The Project Gutenberg eBook of Memoirs of the Generals, Commodores and other Commanders who distinguished themselves in the American army and navy during the wars of the Revolution and 1812, and who were presented with medals by Congress for their gallant services, by Thomas Wyatt.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE: A list of illustrations has been added to the table of contents.

MEMOIRS
OF THE
GENERALS, COMMODORES, AND OTHER COMMANDERS,

WHO DISTINGUISHED THEMSELVES IN THE
AMERICAN ARMY AND NAVY
DURING THE
WARS OF THE REVOLUTION AND 1812,

AND

WHO WERE PRESENTED WITH MEDALS BY CONGRESS,
FOR THEIR GALLANT SERVICES.

In the office of the Clerk of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

PREFACE.

Americans, proud of the achievements of their countrymen, who in the field of honor have fought with superior valor for the independence or glory of their native land, will look with complacency on the decisive stamp of nationality which a work of this kind necessarily possesses; while it is [iv]equally true, that the world will find, in the circumstances of the age, or period of the gallant deeds when LIBERTY was so nobly asserted, and when the invincibility of the proud “mistress of the seas” was so successfully contested, a bright page of history on which our national pride may justly dwell.

Here, as in “Old Rome,” where the public honors are open to the virtue of every citizen, the lives of those heroes who have been distinguished by their country’s highest rewards, will develop virtuous deeds, heroic exertions and patriotic efforts, when all now commemorated shall be no more. Nor is it difficult to predict, that a like high pre-eminence of virtue and of public services will long perpetuate the glorious annals of America. It has appeared to us that there has been no publication in which the illustrious commanders of our two wars, who have been signalized by the presentation of gold medals, &c., have been singled out, and their lives illustrated in connection with graphic delineations of the beautiful and glorious emblems of their country’s gratitude. This work is now offered to the public as a text-book of men who have sealed their patriotic devotion with wounds and scars, as well as of historical incidents sacred to patriotism. Our plan admits of none of the embellishments of romance; on the contrary it confines itself to the simple facts as they really were, giving to each commander that share of bravery and virtue which his country has thought proper to signalize by the medals, &c., awarded him. The biographical scope we take admits only of the relation of the principal events of their lives, more particularly in the department in which they rose to fame, and we have endeavored to do our part with all the accuracy that conciseness will allow; leaving to others to give more finished and full-sized portraits, which, in judicious hands, may be the more entertaining and instructive, as they are more in detail.

We trust, however, though aware it may not be possible to avoid some error, or to satisfy every expectation, that from the efforts we have made, and the scrupulous impartiality we have endeavored to observe, as well as on account of the authentic materials which have been kindly furnished us, we shall be found to have been successful in our attempt to aid in the perpetuation of the fame of men so well entitled to lasting celebrity, and to the gratitude of posterity.[v]

We acknowledge our indebtedness to former historians and biographers; but, in a greater degree, we have to thank those officers now living who have so kindly supplied us with facts drawn from their own private papers, &c. We have also to return our most grateful acknowledgments to the representatives of the illustrious dead who have so cheerfully contributed to our materials.

In conclusion, it is hoped that they, and the public, will dwell with pleasure and satisfaction on these pages.

CONTENTS.

GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Among those patriots who have a claim to our veneration, George Washington claims a conspicuous place in the first rank. The ancestors of this extraordinary man were among the first settlers in America; they had emigrated from England, and settled in Westmoreland county, Virginia. George Washington, the subject of these memoirs, was born on the 22d February, 1732.

