Espoux S. Ioseph, de
celebrer douze fois és douze mois suiuant le sacrifice de la Ste Messe,
pour ceux qui sont Prestres; & pour les autres de reciter douze fois
la Couronne ou le Chappellet de la Vierge en l'honneur & en action
de grace de son immaculee Cõception, & de ieusner tous la veille de
ceste feste: vous promettans en outre que si on erige quelque Eglise
ou Chappelle stable dãs ces pais, dans le cours de ce tẽps limité, que
nous la ferõs dedier à Dieu sous le tiltre de l'immaculée Cõception, si
cela est en nostre pouuoir, le tout pour obtenir de la bõté de N. S.
la conuersion de ces Peuples, par l'entremise de sa saincte Mere, & de
son sainct Espoux. Receuez [246] cependant, ô l'Emperiere des Anges &
des hommes, les cœurs de ces pauures Barbares abandonnez, que nous vous
presentons par les mains de vostre glorieux Espoux, & de vos fidelles
seruiteurs S. Ignace & S. François Xauier, & de tous les Anges Gardiens
de ces miserables contrées, pour les offrir à vostre Fils, afin qu'il
leur donne sa cognoissance, & leur applique le merite de son pretieux
sang. Ainsi soit-il.

    My God and my Savior Jesus, although our sins ought to banish us
    from your presence, yet being inspired with a desire to honor you
    and your very Holy Mother, urged by a wish to see ourselves in the
    faithful correspondence [to your graces] that you desire in your
    servants, wishing [245] besides to see you acknowledged and adored
    by these poor people: We promise and make a vow unto you and also
    to the very holy Virgin your Mother, and to her glorious Spouse St.
    Joseph, to celebrate twelve times in twelve succeeding months the
    Sacrifice of the Holy Mass, for those who are Priests; and for the
    others to say twelve times the Crown or Chaplet of the Virgin, in
    honor of and as an act of grace for her immaculate Conception, and
    all to fast the day before this festival; promising you further
    that, if a permanent Church or Chapel is erected in this country
    within this specified time, we will have it dedicated to God under
    the title of the immaculate Conception, if it is in our power,--all
    this, to secure by the goodness of Our Lord the conversion of these
    Peoples, through the mediation of his holy Mother and of her holy
    Spouse. In [246] the meantime receive, O Empress of Angels and of
    men, the hearts of these poor abandoned Barbarians that we present
    to you through the hands of your glorious Spouse and of your
    faithful servants, St. Ignace and St. François Xavier, and of all
    the Guardian Angels of these wretched countries, to offer them to
    your Son, that he may give them knowledge of himself and apply to
    them the efficacy of his precious blood. Amen.

Dieu par son infinie bonté nous rende dignes de cette excellente
vocation, pour dignement cooperer à sa grace, au profit de ces pauures
Sauuages.

    May God in his infinite goodness render us worthy of this noble
    calling, worthily to coöperate with his grace, to the benefit of
    these poor Savages.


Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.


PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy,
Marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire
du Roy, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé, _Relation
de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens
trente cinq. Enuoyée au R. P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Iesus
en la Prouince de France. Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme
Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec_: & ce pendant le temps
& espace de cinq années consecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires
& Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure, sous pretexte
de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de
confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris
le douziesme Ianuier, mil six cens trente six.

                      Par le Roy en son Conseil.
                                                                VICTON.

    Extract from the Royal License.

    BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to
    Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in the University of
    Paris, and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print or to have
    printed a book entitled, _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la
    Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente cinq. Envoyée au R.
    P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France.
    Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la
    Residence de Kebec_: and this during the time and space of five
    consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to
    print or to have printed the said book, under pretext of disguise
    or change that they might make therein, on pain of confiscation of
    the copies, and of the fine provided by the said License. Given
    at Paris on the twelfth of January, one thousand six hundred and
    thirty-six.

                        By the King in Council.
                                                               VICTON.


Approbation.


NOVS ESTIENNE BINET Prouincial de la Compagnie de IESVS en la Prouince
de France. Suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé par les Roys
Tres-Chrestiens Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV. le 10. Decembre
1605. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier 1612. par lequel
il est defendu à tous Libraires de n'imprimer aucun Liure de ceux qui
sont composez par quelqu'vn de nostre dite Compagnie, sans permission
des Superieurs d'icelle: Permettons à Sebastien Cramoisy Marchand
Libraire Iuré à Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, de pouuoir
imprimer pour dix ans la _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle
France, en l'année 1635._ à nous enuoyée par le Pere Paul le Ieune de
nostre mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec. En foy
dequoy nous auons signé la presente à Paris ce quinziesme Ianuier 1635.

                                Signé,
                                                              E. BINET.

    Approbation.

    WE, ESTIENNE BINET, Provincial of the Society of JESUS in the
    Province of France, in accordance with the License that has been
    granted to us by the Most Christian Kings, Henry III. May 10th,
    1583, Henry IV. December 10th, 1605, and Louys XIII. now reigning
    February 14th, 1612, by which all Booksellers are prohibited from
    printing any of the Books which are composed by any one of our said
    Society, without the permission of the Superiors thereof: We permit
    Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in Paris, and Printer in
    ordinary to the King, to print for ten years the _Relation de ce
    qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année 1635_, sent to
    us by Father Paul le Jeune of our same Society, Superior of the
    Residence of Kebec. In testimony whereof we have signed the present
    at Paris, this fifteenth of January, 1635.

                                Signed,
                                                              E. BINET.




                                 XXVI

                       LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636

                    PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1637


SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of the first issue
(H. 65), in Lenox Library.

The document consists of two parts; the first by Le Jeune, as superior,
the second by Brébeuf. In the present volume we give chaps. i.-ii., of
Part I.; the remainder of Part I. will occupy Volume IX. In Volume X.,
will appear all of Part II.




                               RELATION
                         DE CE QVI S'EST PASSÉ
                                 EN LA
                            NOVVELLE FRANCE
                           +EN L'ANNÉE 1636+.

                              Enuoyée au
                          +R. PERE PROVINCIAL+
                       de la Compagnie de IESVS
                       en la Prouince de France.

            _Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie,
                 Superieur de la Residence de Kébec._

                            [Illustration]

                               A PARIS,

                   Chez +SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY+ Imprimeur
                 ordinaire du Roy, rue sainct Iacques,
                             aux Cigognes.

                            M. DC. XXXVII.
                       _AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROI._


                               RELATION
                           OF WHAT OCCURRED
                                  IN
                              NEW FRANCE
                           IN THE YEAR 1636.

                              Sent to the
                      REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL
                    of the Society of +JESUS+ in the
                          Province of France.

             _By Father Paul le Jeune of the same Society,
                 Superior of the Residence of Kébec._

                                PARIS,
                +SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY+, Printer in ordinary
                   to the King, ruë sainct Jacques,
                      at the Sign of the Storks.

                            M. DC. XXXVII.
                          _BY ROYAL LICENSE._




Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.


PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy,
Marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire
du Roy, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn Liure intitulé, _Relation
de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens
trente-six. Enuoyée au R. P. Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesus
en la Prouince de France. Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme
Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kébec_: & ce pendant le temps
& espace de dix années consecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires &
Imprimeurs d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer ledit Liure, sous pretexte
de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de
confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris,
le 22. Decembre, 1636.

                      Par le Roy en son Conseil,
                                                                VICTON.

    Extract from the Royal License.

    BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to
    Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in the University of
    Paris and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print or to have
    printed a Book entitled, _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la
    Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-six. Envoyée au R.
    P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France.
    Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la
    Residence de Kébec_: and this during the time and space of ten
    consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to
    print or to have printed the said Book under pretext of disguise or
    change that they might make therein, on penalty of confiscation,
    and of the fine provided by said License. Given at Paris on the
    22nd of December, 1636.

                        By the King in Council,
                                                                VICTON.


Approbation.


NOVS ESTIENNE BINET Prouincial de la Compagnie de +IESVS+ en la
Prouince de France. Suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé par
les Roys Tres-Chrestiens Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV. le 10.
Decembre 1605. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier 1612.
par lequel il est defendu à tous Libraires de n'imprimer aucun Liure
de ceux qui sont composez par quelqu'vn de nostre dite Compagnie, sans
permission des Superieurs d'icelle: Permettons à Sebastien Cramoisy
Marchand Libraire Iuré à Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, de
pouuoir imprimer pour dix ans la _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la
Nouuelle France, en l'année 1636._ à nous enuoyée par le Père Paul le
Ieune de nostre mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kébec. En
foy dequoy nous auons signé la presente à Paris ce quinziéme Decembre
1636.

                                Signé,
                                                              E. BINET.

    Approbation.

    WE, ESTIENNE BINET, Provincial of the Society of +JESUS+ in the
    Province of France, in accordance with the License granted to us
    by the Most Christian Kings, Henry III. May 10th, 1583, Henry IV.
    December 10th, 1605, and Louys XIII. now reigning, February 14th,
    1612, by which all Booksellers are forbidden to print any Book of
    those composed by any one of our said Society, without permission
    of the Superiors thereof--permit Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller
    under Oath at Paris and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print
    for ten years the _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle
    France en l'année 1636_, sent to us by Father Paul le Jeune of our
    same Society, Superior of the Residence of Kébec. In testimony
    whereof we have signed the present at Paris, this fifteenth of
    December, 1636.

                                Signed,
                                                              E. BINET.




Table des Chapitres contenus en ce Liure.


  RELATION _de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France, en l'année
  1636._                                                       _page_ 1.

  Chapitre I. _Des sentimens d'affection qu'ont plusieurs personnes de
  merite pour la Nouuelle France._                                    7.

  Chap. II. _Des Sauuages baptisez cette année, & de quelques
  enterremens._                                                      23.

  Chap. III. _Continuation de la mesme matiere._                     51.

  Chap. IV. _Continuation des Sauuages baptisez._                    73.

  Chap. V. _De la mort miserable de quelques Sauuages._              97.

  Chap. VI. _Des esperances de la conuersion de ce Peuple._         110.

  Chap. VII. _De quelques particularitez remarquables en ces quartiers._
                                                                    128.

  Chap. VIII. _De l'estat present de la Nouuelle France, sur le grand
  Fleuue de S. Laurens._                                            144.

  Ch. IX. _Réponses à quelques propositions qui m'ont esté faites de
  France._                                                          157.

  Chap. X. _Quelques aduis pour ceux qui desirent passer en la Nouuelle
  France._                                                          183.

  Chap. XI. ou, _Iournal des choses qui n'ont peu estre rapportées sous
  les Chapitres_ precedens.                                         189

    Table of Chapters contained in this Book.

    RELATION _of what occurred in New France in the year 1636._
                                                               _page_ 1.

    Chapter I. _The sentiments of affection that many persons of merit
    entertain for New France._ 7.

    Chap. II. _Of the Savages baptized this year, and some burials._ 23.

    Chap. III. _Continuation of the same subject._                   51.

    Chap. IV. _Baptisms of Savages, continued._                      73.

    Chap. V. _Of the wretched death of some Savages._                97.

    Chap. VI. _Of the hopes of converting this People._             110.

    Chap. VII. _Of some remarkable peculiarities of these regions._ 128.

    Chap. VIII. _Of the present condition of New France on the great
    St. Lawrence River._                                            144.

    Ch. IX. _Answers to some propositions submitted to me from France._
                                                                    157.

    Chap. X. _Some advice to those who wish to cross over into New
    France._                                                        183.

    Chap. XI. or, _A Journal of the things which could not be related
    in the_ preceding _Chapters._                                   189.




Relation de ce qvi s'est passé dans le Pays des Hurons en l'année 1636.


  _ENUOYÉE à Kébec au R.P. Paul le Ieune, Superieur de la Mission de la
  Compagnie de_ +IESVS+, _en la Nouuelle France.                page_ 1.


  PREMIERE PARTIE.

  Chap. I. _De la Conuersion, Baptesme & heureuse mort de quelques
  Hurons, & de l'estat du Christianisme en cette Barbarie._           4.

  Chap. II. _Contenant selon l'ordre des temps, les autres choses
  remarquables aduenues pendant cette année._                        21.

  Chap. III. _Aduertissement d'importance pour ceux qu'il plairoit à
  Dieu d'appeller en la Nouuelle France, & principalement au Pays
  des Hurons._                                                       58.

  Chap. IV. _De la langue des Hurons._                               79.


  SECONDE PARTIE.

  DE LA CREANCE, DES MŒURS, & DES COUSTUMES DES HURONS.

  Chap. I. _Ce que pensent les Hurons de leur origine._              85.

  Chap. II. _Quel est le sentiment des Hurons touchant la nature &
  l'estat de l'ame, tant en cette vie, qu'apres la mort._            96.

  Chap. III. _Que les Hurons recognoissent quelque diuinité: de leurs
  superstitions, & de la creance qu'ils ont aux songes._            108.

  Chap. IV. _Des festins, danses, ieux de plat, & de crosse, de ce
  qu'ils appellent_ Ononharoia.                                     120.

  Chap. V. _S'il y a des Sorciers aux Hurons._                      132.

  Chap VI. _De la police des Hurons, & de leur gouuernement._       145.

  Chap. VII. _De l'ordre que les Hurons tiennent en leurs
  Conseils._                                                        175.

  Chap. VIII. _Des ceremonies qu'ils gardent en leur sepulture, & de
  leur deüil._                                                      184.

  Chap. IX. _De la feste solemnelle des Morts._                     193.

    Relation of what occurred in the Country of the Hurons in the year
    1636.

    _SENT to Kébec to Reverend Father Paul le Jeune, Superior of the
    Mission of the Society of_ JESUS, _in New France._         _page_ 1.

     PART FIRST.

    Chap. I. _Of the Conversion, Baptism, and happy death of some
    Hurons; and on the condition of Christianity amid this Barbarism._
                                                                      4.

    Chap. II. _Containing in the order of time the other remarkable
    things that happened during this year._                          21.

    Chap. III. _Important advice for those whom it shall please God to
    call to New France, and especially to the Country of the Hurons._
                                                                     58.

    Chap. IV. _Of the language of the Hurons._                       79.

    PART SECOND.

    ON THE BELIEF, MANNERS, AND CUSTOMS OF THE HURONS.

    Chap. I. _What the Hurons think of their origin._                85.

    Chap. II. _The ideas of the Hurons regarding the nature and
    condition of the soul, both in this life and after death._       96.

    Chap. III. _That the Hurons recognize some divinity; of their
    superstitions, and their faith in dreams._                      108.

    Chap. IV. _Concerning feasts, dances; the games of dish and crosse;
    what they call_ Ononharoia.                                     120.

    Chap. V. _Whether there are Sorcerers among the Hurons._        132.

    Chap. VI. _Of the polity of the Hurons, and their government._  145.

    Chap. VII. _Of the order the Hurons observe in their Councils._ 175.

    Chap. VIII. _Of the ceremonies they observe in their burials and
    mourning._                                                      184.

    Chap. IX. _Of the solemn feast of the Dead._                    193.




[1] Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
1636.


MON REVEREND PERE,

Puis qu'il faut payer le tribut annuel, qu'exige de nous, non seulement
V. R. mais aussi vn grand nombre de personnes de vertu, de merite, &
de condition, qui se vont interessant dans les affaires de la Nouuelle
France, comme dans celles de Dieu; Ie commenceray par la ioye que
nostre Seigneur a versé dans nos cœurs à l'arriuée de la flotte.
Quelques-vns estoient dans l'incertitude si nous verrions cette année
des Vaisseaux, à raison des grands preparatifs de guerre, qu'on faisoit
en l'ancienne France: mais [2] les plus aduisez n'en pouuoient douter,
comme ayans cognoissance de l'affection du Roy enuers ses nouuelles
Terres, qui se vont rendre l'vn des beaux fleurons de sa Couronne.
N'ignorans pas d'ailleurs que Monseigneur le Cardinal estant le Chef
de cette honnorable Compagnie, l'appuy des familles qui passent en
ces contrées, le Pere de cette nouuelle Patrie, & le Genie puissant,
qui doit faire reüssir souz la faueur & l'authorité de sa Majesté,
les desseins, que Dieu a de la conuersion de ce nouueau monde, ne
manqueroit pas de faire cognoistre, quelle place tient en son cœur
cette saincte entreprise. Vne autre apprehension nous tenoit entre
la crainte & l'espoir, sur le changement de Gouuerneur. Monsieur de
Champlain nous ayant quitté en la derniere année de son Gouuernement
pour s'en aller au Ciel, nous estions en suspens, quel zele auroit son
successeur pour cette Eglise naissante. Mais les Nauires paroissans,
toutes ces craintes se sont dissipées; le nombre des vaisseaux nous a
fait cognoistre que les affaires de la Nouuelle France tiennent [3]
rang dans les grands soins de l'Ancienne, & que les affections de
Messieurs de la Compagnie se vont tous les iours augmentant, & les
premieres actions de Monsieur de Montmagny nostre Gouuerneur, nous ont
fait esperer tout ce qu'on peut attendre d'vn esprit remply de pieté,
de resolution, & de conduitte. On m'a dit autrefois, que la premiere
action que fit nostre grand Roy au moment de sa naissance, fut vne
augure de sa grande pieté: car le premier vsage qu'il fit de ses mains
innocentes fut de les ioindre, comme s'il eust voulu prier Dieu, & le
premier mouuement de ses yeux luy porta la veuë vers le ciel. Si les
premieres actions sont les prognostiques des suiuantes, nous auons
dequoy benir Dieu en la personne de Monsieur de Montmagny, comme ie
feray voir dans la suitte de cette Relation. Estant arriué deuant
Kebec la nuict de la sainct Barnabé, il moüilla l'ancre sans se faire
cognoistre; le lendemain matin nous eusmes aduis qu'il estoit dans
le Vaisseau, que la nuict nous auoit caché; nous descendismes sur le
bord du grand Fleuue pour le receuoir; le P. Pierre [4] Chastellain,
& le P. Charles Garnier étoient en sa compagnie: apres les cõplimens
ordinaires, nous le suiuismes droit à la Chapelle; en chemin ayant
apperceu l'Arbre de nostre salut, Voicy, dit-il, la premiere Croix
que ie rencontre sur le Païs, adorons le Crucifié en son image; il se
iette à deux genoux, & à son exemple, toute sa suitte, comme aussi
tous ceux qui le venoient salüer: de là il entre dans l'Eglise, où
nous chantasmes solemnellement le _Te Deum_, comme aussi les Prieres
pour nostre bon Roy. A l'issuë de son action de graces, & des loüanges
que nous rendismes à Dieu pour sa venuë, Monsieur de Chasteaufort, qui
tenoit la place de defunct Monsieur de Champlain, luy vient presenter
les clefs de la forteresse; où il fut receu par plusieurs salues de
mousqueteries, & par le tonnerre de plusieurs canons. A peine estoit-il
entré, qu'on luy fit demander s'il auroit agreable d'estre Parrain
d'vn Sauuage, qui desiroit le Baptesme: Tres volontiers, dit-il, se
resioüissant d'auoir ce bon-heur qu'à l'entrée de son Gouuernement
il aidast à ouurir les portes de l'Eglise à vne pauure [5] ame, qui
se vouloit ranger dans le bercail de Iesus-Christ: & afin que les
Peres qui l'auoient accompagné, missent la main à la moisson, mettant
pied à terre; le P. qui auoit instruit ce barbare, demande au P.
Chastellain, s'il ne seroit pas bien aise de donner commencement
à ses actions en la Nouuelle France, par vn Baptesme. Dieu! quel
sentiment de ioye ne fit-il point paroistre à cette proposition! Le
voila tout disposé, Monsieur le Gouuerneur se transporte aux Cabanes
de ces pauures barbares, suiuy d'vne leste Noblesse. Ie vous laisse à
penser quel estonnement à ces Peuples de voir tant d'écarlate, tant de
personnes bien faites souz leurs toits d'écorce! quelle consolation
receut ce pauure malade, quand on luy dit que le grand Capitaine qui
venoit d'arriuer vouloit luy donner nom, & estre son Parrain. Le Pere
l'interroge derechef sur les mysteres de nostre creance, il répond,
qu'il croit à celuy qui a tout fait, & à son fils Iesus, comme aussi
au bon Esprit; qu'il est fasché d'auoir offensé celuy qui s'est fait
homme, & qui est mort pour nous, bien marry [6] de l'auoir cogneu si
tard. Monsieur le Gouuerneur le nomma Ioseph, à l'honneur du sainct
Espoux de la Vierge, Patron de la Nouuelle France, & le Pere le
baptisa. Pendant le disner, car tout cecy se passa le matin, ce noble
Parrain dit tout haut en bonne compagnie, qu'il auoit receu ce iour-là
le plus grand-honneur, & le plus sensible contentement qu'il auroit peu
souhaitter en la Nouuelle France. Sont-ce pas là des sujets capables
de nous réioüir? Ce n'est pas tout; ce mesme iour parut vn Vaisseau
commandé par Monsieur de Courpon, qui nous rendit le P. Nicolas Adam, &
nostre Frere Ambroise Cauuet. Ces entreueuës en vn païs si éloigné de
nostre Patrie, apres auoir trauersé tant de mers, sont sensibles par
fois aux yeux, aussi bien qu'au cœur. Nostre ioye ne se tint pas-là,
la quantité de familles qui venoient grossir nostre Colonie, l'accreut
notablement; celles entre autres de Monsieur de Repentigny, & de
Monsieur de la Poterie, braues Gentilshommes, composées de quarante
cinq personnes. C'estoit vn sujet où il y auoit à louer [7] Dieu, de
voir en ces contrées, des Damoiselles fort delicates, des petits enfans
tendrelets sortir d'vne prison de bois, comme le iour sort des tenebres
de la nuict, & ioüir apres tout d'vne aussi douce santé, nonobstant
toutes les incommoditez qu'on reçoit dans ces maisons flotantes, comme
si on s'estoit proumené au cours dans vn carosse. Voila comme ce iour
nous fut doublement vn iour de feste & de réioüissance: mais entrons
en discours. Ie distribueray tout ce que i'ay à dire cette année en
quelques Chapitres, que i'abregeray ou estendray selon le loisir que
Dieu m'en donnera.

    [1] Relation of what occurred in New France, in the year 1636.

    MY REVEREND FATHER,

    Since it is necessary to pay the annual tribute which is exacted
    from us not only by Your Reverence but also by many persons of
    virtue, merit, and rank, who continue to interest themselves in
    the affairs of New France as in those of God, I shall begin by
    referring to the joy with which our Lord filled our hearts on the
    arrival of the fleet. Some were doubtful whether we would see
    the Vessels this year, on account of the great preparations for
    war which were being made in old France;[49] but [2] those who
    were wisest could not doubt it, as knowing the affection of the
    King for his new Possessions, which are destined to become one
    of the bright jewels in his Crown; and, moreover, not ignorant
    that Monseigneur the Cardinal,--being the Head of this honorable
    Company, the support of families that come over to these lands, the
    Father of this new Country, and the powerful Genius who is to bring
    about, under the favor and authority of his Majesty, the designs
    of God for the conversion of this new world,--would not fail to
    show what place this holy undertaking holds in his heart. Another
    anxiety kept us between fear and hope, arising from the change of
    Governor. Monsieur de Champlain having left us in the last year of
    his Administration, to go to Heaven, we were anxious as to what
    zeal his successor would have for this infant Church. But, when
    the Ships appeared, all these fears were dissipated; the number of
    the vessels showed us that the affairs of New France rank [3] among
    the chief concerns of the Mother country, and that the interest
    of the Gentlemen of the Company continues daily to increase; and
    the first acts of Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, have made
    us hope everything that can be expected from a spirit filled with
    piety, with firmness, and with discretion.[50] I was told once that
    the earliest act which our great King performed, at the time of his
    birth, was a presage of his great piety; for the first use he made
    of his innocent hands was to clasp them, as if he were trying to
    pray to God, and the first movement of his eyes directed his sight
    toward heaven. If first actions are prognostications of those to
    come, we have that for which to bless God in the person of Monsieur
    de Montmagny, as I shall show in the course of this Relation.
    Having arrived before Kebec on the night of saint Barnabas, he
    cast anchor without announcing himself; the next morning, we had
    word that he was in the Vessel which the night had concealed from
    us. We went down to the shore of the great River to receive him;
    Father Pierre [4] Chastellain[51] and Father Charles Garnier[52]
    were in his company. After the usual courtesies, we accompanied
    him at once to the Chapel; on the way, perceiving the Tree of our
    salvation, "Here," said he, "is the first Cross that I encounter
    in the Country; let us adore the Crucified in his image." He
    throws himself upon his knees, as, following his example, do all
    his attendants, as well as all those who were coming to salute
    him. Thence he entered the Church, where we solemnly chanted the
    _Te Deum_, as well as the Prayers for our good King. At the
    conclusion of his act of thanksgiving, and of the praises we
    rendered to God for his coming, Monsieur de Chasteaufort,[53]
    who filled the place of the late Monsieur de Champlain, came to
    present to him the keys of the fortress, where he was received with
    several volleys of musketry and the thunder of numerous cannon.
    Scarcely had he entered when one came to ask him if it would be
    agreeable to him to be Godfather to a Savage who desired Baptism.
    "Very willingly," said he, rejoicing in this good fortune, that,
    upon entering his Administration, he could help open the doors of
    the Church to a poor [5] soul who wished to enter the sheepfold of
    Jesus Christ. That the Fathers who had accompanied him might put
    their hands to the harvest at the moment of setting foot on land,
    the Father who had taught this barbarian asks Father Chastellain
    if he would not be glad to begin his labors in New France with
    a Baptism. O God! what a sentiment of joy he manifested at this
    proposal! Behold him quite ready! Monsieur the Governor proceeds to
    the Cabins of these poor barbarians, followed by a brisk retinue of
    Nobles. I leave you to imagine the astonishment of these People at
    seeing so much scarlet, so many elegant personages under their bark
    roofs! What comfort this poor sick man experienced when they told
    him that the great Captain who had just arrived wished to bestow
    a name upon him, and to be his Sponsor! The Father questions him
    anew upon the mysteries of our belief. He replies that he believes
    in him who made all things, and in his son, Jesus, and also in
    the good Spirit; that he is sorry he has offended him who made
    himself man, and who died for us; and that he greatly regrets [6]
    having learned so late to know him. Monsieur the Governor named
    him Joseph, in honor of the holy Spouse of the Virgin, Patron of
    New France; and the Father baptized him. During dinner, for all
    this happened in the morning, this noble Godfather said aloud, in
    the presence of a distinguished company, that he had received that
    day the greatest honor and the most genuine satisfaction that he
    could have desired in New France. Are not these things that give
    us cause for rejoicing? This is not all; that same day appeared
    a Vessel commanded by Monsieur de Courpon,[54] which brought to
    us Father Nicolas Adam[55] and our Brother Ambroise Cauvet.[56]
    These meetings in a country so far from our Native Land, after
    having crossed so many seas, affect sometimes the eyes as well
    as the heart. Our joy did not end there. The number of families,
    which came over to increase our Colony, made it considerably
    larger. Among others, were those of Monsieur de Repentigny[57]
    and of Monsieur de la Poterie,[58] gallant Gentlemen, composed of
    forty-five individuals. It was a matter for which to praise [7]
    God, to see in this country delicate Maidens and little children of
    tenderest age come forth from a prison of wood, as the day comes
    forth from the darkness of night,--and enjoying, after all, as
    perfect health, notwithstanding the many hardships to which one
    is subjected in these floating habitations, as if they had been
    driving on the street in a carriage. See then how this day was for
    us doubly a day of festival and of rejoicing; but let us begin our
    discourse. I will divide all I have to say this year into several
    Chapters, which I will shorten or extend according to the leisure
    which God shall grant me for it.




CHAPITRE PREMIER.

DES SENTIMENS D'AFFECTION QU'ONT PLUSIEURS PERSONNES DE MERITE POUR LA
NOUUELLE FRANCE.


IE ne sçay pas quel succez auront les affaires de la Nouuelle France,
ny quand nous y verrons la porte pleinement ouuerte à l'Euangile:
mais ie sçay [8] bien neantmoins, que c'est Dieu qui conduit cette
entreprise. La nature n'a pas les bras assez longs pour atteindre au
point, où elle est paruenuë; elle ayme trop ses interests sensibles,
pour reünir tant de cœurs, & tant d'affections à la poursuitte d'vn
bien, qu'elle ne cognoit pas. Fuïr ses parens, & ses amis, abandonner
ses cognoissances, sortir de sa patrie si douce, & si polie; passer
les mers, defier l'Ocean, & ses tempestes, sacrifier sa vie aux
souffrances, quitter les biens presens, pour se ietter dans des
esperances éloignées de nostre veuë, conuertir le trafic de la terre
en celuy du ciel, vouloir mourir dans la Barbarie, est vn langage
qui ne se parle point dans l'école de la nature. Ces actions vont au
delà de sa portée, & cependant ce sont les actions & le langage de
mille personnes de merite, qui s'attachent aux affaires de la Nouuelle
Frãce, auec autãt & plus de courage qu'ils feroiẽt aux leurs propres en
l'Ancienne. Ie ne voy pas, ny ie ne peux entendre tout ce qui tend à ce
dessein; on ne me parle qu'vne fois l'an de ces affaires, & encore sur
vn morceau de papier, qui ressemble à [9] ces muets du grand Seigneur,
qui parlent sans dire mot. Si est-ce que ie puis dire, voyant tant
de feu, tant de zele, tant de sainctes affections en des personnes si
differentes d'âge, de sexe, de condition, de profession; qu'autre qu'vn
Dieu ne peut causer ces pensées, ny allumer ces brasiers, qui ne se
nourrissent que des bois aromatiques du Paradis. Ie ne dis rien des
tendres & nobles affections qu'a nostre grand Roy pour la conuersion
de ces Peuples; c'est pour ce dessein qu'il a étably la Compagnie
de la Nouuelle France, l'a honorée de sa faueur, & de plusieurs
grands Priuileges. Ie ne parle non plus des soins de Monseigneur le
Cardinal; c'est assez de dire qu'il s'est fait Chef de cette honorable
Compagnie, & qu'il a releué, soustenu & animé cette grande entreprise,
qu'on ne peut choquer à moins que de toucher à la prunelle de ses
yeux. Monseigneur le Duc d'Anguien fils aisné de Monseigneur le
Prince, m'honorant d'vn mot de sa propre main, m'asseura l'an passé,
qu'il auoit de grands sentimẽs pour nous, & que nous en verrions les
effects, à mesure que Dieu luy [10] feroit la grace de croistre en
âge. I'ay d'autant plus volontiers remercié nostre Seigneur, d'auoir
desia inspiré à ce ieune Prince ces bons desseins pour son seruice,
qu'il a l'esprit plus capable de s'en acquiter. Ie sçay de bonne part
& sans flatterie, qu'il l'a fait paroistre auec autant d'admiration,
durant le cours de ses estudes, au iugement de ceux qui l'y ont veu,
que sa qualité le rendra tousiours digne de respect, enuers ceux qui
le cognoistront. Dieu soit loüé! tout le ciel de nostre chere Patrie,
nous promet de fauorables influences, iusques à ce nouuel astre, qui
commence à paroistre parmy ceux de la premiere grandeur.

    CHAPTER FIRST.

    OF THE SENTIMENTS OF AFFECTION WHICH MANY PERSONS OF MERIT
    ENTERTAIN FOR NEW FRANCE.

    I KNOW not what success the affairs of New France will have, nor
    when we shall see its doors opened wide to the Gospel; but I know
    [8] well, nevertheless, that it is God who directs this enterprise.
    Nature has not arms long enough to reach the point to which this
    has attained; she loves too well material interests to bring
    together so many hearts and so many affections in the pursuit of a
    good of which she has no knowledge. To forsake one's parents and
    one's friends, to relinquish one's associates, to go forth from
    one's native land, so sweet and so refined; to cross the seas, to
    dare the Ocean and its storms, to give up one's life to sufferings,
    to abandon present advantages that one may launch out into hopes
    remote from one's vision, to convert the business of earth into
    that of heaven, to be willing to die in the midst of Barbarism,--is
    a language which is not spoken in the school of nature. Such deeds
    go beyond her range, and yet they are the deeds and language
    of a thousand persons of merit, who are devoting themselves to
    the affairs of New France with as much and more of courage than
    they would give to their own in the Old. I do not see nor can I
    understand all that leads to this design; they speak to me but once
    a year about these matters, and then upon a piece of paper, which
    is like [9] those mutes of the grand Seigneur, who talk without
    saying a word. Yet I can say,--seeing so much fire, so much zeal,
    so much holy love, in persons so different in age, in sex, in
    condition, and occupation,--that none other than a God can cause
    these thoughts, can kindle these coals, which are fed only by the
    aromatic woods of Paradise. I say nothing of the tender and noble
    desires of our great King for the conversion of these Tribes; it is
    for this purpose that he has established the Company of New France,
    honored it with his favor and with many important Privileges. Nor
    do I speak about the attentions of Monseigneur the Cardinal; it is
    enough to say that he has become Head of this honorable Company,
    and that he has uplifted, sustained, and animated this grand
    enterprise, which cannot be attacked without touching the apple
    of his eye. The Duke d'Anguien,[13] eldest son of Monseigneur the
    Prince, honoring me with a word from his own hand, assured me last
    year that he had high esteem for us, and that we should see the
    effects of it in proportion as God should [10] grant him the favor
    of added years. I thanked our Lord for already having inspired
    this young Prince with these good intentions of serving him, the
    more gladly as he has a mind well qualified to fulfill them. I
    know from good authority and without flattery that he showed this
    so admirably, during the course of his studies, in the opinion of
    those who saw him engaged in them, that his character will always
    render him worthy of respect among those who shall know him. God
    be praised! The whole sky of our dear Native Land promises us
    favorable influences, even to this new star, which begins to shine
    among those of the first magnitude.

Personne ne peut ignorer, que Monsieur le Marquis de Gamache, est
le principal appuy de nostre Mission. I'ay appris cette année qu'il
a receu lettres de Fondateur d'vn College en la Nouuelle France:
nostre R.P. General me l'a ainsi récrit, & de l'heure que ie parle
on a presenté mille & mille sacrifices à sa diuine Majesté, dans
toute l'estenduë de la terre où se répand nostre Compagnie, pour la
prosperité de sa Maison, [11] & pour le bon succez de ce dessein. Nous
auons commencé à enseigner dés l'année passée: le Pere Lallemant,
& puis apres le Pere de Quen ont instruit nos petits Francois, &
moy quelques petits Sauuages. Nous nous étonnons de nous voir desia
enuironnez de tant de ieunesse, en ces commencemens.

    No one can be ignorant that Monsieur the Marquis de Gamache is the
    chief support of our Mission.[59] I have learned this year that he
    has been acknowledged as Founder of a College in New France; our
    Reverend Father General has written me also to this effect; and at
    this writing thousands of holy masses have been offered up to his
    divine Majesty, throughout the whole extent of the earth where our
    Company is scattered, for the prosperity of his House, [11] and for
    the good success of this plan. We began last year to teach; Father
    Lallemant, and afterwards Father de Quen, instructed our little
    French boys, and I some little Savages. We wonder to see ourselves
    already surrounded by so many children, in the very beginning of
    our work.

I'apprends que quelque personne beniste du ciel pense à fonder vn
Seminaire de petits Hurons; ô la sainte pensée! c'est de ces ieunes
plantes qu'on doit esperer de bons fruicts. Dieu soit à iamais beny du
soin qu'il a de cette nouuelle Colonie, la fauorisant du secours de
personnes qui cherissent ces pauures barbares, beaucoup plus qu'ils ne
se sont iamais aymez eux-mesmes.

    I learn that some one, blessed of heaven, thinks of founding a
    Seminary for young Hurons. Oh, holy thought! it is from these young
    plants that one is to expect good fruits. God be forever blessed
    for the care he takes of this new Colony, favoring it with the aid
    of persons who cherish these poor barbarians far more than they
    have ever loved themselves.

Ie ne voulois pas quasi parler de Messieurs les Associez de cette
Compagnie: car ce n'est pas merueille s'ils ont de l'amour pour vn
pays, dont le Roy les a fait Seigneurs: mais cette amour en la plus
saine partie de leur corps, me semble si épurée, que ie suis ioyeux &
confus tout ensemble de voir vn dégagement aussi grand en des personnes
attachées au monde par leur condition, [12] qu'on en trouueroit dans
vne ame éloignée de presence, & d'affection, des ennuis & des tracas
de la terre: ie ne parle point par cœur, ces Messieurs m'ayant fait
l'honneur de m'écrire par la main de Monsieur l'Amy leur Secre[tai]re,
me confondent en ces termes. _La lettre qu'il vous a pleu nous
escrire, a tellement satisfait nostre Compagnie, que nous confessons
tous, que nos peines, & nos soins, ont déja receu leur recompense. Ce
que nous faisons pour la Colonie de la Nouuelle France, peut bien estre
recommandable à cause du zele au seruice de Dieu, & de l'affection que
nous auons au soulagement des hommes: mais d'auoir là dessus l'aide
& la consolation de ceux qui sont les Maistres experimentez en ces
vertus, c'est estre payez dés l'entrée, & receuoir son salaire entier
pour le trauail des premieres heures de la iournée. Le remerciment que
vous nous faites vaut beaucoup mieux, que tout ce que nous auons fait;
mais il conuiendroit bien à ce que nous desirons faire, quand Dieu nous
aura donné la grace de l'executer._

    I had hardly intended to speak of the Associated Gentlemen of
    this Company; for it is not strange that they have some affection
    for a country over which the King has made them Lords; but this
    love, in the most important members of their body, seems to me so
    pure that I am at once rejoiced and confounded to see as great
    disinterestedness in persons, attached to the world by their
    position, [12] as one would find in a soul far removed from the
    scenes and affections of earth, from its cares and confusion. I do
    not speak by rote; these Gentlemen, having done me the honor of
    writing to me by the hand of Monsieur l'Amy,[60] their Secretary,
    put me to the blush in these terms: _The letter which it has
    pleased you to write us has satisfied our Company to such a degree,
    that we all acknowledge that our efforts and our cares have already
    received their reward. What we do for the Colony of New France may
    indeed be commendable, by reason of our zeal in the service of
    God, and our desire to aid our fellow-men; but to have therein the
    sympathy and the help of those who are experienced Masters in these
    virtues is to be rewarded from the beginning, and to receive one's
    full remuneration for the work of the first hours of the day. The
    gratitude which you express to us, is worthy of much more than all
    that we have done; but it would suit well what we desire to do when
    God shall have given us the grace to perform it._

Voila les propres mots de leur lettre: ce n'est pas tout, apres
auoir tesmoigné que leurs plus grands desseins ne tendent [13] qu'à
la gloire de nostre Seigneur, ils se resiouyssent d'estre deliurés
de l'importunité d'vn homme dont il a fallu lier les mains auec des
chaisnes d'or: _Et encor que cela nous couste beaucoup_, disent-ils,
_si est-ce que nous estimons y avoir gaigné, puis que personne ne
peut plus pretendre aucun droit sur la Nouuelle France, & que nous la
pouuons dedier toute entiere à Dieu par vostre sainct ministere._ Ne
pouuant encherir sur ces pensées, & sur ces affections, ie ne diray
qu'vn mot à ces Messieurs; que s'ils font les affaires de Dieu, Dieu
fera les leurs, qu'ils ne perdront rien au change, s'ils poursuiuent
dans ces genereux desseins, & qu'ils sement des benedictions que leurs
enfans recueilliront en la terre & au Ciel. Voila les sentimens de
Messieurs les Directeurs & Associez de cette honorable Compagnie.

    These are the very words of their letter. This is not all; after
    having testified that their greatest purposes aim [13] only at
    the glory of our Lord, they rejoice to be delivered from the
    importunity of a man whose hands it has been necessary to bind
    with chains of gold. _And although that costs us much_, they say,
    _yet we consider that we have gained thereby, since no one can
    longer claim any right over New France, and we can offer it entire
    to God through your holy ministry._[61] Being able to add nothing
    to such thoughts and feelings, I will say to these Gentlemen but
    one word, that if they attend to the interests of God, God will
    attend to theirs; that they will lose nothing in the exchange, if
    they continue in these generous purposes; and that they are sowing
    blessings which their children shall reap upon the earth and in
    Heaven. Such are the sentiments of Messieurs the Directors and
    Associates of this honorable Company.

Ie suis fasché que des personnes grandes en vérité deuant les yeux de
Dieu & des hommes, me lient si fort les mains, & m'obligent à garder
le secret de leurs lettres, ou plustost de leurs vertus; ils dérobent
aux yeux de la France les tendres & fortes affections qu'ils ont pour
[14] la gloire de nostre saincte foy dans l'étenduë de cette Barbarie,
se contentans d'en donner la veuë à celuy auquel il ne la sçauroient
cacher. Ie parle de personnes employées dans les premieres charges du
Royaume: l'vn d'eux embrasse tout le païs, il a soin & des François &
des Sauuages, & fait du bien à tous. Vn autre va protestant qu'il s'est
voulu interesser dans cette Compagnie, non pour l'esperance d'aucun
lucre, mais pour l'amplification du Royaume de Dieu. Voici quelques
paroles tirées de l'vne de ses lettres addressée à quelque personne qui
me l'a cõfidemment communiquée: _I'ay interest de sçauoir des nouuelles
du pays, par le desir que i'ay de l'aduancement de la Religion._ C'est
l'vnique raison, à ce qu'il asseure, qui l'a meu de s'allier de ces
Messieurs: & plus bas il dit que les plus grandes villes & les plus
celebres ont commencé par vn ramas de vagabons, & que nous auons icy
cét aduantage qu'il y a des gens de bien parmy nous, _Que le plus grand
soin qu'on y doit auoir, est que Dieu soit seruy fidellement, qu'on
verra vn notable changement quand la Compagnie generale entrera dans
l'entiere_ [15] _administration des affaires, la resolution estant
de laisser tout le profit pour ameliorer le pays, & y faire passer
grand nombre de François, sans rien rapporter d'vn long temps entre
les Associez du profit qui prouiendra de la Nouuelle France_. Voila
parler en homme des-interessé: les inclinations de la nature ne nous
incitent point à transporter en vn pays barbare les vtilitez dont nous
pouuõs iouyr dans vn Royaume bien policé. Disons donc que ces mouuemens
secrets viennent des ressorts de la sacrée prouidence du grand Dieu,
qui semble auoir de grands desseins pour tant de pauures Peuples
abãdonnez depuis vn si long temps. Voicy ce que d'autres Associez me
mandent: _I'espere que le secours qu'on vous enuoye fera augmenter la
moisson: c'est la principale fin qu'ont ceux qui se meslent de cét
affaire, ie voudrais auoir autant de pouuoir que i'ay d'affection pour
l'aduancement de la gloire de Dieu en ce pays, & pour la conuersion de
ces pauures Sauuages._ Vn autre me tient ce discours: _Il y a apparence
que nostre Compagnie continuant son trafic sans fortune, vostre colonie
pour le spirituel s'augmentera de plus en plus; l'intention de la plus
part des_ [16] _interessez d'icelle n'a esté à autre dessein, que pour
ayder à la conuersion de ces pauures Sauuages; ce qui ne peut estre
faict sans vos peines, trauaux & grandes incommoditez, voire de vostre
vie._

    I regret that some persons, great, in truth, in the eyes of God
    and of men, bind my hands so tightly, and oblige me to keep the
    secret of their letters, or rather of their virtues; they conceal
    from the eyes of France the tender and strong desires they feel
    for [14] the glory of our holy faith throughout the extent of this
    Savage Land, contenting themselves with revealing them to him from
    whom they could not conceal them. I speak of persons employed in
    the highest offices of the Realm; one of them is in charge of the
    whole country, concerning himself with both the French and the
    Savages, and does good to all. Another protests that he is willing
    to interest himself in this Company, not through the hope of any
    gain, but for the extension of the Kingdom of God. Here are some
    words taken from one of his letters addressed to a person who has
    communicated it to me in confidence: _I am interested in hearing
    news of the country, through the desire which I have for the
    advancement of Religion_. This is the only reason, as he asserts,
    that induced him to ally himself with these Gentlemen. Farther on,
    he says that the largest and most celebrated cities have begun with
    a rabble of vagabonds; and that we have here this advantage, that
    there are honest people among us; _that the greatest care that one
    must have here is, that God be faithfully served. There will be
    seen a notable change when the general Company shall enter into the
    complete_ [15] _administration of affairs,--the determination being
    to disregard all gain, in order to better the condition of the
    country and to send over a large number of French people, without
    the Associates receiving for a long time any of the profit which
    shall accrue from New France._ See how a disinterested man speaks
    of it! The inclinations of nature do not incite us to transfer to a
    barbarous land the advantages which we can enjoy in a well-governed
    Realm. Let us say then that these hidden impulses come from the
    springs of the sacred providence of the great God, who seems to
    have grand purposes for so many poor Peoples, abandoned for so
    long a time. Here is what other Associates write me. _I hope that
    the aid which is sent you will cause the harvest to increase;
    that is the chief aim which those have who interest themselves
    in this matter. I wish I had as much power as I have desire for
    the advancement of the glory of God in this country, and for the
    conversion of these poor Savages._ Another writes to me as follows:
    _There is likelihood that, while our Company continues its business
    without gain, your colony in spiritual matters will increase
    more and more. The intention of the greater part of those_ [16]
    _interested in it has been for no other purpose than to aid in the
    conversion of these poor Savages, which cannot be done without your
    sufferings, toils, and hardships, nay, even at the peril of your
    life._

Ie n'aurois iamais faict, si ie voulois recueillir tout ce qu'escriuent
sur ce suiet vn grand nombre de personnes, dont la modestie me condamne
au silence, autant que leur bon exemple m'obligeroit à en parler, si ie
ne craignois de les offenser: c'est pour cette raison que ie me tais
sur les saincts desirs de plusieurs Religieux, sur les fortes affectiõs
qu'ont vn tres grand nombre de nos Peres, de venir trauailler en cette
nouuelle vigne de nostre Seigneur, & défricher cette Barbarie: il est
vray que ces volontez de viure & mourir en la Croix de +IESVS+, sont
conformes à leur profession; mais c'est chose bien plus estonnante
de voir des hommes attachez comme de grandes intelligences aux plus
hautes spheres des affaires du monde, se délasser dans les soins de
la Nouuelle France, tant ils la cherissent. Bien plus, il se trouue
des Dames qui veulent partager cette gloire auec eux, surmontant
l'infirmité [17] de leur sexe par la generosité de leur courage.