At the time our hero was born, all the planters throughout this county were his relations—hence his youthful years glided away in all the pleasing gayety of social friendship. In the tenth year of his age he lost an excellent father, who died in 1742, and the patrimonial estate devolved to an elder brother. This young gentleman had been an officer in the colonial troops, sent in the expedition against Carthagena. On his return, he called the family mansion Mount Vernon, in honor of the British admiral with whom he sailed. George Washington, when only fifteen years of age, ardent to serve his country, then at war with France and Spain, solicited the post of midshipman in the British navy, but the interference of a fond mother suspended, and for ever diverted him from[10] the navy. His devoted parent lived to see him acquire higher honors than he ever could have obtained as a naval officer; but elevated to the first offices, both civil and military, in the gift of his country. She, from long established habits, would often regret the side her son had taken in the controversy between her king and her country. The first proof that he gave of his propensity to arms, was in the year 1751, when the office of adjutant-general of the Virginia militia became vacant by the death of his brother, and Mount Vernon, with other estates, came into his possession. Washington, in his twentieth year, was made major of one of the militia corps of Virginia. The population made it expedient to form three divisions. When he was but just twenty-one, he was employed by the government of his native colony, in an enterprise which required the prudence of age as well as the vigor of youth. In the year 1753, the encroachments of the French upon the western boundaries of the British colonies, excited such general alarm in Virginia, that Governor Dinwiddie deputed Washington to ascertain the truth of these rumors; he also was empowered to enter into a treaty with the Indians, and remonstrate with the French upon their proceedings.

On his arrival at the back settlements, he found the colonists in a very unhappy situation, from the depredations of the Indians, who were incessantly instigated by the French to the commission of continual aggressions. He found that the French had actually established posts within the boundaries of Virginia. Washington strongly remonstrated against such acts of hostility, and in the name of his executive, warned the French to desist from those incursions. On his return, his report to the governor was published, and evinced that he had performed this honorable mission with great prudence.

It was in consequence of the French calling themselves the first European discoverers of the river Mississippi, that[11] made them claim all that immense region, whose waters run into that river. They were proceeding to erect a chain of posts from Canada to the Ohio river, thereby connecting Canada with Louisiana, and limiting the English colonies to the east of the Alleghany mountains. The French were too intent on their favorite project of extending their domain in America, to be diverted from it by the remonstrances of a colonial governor.

This induced the Assembly of Virginia to raise a regiment of three hundred men to defend their frontiers and maintain the right claimed by their king.

Of this regiment, Professor Fry, of William and Mary College, was appointed colonel, and George Washington lieutenant-colonel. Fry died soon after the regiment was embodied, and was succeeded by our hero, who paid unremitting attention to the discipline of his new corps. The latter advanced with his regiment as far as Great Meadows, where he received intelligence, by the return of his scouts whom he had sent on to reconnoiter, that the enemy had built a fort, and stationed a large garrison at Duquesne, now Pittsburgh. Having now arrived within fifty miles of the French post, Washington held a council of war with the other officers, but while they were deliberating, a detachment of the French came in sight and obliged them to retreat to a savanna called the Green Meadows. On an eminence in the savanna they began to erect a small fortification, which he named Fort Necessity.

On this redoubt they raised two field-pieces. On the following day they were joined by Captain McKay, with a company of regulars, amounting now to about four hundred men. Scarcely had they finished their entrenchments when an advanced guard of the French appeared in sight, at which the Americans sallied forth, attacked and defeated them; but[12] the main body of the enemy, amounting to fifteen hundred men, compelled them to retire to their fort.

The camp was now closely invested, and the Americans suffered severely from the grape shot of the enemy, and the Indian rifles. Washington, however, defended the works with such skill and bravery, that the besiegers were unable to force the entrenchments. After a conflict of ten hours, in which one hundred and fifty of the Americans were killed and wounded, they were obliged to capitulate. They were permitted to march out with the honors of war, to retain their arms and baggage, and to march unmolested into the inhabited parts of Virginia. The legislature of Virginia, impressed with a high sense of the bravery of our young officer, voted their thanks to him and the officers under his command, and three hundred pistoles to be distributed among the soldiers engaged in this action.

Great Britain now began to think seriously of these controversies, and accordingly dispatched two regiments of veteran soldiers from Ireland, commanded by General Braddock. These arrived early in 1755, and their commander, being informed of the talents and bravery of George Washington, invited him to serve in the campaign as his aid-de-camp.