    I should never finish were I to review all that is written on this
    subject by a great number of persons, whose modesty condemns me to
    silence as much as their good example would oblige me to speak, if
    I did not fear to offend them. It is for this reason that I say
    nothing about the holy wishes of many Religious, and the strong
    desires which a great number of our Fathers have to come to work in
    this new vineyard of our Lord, and to clear this land of Barbarism.
    It is true that these desires to live and to die in the Cross of
    +JESUS+ are in keeping with their profession; but it is a thing
    much more astonishing to see men who are engaged, because of their
    great abilities, in the highest spheres of the affairs of the
    world, take their recreation in working for New France, so dearly
    do they love her. Much more, there are found some Ladies who wish
    to share this glory with them, rising above the weakness [17] of
    their sex through the generosity of their courage.

Ie cherchois l'an passé vne ame courageuse qui peût arborer le grand
estendart de la charité en ces contrées: ce grand Dieu des bontez y a
pourueu. I'apprends que Madame de Combalet y veut mettre la main, &
fonder vn Hospital en la Nouuelle France. Voicy comme il luy a pleu
m'en donner aduis. _Dieu m'ayant donné le desir d'aider au salut des
pauures Sauuages, apres auoir leu la Relation que vous en auez faicte,
il m'a semblé que ce que vous croyez qui puisse le plus seruir à leur
conuersion, est l'establissement des Religieuses Hospitalieres dans
la Nouuelle France; de sorte que ie me suis resoluë d'y enuoyer cette
année six ouuriers, pour défricher des terres, & faire quelque logement
pour ces bonnes Filles. Ie vous supplie de vouloir prendre soin de cét
establissement: i'ay prié le P. Chastelain de vous en parler de ma
part, & de vous declarer plus particulierement mes intentions: si ie
puis contribuer quelque autre chose pour le salut de ces pauures gens,
pour lesquels vous prenez tant de peine, ie m'estimeray bien-heureuse._
Là dessus que diray-ie autre chose, si ce n'est que [18] tout le Ciel
presente deuant le throsne de Dieu ces sainctes pensées, ces grandes
resolutions, & que tous les Anges redoublent leurs Cantiques d'honneur
& de loüanges pour vne si saincte entreprise; ce sont les actions de
graces que nous faisons à cette illustre Dame, au nom de tous les
saincts Anges gardiens de ces pauures Barbares, qui ne sçauroient
comprendre la grandeur de l'amour qu'on leur porte. Ie leur ay faict
entendre qu'vne grande Dame alloit faire dresser vne grande maison, où
on receuroit tous leurs malades, qu'on les coucheroit dans de bons
lits, qu'on les nourriroit delicatement, qu'on leur donneroit des
medecines & des onguens necessaires pour les guerir, & qu'on ne leur
en demanderoit aucune recompense. Ils me respondent auec estonnement,
que cela va bien: mais neantmoins ie cognois par leurs sousris, qu'ils
ne croiront point ce miracle que par les yeux. En vn mot, ils ne
sçauroient comprendre la grandeur de cette charité; suffit que le Dieu
des cœurs, qui fait germer cette saincte pensée dans vn bon cœur, voit
son diuin ouurage, & y prend [19] plaisir; certes il n'y a rien si
puissant que cette inuention pour attirer ces pauures Barbares, voire
mesme pour peupler parmy eux des seminaires de garçons & de filles.
Nostre Seigneur soit beny dans les temps, & dans l'eternité.

    I sought last year a brave soul who might plant the great standard
    of charity in these lands; the mighty God of bounties has provided
    one. I learn that Madame de Combalet wishes to put her hand to
    the work, and found a Hospital in New France.[62] See how it has
    pleased her to inform me of it: _God having given me the desire
    to aid in the salvation of the poor Savages, it has seemed to
    me, after reading the Account which you have written of it, that
    what you consider can best serve for their conversion is the
    establishment in New France of Hospital Nuns. I have therefore
    resolved to send thither this year six workmen, to clear some land
    and to construct a lodging for these good Sisters. I entreat that
    you will take care of this establishment. I have asked Father
    Chastelain to speak to you about it for me, and to explain to
    you my plans more in detail. If I can do anything else for the
    salvation of these poor people, for whom you take so much trouble,
    I shall consider myself happy._ With regard to that, what shall
    I say, save that [18] all Heaven presents before the throne of
    God these holy thoughts, these noble resolutions; and that all
    the Angels redouble their Chants of honor and praise for so holy
    an undertaking. These are the thanks that we render to this
    illustrious Lady, in the name of all the holy guardian Angels of
    these poor Barbarians, who cannot comprehend the greatness of the
    love that is felt for them. I informed them that a great Lady
    was about to erect a large house, where all their sick would be
    received; that they would be laid on soft beds, and daintily fed;
    that they would be supplied with the medicines and ointments
    needed for their cure, and that no pay would be required for
    them. They answer me with astonishment that that is good; but,
    nevertheless, I know by their smiles that they will believe this
    miracle only with their eyes. In one word, they cannot understand
    the greatness of this charity; it is sufficient that the God of
    hearts, who causes this holy thought to spring up in a pious heart,
    sees his divine work and takes [19] pleasure therein. Verily there
    is nothing so powerful as this device to win these poor Barbarians,
    nay, even to fill among them the seminaries for boys and girls. Our
    Lord be blessed, through time and through eternity.

Si ie m'engage plus auãt dans les sentimens de deuotiõ qu'vne infinité
d'ames sainctes, qu'vn tres-grand nombre mesme de Religieuses nous
tesmoignent auoir pour l'amplification de la foy en la Nouuelle
France, ie passeray de beaucoup la iuste grandeur d'vn Chapitre;
mais n'importe la charité couure tout. I'apprends qu'en l'Eglise de
Mont-martre, lieu si sacré pour les despoüilles de tant de Martyrs,
& par la presence de tant d'ames espurées, les Religieuses font à
leur tour oraison iour & nuict pour solliciter & forcer le Ciel à
respandre ses sainctes benedictions sur nos trauaux. Les Carmelites
sont toutes en feu: les Vrsulines remplies de zele: les Religieuses
de la Visitation n'ont point de paroles assez significatiues pour
témoigner leur ardeur. Celles de Nostre Dame coniurent qu'on leur
donne part aux souffrances qu'il faut subir parmy [20] ces Peuples;
& les Hospitalieres crient qu'on les passe dés l'année prochaine.
La nature n'a point de souffles si sacrez, qui puissent allumer ces
brasiers: ces flammes prouiennẽt d'vn feu tout diuin, d'vn feu increé &
subsistant. _Nous vous portons plus d'enuie, que de compassion dans vos
souffrances_, écriuent quelques vnes. _Nous vous accompagnons de nos
petites prieres, particulierement vers la saincte Vierge, à qui nous
sommes dediées, & vers nostre Pere sainct Ioseph, & nostre Mere saincte
Terese, & aux Anges du pays où vous estes, afin que leurs forces & leur
puissance soient auec vous._ O le grand secours! _S'il estoit ausst
facile_, dit vn autre, _de bastir vn Conuent de Carmelites, que de
dresser vne Cabane de Sauuages, & que nous eussions autant de pouuoir,
que d'impuissance & de foiblesse, vous trouueriez des à present grand
nombre de Sœurs tres disposées de vous aller ayder_.

    If I were to occupy myself further with the sentiments of
    devotion manifested by a multitude of pious souls, and by a very
    great number even of Nuns, for the extension of the faith in
    New France, I would considerably exceed the proper length of a
    Chapter; but no matter, charity covereth all. I learn that in the
    Church of Mont-martre,[63] a place sacred as the depository of so
    many Martyrs and by the presence of so many purified souls, the
    Sisters take turns praying, by day and by night, to solicit and to
    constrain Heaven to bestow its holy benedictions upon our labors.
    The Carmelites are all on fire; the Ursulines are filled with zeal;
    the Nuns of the Visitation have no words significant enough to show
    their ardor; those of Nostre Dame implore permission to share in
    the sufferings which must be undergone among [20] these Peoples;
    and the Hospitalieres insist that they be brought over here next
    year.[64] Nature has no breath sacred enough to light these fires;
    these flames arise from a fire all divine, from an increate and
    living fire. _We bear you more envy than compassion in your
    sufferings_, write some of them. _We accompany you with our feeble
    prayers, particularly to the holy Virgin, to whom we are dedicated,
    and to our Father, saint Joseph, and our Mother, saint Theresa, and
    to the Angels of the country where you are, that they may be with
    you in their strength and power._ Oh, what great help! _If it were
    as easy_, says another, _to build a Carmelite Convent as it is to
    raise one of the Cabins of the Savages, and if we were as powerful
    as we are impotent and weak, you would find from now on a great
    many Sisters very ready to go to your aid_.

Voicy les propres termes d'vne autre. _Il faut que vous sçachiez que
la Nouuelle France commence d'entrer dans les esprits de plusieurs
personnes, ce qui me fait croire que Dieu la regarde d'vn œil
fauorable. Helas! que diriés vous, mon R. Pere_, [21] _si sa diuine
Majesté disposoit les affaires en sorte, que nous eussions bien tost le
courage, & le moyen de vous aller trouuer. Ie vous diray que si telle
est la volonté de Dieu, qu'il n'y a rien en ce monde, qui m'en puisse
empescher, quand mesme ie deurois estre engloutie des ondes en chemin._

    Here are the exact words of another. _You must know that New France
    is beginning to enter the minds of a great many people, which makes
    me think that God is looking upon it with a favorable eye. Ah, what
    would you say, my Reverend Father_, [21] _if his divine Majesty
    were so to shape events that we would soon have the courage and the
    means to go to you. I will tell you that if such be the will of
    God, there is nothing in this world that can prevent me, even if I
    were to be engulfed in the waves on the voyage._

Voila le cœur d'vne vraye Vrsuline, qui me va découurant les voyes par
où son Ordre pourra vn iour passer en ces grandes forests. Pendant que
i'écris cecy, i'ay deuant mes yeux les noms de treize Religieuses du
mesme Ordre, qui protestent dans vne lettre commune enuoyée au R. P.
Adam, qu'elles ont toutes le mesme dessein, & leur Superieure brusle
du mesme feu; _I'ay laissé_, dit-elle, _prendre l'essor aux desirs de
nos bonnes Sœurs, qu'elles ont couché sur ce papier selon leur ferueur;
il n'y a rien de moy que l'approbation que i'en fay par l'apposition de
mon nom, pour vous témoigner que ie n'en quitte pas la partie. Ie vous
porte plus d'enuie que vous ne me faites de pitié dans les trauaux où
vous allez entrer._ Mais écoutons ces ames resoluës. _Il n'y a point de
difficultez qui nous épouuantent, & bien que la foiblesse & l'infirmité
de nostre sexe_ [22] _soit grande, nostre Seigneur fortifie, & rehausse
si puissamment nostre courage, que nous nous enhardissons de dire auec
sainct Paul, nous pouuons tout en celuy qui nous conforte; la mer ny
les tempestes n'ont point assez d'horreur pour épouuanter des cœurs,
qui n'ont ny vie, ny mouuemens, que pour celuy qui a mis la sienne
pour les racheter, & qui ne desirent rien tant que de pouuoir donner
la leur pour son amour, & pour le salut des Sauuages._ N'est il pas
vray de dire apres cela, que la parfaite amour bannit la crainte. Ie
passe souz silence d'autres termes aussi pathetiques, & des affections
aussi fortes que celles-cy, sorties des cœurs & de la bouche d'vn
grand nombre de bonnes ames d'autres saincts Ordres, voire mesme de
personnes engagées dans le monde. _Si des femmes tendres & delicates
pour ie ne sçay quels interests_, disent quelques-vnes, _se sont
iettées courageusement dans le hazard des mers, nostre cœur blesmira-il
à la veuë des mesmes dangers? puis que nous ne pretendons passer dans
cette Barbarie, que pour honorer & benir le Dieu des mers_? Celles
qui pretendent passer les premieres, apres s'estre deffiées de leur
foiblesse, disent tout [23] haut, que se confiant en Dieu, elles ne
craignent plus rien, sinon que le trop grand delay. Or ie réponds aux
vnes & aux autres, qu'elles ne sçauroient auoir trop de deuotion, pour
prier le Ciel de fauoriser cette entreprise; mais qu'elles pourroient
auoir trop de precipitation, si elles passoient sans qu'on leur donnast
aduis, que le Païs est en estat de les receuoir: chaques choses ont
leur temps, Dieu prend le sien quand il luy plaist; c'est celuy qu'il
faut attendre en patience & en douceur. Finissons, i'en ay assez dit
pour faire voir que la Nouuelle France est bien auant dans le cœur de
Dieu, puis qu'elle a si bonne place dans ceux de tant de personnes, qui
luy sont si cheres.

    This is the spirit shown by a true Ursuline, who goes on to show
    me in what ways her Order will some day be able to cross over into
    these great forests. While I am writing this, I have before my
    eyes the names of thirteen Sisters of the same Order, who protest,
    in a general letter sent to Reverend Father Adam, that they all
    have the same purpose and that their Superior burns with the same
    fire: _I have allowed_, says she, _our good Sisters to give full
    scope to their desires which they have set down on this paper
    according to their zeal; there is nothing of myself in it, except
    the approbation I show by affixing my name, as an evidence that I
    do not abandon the party. I envy you more than I pity you in the
    labors you are about to begin._ But let us hear further from these
    resolute spirits: _There are no difficulties which daunt us; and,
    although the weakness and infirmity of our sex_ [22] _is great,
    our Lord so powerfully fortifies and enhances our courage, that
    we are emboldened to say with saint Paul, we can do all in him
    who strengtheneth us; neither the sea nor tempests have horrors
    enough to frighten hearts which live and throb only for him who has
    given his own to redeem them, and who desire nothing so much as to
    be able to give theirs for his love and for the salvation of the
    Savages_. Is it not right to say, after that, that perfect love
    casteth out fear? I pass over in silence other words as touching,
    and expressions of interest as strong as these, uttered from the
    hearts and lips of many good souls of other holy Orders, yea even
    from people of the world. _If delicate and refined women, actuated
    by we know not what interests_, say some of them, _have cast
    themselves bravely into the hazards of the deep, shall our hearts
    fail at the sight of the same dangers, since we do not claim to
    cross over into this land of Barbarism, except to honor and bless
    the God of the sea_? Those women who expect to cross first, after
    having distrusted their own weakness, say quite [23] boldly that,
    trusting themselves to God, they no longer fear anything, unless
    it be the too great delay. Now I answer both that they cannot have
    too much devotion in praying Heaven to favor this enterprise; but
    that they can have too much haste, if they should come over here
    before being notified that the Country is in a condition to receive
    them. Everything in its time; God takes his as it pleases him,
    and it is upon him we must wait in patience and in meekness. Let us
    finish. I have said enough on this subject to show that New France
    is near to the heart of God, since it holds so good a place in
    those of so many persons who are so dear to him.




CHAPITRE II.

DES SAUUAGES BAPTISEZ CETTE ANNÉE, & DE QUELQUES ENTERREMENS.


IL semble que nostre Seigneur veüille authoriser la pureté de immaculée
Conception de sa saincte Mere, par les [24] grands secours qu'il donne
à ceux qui honnorent cette premiere grandeur de la Vierge. I'enuoyay
l'an passé à V.R. la formule d'vn vœu, que nous fismes suiuans son
conseil dans toutes nos Residences le huietiesme de Decembre, iour
dedié a cette Conception sacrée; nous cachions cette deuotion, & V.
R. l'a publiée la faisant imprimer en mesmes termes que nous l'auons
voüée, & que nous la voüerons encore Dieu aydant tous les ans à mesme
iour. La benediction que le ciel a versé sur nos petits trauaux depuis
ce temps-là, est si sensible; que ie conuierois volontiers tous nos
Peres de l'Ancienne France, voire de tout le monde, & toutes les bonnes
ames qui cherissent la conuersiõ de ces Peuples, de s'allier de nous
par ces saincts vœux, vnissant tous les ieusnes, toutes les prieres,
toutes les souffrãces, toutes les saintes actions les plus secrettes
de ceux qui entreront dans ces alliances, pour estre presentées à la
Diuinité en l'honeur & en action de grace de l'immaculée Conception
de la saincte Vierge: afin d'obtenir par son entremise l'application
du sang de son Fils [25] à nos pauures Sauuages, l'entier dénuëment &
l'amour de +IESVS+ en la Croix, auec vne mort vrayment Chrestienne,
à ceux qui procurent leur salut, & à tous les associez en la pratique
de cette deuotion, dont la formule est à la fin de la Relation de l'an
passé. I'écriuois dans cette Relation, que nous auions baptizé vingt
deux personnes, nous en auons baptizé cette année plus d'vne centaine
depuis ces vœux presentez à Dieu, & fort peu auparauant. En tout on
a fait enfans de l'Eglise depuis le depart des Vaisseaux iusques à
present cent quinze Sauuages. De plus, Dieu nous a donné de grandes
ouuertures pour le salut de ces Peuples, les faisant resoudre à deux
points, qui font voir que la foy entre dans leur ame. Le premier est,
qu'ils ne sont pas marris qu'on baptize leurs enfans malades, voire ils
nous appellent pour ce faire. Le deuxiesme, que les plus âgez mesmes
commencent à desirer de mourir Chrestiens, demandans le baptesme en
leurs maladies, pour ne point descendre dans les feux, dont on les
menace. Bref nous auons obtenu ce que nous n'osions quasi demander,
tant [26] nous les voyons alienez de ces pensées; c'est de donner
quelques petites filles: mais ie parleray de cecy en son lieu. Toutes
ces faueurs sont venuës du ciel par les merites de la sainte Vierge,
& de son glorieux Espoux, depuis les vœux dont i'ay fait mention.
Descendons en particulier, & suiuons l'ordre du temps de ces Baptesmes.

    CHAPTER II.

    OF THE SAVAGES BAPTIZED THIS YEAR, AND SOME BURIALS.

    IT seems that our Lord wishes to authorize the purity of the
    immaculate Conception of his holy Mother, by the [24] great
    assistance he gives to those who honor this chief dignity of the
    Virgin. I sent last year to Your Reverence the formula of a vow
    which we made according to your advice in all our Residences, on
    the eighth of December, a day dedicated to this sacred Conception.
    We concealed this act of devotion, and Your Reverence has published
    it, using the same words in which we made the vow, and in which we
    will pledge ourselves again, God helping, every year on the same
    day. The blessings that heaven has bestowed upon our insignificant
    labors, since that time, are so evident that I would like to urge
    upon all our Fathers of Old France, yea even of all the world, and
    all the good souls who cherish the conversion of these Tribes, to
    ally themselves with us through these holy vows, uniting all the
    fasts, all the prayers, all the sufferings, all the most secret
    acts of virtue, of those who will enter into this alliance, to be
    presented to the Divinity in honor of and as an act of thanks for
    the immaculate Conception of the holy Virgin, in order to obtain
    through her mediation the application of the blood of her Son [25]
    to our poor Savages, the entire abnegation and love for +JESUS+
    on the Cross, with a truly Christian death, to those who procure
    their salvation and to all those associated in the practice of this
    act of devotion, the formula of which is given at the end of last
    year's Relation. I wrote in that Relation that we had baptized
    twenty-two persons; this year, since these vows were presented to
    God, we have baptized more than a hundred, and, before that, very
    few. In all, since the departure of the Ships up to the present, we
    have made one hundred and fifteen Savages children of the Church.
    Furthermore, God has given us great openings for the salvation of
    these Tribes, making them resolve upon two points which show that
    the faith has entered into their souls. The first is, that they
    are not vexed at us for baptizing their sick children; indeed,
    they even summon us to do this. The second is, that the more aged
    ones are likewise beginning to wish to die Christians, asking for
    baptism when they are sick, in order not to go down into the fires
    with which they are threatened. In short, we have obtained what we
    hardly dared to ask for, so greatly [26] do we see them alienated
    from their former inclinations; that is, the promise to give us
    some little girls, but I will speak of this in its place. All these
    favors have come from heaven, through the merits of the holy Virgin
    and of her glorious Spouse, since the vows which I have mentioned.
    Let us come down to particulars, and follow the order of time of
    these Baptisms.

Le neufiesme de Decembre, iustement le lendemain de la feste de la
Conceptiõ: Le sieur Iean Nicolet, Truchement pour les Algonquins aux
trois Riuieres, vint donner aduis aux Peres, qui demeuroient en la
Residence de la Conception, scize au mesme lieu, qu'vn ieune Algonquin
se trouuoit mal, & qu'il seroit à propos de le visiter. Les Peres se
transportent incontinent en sa Cabane, demandant permission à son pere
de l'instruire, Dieu sembloit auoir disposé les cœurs de ces Barbares,
que nous luy auions presentez, faisant nos vœux le iour precedent.
Ce pauure Barbare se monstre fort content du bien qu'on procuroit à
son fils: le Pere Buteux l'instruit, & pource que le malade estant
Algonquin n'entendoit qu'à demy la langue Montagnese, dont se [27]
seruoit le Pere, vne femme Sauuage bien versee en ces deux langues,
seruoit d'interprete, faisant couler par sa bouche la foy & les veritez
Chrestiennes dans l'ame de ce pauure ieune garçon, sans les retenir
pour soy: iustement à la façon de ces canaux, ou de ces aqueducs, qui
versent les sources d'eau toutes entieres, sans rien reseruer pour
eux. Enfin le douziesme du mois, voyant que leur malade abaissoit, ils
le baptiserent apres l'auoir instruit, & luy donnerent nom Claude; il
mourut bien tost apres, prononcant les saincts noms de +IESVS+ & de
+MARIE+, ses parens demanderent aux Peres, s'ils ne seroient pas bien
contents qu'on mist ce corps aupres des François; C'est bien nostre
desir, repartent-ils. Nous luy ferõs vn honneur, leur dismes nous, que
nous denierions au plus grãd Capitaine du mõde, s'il n'estoit Chrestiẽ.
Hastez vous donc de preparer ce qui est necessaire pour l'enterrer
à vostre mode, dirent-ils, puis qu'il est à vous. Il se fit vn beau
conuoy de tous nos François, apres lesquels venoient les Sauuages deux
à deux, auec vne modestie qui ne sentoit rien du Barbare. A l'issuë
de l'enterrement le pere du defunct [28] fit vn festin aux Sauuages,
pendant lequel, comme il ne mangeoit point selon leur coustume; tantost
il chantoit, maintenant il discouroit; I'ay perdu l'esprit, disoit-il,
la mort de mon fils me tire hors de moy-mesme; ie me suis veu autrefois
entre les mains de nos ennemis, tout prest d'estre mis en pieces, &
d'estre déchiré à belles dents, iamais ie ne perdy courage, il ne faut
pas que ie le perde maintenant; i'ay dequoy me consoler, puis que mon
fils, s'il eust vescu, n'auroit pas manqué de tirer vengeance des
Hiroquois. Et se tournant vers les Peres, Vous auez de beaucoup allegé
ma douleur, rendans les derniers honneurs à mon fils. Voila la harangue
de ce pauure Barbare, sur les funerailles de son fils, qui a bien
d'autres pensées maintenant dans le ciel.

    On the ninth of December, the very next day after the feast of the
    Conception, sieur Jean Nicolet,[29] Interpreter for the Algonquins
    at the three Rivers, came to inform the Fathers who lived in the
    Residence of the Conception, situated at the same place, that a
    young Algonquin was sick, and it would be well to visit him. The
    Fathers immediately hastened to his Cabin, and asked his father's
    permission to instruct him; God seemed to have prepared the hearts
    of these Barbarians, whom we had presented to him in our vows the
    day before. This poor Barbarian appeared very glad at the good
    that was being done to his son; Father Buteux instructed him; and,
    as the sick man was an Algonquin, and only half understood the
    Montagnese tongue, which [27] the Father used, a Savage woman, well
    versed in both these languages, served as interpreter, allowing the
    faith and Christian truths to flow from her lips into the soul of
    this poor young man without retaining them for herself,--precisely
    like those canals or aqueducts which discharge whole fountains
    of water, without reserving any for themselves. Finally, on the
    twelfth of the month, seeing their patient was sinking, they
    baptized him, after having given him instruction, and named him
    Claude; he died shortly afterwards, pronouncing the holy names of
    +JESUS+ and +MARY+. His parents asked the Fathers if they would not
    like to have his body placed near the French. "That is indeed our
    desire," they answered. "We will show him an honor," we told them,
    "that we would refuse to the greatest Captain in the world, if he
    were not a Christian." "Hasten then and prepare what is necessary
    to bury him in your way," they said, "since he is yours." A fine
    escort was formed, consisting of all our Frenchmen; and after them
    came the Savages, two by two, with a modesty which savored in no
    wise of Barbarians. After the burial, the father of the dead man
    [28] gave a feast to the Savages, during which,--as he did not
    eat, according to their custom, now singing, now talking,--he said,
    "I have lost my courage, the death of my son has undone me; at
    other times I have seen myself in the hands of our enemies, about
    to be cut to pieces and torn by their teeth, and I have never
    lost courage; I ought not to lose it now, for I have something to
    console me, since my son, if he had lived, would not have failed
    to wreak vengeance upon the Hiroquois." And turning towards the
    Fathers, "You have greatly soothed my grief, by rendering the last
    honors to my son." Such was the discourse of this poor Barbarian at
    the obsequies of his son, whose thoughts are now quite different in
    heaven.

Le vingt-deuxiesme du mesme mois, les mesmes Peres ressentirent
l'effect des bontez de la saincte Vierge, au baptesme d'vn ieune garçon
âgé d'enuiron dix ans: cét enfant ne vouloit point du tout ouïr parler
de nostre creance, s'imaginant qu'estre baptizé, & mourir incontinent
apres, estoit la mesme chose. Et en effect [29] comme nous ne confions
pas aisément ces eaux sacrées, sinon à ceux qu'on voit n'en deuoir
point abuser pour estre voisins de la mort, ces Barbares ont eu pour
vn temps cette pensée, que le Baptesme leur estoit fatal. Nous auions
beau leur representer que nous estions tous baptisez, & que nous
viuions plus long temps qu'eux: Ces eaux, disoient-ils, sont bonnes
pour vous, mais non pas pour nous. Les Peres voyans ces resistances,
s'addressent à nostre commune Mere, & luy demandent cette ame pour son
Fils. Chose estrange! l'enfant non seulement ne les fuit plus, mais il
demande d'estre porté en leur maison. Le Pere Quentin à ces paroles,
le prend, l'embrasse, l'apporte tout languissant en sa chambre, où il
fut baptizé, & nommé André par Monsieur de Malapart, son parrain.
Ce pauure petit estoit d'vne humeur si douce & si facile, qu'il se
rendoit aymable à tout le monde: voila pourquoy le Pere Buteux l'ayant
autrefois demandé à sa mere; Ie n'ay garde, fit-elle, de te le donner,
ie l'ayme comme mon cœur. C'est vne prouidence bien particuliere du
bon Dieu, que cette mere fust absente pendant [30] son instruction
& son baptesme. Car il est croyable qu'elle y auoit apporté de
l'empeschement, suiuant l'erreur qui les a tenu long-temps, que ce qui
nous donne la vie leur cause la mort; on eut bien de la peine d'auoir
le corps de ce petit innocent apres sa mort, comme ie vay dire tout
maintenant.

    On the twenty-second of the same month, the same Fathers
    experienced the effects of the goodness of the holy Virgin, in the
    baptism of a young boy about ten years of age. This child did not
    wish to hear us speak of our belief at all, imagining that to be
    baptized and to die immediately after was the same thing. And, in
    fact, [29] as we do not readily bestow these sacred waters except
    upon those who we see are not going to abuse them, on account of
    their proximity to death, these Barbarians for a while had this
    idea that Baptism was fatal to them. We explained clearly to them
    that we were all baptized, and that we lived longer than they did.
    "These waters," they said, "are good for you, but not for us."
    Our Fathers, seeing this resistance, addressed themselves to our
    common Mother, and asked from her this soul for her Son. Wonderful
    thing! the child not only no longer avoids them, but he asks to be
    brought to their house. At these words, Father Quentin takes him in
    his arms, and carries him, weak and languid, into his own room,
    where he is baptized and named André, by Monsieur de Malapart,[65]
    his godfather. This poor child was of a disposition so sweet and
    gentle, that he made himself loved by every one; hence when Father
    Buteux once asked his mother for him, "I have no intention," said
    she, "of giving him to thee, I love him as my own heart." It is a
    very special providence of the good God that this mother was absent
    during [30] his instruction and baptism. For it is probable that
    she would have thrown some impediments in the way, in accordance
    with the error so long prevalent among them, that what gives life
    to us gives death to them. There was considerable trouble in
    getting the body of this little innocent after his death, as I am
    now going to relate.

Le vingt-septiesme, Monsieur de Maupertuis donna le nom de Marie à
vne petite fille âgée de deux ans, que les Peres baptizerent; elle
estoit fille de defunct Capitanal, Capitaine des Sauuages, homme
vaillant, & fort sage pour vn Barbare. Il auoit laissé trois enfans
à sa femme, vn garçon âgé d'enuiron dix-sept ans, & deux petites
filles: la plus petite de ces filles est au ciel, le garçon est mort
tres-miserablement, comme ie diray cy apres. A mesme temps qu'il
mourut, le petit André trespassa: or comme ils estoient parens, on
les enterra dans vn mesme sepulchre, au desceu de nos Peres, qui en
ayant eu le vent se vindrent plaindre à la grande mere d'André, de ce
qu'on auoit enterré ce petit baptizé sans les aduertir. Le Pere Buteux
prie qu'on leur rende le corps pour le placer auec nous: vn Sauuage
[31] luy repart, Va-t'en, on ne t'entend pas; c'est vne réponse que
nous font par fois les Sauuages, quand on les presse de faire vne
chose qui ne leur agrée pas. Il est vray que nous ne parlõs encore
qu'en begayant, mais neantmoins quand nous leur disons quelque chose
conforme à leurs desirs, iamais ils ne nous font ces reproches. Le Pere
voyant cela va querir l'Interprete, on luy répond que l'affaire est
faite, que l'enfant est enterré auec le fils du Capitanal, & que la
femme du Capitanal s'offenseroit, si on foüilloit en la fosse de son
fils. Le Pere la va trouuer, la prie de laisser tirer du sepulchre le
corps de ce petit enfant, elle ne répond aucun mot: vn Capitaine se
trouuant là dessus, prend la parole. Hé bien, dit-il, les deux corps
sont à toy, porte les auec les François: mais ne les separe point,
car il s'entr'ayment. Si sont-ils bien loing l'vn de l'autre, fit le
Pere, l'vn a esté baptisé, & l'autre non, & par consequent l'vn est
bien heureux, & l'autre gemit dans les flammes. Ne tient-il qu'à cela
pour estre ensemble, & pour estre bien heureux, fit ce Sauuage, tu
n'as point d'esprit, déuelope celuy qui n'est pas baptisé, & luy iette
[32] tant d'eau sur la teste que tu voudras, & puis les enterre en
mesme sepulchre. Le Pere se sousrit, & luy fit entendre que cela ne
seruiroit de rien. Ce Barbare en fin acquiesça, & nos Peres tirerẽt le
petit André du sepulchre profane, & le mirent en terre saincte. _Vnus
assumetur, & alter relinquetur._ Apres l'enterrement la mere de celuy
qui estoit mort sans Baptesme, voyant qu'on auoit rebuté son fils, cõme
le corps d'vne ame damnée, pleuroit à chaudes larmes. Ah mon fils,
disoit-elle, que ie suis marrie de ta mort: le Pere alors qui auoit veu
les Iongleurs soufflans ce ieune garçon en sa maladie; luy dit, voila
la guerison que ces badins promettoient à ton fils: ta petite fille
est malade, donne toy bien de garde de les appeller, ny de la faire
chanter. Iamais, dit-elle, ils n'en approcheront, si elle empire ie
vous appelleray: quelque temps apres les Peres la iugeant bien malade,
la baptiserent au grand contentement de la mere.

    On the twenty-seventh, Monsieur de Maupertuis[66] gave the name
    Marie to a little girl two years old, whom the Fathers baptized;
    she was the daughter of the late Capitanal, Captain of the
    Savages,--a brave man and very wise for a Barbarian.[67] He had
    left his wife with three children, a boy of about seventeen years,
    and two little girls; the smaller of these girls is in heaven,
    the boy died very pitiably, as I shall tell hereafter. At the
    same time that he died, little André passed away; now, as they
    were relations, they were buried in the same grave, without our
    Fathers knowing it; they, when they had heard about it, went to
    André's grandmother to complain that this little baptized boy had
    been buried without their knowledge. Father Buteux begged them to
    give him the body to place in our cemetery; a Savage [31] answered
    him, "Go away, we do not understand thee." This is an answer that
    the Savages occasionally make to us, when we urge them to do
    something that does not suit them. It is true that, as yet, we
    speak only stammeringly; but, still, when we say something which
    conforms to their wishes they never use these reproaches. The
    Father, seeing this, went in search of the Interpreter; he is told
    that the affair is ended, that the child is buried with Capitanal's
    son, and that Capitanal's wife would be offended if we were to
    ransack the grave of her son. The Father goes to see her, and begs
    her to allow them to take the body of this little child out of the
    grave; she answers not a word; a Captain who is present begins to
    talk. "Oh well," says he, "the two bodies belong to thee, take
    them to the French; but do not separate them, for they are fond of
    each other." "Yet they are quite distant from each other," said
    the Father; "the one has been baptized and the other has not, and
    consequently the one is happy and the other groans in the flames."
    "If that is all it depends upon to be together and to be happy,"
    said this Savage, "thou hast no sense; take up the one who has
    not been baptized, and throw [32] as much water on his head as
    thou wishest, and then bury them in the same grave." The Father
    smiled, and gave him to understand that that would avail nothing.
    This Barbarian finally acquiesced; and our Fathers took little
    André from the profane grave, and placed him in holy ground. _Unus
    assumetur, et alter relinquetur._ After the burial, the mother of
    the one who died without Baptism, seeing her son had been discarded
    like the body of a lost soul, shed bitter tears. "Ah, my son," she
    said, "how sorry I am for thy death." Then the Father, who had seen
    the Jugglers blowing upon this youth in his sickness, said to
    her, "Behold the cure that these triflers promised to thy son; thy
    little girl is sick, be careful not to summon them nor have them
    sing to her." "Never," said she, "shall they come near her; if she
    grows worse, I will call you." Some time afterward the Fathers,
    deeming her very sick, baptized her, to the great satisfaction of
    the mother.

Le trente-vniesme vne fille âgée d'enuiron seize ans fut baptisée, &
nommée Anne par vn de nos François. Le Pere Buteux l'instruisant luy
dit, que si estant Chrestienne elle venoit à mourir, son [33] ame iroit
au Ciel dãs les ioyes eternelles. A ce mot de mourir elle eut vne si
grande frayeur, qu'elle ne voulut plus iamais prester l'oreille au
Pere: on luy enuoya le Sieur Nicolet truchement, qui exerce volontiers
semblables actions de charité, elle l'escoute paisiblement; mais comme
ses occupations le diuertissent ailleurs, il ne la pouuoit visiter
si souuent: c'est pourquoy le Pere Quentin s'efforça d'apprendre les
premiers rudimens du Christianisme en Sauuage, afin de la pouuoir
instruire: cela luy reüssit si bien, que cette pauure fille ayant pris
goust à cette doctrine salutaire, desira le Baptesme, que le Pere luy
accorda. La grace a plusieurs effects; on remarqua que cette fille fort
desdaigneuse & altiere de son naturel, deuint fort douce & traittable
estant Chrestienne.

    On the thirty-first a girl about sixteen years old was baptized and
    named Anne by one of our Frenchmen. Father Buteux while instructing
    her, told her that, if she were a Christian, when she came to die
    her [33] soul would go to Heaven to joys eternal. At this word,
    "to die," she was so frightened that she would no longer listen to
    the Father. Sieur Nicolet, the interpreter, who willingly performs
    such acts of charity, was sent to her, and she listened to him
    quietly; but, as his duties called him elsewhere, he could not
    visit her very often. Hence Father Quentin tried to learn the first
    rudiments of Christianity in the Savage tongue, in order to be able
    to instruct her; he succeeded in this so well that the poor girl,
    having tasted this wholesome doctrine, desired Baptism, which the
    Father granted her. Grace produces many results; it was remarked
    that this girl, naturally very disdainful and proud, grew very
    gentle and tractable on becoming a Christian.

Le septiesme de Ianuier de cette année mil six cens trente six, le
fils d'vn grand Sorcier ou Iongleur fut faict Chrestien, son pere s'y
accordant apres de grandes resistances qu'il en fit: car comme nos
Peres éuentoient ses mines, & le decreditoient, il ne pouuoit les
supporter en sa Cabane. Cependant comme [34] son fils tiroit à la
mort, ils prierent le sieur Nicolet de faire son possible pour sauuer
cette ame: ils s'en vont donc le Pere Quentin & luy en cette maison
d'écorce, pressent fortement ce Sauuage de consentir au baptesme de
son petit fils: comme il faisoit la sourde oreille, vne bonne vieille
luy dit: Quoy pense-tu que l'eau que ietteront les Robes noires sur la
teste de ton enfant, le fasse mourir? Ne vois tu pas qu'il est déja
mort, & qu'à peine peut-il respirer? Si ces gens là te demandoient
ta Pourcelaine, ou tes Castors, pour les offices de charité qu'ils
veulent exercer enuers ton fils, tu aurois quelque excuse; mais ils
donnent & ne demandent rien, tu sçay le soin qu'ils ont des malades,
laisse les faire; si ce pauure petit meurt ils l'interreront mieux
que tu ne sçaurois faire. Le malade fut donc baptizé, & nommé Adrien
par le sieur du Chesne, Chirurgien de l'habitation; il mourut quelque
temps apres. Le Pere Buteux le demanda pour l'enseuelir à nostre façon.
Non, non, dirent les parens: tu ne l'auras pas tout nud, attends que
nous l'ayons paré, & puis nous te le donnerons. Ils luy peignent la
face de [35] bleu, de noir & de rouge; ils le vestent d'vn petit Capot
rouge, puis l'enfourrent de deux peaux d'Ours, & d'vne robe de peau
de Chat sauuage, & par dessus tout cela d'vn grand drap blanc, qu'ils
auoient acheté au Magazin, ils accommodent ce petit corps dans tout
ce bagage, en forme d'vn paquet bien lié de tous costez, & le mettent
entre les mains du Pere, qui baise doucement ces sacrées dépoüilles
pour témoigner aux Sauuages l'estime que nous faisons d'vn petit Ange
baptizé. On l'enterra au Cimetiere de nos François, auec solemnité:
ce qui plaist fort à ces Barbares, & qui les induit bien souuent à
permettre qu'on face Chrestiens leurs enfans.

    On the seventh of January of this year one thousand six hundred
    and thirty-six, the son of a great Sorcerer or Juggler was made
    a Christian, his father consenting to it after having offered
    a great deal of opposition; for, as our Fathers were revealing
    his schemes and throwing discredit upon him, he could not endure
    them in his Cabin. However, as [34] his son was on the verge of
    death, they begged sieur Nicolet to do all he could to save this
    soul. So they went, Father Quentin and he, to his bark house, and
    strongly urged this Savage to consent to the baptism of his little
    son; as he turned a deaf ear, a good old woman said: "What! dost
    thou think the water the black Robes will throw upon the head of
    thy child will make him die? Dost thou not see that he is already
    dead, and that he can hardly breathe? If these people were asking
    thy Porcelain or thy Beavers, for the charitable acts which they
    exercise towards thy son, thou wouldst have some excuse; but they
    give and ask nothing; thou knowest how they care for the sick, let
    them go on; if this poor little one dies, they will bury him better
    than thou couldst." So the sick child was baptized and named Adrien
    by sieur du Chesne,[68] Surgeon of the settlement; he died some
    time afterwards. Father Buteux asked for him, to bury him in our
    way. "No, no," said the parents, "thou canst not have him naked;
    wait until we have adorned him, and then we will give him to thee."
    They painted his face [35] blue, black, and red; they dressed him
    in a little red Cloak, and lined it with two Bear skins and a robe
    of wild Cat skin, and over all placed a large white sheet which
    they had bought at the Store. They arranged the little body in all
    this paraphernalia, in the form of a package tied closely on all
    sides, and placed it in the hands of the Father, who gently kissed
    these sacred remains, to show the Savages how greatly we esteemed
    a little baptized Angel. It was buried in our French Cemetery,
    with solemnity. This greatly pleases these Barbarians, and often
    influences them to allow their children to be made Christians.

Le huictiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier, vne ieune fille vniquement
aymée de ses parens, mais encor plus de Dieu, s'en alla au Ciel, apres
auoir esté lauée dans le sang de l'Agneau. Ie remarqueray en cét
endroit les folies que fit son pauure pere pour la pouuoir guerir. Son
beau frere luy vint dire qu'il auoit songé que sa niepce gueriroit,
si on la faisoit coucher sur vne peau de mouton, variée de diuerses
figures; on en cherche aussi [36] tost, on en trouua, on peint dessus
mille grotesques, des canots, des auirons, des animaux, & chose
semblable: les Peres qui n'auoient pas encore instruit cette fille,
sont instance que ce remede est inu[ti]le: mais il le faut éprouuer. La
malade repose sur ces peintures, & n'en reçoit aucune reelle guerison.
Vn autre Charlatan fut d'auis, que si on donnoit à la malade vn drap
blanc pour cheuet, sur lequel on auroit figuré des hommes chantans &
dançans, que la maladie s'en iroit. On se met incontinent en deuoir de
peindre des hommes sur vn drap; mais ils ne firent que des marmousets,
tant ils sont bons Peintres: ce remede ne succeda non plus que le
premier. La pauure fille se couche sur ce drap, sans reposer, ny
sans guerir. Que ne peut l'affection naturelle des peres & des meres
enuers leurs enfans? Ces bonnes gens cherchoient par tout la santé de
leur fille, horsmis en celuy qui la pouuoit donner. Ils consultent
vne fameuse Sorciere, c'est à dire vne fameuse badine. Cette femme
dit qu'elle auoit appris, soit du Manitou, soit d'vn autre, ie m'en
rapporte, qu'il falloit tuer vn chien, & que les hommes le mangeassent
[37] en festin. De plus, qu'il falloit faire vne belle robe de peau
de Cerf, l'enrichir de leurs matachias rouges faits de brins de Porc
épic, la donner à la malade, & qu'elle en gueriroit. Comme on preparoit
ce festin, vn Sauuage songea, que pour la guerison de cette fille, il
falloit faire vn banquet de vingt testes d'Elans: voila les parens
de la fille bien en peine: car comme il n'y auoit gueres de neige,
on ne pouuoit courre, encore moins prendre l'Eslan. Sur cette grande
difficulté on consulte les Interpretes des songes, il fut conclud qu'il
falloit changer ces vingt testes d'Orignac en vingt grãds pains tels
qu'ils en achetent de nos François, & que cela auroit le mesme effect.
Ils ne se tromperent pas, d'autant que ces pains & ce festin de chien,
ne firent autre chose que remplir le ventre des Sauuages; c'est tout ce
qu'auroient peu faire ces vingt testes d'Orignac: car pour guerir vn
malade, ny les banquets, ny les belles robes ne seruent de rien.