The invitation was joyfully accepted by Washington, who joined General Braddock near Alexandria, and proceeded to Fort Cumberland; here they were detained, waiting for provisions, horses, wagons, &c., until the 12th of June. Washington had recommended the use of pack horses, instead of wagons, for conveying the baggage of the army. Braddock soon saw the propriety of it and adopted it. The state of the country, at this period, often obliged them to halt to level the road, and to build bridges over inconsiderable brooks. They consumed four days in traveling over the first nineteen miles.[13] On the 9th of July they reached the Monongahela, within a few miles of Fort Duquesne, and pressing forward, without any apprehension of danger, a dreadful conflict ensued; the army was suddenly attacked in an open road, thick set with grass.

An invisible enemy, consisting of French and Indians, commenced a heavy and well directed fire on the uncovered troops. The van fell back on the main body, and the whole was thrown into disorder. Marksmen leveled their pieces particularly at the officers and others on horseback.

In a short time, Washington was the only aid-de-camp left alive and not wounded. On him, therefore, devolved the whole duty of carrying the general’s orders. He was, of course, obliged to be constantly in motion, traversing the field of battle on horseback in all directions. He had two horses shot under him, and four bullets passed through his coat, but he escaped unhurt, though every other officer on horseback was either killed or wounded. The battle lasted three hours, in the course of which General Braddock had three horses shot under him, and finally received a wound, of which he died soon after the action was over. On the fall of Braddock, his troops gave way in all directions, and could not be rallied till they had crossed the Monongahela. The Indians, allured by plunder, did not pursue. The vanquished regulars soon fell back to Dunbar’s camp, from which, after destroying such of the stores as they could spare, retired to Philadelphia.

Washington had cautioned the gallant but unfortunate general in vain; his ardent desire of conquest made him deaf to the voice of prudence; he saw his error when too late, and bravely perished in his endeavors to save the division from destruction. Amid the carnage, the presence of mind and abilities of Washington were conspicuous; he rallied the troops, and, at the head of a corps of grenadiers, covered the[14] rear of the division, and secured their retreat over the ford of Monongahela.

Kind Providence preserved him for great and nobler services. Soon after this transaction, the regulation of rank, which had justly been considered as a grievance by the colonial officers, was changed in consequence of a spirited remonstrance of Washington; and the governor of Virginia rewarded this brave young officer with the command of all the troops of that colony. The troops under his command were gradually inured in that most difficult kind of warfare called bush-fighting, while the activity of the French and ferocity of the Indians were overcome by his superior valor.

Washington received the most flattering marks of public approbation; but his best reward was the consciousness of his own integrity.

In the course of this decisive campaign, which restored the tranquillity and security of the middle colonies, Washington had suffered many hardships which impaired his health. He was afflicted with an inveterate pulmonary complaint, and extremely debilitated, insomuch that, in the year 1759, he resigned his commission and retired to Mount Vernon. By a due attention to regimen, in the quiet bowers of Mount Vernon, he gradually recovered from his indisposition.

During the tedious period of his convalescence, the British troops had been victorious; his country had no more occasion for the exertion of his military talents. In 1761, he married the young widow of Colonel Custis, who had left her sole executrix to his extensive possessions, and guardian to his two children. The union of Washington with this accomplished lady was productive of their mutual felicity; and as he incessantly pursued agricultural improvements, his taste embellished and enriched the fertile fields around Mount Vernon. But the time was approaching when Washington was[15] to relinquish the happiness of his home to act a conspicuous part on the great theatre of the world.

For more than ten years had the colonies and their mother country been at variance from causes of usurpation and tyranny, and the awful moment was fast approaching when America was to throw off her fetters and proclaim herself free. In 1775, Washington was elected commander-in-chief of the whole American army. The American army were, at the time of this appointment, entrenched on Winter Hill, Prospect Hill and Roxbury, Massachusetts, communicating with each other by small posts, over a distance of ten miles; the head-quarters of the American army was at Cambridge, while the British were entrenched on Bunker’s Hill, defended by three floating batteries on Mystic river below.