    On the eighth of the same month of January, a young girl
    peculiarly loved by her parents, but still more so by God, went to
    Heaven after having been washed in the blood of the Lamb. I will
    notice in this place the follies her poor father committed, in
    order to be able to cure her. His brother-in-law came to tell him
    that he had dreamed his niece would recover, if they had her lie
    upon a sheepskin painted with various figures; a search was made
    for one [36] immediately, one was found, and they painted thereon
    a thousand grotesque figures, canoes, paddles, animals, and such
    things. The Fathers, who had not yet instructed this girl, urged
    earnestly that this remedy was useless; but they must try it. The
    patient rested upon these paintings, but received no real benefit.
    Another Charlatan was of the opinion that, if they gave the sick
    girl a white sheet as pillow, upon which had been drawn pictures
    of men singing and dancing, the sickness would disappear. They
    began immediately to paint men upon a sheet, but they made nothing
    but monkeys, such good Painters are they; this remedy succeeded
    no better than the first. The poor girl lay down upon this sheet
    without resting, and without recovering. What cannot the natural
    affection of fathers and mothers do for their children? These good
    people sought everywhere the health of their daughter, except in
    him who could have granted it. They consulted a famous Sorceress,
    that is, a famous jester. This woman said she had learned,--whether
    from Manitou or some one else, I cannot say,--that they would have
    to kill a dog and that the men should make [37] a feast of it.
    Furthermore, that they would have to make a beautiful robe of Deer
    skin, trim it with their red matachias made of Porcupine quills,
    and give it to the patient; and that she would thus recover.
    While they were preparing this feast, a Savage dreamed that, for
    the recovery of this girl, they would have to prepare a banquet of
    twenty head of Elk. Now the girl's parents were placed in great
    anxiety, for, as there was but little snow, they could not pursue
    and much less capture the Elk. In this great difficulty, they
    consulted the Interpreters of dreams; it was decided that they must
    change the twenty head of Moose to twenty big loaves of bread, such
    as they buy from our French, and that this would have the same
    effect. They were not mistaken, inasmuch as this bread and this dog
    feast did nothing but fill the stomachs of the Savages; and this is
    all the twenty Moose heads could have done, for, to cure the sick,
    neither banquets nor beautiful robes avail.

Pendant qu'on appliquoit ces beaux remedes, les Peres s'addressoient
à Dieu pour le salut de cette pauure ame: ils venoient voir cette
pauure fille; mais les [38] parens ne vouloient pas permettre qu'on
luy parlast de nostre creance, s'imaginant que le Baptesme nuisoit
au corps, quoy qu'il en fust de l'ame. Attendez, disoient-ils, quand
nostre fille n'en pourra plus, quand nous aurons cherché tous les
remedes, dont nous nous seruons, s'ils ne reüssissent, nous vous
permettrons de l'instruire. Les Peres voyans cela desisterent pour vn
temps de visiter la malade, traictant de la guerison de son ame auec
Dieu. La mere de la fille se sentit portée à desirer qu'on la vinst
instruire, son mary y contrarioit. Enfin, Dieu qui tient les cœurs de
tous les hommes entre ses mains, amolit ceux de ces Barbares, pour
le bien de leur enfant; non seulement ils n'ont plus d'auersion des
Peres, mais au contraire ils les font inuiter, leur donnant asseurance
que leur fille les écouteroit volontiers. Les Peres y volent aussi
tost, le Pere Buteux prend la parole, déduit le mieux qu'il peut les
principaux articles de nostre foy. Les parens, pour ayder le Pere qui
n'a pas encore la perfection de la langue, & pour soulager leur enfant,
reïteroient doucement, & expliquoient en termes plus significatifs
[39] ce qu'on disoit à cette pauure ame, qui se montroit alterée de
cette doctrine, comme vne terre seiche de la rosée du Ciel: on employe
quelque temps à l'enseigner, tousiours auec le contentement des parens,
& beaucoup plus de la malade. Pendant la nuict elle disoit par fois à
sa mere, Ne sera-il pas bien tost iour, le Pere ne viendra-il pas de
bon matin, puis s'addressant à Dieu, luy disoit. _Mißi ka, khichitaien
chaouerimitou_, toy qui as tout fait, fais moy misericorde. _Khiranau,
oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin_. Toy qui est mort pour
nous, ie crois en toy, ie t'ayme, secours moy. Le Pere la visitant,
elle luy disoit, Tu me réioüis quand tu me viens voir, i'ay retenu ce
que tu m'as enseigné, & là dessus luy expliquoit fidelement. Le soir
auant sa mort, vn sien oncle estant venu voir les Peres, & soupant auec
eux, leur dit, Ma niepce est bien malade, vous la deuriez baptiser: on
luy replique, qu'on la veut plainement instruire; Si toutesfois, luy
dit-on, tu la voyois notablement baisser, appelle nous, & nous l'irons
voir. Sur les dix ou onze heures de nuict, ce pauure Sauuage s'en
vint au trauers de la neige, & d'vn [40] froid tres piquant, crier à
pleine teste proche de l'habitation de nos François, qu'ils vinssent
viste baptiser la malade, & qu'elle s'en alloit mourant. Les peres
s'éueillent à ces cris bien étonnez, que ny les grands chiens qu'on
détache la nuict, ny la rigueur du froid n'auoient point empesché ce
bon homme de les venir appeller. Le sieur Nicolet, & le sieur de Launay
les accompagnerent, celuy cy fut le Parrain, & la nomma Marie, son pere
& sa mere, quoy que Barbares, témoignerent receuoir du contentement
de cette action, & remercierent les Peres & nos François, d'auoir
pris la peine de sortir pendant vne nuict si fascheuse, que le sieur
Nicolet s'en trouua mal. La pauure fille n'eut qu'autant de paroles,
qu'il en falloit pour accepter le baptesme, qu'elle auoit tant desiré:
car si tost qu'elle l'eut receu elle entre en l'agonie, & bien tost
apres s'en alla en Paradis, auec l'étolle d'innocence, dont le Ciel
la venoit de couurir. Son oncle la voyant morte, fit appeller le Pere
Buteux, & luy dit, Vous n'aymez pas seulement pendant la vie, mais
encore apres la mort, ma niepce est à vous, enterrez la à vostre [41]
mode. Faites vne grande fosse; car mon frere à qui la tristesse a
dérobé la parole, veut loger auec elle son petit bagage: ils vouloient
enterrer auec cette fille deux chiens, & plusieurs autres choses:
pour les chiens, on leur dit que les François ne seroient pas bien
aises qu'on logeast auec eux de si laides bestes; Permets nous donc,
dirent-ils, de les enterrer prés de vostre Cimetiere; car la defuncte
les aymoit, & c'est nostre coustume de donner aux morts, ce qu'ils
ont aymé ou possedé pendant leur vie. On combat tant qu'on peut cette
superstition, qui se va abolissant tous les iours; neantmoins on tolere
en ces premiers commencemens beaucoup de choses, qui se détruiront
d'elles mesmes auec le temps. Si on refusoit à ces pauures ignorans,
de mettre dans la fosse de leurs trespassez leur petit equipage, pour
aller en l'autre vie, disent-ils, ils nous refuseroient aussi l'abord
de leurs malades, & ainsi plusieurs ames se perdroient, qu'on va petit
à petit recueillant, iusques à ce que les iours de la grande moisson
viennent. Ils enueloperent donc le corps mort de plusieurs robes, ils
luy donnerent ses affiquets, ses [42] braueries, quãtité de porcelaine,
qui sont les diamans & les perles du païs, & de plus on mit dans la
fosse deux auirons, & deux grands sacs remplis de leurs richesses, & de
diuers outils ou instrumens, dont se seruent les filles & les femmes.
Pour conclusion le pere de cette fille tant aymée, voyant l'honneur
qu'on rendoit à son enfant, & comme on luy auoit fait faire vn beau
cercueil, ce qui plaist infiniment à ces Barbares, il se ietta sur le
col du Pere Buteux, & luy dit _Nikanis_, mon bien-aymé, en verité ie
cognois que tu m'ayme, & tous vous autres qui portez cét habit, vous
cherissez nostre Nation. Puis apostrophant son enfant; Ma fille que tu
es heureuse d'estre si bien logée: cét homme est l'vn des principaux de
sa nation, sa femme s'est fait Chrestienne, comme nous dirons en son
lieu, nous esperons qu'il mourra Chrestien, aussi bien que ses plus
proches. Ainsi soit-il.

    While they were making use of these fine remedies, the Fathers
    were addressing themselves to God for the salvation of this poor
    soul; they came to see the wretched girl, but her [38] parents
    would not permit them to talk to her about our belief, imagining
    that Baptism injured the body, whatever it might do for the soul.
    "Wait," said they; "when our daughter is completely exhausted, when
    we have tried all the remedies of which we can avail ourselves,--if
    they do not succeed, we will permit you to instruct her." The
    Fathers, upon hearing this, desisted for a while from visiting
    the sick girl, negotiating for the recovery of her soul with God.
    The mother of the girl felt inclined to have her instructed, her
    husband was opposed to this. At last, God, who holds the hearts
    of all men in his hands, softened those of these Barbarians, for
    the good of their child. Not only were they no longer averse
    to the Fathers, but on the contrary they had them invited there,
    assuring them that their daughter would listen to them willingly.
    The Fathers immediately fly thither; Father Buteux begins to talk,
    presenting as well as he can the principal articles of our faith.
    The parents, to assist the Father, who is not yet well versed in
    the language, and to soothe their child, repeat softly and explain
    in clearer terms [39] what was said to this poor soul, which showed
    itself as thirsty for this doctrine as the dry earth for the dew
    from Heaven; some time was employed in instructing her, the parents
    always contented, and the patient still more so. During the night,
    she would sometimes say to her mother, "Will it not soon be day?
    Will the Father not come early in the morning?" Then addressing
    God, she would say to him: _Missi ka khichitaien chaouerimitou_,
    "Thou who hast made all, have pity upon me." _Khiranau, oue ka
    nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin._ "Thou who hast died for us,
    I believe in thee, I love thee, help me." When the Father visited
    her, she said to him, "Thou givest me joy when thou comest to see
    me; I have remembered what thou hast taught me," and thereupon she
    explained it to him accurately. The evening before her death, one
    of her uncles, having come to see the Fathers and remaining to sup
    with them, said, "My niece is very sick, you ought to baptize her."
    They replied that they wished to instruct her sufficiently. "If,
    however," they said to him, "thou see her perceptibly weakening,
    call us, and we will go and see her." At ten or eleven o'clock at
    night, this poor Savage came through the snow and the [40] piercing
    cold, and cried out in a loud voice when he neared the French
    settlement, that they should come quickly and baptize the sick
    girl, for she was going to die. The fathers, awakened by these
    cries, were indeed astonished that neither the great dogs that
    are let loose at night, nor the rigor of the cold, had prevented
    this good man from coming to call them. Sieur Nicolet and sieur
    de Launay[69] accompanied them; the latter was Godfather and gave
    her the name Marie. Her father and mother, although Barbarians,
    showed that they were pleased at this act, and thanked the Fathers
    and our Frenchmen for having taken the trouble to come out on a
    night so bad that sieur Nicolet was made sick by it. The poor
    girl had only words enough to accept the baptism which she had so
    much desired; for, as soon as she had received it, she entered
    into the pangs of death, and soon after went to Paradise, clad in
    the robes of innocence with which Heaven had just covered her.
    When her uncle saw that she was dead, he had Father Buteux called
    and said to him, "You love, not only during life, but even after
    death; my niece belongs to you, bury her in your [41] way. Make a
    big grave, for my brother, whom grief has stricken dumb, wishes to
    place with her her little belongings." They wished to bury with
    this girl two dogs, and several other things. As to the dogs, they
    were told that the French would not be pleased if such ugly beasts
    were placed among them. "Permit us, then," said they, "to bury
    them near your Cemetery; for the dead girl loved them, and it is
    our custom to give to the dead what they loved or possessed when
    they were living." We do all we can to oppose this superstition,
    which is every day becoming less general; nevertheless, one
    tolerates, in these first beginnings, many things which in time
    will disappear of themselves. If these poor ignorant people were
    refused the privilege of placing in the graves of their dead their
    few belongings, to go with them to the other life, they say, they
    would also refuse to allow us to approach their sick; and thus many
    souls would be lost which we are gathering in little by little,
    until the days of the great harvest come. So they enveloped the
    dead body in several robes; they gave her her trinkets, [42] her
    ornaments, a quantity of porcelain, which is the diamonds and
    pearls of this country;[70] and besides this they put in the grave
    two paddles, and two large bags filled with their wealth, and with
    different utensils or instruments which the girls and women use.
    Finally, the father of this girl, so dearly beloved,--seeing the
    honor they were showing his child, and that they had made her a
    beautiful coffin, a thing which gives infinite pleasure to these
    Barbarians,--threw himself upon Father Buteux's neck and said,
    "_Nikanis_, my well-beloved, in truth I recognize that thou lovest
    me, and that all of you, who wear this gown, cherish our Nation."
    Then apostrophizing his child: "My daughter, how happy thou art to
    be so well lodged!" This man is one of the principal men of his
    nation; his wife has become a Christian, as we shall relate in the
    proper place. We hope that he will die a Christian as well as his
    family. So may it be.

Le vingtiesme du mesme mois Dieu fit paroistre sa bonté en la
conuersion & au Baptesme d'vn Sauuage, dont nos Peres sembloient quasi
auoir desesperé: ce ieune homme estant malade, le Pere Buteux [43]
l'alla visiter: comme il y alloit grand nombre de personnes dans sa
cabane, il l'inuita de venir faire vn tour en nostre maison, si sa
maladie luy permettoit: il s'y transporte incontinent, apres quelques
discours le Pere le iette sur les articles de nostre creance, mais
auec peu de succés: car ayant espousé la fille d'vn des plus grands
Charlatans du païs, il n'estoit pas pour se rendre à la premiere
semonce: comme on le pressoit sur les biens de la vie future, s'il
n'en vouloit pas iouïr, il repartit, qu'il ne pouuoit pas croire
cela; car mon ame, disoit-il, apres ma mort n'aura point d'esprit, &
par consequent ne sera pas capable de ces biens. Comment sçais tu,
luy fit le Pere, que les ames apres leur trespas sont stupides, &
sans connoissance; deux de nos hommes, replique-il, sont retournez
autresfois apres leur mort, & l'ont dit à ceux de nostre nation. Ces
ames qui retournerent auoient-elles de l'esprit? Non, fit-il. Tu te
trompes, dit le Pere, car c'est auoir de l'esprit, de cognoistre qu'on
n'a point d'esprit; mais laissons cette subtilité, est-ce pas auoir
de l'esprit que d'estre bon chasseur? iamais les Sauuages ne nieront
[44] cette proposition, car leur plus grande Philosophie & Theologie
n'est pas en leur teste, mais en leurs pieds. Or est-il, poursuiuit le
Pere, qu'il y a des ames des Sauuages qui chassent brauement aux ames
des Castors & des Eslans, donc elles ont de l'esprit. A cét argument
vn peu trop pressant pour vn Sauuage il ne respondit autre chose, sinõ
que puis que ses gens n'alloient point au Ciel, qu'il n'y vouloit point
aller; Vous autres, disoit-il, vous asseurez que vous allez là haut,
allez y donc à la bonne heure, chacun aime sa nation, pour moy i'iray
trouuer la mienne. Le Pere voyant bien qu'il s'opiniastreroit chãge
de discours, l'interroge sur son mal; C'est, respond-il, vn meschant
Algonquain qui m'a procuré cette maladie qui me tient dans le corps,
pource que m'estant fasché contre luy, la peur qu'il eut que ie ne le
tuasse l'a induit à traitter de ma mort auec le Manitou. Et comment
sçais-tu cela? I'ay faict consulter le Manitou, qui m'a dit que ie me
hastasse de faire des presens aux _Manitousiouekhi_, ce sont leurs
Iongleurs, & qu'il preuiẽ droit mon ennemy, luy ostant la vie, & par
ainsi que ie guerirois: mais [45] mõ malheur est que ie n'ay plus
rien, i'ay donné ma Pourcelaine & mes Castors, & à faute de pouuoir
continuer ces presens il faut que ie meure. Voila l'vnique vtilité de
l'art de ces Iongleurs, c'est qu'ils tirent tout ce qu'ils peuuent des
pauures malades, & quand ils n'ont plus rien ils les abandonnent. Les
Iaponois ont des erreurs toutes semblables, ils croyent que les pauures
ne pouuans rien donner aux Bonzes, ne sçauroient aller en Paradis.
Les Chrestiens sont obligez d'adorer & de recognoistre la bonté de
leur Dieu. Que la foy a de clarté pour estre vn flambeau obscur, &
que nostre creance pour estre releuée par dessus les forces de la
nature, s'accorde bien auec la raison! Les Theologiens disent bien à
propos, qu'il faut auoir _piam motionem_, pour donner consentement
aux propositions de nostre foy; il faut que la volonté s'amolisse, &
qu'elle quitte sa dureté naturelle; ce qui se fait par vn doux soufle
ou mouuement du S. Esprit, lequel nous induit à croire. Ie voy tous
les iours des hommes conuaincus sur cette verité, que nostre creance
est bonne, qu'elle est saincte, qu'elle est conforme à la raison, &
apres [46] tout cela, ne voyant aucune conclusion de ces premices, ie
m'escrie, Qu'auons nous faict à Dieu pour nous auoir donné la Foy, qui
a tant de peine d'entrer en l'ame de ces pauures Sauuages! Mais pour
retourner à nostre ieune homme, les Peres auoient comme desesperé de
son salut; neantmoins comme la conuersion d'vne ame depend de celuy qui
est tout-puissant, ils ne laissoient pas de le visiter, pour luy donner
de fois à autre quelque crainte de l'enfer, ou quelque esperance de la
vie eternelle. En fin ce pauure ieune homme fut touché tout à coup, cet
entendement plein de tenebres commence à voir le iour, & sa volonté
deuient soupple & obeyssante aux volontez de Dieu, comme vn enfant
bien né aux desirs de ses parens. Les Peres entrans certain iour en sa
Cabane il leur fait present d'vn morceau d'Eslan qu'on luy auoit donné:
le Pere Buteux luy dit, Nous ne venons pas icy pour receuoir, mais pour
te donner; nous ne cherchons pas tes biens, mais nous te voulons donner
ceux du Ciel; si tu voulois croire en Dieu que tu serois heureux! Oüy,
dit-il i'y veux croire, & ie veux aller auec luy; il disoit [47] cela
les mains iointes, les yeux esleuez au Ciel, d'vn accent si deuot, auec
vne posture si composée, que les Peres resterent tous remplis de ioye &
d'estonnement, voyant que Dieu en fait plus en vn moment que tous les
hommes en cent ans; aussi est-il le Dieu des cœurs. Voila ce cœur de
pierre changé en vn cœur de chair, il escoute auidemẽt ce qu'il croioit
déja, il est tout plein de regrets de ses resistances, il ne peut
assez admirer la bonté de celuy qui l'a si doucement vaincu. Les Peres
l'ayant veu si bien disposé, offrent pour luy le sacré sainct sacrifice
de la Messe, & apres vne bonne instruction luy changerent en fin le nom
sauuage d'_Amiskoueroui_ au nom de Nicolas, qui luy fut donné au sainct
Baptesme. Dieu sçait prẽdre son temps quand il luy plaist. A l'heure
qu'il fut touché, qu'il fut baptisé, & qu'il mourut, certains gauffeurs
& badins qui demeuroient en sa Cabane, & qui auroiẽt faict leur
possible pour le détourner du Christianisme estoient allez a la chasse,
ils retournerent iustement deux heures apres sa mort, bien estonnez de
ce qui c'estoit passé: mais _quis vt Deus_? Qui pourra détourner la
bonté de Dieu, [48] non plus que ses foudres? _Non est qui se abscondat
à calore eius._ Il n'y a cœur de bronze qui ne se liquefie, quand Dieu
le veut brusler.

    On the twentieth of the same month, God showed his goodness in
    the conversion and Baptism of a Savage, of whom our Fathers had
    almost despaired. This young man was sick, and Father Buteux [43]
    went to visit him. As a great many people were going into his
    cabin, he invited him to make a visit to our house, provided his
    illness would permit it; he went there immediately. After some
    conversation, the Father reverted to the articles of our belief,
    but with little success; for, having married the daughter of one
    of the greatest Charlatans of the country, he would not surrender
    at the first summons. When the blessings of the future life were
    urged upon him, and he was asked if he did not wish to enjoy them,
    he answered that he could not believe those things. "For," said
    he, "after my death my soul will have no intelligence, and hence
    will not be capable of enjoying these blessings." "How dost thou
    know," replied the Father, "that souls, after their departure from
    this life, are without sensibility and knowledge?" "Two of our
    men," he answered, "once returned, after their death, and told
    this to the people of our nation." "Did those souls that returned
    have any intelligence?" "No," he replied. "Thou art mistaken,"
    said the Father, "for it is intelligence to know that one has not
    intelligence; but let us leave these subtleties. Does it require
    intelligence to be a good hunter?" The Savages will never deny
    [44] this proposition, for their greatest Philosophy and Theology
    is not in their heads, but in their feet. "Now is it true,"
    continued the Father, "that there are souls of Savages that are
    bravely hunting the souls of Beavers and of Elks? Then they must
    have intelligence." To this argument, a little too forcible for a
    Savage, he answered nothing, except, that as his people were not
    going to Heaven, he did not wish to go there. "You people," said
    he, "are sure of going up yonder. Well and good, go there, then;
    each one loves his own people; for my part, I shall go and find
    mine." The Father, seeing clearly that he would be obstinate,
    changed the subject and asked him about his disease. "It is," he
    replied, "a wicked Algonquain who has given me this disease which
    sticks in my body, because I was angry at him; and his fear that
    I would kill him induced him to bargain for my death with the
    Manitou." "And how dost thou know that?" "I have had the Manitou
    consulted, and he told me I should make haste and give presents
    to the _Manitousiouekhi_,"--these are their Jugglers,--"and that
    he would forestall my enemy, taking his life, and that thus I
    would be cured; but [45] my misfortune is that I have nothing
    more,--I have given my Porcelain and my Beavers; and, because I
    cannot continue these presents, I must die." So the only use to
    which these Jugglers put their art is to draw what they can from
    poor sick people; and, when they have nothing more, they abandon
    them. The Japanese have similar errors. They believe that, as the
    poor can give nothing to the Bonzes, they cannot go to Paradise.
    Christians are obliged to adore and to acknowledge the goodness
    of their God. What light there is in faith, though it be a dark
    lantern; and how well our belief, though it may be elevated above
    the forces of nature, conforms to reason! Theologians say very
    truly that it is necessary to have the _piam motionem_ in order
    to consent to the propositions of our faith; the will must be
    softened and must give up its natural hardness. This is done by the
    gentle breathing or stirring of the Holy Spirit, which leads us
    to believe. I daily see men who are convinced of this truth, that
    our belief is good, that it is holy, that it conforms to reason;
    and, after [46] all that, seeing no conclusions drawn from these
    premises, I exclaim, "What have we done to God that he gives us
    this Faith, which enters with so much difficulty into the souls of
    these poor Savages!" But to return to our young man. The Fathers
    had, as it were, despaired of his salvation; nevertheless, as the
    conversion of a soul depends upon him who is all-powerful, they
    did not cease to visit him, to impart to him, from time to time,
    some fear of hell, or some hope of eternal life. At last, this
    poor young map was touched all at once; this understanding full
    of darkness began to see the day; and his will became supple and
    obedient to the will of God, like a dutiful child to the desires of
    its parents. One day, when the Fathers entered his Cabin, he made
    them a present of a piece of Elk-meat which had been given him;
    Father Buteux said to him, "We do not come here to receive, but to
    give to thee; we are not seeking thy goods, but wish to give thee
    those of Heaven; if thou wouldst believe in God, how happy thou
    wouldst be!" "Yes," said he, "I wish to believe, and I wish to go
    to him." He said [47] this with his hands clasped, his eyes raised
    to Heaven, with an accent so devout and a manner so composed, that
    the Fathers were filled with joy and astonishment, seeing that God
    does more in a moment than all men can do in a hundred years; he is
    indeed the God of hearts. Behold this heart of stone changed into a
    heart of flesh. He listens eagerly to what he already believes; he
    is full of regret at his former opposition; he cannot sufficiently
    admire the goodness of him who has so gently vanquished him. The
    Fathers, seeing him so well disposed, offered for him the holy
    sacrifice of the Mass; and, after thorough instruction, finally
    changed the savage name _Amiskoueroui_ to the name Nicolas, which
    was given to him in holy Baptism. God knows how to take his time
    when he pleases. At the time he was converted, when he was baptized
    and when he died, certain scoffers and triflers who lived in his
    Cabin, and who would have done all they could to divert him from
    Christianity, had gone to the chase; they returned exactly two
    hours after he died, very much astonished at what had taken place;
    but _quis ut Deus_? Who can turn away the goodness of God, [48]
    any more than his thunderbolts? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore
    ejus._ There is no heart of bronze that will not melt when God
    wishes to heat it.

Le vingt-cinquiesme, iour de la Conuersion de sainct Paul, vn ieune
Sauuage fut nommé Paul, son pere luy procura dans sa maladie, ce
qu'il ne prenoit pas pour soy dans la santé: tant s'en faut qu'il se
monstrast fasché qu'on instruisist son fils, âgé de quinze à seize ans,
qu'au contraire il l'exhortoit à prester l'oreille aux Peres, & par
fois les venant visiter luy-mesme, & les ayant ouy parler des choses de
l'autre vie, il racontoit par apres à ses enfans ce qu'il auoit apris,
n'ayant pas assez de courage d'embrasser & professer les veritez qu'il
aprouuoit en son cœur. Les respects humains font bien du mal par tout.

    On the twenty-fifth, the day of saint Paul's Conversion, a young
    Savage was named Paul. His father secured for him in his sickness
    what he did not take for himself in health. So far was he from
    showing anger at the instruction given his son, a boy of fifteen
    or sixteen, that on the contrary, he urged him to listen to the
    Fathers; and having sometimes visited them himself, and having
    heard them speak of the realities of the other life, he related
    afterwards to his children what he had learned, not having enough
    courage to embrace and profess the truths that he approved in his
    heart. Fear of the world does a great deal of harm everywhere.

Le vingt-huictiesme & vingt-neufiesme, deux sœurs ont esté enrollées
au Catalogue des enfans de Dieu. La plus petite, âgée de deux ans,
chante maintenant ses grandeurs parmy les Chœurs des Anges. L'aisnée
l'a suiuie quelque temps apres, elle auoit enuiron seize ans, quand
elle prit vne nouuelle naissance en Iesus-Christ, [49] estant tombée
malade, il ne fut pas difficile de luy persuader qu'elle se fist
Chrestienne. Il semble qu'elle auoit déja la foy deuant que les Peres
luy parlassent; son frere frequentoit en nostre Maison, instruisant nos
Peres en sa langue, & comme on luy parloit souuent de nos Mysteres,
il racontoit à sa sœur ce qu'il auoit appris. Il estoit plus heureux
iettãt cette semence sacrée, que les Peres mesmes: car on n'a point
remarqué qu'elle ait encore germé en son ame, & elle a porté des
fleurs & des fruicts dans le cœur de sa sœur: laquelle interrogée en
sa maladie, si elle ne vouloit pas estre baptisée, répondit, qu'elle
en auoit vn grand desir. Les Peres la voulans instruire, trouuerent
qu'elle en sçauoit assez pour receuoir le sainct Baptesme, ce qui les
étonna & consola: Elle fut donc nommée Ieanne, receuant auec ce nom si
grande abondance de grace, qu'il sembloit que le Fils de Dieu prist
vn plaisir particulier en cette nouuelle Espouse. Le Pere Buteux la
voyant sur son depart pour s'en aller dans les bois auec sa mere, & les
autres Sauuages, luy dit, Adieu ma fille, souuenez vous que vous estes
maintenant [50] amie de Dieu, & que si vous mourez, il vous menera dans
sa maison, remplie de tout bon-heur. Adieu mon Pere, repartit-elle, ie
ne vous verray plus; mais il importe peu que ie meure, puisque ie dois
aller en si bon lieu. Elle dit cela auec vn tel sentiment de pieté,
que les larmes en vindrent aux yeux des deux Peres, rauis de voir vne
petite Barbare, parler en Ange de Paradis. Mais que vous pourrions
nous donner, Ieanne, puis que vous nous quittez pour vn si long-temps?
luy dirent-ils. Si vous auez du raisin donnez m'en vn peu, ce sera la
derniere fois que vous me soulagerez en ma maladie, car ie m'en vais
mourir dans les bois: mais ie croy que i'iray au Ciel; à vostre auis,
mon Pere? Oüy ma fille, vous y irez, si vous perseuerez en la foy.
Asseurez vouz, dit-elle, que ie croy en Dieu, & que i'y croiray toute
ma vie. Ils luy donnerent tout le raisin qu'ils auoient de reste, qui
n'estoit pas grande chose, le peu qu'on leur auoit enuoyé, ayant déja
esté distribué à beaucoup d'autres malades. Quand on vint à lier cette
pauure fille auec sa petite sœur, toutes deux nouuellement baptisées,
sur leurs longues traisnes, pour les mener [51] dans ces grandes
forests, il sembloit aux Peres qu'on leur arrachast le cœur: car ces
pauures gens n'auoient autres viures qu'vn peu de pain qu'ils leur
donnerent; leur disner & leur souper estoit en la prouidence de Dieu,
leurs hostelleries la neige & les arbres, & vn peu d'écorce. Vn grand
Nordoüest, qui est le vent le plus froid de ces Contrées, souffloit sur
ces pauures malades, & cependant ils s'en alloient tous aussi contens,
comme s'ils eussent deu entrer dans vne terre de promission. O que
ie me voulois de mal, m'écrit le Pere qui m'a enuoyé ces memoires,
voyant ce beau spectacle! ces gens me condamnoient de pusillanimité,
ne iettant pas si fortement ma confiance en Dieu, qu'ils la iettent
en leurs arcs & en leurs fleches, & ne faisant par vertu, ce que ces
Barbares font par nature.

    On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, two sisters were enrolled
    in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about
    two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the
    Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was
    about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus
    Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her
    to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed
    the faith, before the Fathers talked with her; her brother was
    in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his
    language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he
    related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than
    the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although
    it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul,
    it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When
    she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be
    baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers,
    intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive
    holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called
    Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace,
    that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in
    this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go
    into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her,
    "Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of
    God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with
    all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see
    you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to
    such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety,
    that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried
    away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise.
    "But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us
    for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins,
    give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in
    my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe
    that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my
    daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be
    assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe
    in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left,
    which were not many,--the few that had been sent them having
    already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to
    tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized,
    upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests,
    it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these
    poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave
    them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God,
    their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A
    strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon
    these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if
    they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was
    with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I
    saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice,
    for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs
    in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these
    Barbarians do from nature."




BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VIII


XXV

See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.


XXVI

As with its predecessor for 1635, the _Relation_ of 1636 (Paris, 1637),
although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a
composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report
of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half,
separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf,
dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.

For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon
copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is
there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_,
no. 65.

_Collation_ (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege
du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the
provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres,"
pp. (4); Le Jeune's _Relation_ (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron
_Relation_, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223;
verso of last leaf blank.

There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered
a number of textual variations which have never been noted before.
For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon
and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress
they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon
copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text
corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which
we have discovered occur in the Huron _Rel ation_, and the references
are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.

  LAMOIGNON.

  P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust"
  The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the
  elision of "arriué."
  P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent"
  P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs"
  P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont"
  P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre"
  P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le"
  P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront"
  P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt"
  P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils"

  BANCROFT.

  P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué"
  P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent"
  P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs"
  P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont"
  P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre"
  P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent"
  P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera"
  P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent"
  P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils"

There is still another edition of this _Relation_ in which the matter
was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than
in the one described above. Pilling (_Bibliography of the Iroquoian
Languages_, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the
following collation is based on his very careful account of it.

_Collation_ (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des
Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's _Relation_, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron
_Relation_, pp. 1-164.

Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two
variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private),
Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The
Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz
(1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British
Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no
example in America.




NOTES TO VOL. VIII

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text._)


1 (p. 9).--Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time,
see vol. vii., _note_ 8.

2 (p. 13).--_Pemptegoüs_: one of numerous variants of the name
Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët).
Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus
(contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at
the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., _note_ 6). It was visited
by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that
time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and,
in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with
the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in
1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a
lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.

The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of
rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was
represented mainly by three brothers--François, who in 1612 undertook,
with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony
at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to
Maranham--this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and
Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of
these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the
army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army,
and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and
Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age;
they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important
naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase
in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de
Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in
securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following
year.

Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their
naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing that
Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet,
loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were
given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or
La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly.
These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by
the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships
waited for Razilly--whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked
upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was
instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle,
but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before
its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the
English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol.
iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way
back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted
out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the
recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the
promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France--an agreement that
was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's
delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria,
Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy
Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to
"put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"--for
which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu,"
and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three
Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was
signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St.
Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from
the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are
given by Margry, in _MSS. rel. Nouv. France_, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.

Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la
Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New
France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20
leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In
January, 1635, was formed an association--headed by Isaac and Claude de
Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu--to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve.
Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded
by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his
brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he
subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (_Notes_, p. 57):
"He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666--at least, we
have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to
the king in 1667, by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as
'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000
livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she
had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, _Parnasse
François_, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."

Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's _Navig. Français_, pp. 313-338;
Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's _Histoire de l'Acadie
Françoise_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.

3 (p. 13).--Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great
mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and
a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at
Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec;
gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94;
and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among
its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates,
petroleum, and building-stones.

Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus
mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his _Histoire véritable et
natvrelle de la Novvelle France_, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs
of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be
obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in
the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil,
and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also
many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of
iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured
me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us;
but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet
dared to go thither to make its discovery."

4 (p. 15).--In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates,
see vol. iv., _notes_ 21, 38; and vol. vii., _note_ 18. Cf. Faillon
(_Col. Fr._, pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at
first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the
obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides
their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only
sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to
Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were
given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending
and supporting colonists--which acts should at the same time inure to
the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if
performed by them.

5 (p. 17).--Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., _note_ 34.

6 (p. 19).--Le Jeune states, in the _Relation_ for 1634 (vol. vii. of
this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island
(see vol. ii., _note_ 66). The island was afterwards known by the name
of the fort. Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 260, _note_)
thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a
light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort,
to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island
has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels
generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island.
In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a
fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."

7 (p. 19).--_Metaberoutin_: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol.
ii., _note_ 52.

8 (p. 45).--Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon
after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were
successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July,
1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission,
where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier
to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or
Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and
within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time.
Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years.
In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned
by Lalemant, in the _Journal des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as
"procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.

9 (p. 47).--Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to
Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in _Journ. des
Jésu._ shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame
des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a
voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October,
1657.

Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 212) cites _Catalogus Provinciæ
Franciæ_ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in
charge of the _petite école_, or primary department, of the college of
Quebec.

10 (p. 47).--Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was
assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux,
where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the
station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of
ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the
Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years--during
which time he made several journeys between Canada and France,
apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.

11 (p. 47).--François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 4,
1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate.
In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission
until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste.
Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits,
on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following
year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in
Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August,
1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he
was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly
a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel
says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to
Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his
death, June 12, 1690.

Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various _Relations_ of the Canadian
missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons
named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.

12 (p. 49).--_Echom_ (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., _note_ 44.

13 (p. 55).--_Anguien river:_ named for the eldest son of the prince
of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien,
from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman
thus referred to (also mentioned in _Relation_ for 1636, chap. i.)
was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of
Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was
the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and
shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear
on maps of that time.

14 (p. 59).--_Petite Nation:_ see vol. v., _note_ 56.

15 (p. 61).--Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became
a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at
Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens
(1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635,
he was employed for several years at Quebec--at the college, and at
Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission
he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made
evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored
in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June,
1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent
the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper
Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the
honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John.
In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems to
have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659,
occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick
and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.

In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at
Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean
Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant
circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and
other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's _Relation
des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1879); also
Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.

16 (p. 61).--Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol.
iv., _note_ 29.

17 (p. 65).--André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some
error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621,
at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was
a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and
Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with
Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost.
Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to
Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the
preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642,
and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to
leave for France in the following summer--dying, however, while on the
voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the
ship.

In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast
of Gaspe--during most of the time, at Miscou--until 1661, making
voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou,"
in _Canada-Français_, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at
Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning
to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three
Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.

18 (p. 65).--Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and
became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La
Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during
two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with
Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at
that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to
have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island
was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The
missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return
to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the
disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account
of his illness and death is given in the _Relation_ for that year,
which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the
Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."

19 (p. 65).--Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at
the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named
St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked
by the prevalent scourge of that region--the _mal du terre_, or
scurvy--and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few
months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he
was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.

20 (p. 67).--Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., _note_ 7.

Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit
missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter
mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not
occur in the _Relations_, excepting in this passage in our text.

21 (p. 69).--_Sonontoerrhonons_, also variously written Entouhonorons
(Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also
the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch
writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among
themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall).
The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the
Seneca words _onondah_, "hill," and _go waah_, "great,"--"the people
of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their
principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca"
is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.--See his pamphlet, _First visit of
De la Salle to the Senecas_ [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.

Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois,"
_Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society_, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y.,
1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within
historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in
religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other
things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The
Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a
minor confederacy--the two branches being clearly distinguished in
all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the
League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every
account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great
Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at
Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20
miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles."
Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and
Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early Chapters in Seneca History," _Cayuga
Co. Hist. Collections_, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his
note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and
minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84),
with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca
villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva,
Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.

22 (p. 71).--This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the
_Relation_ for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., _note_
57.

23 (p. 71).--_Attiguenongha_ (Atignenongach, Attigneenongnahac,
Attiniatoenten): this and the Attignaouantan, or Bear Nation, (see vol.
v., _note_ 17), were not only the most important, but the oldest of the
Huron tribes, "having received into their country, and adopted, the
others" (_Relation_ for 1639, chap. i.), and being able to trace their
tribal history for two centuries back. This tribe was the southernmost
of the Huron clans; one of its most important towns was Teanaustayé,
located in what is now Medonté township. Here was situated the Jesuit
mission of St. Joseph, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649.

24 (p. 71).--_Arendarhonons_, Ahrendarrhonons, or Renarhonons (Sagard,
who also calls them "nation de la Roche"): the easternmost tribe of
Hurons, located west of the Severn River. They were the first of the
Hurons to engage in trade with the French, and regarded themselves as
the special allies of the latter. It was with this tribe that Champlain
spent the winter of 1615-16 (see vol. v., _note_ 52), at their village
of Cahiagué, where, later, was established the Jesuit mission of St.
Jean Baptiste.

25 (p. 75).--The Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers have many and often
dangerous rapids; but both rivers are now rendered navigable by canals
around the rapids. The Chaudière Falls above Ottawa, and the Lachine
Rapids above Montreal, are the most noted of these obstructions. In the
St. Lawrence River are 30 miles of rapids. The elevation between Lake
Ontario and tidewater is 240 feet.

The name "Rivière des Prairies" was at first applied to the Ottawa
River (see vol. ii., _note_ 53); but it is now restricted to the
channel that separates Isle Jésus from the island of Montreal.

26 (p. 81).--Simon Baron was one of the Jesuit donnés. Sulte says
(_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 53): "He had lived at Chibou, Cape
Breton Island, about 1631, and had there acquired some surgical
knowledge. In 1634, he was in the service of the Jesuits, and
accompanied the missionaries to the Huron country, whence he returned
in 1637. He is mentioned at Three Rivers in 1637, 1658, and 1664."
During the epidemic of 1637, Baron acquired renown through his facility
in handling the lancet.

27 (p. 85).--Concerning La Rochelle, see vol. v., _note_ 60.

28 (p. 91).--For location of Toanché, see vol. v., _note_ 61.

29 (p. 99).--Jean Nicolet, a native of Cherbourg, France, came to
Quebec in 1618, probably at the age of about 20 years. Like Marsolet,
Brulé, and others, he was sent by Champlain to live among the Indians,
that he might acquire a knowledge of the country, of the natives,
and of their language. For this purpose, Nicolet went (1620) to the
Algonkins of Allumettes Island, where he remained two years; while
among this tribe, he accompanied a large body of their warriors to the
Iroquois country, in order to arrange a treaty of peace--an enterprise
successfully accomplished. He then spent some nine years among the
Nipissings, during which time he wrote an account of these savages,
their customs, etc., as Le Jeune informs us in the _Relation_ for 1636.

Upon the recovery of Canada by the French, Nicolet returned to
Quebec, probably early in 1633. In June, 1634, Champlain sent him on
an exploring expedition westward--partly in the hope of finding the
"sea of China" which was at that time supposed to lie not far west
of the regions of America then known, and thereby discovering the
long-looked-for short passage to Asia; partly to become acquainted
with the savage tribes lying beyond the "Mer douce" (Lake Huron), and
to extend the French trade for peltries. Upon this trip (accompanying
Brébeuf as far as Allumettes Island), Nicolet went to his old abode,
Lake Nipissing. Thence, with a bark canoe, and an escort of seven
Hurons, he voyaged by French River into Lake Huron, and northward to
St. Mary's Straits and Mackinac; and thence by Lake Michigan, Green
Bay, and the Fox River, as far as a village of the Mascoutins, probably
in what is now Green Lake county, Wisconsin. He was thus the first
white man who, so far as is recorded, had entered this region. From
the Mascoutin village, he journeyed southward to what is now Northern
Illinois,--afterwards returning to Canada by the same route on which
he had set out; he reached Quebec early in the autumn of 1635. This
notable voyage was generally supposed to have occurred in 1639, until
Sulte advanced the theory, in _Mélanges d'Histoire et de Littérature_
(Ottawa, 1876), pp. 426, 436, that it must have been in 1634-35--a
theory apparently verified by Butterfield, in his painstaking
_Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet_ (Cincinnati, 1881).

Nicolet, after his return to Canada, resumed his employment (begun
in 1633) as clerk and interpreter at Three Rivers. Oct. 7, 1637,
he married Marguerite (then aged eleven years), second daughter of
Guillaume Couillard. Probably about this time, he obtained, jointly
with his brother-in-law, Le Tardif (see vol. v., _note_ 49), the
estate of Belleborne (so named from the brook of Belleborne, which
traverses the "plains of Abraham"). In 1641, the Iroquois having
attacked the Algonkins in the near vicinity of Three Rivers, Nicolet,
with the Jesuit Ragueneau, attempted, but with little success, to turn
aside the hostile savages.

Nicolet died Oct. 29, 1642, being drowned at Sillery; he left but one
child, Marguerite, who in 1656 married Jean Baptiste le Gardeur.

Full accounts of Nicolet and of his discoveries are given in
Butterfield's monograph, and by Sulte, _ut supra_; also in Jouan's
"Jean Nicolet," and Butterfield's bibliography of the subject,
_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vol. xi., pp. 1-25. Cf. also
Sulte's "Notes on Jean Nicolet," _Id._, vol. viii., pp. 188-194.
Nicolet river and lake, in Wolfe county, Que., are named for this noted
explorer; the river had been, until about 1640, known as the St. Jean.

30 (p. 103).--_Le Borgne_: this name, meaning "the one-eyed," was
applied by the French, during many years, to the Algonkin chief at the
head of the Island tribe (see vol. v., _note_ 57), whose native name
was Tessouehat (or Tessoueatch).

Champlain mentions that, in June, 1603, he met at Tadoussac an Algonkin
sagamore named Besouat; Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 76) thinks this is
simply an error for Tesouat. Just ten years later, Champlain visited
Tessouat at Allumettes Island, and speaks of the latter as "a good old
Captain."

Again, in 1629, he mentions Le Borgne (apparently the successor of the
first-named) as "a good Savage and a man of intelligence" (Laverdière's
ed., p. 1198). It was this man who is mentioned in our text as alarming
the Hurons by reports of Champlain's intended vengeance for Brulé's
murder; he died in August, 1635. In the spring of that year, he had
gone (as Brébeuf tells us) with an Algonkin embassy to the Huron
country, to ask the latter tribes to unite with them in an attack upon
the Iroquois, which proposal was declined by the Hurons.

A third Le Borgne was Tessouehat (called by the Hurons Andesson or
Ondesson), characterized by the missionaries as "unusually arrogant and
malicious" (_Relation_ for 1641). Much to their surprise, he came down
to Montreal in March, 1643, for Christian instruction, and was baptized
under the name of Paul. In the _Relation_ for that year, Vimont says
of this chief: "As soon as he became a Christian, God gave him the
gentleness and meekness of a little child;" and the missionaries were
greatly delighted and edified by his piety.

In May, 1646, a chief of this name took part in a council held at Three
Rivers with an embassy from the Iroquois; but, as he invoked the sun
to be a witness of the negotiations, he must have been a heathen,
and therefore a successor to the preceding chief. This same man was
rebuked by a converted Indian at Sillery for not being a Christian;
but his pious death, after an illness of two years, is recorded in the
_Relation_ for 1654. He, too, like his predecessor, was renowned as
much for his arrogance as for his eloquence.