Washington having now arrived at the army, which consisted of fourteen thousand, he was determined to bring the enemy to an alternative, either to evacuate Boston, or risk an action. General Howe, the British commander, preferred the latter, and ordered three thousand men to fall down the river to the castle, to prepare for the attack, but during their preparations, they were dispersed by a storm; which so disabled them for their intended attack, that they at last resolved to evacuate the town.

Washington, not wishing to embarrass the British troops in their proposed evacuation, detached part of his army to New York, to complete the fortifications there; and with the remainder, took peaceable possession of Boston, amid the hearty congratulations of the inhabitants, who hailed him as their deliverer.

When the Americans took possession of Boston, they found a multitude of valuable articles, which were unavoidably left by the British army, such as artillery, ammunition, many[16] woolens and linens, of which the American army stood in the most pressing need.

Washington now directed his attention to the fortifications of Boston; and every effective man in the town volunteered his services to devote two days in every week till it was completed. By a resolve of Congress of March 25th, 1776, a vote of thanks was passed to General Washington and the officers and soldiers under his command, for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston. Also a gold medal to General Washington, of which the following is a description:—

Legend.—Georgio Washington, supremo duci exercitum adsertori libertatis comitia Americana.

Reverse.—Troops advancing towards a town which is seen at a distance. Troops marching to the river. Ships in view. General Washington in front, and mounted, with his staff, whose attention he is directing to the embarking enemy.

GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE.

Anthony Wayne, of whose military career America has much to boast, the son of a respectable farmer in Chester county, Pennsylvania, was born on the 1st of January, 1745. His propensities and pursuits being repugnant to the labors of the field, his father resolved to give him an opportunity of pursuing such studies as his acquirements might suggest, and accordingly placed him under the tuition of a relative of erudition and acquirements, who was teacher of a country school. Our young hero was by no means an attentive student; his mind seemed, like the young Napoleon, bent on a military life, for instead of preparing his lessons for recitation during his leisure hours, he employed himself in ranging his playmates into regiments, besieging castles, throwing up redoubts, &c. &c.

He was removed from the county school into an academy of repute in Philadelphia, where he soon became an expert mathematician, sufficiently so, that on his leaving school he became a land surveyor, with a very respectable and lucrative business. At the persuasion of Dr. Franklin, he removed to Nova Scotia, as agent for a company of settlers about to repair to that province on a scheme of emigration.[18]

As an able negotiator he acquitted himself honorably, and returned to Pennsylvania, where he married the daughter of Benjamin Penrose, an eminent merchant of Philadelphia, and settled once more on a farm in his native county. The aspect of affairs between the mother country and the provinces at this time convinced our young hero that desperate means must soon be resorted to to prevent invasion from abroad and insurrection at home. Satisfied that the controversies between the two countries would only be adjusted by the sword, he determined to apply himself to military discipline and tactics, that whenever his country required it, he might devote his energies in raising and preparing for the field a regiment of volunteers. The moment arrived, and young Wayne was only six weeks in completing a regiment, of which he was unanimously chosen colonel. At the sound of taxation the undaunted spirit of liberty burst forth, and thousands of young and fearless patriots thronged around the sacred banner to enrol themselves in a cause which must eventually end in freedom. News of the opening of the revolution at Bunker’s Hill and Lexington arrived, and Washington, who had accepted the command of the army, repaired to the seat of war.

Congress, now sitting at Philadelphia, called upon the colonies for regiments to reinforce the northern army, and the one raised by the exertions of Anthony Wayne was the first called into service, and upon him was conferred the command. His orders to join General Lee at New York were quickly obeyed, whence he proceeded with his regiment to Canada, to be stationed at the entrance of Sorel river.

Shortly after his arrival there, news arrived that a detachment of six hundred British light infantry were advancing toward a post called Trois Rivières (Three Rivers). Anxious to check their advance, or strike before they could concentrate[19] their forces, three regiments, commanded by Wayne, St. Clair and Irvine, commenced their march for that purpose. Unfortunately, however, untoward circumstances compelled them to retreat with considerable loss of men, and Colonels Wayne and St. Clair severely wounded. The movements now devolved upon Wayne, who collected the scattered troops and returned to his former post at Sorel river, where he remained but a short period, being followed by a heavy British column, giving him only sufficient time to leave the fort before the enemy entered it. The retreat was made good by the able conduct of Wayne, who, with his stores and baggage, safely arrived at Ticonderoga.