31 (p. 105).--_Oënrio_ (Ouenrio, or Wenrio): the site of this village,
which was located in a populous Huron neighborhood, has not been
identified beyond question. Du Creux's map places it near the head of
an inlet--evidently the one now known as Dault's Bay, on the west side
of Tiny township; and he associates it with the mission of St. Charles.
There are remains which correspond very nearly to this position; though
some have supposed that Oënrio was nearer Penetanguishene Bay, where
the remains of another village have been found. As it contained part
of the Hurons from Toanché, it may be assumed that it was not far from
Thunder Bay.--A.F. HUNTER.

32 (p. 111).--_Sagamité_: see vol. v., _note_ 28.

33 (p. 115).--_Mer douce_: see vol. i., _note_ 54.

34 (p. 115).--Brébeuf here gives the Huron names of the other
tribes composing the great Huron-Iroquois family. Concerning the
_Khionontaterrhonons_ (Tobacco Nation), see vol. v., _note_ 18.

_Atiouandaronks_ (Attiwandarons, Atiraguenrek, or Atirhangenrets):
called by the French "Nation Neutre," because they were at peace
with both the Hurons and the Iroquois, between whom they lived.
Harris thus endeavors to account for this neutrality, in his paper,
"The Flint-Workers," _Publications of Buffalo Historical Society_,
vol. iv. (Buffalo, 1896), p. 239: "There is but one solution of this
problem, and that is to be found in the immense quantities of flint
along the east end of Lake Erie. Without flint arrow and spear heads,
the Iroquois could not cope with the Hurons, nor the Hurons with the
Iroquois; and, as the Neutrals controlled the chert beds, neither
nation could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy."

Eastward of the Neutrals, lay the territories of the Five Nations,
or Iroquois League. Clark's map of this region, showing locations
of the several tribes and of their villages, is given in Hawley's
_Early Chapters of Cayuga History_, 1656-84 (Auburn, N. Y., 1879);
Morgan (_Iroq. League_) also gives a map, showing locations in recent
times. For historical sketch of the tribes included in the League, see
Beauchamp's _Origin of N. Y. Iroquois_ (cited in _note_ 21, _ante_)
pp. 119-142; he says: "The Huron-Iroquois family thus seems to have
been the last wave of the migratory tribes advancing from the west
and northwest, and had not reached the sea 300 years ago, except a
few individuals on the St. Lawrence. The Tuscaroras might also be
excepted.... Almost parallel with these [the Algonquins], but a little
later as a whole, the Huron-Iroquois, finding the southern regions
occupied, advanced along the north, through Michigan, Canada, and Ohio,
pressing toward the sea, but generally prevented from reaching it by
the Algonquins. This is very nearly the tradition of the Delawares,
who represent the Iroquois as moving from the west in a line parallel
with their own migrations, but a little in the rear. The Huron-Iroquois
occupied temporarily the solitudes of Canada and New York, as well as
Michigan and Northern Ohio, gathering strength within their narrow
limits, until they could force a passage south along the Susquehanna.
There the Andastis stopped and grew strong. The Eries passed along the
south shore of their lake, the Hurons and Neutrals on the north. The
Tuscaroras reached North Carolina, and all the southern Iroquois may
have had temporary homes in New York at an early day." For estimates of
the military strength of the respective tribes, in 1660 and 1677, see
Parkman's _Jesuits_, p. 297.

(1) _Sonontoerrhonons_ (Senecas): see _note 21, ante_. (2)
_Ouioenrhonons_ (Ouiogweronons, Oiogouins, or Goyogouins): the Cayugas,
next east from the Senecas, and probably kindred with them. The name
of the tribe is derived from that of the lake, the meaning of which is
variously rendered. Beauchamp says (_Iroq. Trail_, p. 57): "D. Cusick
makes it _Go-yo-goh_, 'mountain rising from water;' Albert Cusick,
_Kwe-u-kwe_, 'where they drew their boats ashore;' L. H. Morgan,
_Gwe-u-gweh_, 'at the mucky land.' All seem to refer to the higher and
firm land beyond the Montezuma marshes." Much valuable information
regarding this tribe is given in Hawley's _Early Cayuga Hist._ (cited
_supra_); on p. 21, a note by Clark thus mentions their chief towns:
"Their principal village, Goi-o-gouen (a name also applied by the early
French writers to the country and canton of the Cayugas), appears to
have been located at this time [1657] about 3½ miles south of Union
Springs, near Great Gully Brook. Thiohero, ten miles distant, was on
the east side of Seneca River, at the northern extremity of Cayuga
Lake. The archæological remains in the vicinity of Goi-o-gouen indicate
different locations occupied at different periods, one of which was
on a point at the junction of two ravines about four miles from the
lake; this was very ancient, and probably occupied in the prehistoric
age." The site of Thiohero has been recently identified, 2½ miles east
of Savannah. (3) _Onontaerrhonons_ (Onnontaes, Onnondaetonnons, or
Onnontagués): the Onondagas (in their own tongue, Onondáhka). Beauchamp
says (_Orig. of N. Y. Iroquois_, pp. 123, 124, 130): "It is very likely
that there was an earlier Huron-Iroquois settlement of Central New York
[before the coming of the Mohawks] from Jefferson county, where there
are many fort sites. Among these are traces of Huron burial customs,
and the earthenware is generally finer than that farther south, there
being often temporary deterioration in such things, as men recede from
the parent stock. From that region the Onondagas certainly came, as
they relate.... I have little doubt that the Onondagas were driven
out of Jefferson county by the Hurons, about the same time that the
Mohawks had to leave Montreal." An interesting mention of this tribe,
at nearly the same time as Brébeuf's (possibly a little earlier), is
made by Arent Van Curler (who calls them "Onnedagens"), in his Journal
of 1634-35, (accompanied by an Iroquois vocabulary), a translation of
which, with notes by James G. Wilson, is published in _Annual Report of
Amer. Hist. Association_, 1895, pp. 81-101. This was probably the most
influential of the Five Nations; their village of Onnontagué (Onondaga)
was the capital of the confederacy, where their principal councils were
held. Clark says (_Early Cayuga Hist._, p. 9): "This was situated on
a considerable elevation between two deep ravines, formed by the west
and middle branches of Limestone Creek, in the present town of Pompey,
N. Y., two miles south of the village of Manlius. It contained at this
time [1656] 300 warriors, with 140 houses, several families often
occupying a single house. Their cornfields extended for two miles,
north and south, and in width from one-half to three-fourths of a
mile, interspersed with their dwellings. The grand council chamber was
here, in which all matters of interest, common to the several nations
of the League, were decided. This site was abandoned about 1680."
Beauchamp writes: "At the time of Champlain's attack on the Oneida
town, the Onondagas were living on the east side of Limestone Creek,
about 1½ miles west of Cazenovia Lake. Alarmed by this invasion, they
went farther south, selecting a site which commanded the whole valley.
Then, as the Huron war progressed favorably, they went northward again,
crossing the ridge and reaching the west branch of Limestone Creek,
being on its banks a little south of Pompey Center about 1640. In 1654,
Le Moyne visited them at their great village still farther north, at
Indian Hill, two miles south of Manlius village. Thence, by a gradual
removal, they went to the east side of Butternut Creek, where their
fort was burned in 1696. Soon afterward, they occupied the east side
of Onondaga Valley, but were almost entirely on the west side of the
creek by 1750; and after the sale of their lands they retired to their
present reservation." (4) _Onoiochronons_ (Oneiouchronons, Oneiouts,
or Onneyouts): "the people of the stone," commonly known as Oneidas.
This tribe and the Cayugas were of somewhat inferior rank among the
other Iroquois tribes. According to Pyrtæus, "the alliance having been
first proposed by a Mohawk chief, the Mohawks rank in the family as
the _eldest brother_, the Oneidas as the _eldest son_; the Senecas, who
were the last that consented to the alliance, were called the _youngest
son_." Cf. _Relation_ for 1646, chap. i.: "Onnieoute is a tribe
which, the greater part of its men having been destroyed by the upper
Algonquins, was compelled to call upon the Annierronnons to repeople
it; whence it comes that the Annierronnons call it their daughter."
They lived almost entirely in Madison county, having usually one
village, but sometimes two. Their settlements were entirely confined
to the valleys of Oneida and Oriskany Creeks,--mainly the former."
(5) _Agnierrhonons_ (Agnongherronons, Anniengehronnons, Agniers,
or Aniers): "the people of the flint," called Maquas by the Dutch,
and Mohawks by the English; the easternmost of the Iroquois tribes,
occupying the lower part of the Mohawk River valley. They were probably
the inhabitants of Hochelaga (Montreal), whom Cartier found in 1535,
and the name Canada, then first used by the French, is itself a Mohawk
word. Their own traditions represent the Mohawks as living on the St.
Lawrence, in alliance with the Algonkin tribe of Adirondacks; a dispute
arising between them, the former were driven out by their Algonkin
neighbors, probably late in the sixteenth century.--See Beauchamp's
_N. Y. Iroquois_; cf. Sulte's sketch of the Algonkin-Iroquois wars, in
vol. v. of this series, _note_ 52; the latter thinks that the Montreal
Iroquois had retired to Lake Simcoe by 1615. Beauchamp says (_Iroq.
Trail_, p. 55): "The three Mohawk castles were in Montgomery county.
When first visited by the Dutch, there was a castle for each clan, the
Bear, Wolf, and Turtle. Two villages only were in existence about 1600,
as the Wolf clan sprang out of the Bear (according to an early writer),
having probably lived with them. One of the two villages is on the
south side of the river; the other is in Ephrata, in Fulton county."
Wilson says, in a note on Van Curler's Journal (_Am. Hist. Asso.
Rept._, 1895, p. 99): "The abandoned castle pointed out by the Mohawks
seems to have marked their farthest eastern extension. Their early
villages were in a radius of a dozen miles from Canajoharie, but they
moved eastward until checked by the Mohicans. Later, European pressure
forced them back until the western castle was at Danube." The sites
of these Mohawk towns in 1642, as identified by Clark, are thus given
by Shea, in his translation of Martin's _Life of Jogues_ (3rd ed.,
N. Y., 1885), p. 85: "Ossernenon (Osserinon, Agnié, Oneougiouré, or
Asserua), later Cahniaga or Caughnawaga, was near the present station
of Auriesville; Tionnontoguen, on a hill just south of Spraker's Basin,
about 13 miles west of Ossernenon; Andagaron, or Gandagaron, between
them, and also on the south side of the river." Beauchamp makes some
corrections on Clark's map, which will be noted in later volumes. It
was at Ossernenon that the martyrdom of Isaac Jogues occurred--an event
which is now being commemorated by the erection of a costly memorial
church, at Auriesville.

_Andastoerrhonons_ (or Andastes): called Minquas by the Dutch, and
Susquehannocks or Conestogas by the English. Ragueneau (_Relation_
for 1648) mentions "the Andastoëronons, allies of our Hurons, and who
talk like them." Clarke (_Early Cayuga Hist._, p. 36, _note_) thus
describes them: "_Andastes_, a term used generically by the French,
and applied to several distinct Indian tribes located south of the
Five Nations, in the present territory of Pennsylvania. They were of
kindred blood and spoke a dialect of the same language as the Iroquois
of New York. The most northerly of these tribes, called by Champlain
in 1615 Carantouannais, were described by him as residing south of
the Five Nations, and distant a short three days' journey from the
Iroquois fort attacked by him that year, which fort is supposed to
have been located in the town of Fenner, Madison Co., N. Y. Late
researches appear to warrant the conclusion that the large town called
Carantouan by Champlain was located on what is now called "Spanish
Hill," near Waverly, Tioga Co., N. Y. One of the most southerly tribes
was located at the Great Falls between Columbia and Harrisburg, Pa.,
and in the vicinity of the latter place; described by Gov. Smith in
1608 as occupying five towns, and called by him Sasquesahanoughs or
Susquehannas. At an early date, a tribe resided in the vicinity of
Manhattan, called Minquas; and the Dutch colonists appear to have
applied this term to all cognate tribes west of them and south of the
Five Nations. The Jesuit Fathers had no missions among them, although
frequent reference is made in the _Relations_ to the wars between
them and the Iroquois. These tribes were engaged in various wars with
the Iroquois, which began as early as 1600 and continued with more or
less frequency until 1675, those nearest the Five Nations being first
overthrown. At the latter date, their power for further resistance
appears to have been completely broken, and they were incorporated into
the League; a part, however, retreated southward, and were menaced by
the Maryland and Virginia troops, the last remnant falling victims to
the butchery of the 'Paxton boys' [1763]." Cf. Shea's paper on these
tribes, _Hist. Mag._, vol ii., pp. 294-297. In 1651, a part of the
Minquas, then living on the Delaware River, sold their lands to the
Dutch West India Company, reserving only the right of hunting and
fishing thereon (_N. Y. Colon. Docs._, vol. i., pp. 593-600). There was
also a division known as the "Black Minquas," who were claimed by the
Mohawks as an offshoot.

_Rhiierrhonons_ (Riguehronons, Eriechronons, Errieronons, or Erigas):
called by the French "Nation du Chat" ("Cat Nation"). This appellation
was given, according to the _Relation_ for 1654, "because in their
country are a prodigious number of wild cats." But on this point
Beauchamp writes thus: "Albert Cusick, my Onondaga interpreter, tells
me that _Kah-kwah_ [another name applied to this tribe] means 'an eye
swelled like a cat's,'--that is, prominent rather than deep-set; this
would indicate that the name refers to a physical characteristic,
rather than to the wild cats mentioned by the missionaries." This tribe
inhabited the south shore of Lake Erie; they were fierce and warlike,
and used poisoned arrows; they had frequent wars with the Iroquois, and
were vanquished and utterly destroyed by the latter in 1655-56.

_Ahouenrochrhonons_ (Awenrherhonons, or Wenrôhronons): a small tribe at
the eastern end of Lake Erie, lying between the Eries and the Neutrals.
According to the _Relation_ for 1639, this tribe was for some time
allied to the Neutrals; but, some dispute arising between them, the
Awenrherhonons left their own country in that year, and took refuge
with the Hurons. The _Relation_ for 1641 (chap. vi.) mentions them
as living at the town of Khioetoa (St. Michel), and as well disposed
towards the missionaries.

The two remaining tribes in Brébeuf's list have not yet been
identified. Beauchamp thinks the _Scahentoarrhonons_ may have been the
Skenchiohronons, mentioned as a sedentary tribe in the _Relation_ for
1640 (indicated on Sanson's map as Squenguioron, at the west end of
Lake Erie); the _Conkhandeenrhonons_ he conjectures to have been the
Carantouans, or possibly one of the divisions of the Senecas (q.v.,
_ante_).

35 (p. 117).--_Sonontoen_ (Sonnontouan, Tsonnontouan, or Tegarnhies):
see _note 21, ante_: the chief town of the Senecas. It was also known
by the names of Totiakton, Theodehacto and Dá-u-de-hok-to (Morgan),
meaning "at the bend," or "bended stream." It is in the town of Mendon,
on the N.E. bend of Honeoye Creek, two miles N. of Honeoye Falls, and
12½ miles due S. from the centre of Rochester; see Clark's map, cited
in _note 21, ante_.

Franquelin's _Carte de la Louisiane_ (1684) shows Sonontouan east of
the present Genesee River; south of it a point is thus designated,
_fontaine d'eau qui brule_, "spring of water which burns." Cf. the
_fontaine brulante_ on Bellin's map in Charlevoix's _Nouv. France_,
tome i., p. 440. René de Galinée, in his journal of La Salle's voyage
(1669-70), also mentions this spring, as situated four leagues south of
Sonnontouan. Marshall, commenting on this in his pamphlet, _De la Salle
among the Senecas_, p. 23, _note_, describes the spring (one of many
in Western New York), in which an inflammable gas rises from the water,
and is readily lighted with a match.

At Sonnontouan was located the Jesuit mission of La Conception.

36 (p. 117).--A similar description of Ataentsic and Jouskeha is
given by Sagard (_Canada_, Tross ed., pp. 452-455), from whom Brébeuf
seems to have obtained part of the information given in the text--two
sentences being the same, word for word, as in Sagard--an appropriation
easily explained, in view of Brébeuf's recent arrival among the Hurons,
and consequent difficulties in obtaining a knowledge of their beliefs.
Sagard says that they told him that "this God Youskeha existed before
this Universe, which, with all that was therein, he had created; that,
although he grew old, like all things in this world, he did not lose
his being and his power; and that, when he became old, he had power to
rejuvenate himself in a moment, and to transform himself into a young
man of twenty-five or thirty years; thus he never died, and remained
immortal, although, like other human beings, he was to some extent
subject to corporeal necessities."

Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_, t. i., pp. 244, 401) also mentions
Ataentsic--"the Queen of the Manes"--but names her grandson
Tharonhiaouagon. Parkman thinks this latter personage (also written
Tarenyowagon) was a divinity peculiar to the Iroquois Five Nations.
Brinton discusses these legends at length in _American Hero-Myths_
(Phila., 1882), pp. 53-62; and also in _Myths of the New World_
(3rd ed.), pp. 156, 203-205; in the latter work, he considers that
Taronhiawagon was but Jouskeha (Ioskeha) under another name, and
explains the stories of all these deities as myths of the Sun and Moon,
of Night and Day, of the conflict between light and darkness. Cf.
Parkman's _Jesuits_, lxxv.-lxxvii., and the outline of Huron cosmogony
given by Hale in _Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore_, vol. i., pp. 177-183; see
also Cusick's account of the creation, in Beauchamp's _Iroquois Trail_,
pp. 1-5.

37 (p. 121).--For references on the subject of the immortality of
souls, see vol. vi., _note_ 17.

38 (p. 125).--Scanonaenrat (where was the mission of St. Michael)
was one of the largest towns of the Huron country--itself comprising
the entire nation of the Tohontahenrats. It was on the forest trail
leading from the upper mission towns in Tiny township to Teanaustayé
(St. Joseph), and about 1¼ leagues from the latter (_Relation_ for
1639). Du Creux's map places it at a short distance northwest of the
small body of water now known as Orr Lake; and there are extensive
remains in the tract between this lake and the modern village of
Waverley that correspond very well with the numerous references to
St. Michael in the _Relations_. Here have been found, in a space
about two miles square, traces of a large town, and of half a dozen
others, smaller, but similar. With each of these sites there is,
instead of the usual ossuary, a cemetery of isolated graves. In this
respect the Tohontahenrats appear to have differed from the other
Huron nations, who adopted the ossuary almost to the exclusion of
every other mode of burial. One small ossuary, however, was found in
this tract in 1895 (_Ontario Archæol. Rept._, 1894-95, p. 42). Among
its contents were four brass finger-rings, on which can be distinctly
seen the cross and the initials I. H. S. Patches of ground strewn with
iron tomahawks--indubitable signs of Indian conflict--are common in
this neighborhood, confirming the Jesuits' accounts of the battles
of 1648-50, when seven hundred Huron warriors were quartered here
(_Relation_ for 1649, chap. iii.), and suggesting other conflicts which
these chroniclers had probably overlooked in the general confusion of
that period. Several farms in the first concession of Medonté township
(lots 68 to 74 inclusive), in the immediate neighborhood of St.
Michael, abound in this class of relics. Dr. Taché's location of this
mission town, as given in the map of the Huron country in Parkman's
_Jesuits_, is several miles from the correct position.--A. F. HUNTER.

39 (p. 125).--_Lake of the Hiroquois_: see vol. i., _note_ 67.

40 (p. 135).--See Hunter's note on the Tobacco Nation, vol. v., _note_
18. Hale found, in 1872-74 (_Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore_, vol. i., p. 178),
among the Wyandots of the Anderdon Reserve, "the most archaic form of
the Huron-Iroquois speech that had yet been discovered. I believe it
to be the dialect which was spoken by the tribe formerly known to the
French colonists as the 'Tobacco People' (Nation du Petun), but among
the Hurons and Iroquois as the Tionontates (corrupted by the English to
Dionondaddies), which means, apparently, 'people beyond the hills.'"

41 (p. 139).--_Neutral Nation_ (Atiwandaronks): see _note_ 34, _ante_.
Their villages were situated north of Lake Erie, mainly on the western
side of Niagara (Onguiaahra) River. The Récollet La Roche-Daillon,
writing in 1627, says (Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 265, 266) that
the Neutrals had then twenty-eight towns, cities, and villages, under
one renowned chief, Souharissen, who "acquired this honor and power
by his courage, and by having been repeatedly at war with seventeen
nations that are their enemies, and taken heads or brought in prisoners
from them all." Coyne writes us: "The early reports and maps show
clearly that they occupied the entire north shore of Lake Erie, from
river to river, besides extending a short distance east of the Niagara.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the numerous earthworks and
village sites from Detroit to Buffalo, on the north shore, are remains
of the Neutral tribes or nation. Sanson's map of 1656, and Du Creux's
of 1660, are perfectly clear on this point, and entirely consistent
with Lalemant's relation of the visit of Brébeuf and Chaumonot to this
nation in 1640-41, as well as with Champlain's brief reference and
Daillon's letter describing his sojourn there in 1626-27." Beauchamp
writes: "A fort and cemetery in Cambria, Niagara county, I consider
a town of the Neutrals. It contains French articles, and there were
no Seneca towns in that vicinity at any time." Cf. the description
of these remains given by O. Turner, in _Pioneer History of Holland
Purchase_ (Buffalo, 1850), pp. 26-28.

Morgan says (_Iroq. League_, p. 41, _note_): "The Neuter nation
were known to the Iroquois as the 'Cat Nation'--the word itself,
Je-go-sa-sa, signifying 'a wild cat' Charlevoix has assigned this name
to the Eries." Marshall thinks, in his _Niagara Frontier_ (rev. ed.,
Buffalo, 1881), p. 6, that "the Neutral Nation were called Kah-kwas by
the Senecas, and were exterminated by them as early as 1651." Beauchamp
differs from this opinion, saying: "On the map of 1680, the Kakouagoga,
'a nation destroyed,' is placed near Buffalo, but no mention is made of
the Eries; for this reason I think Marshall mistaken in identifying the
Kah-kwas with the Neutrals."

For a more detailed account of this tribe, see Harris's
_Flint-Workers_, cited in _note_ 34, _ante_; and Coyne's _Country of
the Neutrals_.

42 (p. 139).--The village of Onentisati (Onnentisati) was situated
about midway on the west side of Tiny township. In the Ontario
Archæological Museum are some relics taken from a bone-pit at the
supposed site of Onentisati--three portions of beavers' jaws with
teeth, two bone awls, one trumpet-mouthed pipe-head, and one of
cylindrical shape.--A. F. HUNTER.

43 (p. 141).--François Petit-Pré was one of the Jesuit engagés; he
remained with the missionaries in the Huron country during several
years, and was the only Frenchman at the mission who escaped the
pestilence of 1637. The registers of Three Rivers mention him as
present there in 1635, and again in 1641. The river Petit-Pré, in
Montmorency county, Que. (granted to Jean de Lauson, in 1652), may have
been named for him.

44 (p. 157).--Julien Perrault arrived in Canada April 30, 1634, and,
with André Richard, was sent to the Cape Breton mission. He must have
returned to France within a year, for his name does not appear in the
list given by Le Jeune at the end of the _Relation_ for 1635, nor is
his name mentioned elsewhere in the _Relations_.

45 (p. 157).--For various names applied to Cape Breton Island, see
vol. ii., _note_ 62. For its history, with copious bibliographical and
statistical notes, see Bourinot's valuable monograph, _Historical and
Descriptive Account of the Island of Cape Breton_ (Montreal, 1892).
An excellent map of the island is given at the end of Brown's _Cape
Breton_.

46 (p. 157).--_Chibou_: also known as Grand Chibou or Cibou; the inland
estuary or lake now called Bras d'Or, which extends from the eastern
to the southwestern part of the island, almost severing it in two. The
name Bras d'Or is modern (perhaps a corruption of Labrador, the name,
given the inlet on old charts, both French and English). See Bourinot's
_Cape Breton_, p. 93; and Brown's _Cape Breton_, pp. 2, 5, 77.

47 (p. 159)--_Marmot_: either the hoary marmot (see vol. vi., _note_
22), or the allied species, _Arctomys monax_, commonly called
"woodchuck," which abounds throughout the northern United States and
Canada.

_Parrot fish_: a name given to various species of the families
_Labridæ_ and _Scaridæ_, from their brilliant colors, or the peculiar
shape of the head. Most of these species belong to tropical or
semi-tropical regions, but several are found along the northern
Atlantic coast. That mentioned in the text may be the cunner or
blue-perch, _Ctenolabrus adspersus_.

48 (p. 185).--For origin of the term "patriarch," as applied to
priests, see vol. i, pp. 161, 163, and _note_ 25.

49 (p. 215).--The war here referred to was a part of the Thirty Years'
War. Gustavus Adolphus, the leader of the Protestant alliance, was
killed at the battle of Lutzen, Nov. 16, 1632. Richelieu had, in
1631, formed a treaty of alliance between France and Sweden; this
was renewed in 1633, with Oxenstiern, the successor of Gustavus; and
France, in accordance therewith, gave moral and financial support to
the Protestants in their struggle against Austria and Spain. Finally,
in May, 1635, France, having formed an alliance with Holland, declared
war against Spain, and the allied armies invaded the Netherlands; while
other French armies were sent into Lorraine, Germany, and Italy. Thus
scattered, and often under inefficient commanders, the armies of France
could accomplish little; and for years the war continued with but
slight advantage for either side. Not until Oct. 24, 1648, was the long
conflict ended by the treaty of Westphalia.

50 (p. 217).--The death of Champlain, who had long been governor of New
France (see vol. ii., _note_ 42), occurred Dec. 25, 1635. His successor
was Charles Huault de Montmagny, a chevalier of the military order
of St. John of Jerusalem, more commonly known as Knights of Malta.
His commission was dated March 10, 1636; but Sulte (_Can.-Français_,
vol. ii., p. 59) notes that certain official "acts" of the Hundred
Associates, dated at Paris Jan. 15, 1636, mention Montmagny as
"governor for the said company, under the authority of the king and of
the cardinal duke of Richelieu, of Quebec and of other places on the
river St. Lawrence." This would imply that the Associates had appointed
him to this post in anticipation of Champlain's death, or possibly to
supersede the latter. He arrived at Quebec on June 11 following.

The praises lavished by the missionaries upon Montmagny seem largely
justified by his conduct as governor, and by the opinions of other
historians. He was a man of great personal courage, executive ability,
good judgment, and profound piety. He was a warm friend and supporter
of the Jesuit missions, as also of the new religious colony founded
at Montreal, which he escorted thither in May, 1642. Montmagny's
commission was renewed June 6, 1645. Eleven months later, he received
from the Company of New France a concession of land at Rivière du Sud,
1½ leagues along the St. Lawrence, and four leagues in depth; also of
two islands in the same river, Île aux Oies and Île aux Grues.

Recalled to France, Montmagny left Canada Sept. 23, 1647. He remained
at Paris at least four years; Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i.,
p. 363, _note_) cites a MS. of Aubert de la Chesnaye as stating that
Montmagny spent the last years of his life with a relative at St.
Christopher's, W.I., but thinks there is no proof of the correctness of
this assertion.

51 (p. 217).--Pierre Chastellain and Charles Garnier arrived at
Quebec with Montmagny, June 11, 1636; and on July 21 they left Three
Rivers with the Indian trading canoes, to join the mission in the
Huron country. Both were attacked by the smallpox in the following
September, but in due time recovered their health. Chastellain labored
at Ihonatiria about two years; was at Ossossané in 1638-39; then at St.
Joseph (Teanaustayé). In November, 1640, he was left in sole charge
of the residence of Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and was there in 1644. The
_Journ. des Jésu._ mentions him as officiating at Quebec from December,
1650, to March, 1664. The Hurons called him Arioo.

52 (p. 217).--Charles Garnier was born May 25, 1606, and became a
Jesuit novice Sept. 5, 1624, at Paris. His studies were pursued at
Clermont, 1626-36, except while he was an instructor at Eu (1629-32).
In 1636 he came to Canada (see _note_ 51, _ante_), and labored among
the Hurons. In November, 1639, he went with Isaac Jogues on a mission
to the Tobacco Nation; but this tribe feared them as sorcerers, owing
to the calumnies of certain Hurons, and after a few months the Jesuits
were driven away, and obliged to return to the Huron missions. A year
later, Garnier, with Pierre Pijart, made another though similarly
unavailing attempt to reach this tribe. But in 1647 a third effort
proved successful, and Garnier, with several assistants, established
in the Tobacco Nation two missions, St. Jean and St. Mathias. These
were highly prosperous until Dec. 7, 1649, when the town of Etarita
(St. Jean) was destroyed by an Iroquois band, most of the inhabitants
killed or made prisoners, and Garnier himself slain. The _Relation_ for
1650 (chap. iii.) gives a long account of the life, death, character,
and devoted piety of this missionary. Among the Hurons he was known
as Ouaracha (Waracha). Two of his brothers were also priests--Henry a
Carmelite, and Joseph a Capuchin.

53 (p. 219).--Upon the death of Champlain (see _note_ 50, _ante_), a
temporary successor was appointed, Marc Antoine de Brasdefer, sieur
de Chasteaufort, the commandant of the new post at Three Rivers,
whose commission had been for some time in the hands of Le Jeune--the
former, according to Kingsford (_Canada_, vol. i., p. 149), having
"been appointed to act as Governor in case of any extraordinary event.
The Jesuit Father had accordingly possessed the unusual power of
superseding Champlain, when he had deemed it advisable." Chasteaufort
accordingly administered the affairs of the colony until the arrival of
Montmagny (June, 1636). He then resumed command of the post at Three
Rivers, where he still was in February, 1638.

54 (p. 221).--M. de Courpon was admiral of the fleet of Canada in 1641.
Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii, p. 119, _note_) that De Courpon,
in that year, gave his own surgeon to Maisonneuve for the new colony at
Montreal.

55 (p. 221).--Nicolas Adam, four days after his arrival (June 12,
1636), was seized by a fever which brought on a stroke of paralysis,
disabling his hands and feet. In the _Relation_ for 1637 (chap. xv.)
he relates how he was cured, after an illness of three months, by a
novena of communions in honor of the Virgin. He remained at Notre-Dame
des Anges, giving religious instruction to the residents there. In the
summer of 1642, he returned to France, at the command of his superiors;
according to Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 433, _note_),
because he could not learn the Indian language.

56 (p. 221).--Ambroise Cauvet, a lay brother, is mentioned by _Journ.
des Jésu._ as at Quebec in 1645, 1646, and 1648, employed in various
ways as a domestic and artisan; he returned to France Sept. 18, 1657.

57 (p. 221).--The Norman families of Le Gardeur and Le Neuf (allied
by marriage) came together to Canada with Montmagny (June, 1636), and
were prominent and influential among the early colonists. Catherine de
Cordé, widow of René le Gardeur, sieur de Tilly, came with two sons
and a daughter; and Jeanne le Marchant, widow of Mathieu le Neuf de
Hérisson, brought two sons and two daughters. Some of these had also
wives and children; in all, they numbered 18 persons; Sulte gives a
list of their names and relationships in _Can.-Français_, vol. ii.,
p. 60. The remainder of the 45 persons mentioned in the text probably
included their servants, and families brought over as colonists.

Pierre le Gardeur, sieur de Repentigny, (born about 1610?) had at this
time three children, and fixed his residence at Quebec. During 1642-47,
he was commander of the Canadian fleet of the Hundred Associates;
and in his care Dauversière placed the provisions, arms, and other
supplies purchased by the latter for the colony of Montreal (1642).
In the autumn of 1644, Le Gardeur and Jean Paul Godefroy (afterwards
his son-in-law), went to France as delegates from the inhabitants of
Canada, to obtain from the government some restriction of the fur-trade
monopoly hitherto enjoyed by the Company of New France; they also
requested that Récollets might be sent to Canada as parish priests,
for the benefit of the French population--the Jesuits being mainly
missionaries to the Indian tribes. The latter effort failed; but the
fur trade was ceded by the company to the French colonists of the St.
Lawrence valley; the latter were obliged to support their government,
the garrisons, and the religious establishments, and to pay the
company 1,000 pounds of beaver skins annually as a seignorial rent.
For particulars of this arrangement, see Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_,
vol. i., pp. 338, 339; the royal decree confirming it (dated March
6, 1645) is given in _Édits du Conseil du Roi concernant le Canada_
(Quebec, 1854), pp. 28, 29. Other decrees (March 27, 1647, and March
5, 1648) reorganized the government, and granted a considerable degree
of autonomy to the inhabitants.--See Ferland, _ut supra_, pp. 356-358,
363-365; and Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. iii., pp. 7, 8, 14; cf.
Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. ii., pp. 92-94.

Pierre le Gardeur had done much to bring about these political changes;
but, for some reason, he opposed the new ordinances, so strongly that
he was superseded in the command of the fleet. Departing immediately
afterwards for Canada, he died at sea (July, 1648), from an epidemic
disease that prevailed on shipboard. He had obtained from the Company
of New France (April 16, 1647) two concessions on the St. Lawrence--the
seigniory of Lachenaye, and that afterwards known as Cournoyer,
opposite Three Rivers.

58 (p. 221).--Jacques le Neuf de la Poterie (born 1606) came to Canada
in 1636, with Pierre le Gardeur, whose sister Marguerite was his wife
(see _note_ 57, _ante_). In the preceding January, De la Poterie had
obtained a grant of the seigniory of Portneuf, above Quebec, on which
he made improvements, and where at first he resided. He was governor
of Three Rivers during November, 1645-August, 1648; June, 1650-August,
1651; September, 1652-July, 1653; and July, 1658-December, 1662. In
1649, he purchased a fief at Three Rivers from Champflour; and in
the same year he obtained a grant of the Isle aux Cochons, at the
mouth of the St. Maurice River. About this time, he was active in the
organization of a volunteer militia. In 1665, De Mézy (then governor of
New France) a few days before his death gave De la Poterie a commission
appointing the latter as his successor, in case of that event; but the
council refused to recognize his authority, excepting over the militia.
In October, 1666, he went to France; but it is not known whether he
returned thence.

Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. vii., p. 42) that the Le Neuf family
became extinct after the conquest of Canada.

59 (p. 227).--Concerning the Marquis de Gamache, see vol. vi., _note_ 9.

60 (p. 227).--Various acts of the Hundred Associates, from 1634
to 1647, are signed by Lamy (L'Amy), "for the company;" but other
information regarding him is not available.

61 (p. 229).--This was Emery de Caen; concerning his indemnification
for losses incurred at the capture of Quebec by Kirk, see vol. iv., p.
258, _note_ 21; and vol. vii., _note_ 18.

62 (p. 235).--Marie Madeleine de Wignerod (Vignerot) was the daughter
of René de Wignerod, marquis du Pont de Courlai (who died in 1625), and
of Françoise Duplessis, sister of Cardinal Richelieu. About 1620, Marie
became the wife of Antoine de Beauvoir de Roure, marquis de Combalet;
two years later, an officer in the Huguenot war, he fell in battle at
Montpellier. His widow refused to marry again, and devoted her time and
fortune to works of piety and charity. Le Jeune's _Relation_ for 1635
directed her attention to the Canadian missions, and his suggestion
as to the foundation of a hospital at Quebec at once appealed to her
heart--an impression doubtless strengthened by the counsel of Vincent
de Paul, who was an intimate friend of the Cardinal. She offered to
send thither, at her own expense, some Hospital nuns from Dieppe; the
Company of New France granted them lands; and the undertaking was aided
not only by Madame de Combalet, but by Richelieu himself, who also gave
his niece (1638) the estate of Aiguillon, and conferred upon her the
title of duchess. After various delays, the Hotel-Dieu of Quebec was
established in 1639. The Duchess d'Aiguillon continued for many years
to aid this and other charitable enterprises; she died April 17, 1675.

63 (p. 237).--_Montmartre_: an eminence on the western side of Paris,
about three hundred feet in height; so called (Lat. _mons martyrum_)
because St. Denis, bishop of Paris in the third century, and two
other Christians, were beheaded at the foot of the hill. The Chapel of
Martyrs built here was still visible in the seventeenth century; and in
it Ignatius Loyola pronounced his first vows, Aug. 15, 1534. The church
of St. Pierre de Montmartre, evidently the one referred to in the text,
was built in the twelfth century, by Louis VI. It served as a chapel
for the Benedictine convent also founded by that monarch, and rebuilt
by Louis XIV.; this was a "royal convent," the abbess being appointed
by the king, not elected by the nuns. During the Reign of Terror, the
abbess and all the inmates of this house were guillotined. A costly
church has recently been erected on the highest point of Montmartre,
where formerly stood temples dedicated to Mars and Mercury.

The heights of Montmartre were long famous for quarries of gypsum
(hence the name "plaster of Paris"). Here, too, was begun the Communist
insurrection of 1871.--See Hare's _Walks in Paris_ (N.Y. and London,
1888), pp. 481-486.

64 (p. 237).--Concerning the Ursulines, see vol. v., _note_ 3. Sulte
says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 67): "The seigniory of Ste.-Croix,
in Lotbinière county, measuring one league of frontage by six in
depth, was granted Jan. 15, 1637, by the company, to Jean de Beauvais,
commissary of the French marine, in order to found at Quebec a convent
of Ursuline nuns."

There were many orders of hospital nuns, formed mainly to nurse the
sick, but often also caring for neglected children and repentant women.
The one introduced by the duchess d'Aiguillon was apparently that
of the Hospital Sisters of the Mercy of Jesus, established in 1630,
according to the rule of St. Augustine: it was confirmed eight years
later by letters patent, and in 1664 and 1677 by papal bulls.

Both the Ursuline and the Hospital nuns arrived at Quebec Aug. 1, 1639.

65 (p. 253).--Sulte (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp. 40, 54, 92) gives
this information regarding him: "André de Malapart, a native of Paris,
a soldier and a poet, wrote an account of this campaign [the expulsion
of Stewart's colony from Cape Breton by Charles Daniel; see vol. iv.
of this series, _note_ 46], which he addressed to M. Jean de Lauson,
and which was published in 1630. In 1635, he was at Three Rivers, and
four years later was commandant at that post. He was still in Canada
in 1641." Tanguay (_Dict. Généal._, vol. i., p. 406) says: "In 1649,
the registers designate him as 'arcis moderator' [commandant];" but the
date here given is apparently a typographical error.

66 (p. 253).--M. de Maupertuis was in charge of the trading post at
Three Rivers, in 1635-36.

67 (p. 253).--_Capitanal_, or Kepitanal (Creuxius, _Hist. Canad._,
pp. 116, 182): a Montagnais chief of great ability. Le Jeune gives at
length (vol. v., pp. 205-211) the speech delivered by this man at a
conference between Champlain and the Montagnais savages, May 24, 1633,
and highly praises his intellect and eloquence. Capitanal died in the
autumn of 1634: his traits of character, and his relations with the
French, are described by Le Jeune in the _Relation_ for 1635, _ante_,
p. 55.

68 (p. 259).--Adrien du Chesne (Duchêne), a surgeon, came from Dieppe
to Canada, probably about 1620. He remained with his wife at Quebec
during the English occupation; and, after the return of the French,
practised his profession at Quebec and Three Rivers. In October, 1645,
he is mentioned by the _Journ. des Jésu._ (p. 9), in connection with
his nephew Charles le Moyne, the father of the noted explorer Le Moyne
d'Iberville.--See Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp. 7, 144.

69 (p. 267).--Pierre de Launay (born 1616), a native of the province
of Maine, France, is first mentioned in January, 1636, as an agent
of the Hundred Associates; this position he seems to have retained
at least until 1645; in that year he married Françoise Pinguet, at
Quebec. Certain Indians from Tadoussac made complaints to the Quebec
council (June, 1646) concerning De Launay's methods of trade, and the
exorbitant prices charged by him. He was killed by the Iroquois, Nov.
28, 1654.

70 (p. 269).--_Porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this
country_: According to Littre, _porcelain_ (a word of Italian origin;
adopted, with slight variations, into nearly all European languages)
was a name given, from very early times, to a univalvular, gastropodous
mollusk, _Cypræa;_ especially used for the species _C. moneta_, the
money cowry of Africa and the East Indies, and for its shell. The same
term was applied to the nacre (from which were made vases, ornaments,
etc.) obtained from the shells of this and many other mollusks; and the
enameled pottery brought from the Orient about the 16th century was
also called "porcelain," from its resemblance to this nacre.

The early explorers on this continent found shells, or beads made
therefrom, everywhere in use among the natives as currency. Cartier
mentions this article as called "esurgny" by the Indians at Montreal;
Champlain and other French writers applied the term already familiar to
them, "porcelain;" the English colonists adopted the name in use among
the natives of New England, "wampum" (from _wompi_, "white"); while the
Dutch traders called it "sewan" (seawant, or zee-wand; a corruption of
_seah-whóun_, "scattered, loose").

An interesting account of this Indian money is given by Roger Williams,
in his _Key into the Language of America_ (London, 1643),--reprinted,
with careful and extensive annotations (mainly philological) by J.
H. Trumbull, in _Publications of the Narragansett Club_, vol. i.
(Providence, R. I., 1866). In chap. xxvi. of this work, pp. 173-178,
"Concerning their Coyne," the author says: "The _Indians_ are ignorant
of Europes Coyne; yet they have given a name to ours, and call it
_Monêash_ from the _English_ Money. Their own is of two sorts; one
white, which they make of the stem or stocke of the _Periwincle_, which
they call Meteaûhock, when all the shell is broken off: and of this
sort six of their small beads (which they make with holes to string the
bracelets) are currant with the _English_ for a peny. The second is
black, inclining to blew, which is made of the shell of a fish which
some _English_ call _Hens_, Poquaûhock, and of this sort three make
an _English_ peny.... This one fathom of this their stringed money,
now worth of the English but five shillings (sometimes more), some few
yeeres since was worth nine, and sometimes ten shillings per Fathome:
the fall is occasioned by the fall of Beaver in _England_: the Natives
are very impatient, when for English commodities they pay so much more
of their money, and not understanding the cause of it; and many say the
English cheat and deceive them, though I have laboured to make them
understand the reason of it.... Their white they call _Wompam_ (which
signifies white): their black _Suckduhock_ (_Súcki_ signifying blacke).
Both amongst themselves, as also the English and Dutch, the blacke peny
is two pence white: the blacke fathom double, or two fathom of white.
Before ever they had _Awle blades_ from _Europe_, they made shift to
bore this their shell money with stone, and so fell their trees with
stone set in a wooden staff, and used wooden _howes_: which some old
& poore women (fearfull to leave the old tradition) use to this day.
They hang these strings of money about their necks and wrists, as
also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children." Trumbull
(pp. 140, 175, _ut supra_) says that the Poquaûhock was the _Venus
mercenaria_, the round clam, or quahaug; the Meteaûhock was probably
the _Pyrula carica_ or _P. canaliculata_, which have retained the name
of "periwinkle" on the coast of New England. (The two latter species
are also known as _Fulgur carica_ and _Scycotypus canaliculata_.)
From these shells were cut beads of cylindrical shape, through which
holes were drilled; these beads were then strung upon cords, or the
sinews of animals, and, when woven into plaits about as broad as the
hand, made wampum "belts." In early times, various articles were used
as substitutes for the shell beads--colored sticks of wood, porcupine
quills, and glass or porcelain beads, brought from Europe by the
traders.

The early traders readily adopted wampum as a medium of exchange in
their transactions with the Indians, in both purchase and sale. Thus
it "quickly became a standard of values, the currency of the colonists
to a great extent in their transactions with each other, and even a
legal tender." In Massachusetts, "wampampeag" was legal tender (Act of
1648) for all debts less than forty shillings, "except county rates to
the treasurer,"--the white at eight for a penny, and the black at four
for a penny. "So slow were the red men to relinquish this currency,
that wampum continued to be fabricated until within fifty years in
several towns of New York State (chiefly at Babylon, L. I.) to meet the
demand for it by Western fur traders."--See Ingersoll's "Wampum and its
History," in _American Naturalist_, vol. xvii. (1883), pp. 467-479.

Beauchamp says (_N. Y. Iroquois_): "I have mentioned the lack of wampum
among the early New York Iroquois, as a proof that they had not reached
the sea; but it was not abundant even on the coast in prehistoric
times. On early Iroquois sites it is not found, nor anything resembling
it.... A few stray, prehistoric, small wampum beads might be expected
low down in the Mohawk valley, but I know of none; west of this, they
are absolutely unknown. When, therefore, we are told of ancient wampum
belts in New York, coeval with and recording the formation of the
Iroquois league, we may settle it in our minds that such do not exist
and never did. The most ancient Onondaga belt is modern, and it is
doubtful if any one is much over a century old."

Wampum was used not only as money, and for purposes of ornament; it was
sent with a messenger as his credentials, and was the mark of a chief's
authority; it was used for "presents" or gifts, both within and without
one's tribe; it was paid as ransom for a prisoner, or as atonement for
a crime; and was used in negotiating and in recording treaties. The
wampum "means nothing to white man, all to Indian," said recently a
prominent Onondaga. Cf. Hale's "Indian Wampum Records," in _Popular
Science Monthly_, February, 1897.




Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired.


Corrections.

The first line indicates the orginal, the second the correction.

Note 20

  latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 163); but his name does
  latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does





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