At a consultation among the generals it was determined that at this post they should take their stand. After reconnoitering the fortifications, and finding them so well prepared to resist an attack, the British general re-embarked his forces and retired to Canada.

Immediately on the withdrawal of the British troops, General Gates repaired to Washington’s army, leaving Colonel Wayne in entire charge of Ticonderoga. This high compliment paid to Colonel Wayne, agreeable to the troops and approved of by Congress, caused the gallant soldier to be promoted to the rank of Brigadier-general. He remained at this post six months, when, Washington having marched his main army into Jersey, General Wayne solicited permission to join him, which he did at Bound Brook, a few miles from Brunswick, in New Jersey. Soon after the arrival of Wayne, General Howe, having received reinforcements from England, at New York, took up his line of march across Jersey, in order to intercept the American army before reaching Philadelphia. Washington conceived the plan of General Howe to be to surprise the city of Philadelphia and disperse the congressional assembly, who were then sitting there; he accordingly[20] dispatched Wayne and his troops to meet and strike them, in order to resist their passage at Chad’s Ford. This was done, and a sharp conflict ensued, which was gallantly kept up until late in the evening, when it was thought prudent to retreat; the loss sustained by the Americans was stated to be three hundred killed and four hundred taken prisoners. The statement given by the British general himself, was one hundred killed and four hundred wounded, but which was afterwards ascertained to be nearly double that number. In this battle the young patriot Lafayette first drew his sword in the cause of America’s freedom, and although severely wounded in his leg at the very onset of the battle, he continued to cheer and encourage his soldiers, (with the blood flowing from his wound, having bound his sash around it,) till the end of the conflict.

The British, taking a circuitous route, now marched with all haste towards Philadelphia, and Washington wishing to give them the meeting before reaching the city, retired to Chester, where both armies met at some distance from the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. General Wayne commenced the action with great spirit, but a violent storm came on which rendered it impossible for the battle to continue, and each army withdrew from the field.

Washington, in order to save Philadelphia, with the main army fell back and crossed the Schuylkill at Parker’s ferry, leaving General Wayne with about fifteen hundred men to watch the enemy, who had retreated back about three miles. After remaining at that post for four days, he was apprised of the near approach of the British army, and after giving three distinct orders to one of his colonels to lead off by another road and attack the enemy in the rear, which order was not understood, and consequently not obeyed, gave the British time to come upon them before they could make good their retreat.[21] The enemy fell upon them with the cry of “No quarters,” and one hundred and fifty of his brave men were killed and wounded in this barbarous massacre. The next battle at which this valiant soldier distinguished himself, was at Germantown. The British having taken a position in the immediate vicinity of that village, General Wayne, moving with much secrecy, attacked them in their camp at the dawn of day, but after many hours of hard fighting and a succession of untoward circumstances, was obliged to retreat. The loss of the Americans in this action, was one hundred and fifty-two killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners; the loss of the British was eight hundred killed and wounded.

The British army remained in nearly the same position till the 26th of October, when General Howe, with a detachment of his troops, took peaceable possession of Philadelphia. Watson, in his Annals of Philadelphia, says,—“As they entered the city, Lord Cornwallis at their head led the van. They marched down Second street without any huzzaing or insolence whatever, and the citizens thronged the sidewalks with serious countenances, looking at them. The artillery were quartered in Chestnut street, between Third and Sixth streets. The State House yard was made use of as a parade ground.”

Congress had previously been removed to Lancaster, in the interior of the state, sixty miles from Philadelphia. Washington and his army were posted at White Marsh, about fourteen miles from Philadelphia, and in order to draw the commander-in-chief from his strong position, the British general, Howe, marched his soldiers to the neighborhood of the American lines, and after many demonstrations of attack, finding that Washington was not disposed to bring on another action, retreated again to the city. This gave Washington an opportunity[22] of proceeding to Valley Forge, where, in the month of December, with his almost famished and naked soldiers, they cheerfully commenced building huts with their own hands in the woods. Early in January, General Wayne repaired to Lancaster, where the government was then located, to use his exertions in raising supplies, both of provisions and clothing, for the army.

In part did he succeed, but the scarcity of provisions becoming so great, that Washington was at length compelled to detach a body of troops, under General Greene, with orders to obtain “an immediate supply of provisions by any means within his power.” This was done by seizing every animal fit for slaughter; and by this means the immediate wants of the starving troops were supplied.

In order to prevent a similar deplorable state of want, our gallant hero, who knew no danger, in the month of February, a most inclement season, left the army with a body of troops on an expedition to New Jersey, to secure cattle on the banks of the Delaware.

This, of all others, was a dangerous enterprise, for the British were wintering in detachments in many places near the Delaware. However, in our hero bravery knew no fear, and for the relief of his suffering soldiers he was determined to attack and wrest from the British, (whenever he came in contact,) provisions for his men and sustenance for his horses. After several skirmishes, which might really be termed battles, he succeeded, by his soldier-like and judicious management, in capturing from them and sending to the American camp several hundred fine cattle, some excellent horses, and a large amount of forage. About the middle of March he returned to Valley Forge, to receive the thanks of his commander-in-chief and the blessings of the army. The British remained in quiet possession of Philadelphia till the 18th of June following,[23] when they commenced their march through Jersey. On the same day Washington left Valley Forge in order to follow them, and on the 24th encamped about five miles from Princeton, while the British had encamped at Allentown. During the winter General Howe had requested to be recalled, and the command now devolved upon Sir Henry Clinton. Wayne, with four thousand men, was ordered, accompanied by Lafayette, with one thousand men, to take a position near Monmouth Courthouse, about five miles in the rear of the British camp, in order to prevent their reaching the Highlands of New York. Washington, who had determined to attack the British the moment they moved from their ground, received intelligence on the morning of the 28th of June that they were on their way. The troops were immediately under arms, and General Lee ordered to march on and attack the rear, as the enemy advanced towards the troops of Wayne and Lafayette. This was done, and the Americans, though much fatigued by their previous march, fought with such determined bravery that the British gave way. Taking advantage of the night, which saved them from a total rout, they withdrew to the heights of Middletown, leaving behind them two hundred and forty-five killed of their soldiers, and many of their officers; others they had before interred. The following is an extract of a letter of Wayne to a friend:—

“Paramus, 12th July, 1778.

“We have been in perpetual motion ever since we crossed the Delaware until yesterday, when we arrived here, where we shall be stationary for a few days, in order to recruit a little after the fatigue which we have experienced in marching through deserts, burning sands, &c. &c.

“The enemy, sore from the action of the 28th ult., seemed[24] inclined to rest also. They are now in three divisions; one on Long Island, another on Staten Island, and a third in New York.

“The victory on that day turns out to be much more considerable than at first supposed. An officer who remained on the ground two or three days after the action, says that nearly three hundred British had been buried by us on the field, and numbers discovered in the woods, exclusive of those buried by the enemy, not much short of one hundred. So that by the most moderate calculation, their killed and wounded must amount to eleven hundred, the flower of their army, and many of them of the richest blood of England.

“Tell those Philadelphia ladies who attended Howe’s assemblies and levees, that the heavenly, sweet red-coats, the accomplished gentlemen of the guards and grenadiers, have been humbled on the plains of Monmouth. These knights have resigned their laurels to rebel officers, who will lay them at the feet of those virtuous daughters of America, who cheerfully gave up ease and affluence in a city, for liberty and peace of mind in a cottage.

“Adieu, and believe me

“Yours most sincerely,

“Anthony Wayne.”

The British commander, having in the night escaped from his adversary, took a strong position on the high grounds about Middletown, where remaining, however, but a few days, he proceeded to Sandy Hook, and passed over to New York.

Washington, at this time, proceeded by slow and easy marches to the Highlands of the Hudson.

It was his intention to fortify West Point, and the Highlands of the North River; accordingly the works at Stony and Verplanck’s Points were commenced for that purpose,[25] yet only on Verplanck’s a small but strong work had been completed and garrisoned by seventy men, under Captain Armstrong, while the works on Stony Point, of much greater extent and of incomparably more importance, were unfinished. To secure these valuable positions was a matter of great magnitude both to the British as well as American commander-in-chief; hence was the determination of fortifying the Highlands, so as to comprehend within it these important positions. To arrest the progress of these fortifications, Sir Henry Clinton sailed with a fleet up the Hudson, and landed his troops in two divisions; the one under General Vaughan, destined against the works at Verplanck’s on the east side of the river—the other, which he commanded in person, against those of Stony Point, on the west side. The fortifications on Stony Point being unfinished, were abandoned without resistance, on the approach of the enemy, who instantly commenced dragging some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit of the hill, and on the next morning about sunrise opened a battery on Fort Fayette, erected on Verplanck’s, the distance across being about one thousand yards.

The cannonade during the day, from the very commanding position of Stony Point, as also from vessels and gun-boats in the river, occasioned much injury to the fort; which, being invested both by water and land, and no means of saving the garrison now remaining, Captain Armstrong, (who had command,) after a gallant resistance, was compelled to surrender himself and troops prisoners of war. Sir Henry proceeded immediately to place both forts in what he supposed a perfect state of defence, especially that of Stony Point, which he garrisoned with six hundred men, under the command of an officer distinguished for his bravery and circumspection. In consequence of Washington being now at West Point, Sir Henry declined a further movement up the Hudson, but remained[26] with his army at Phillipsburg, about midway between New York and Stony Point. Immediately on the arrival of Wayne at head quarters, Washington commenced laying plans for the recapture of Stony Point, and in a conference between the commander-in-chief and Wayne, the latter, emphatically to express his willingness to undertake the perilous enterprise, is said to have remarked:—“General, if you will only plan it, I will storm Hell!”

As no industry had been wanting in completing or repairing the works at Stony Point, which the length of possession by the British would admit of, that post was now in a very strong state of defence; its garrison consisted of the seventeenth regiment of foot, the grenadier companies of the seventy-first and some artillery; the whole under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Johnson. The garrison at Verplanck’s was under the conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Webster, and was at least equal in force to that of Stony Point. General Wayne was appointed to the difficult and arduous task of surprising and storming Stony Point, for which Washington provided him with a strong detachment of the most active infantry in the American service. These troops had a distance of about fourteen miles to travel over high mountains, through deep morasses, difficult defiles and roads exceedingly bad and narrow, so that they could only move in single files during the greatest part of their journey. About eight o’clock in the evening of the 15th of July, the van arrived within a mile and a half of their object, where they halted, and the troops were formed into two columns as fast as they came up. While they were in this position, Wayne, with most of his principal officers, went to reconnoitre the works, and to observe the situation of the garrison. It was near midnight before the two columns approached the place; that on the right, consisting of Febiger and Meigs’ regiments, was led by General[27] Wayne. The van, consisting of one hundred and fifty picked men, led by the most adventurous officers, and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Fleury, advanced to the attack, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. They were preceded by an avant-guard, consisting of an officer of the most distinguished courage, accompanied by twenty of the most desperate private men, who, with other officers, were intended to remove the abatis, and whatever obstructions lay in the way of the succeeding troops. The column on the left, was led by a similar chosen van, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, under the command of Major Stewart; and that was also preceded by a similar avant-guard. The general issued the most positive orders to both columns, (which they strictly adhered to,) not to fire a shot on any account, but to place their whole reliance on the bayonet. The two attacks seem to have been directed to opposite points of the works; whilst a detachment under Major Murfree engaged the attention of the garrison, by a feint in their front. They found the approaches more difficult than even their knowledge of the place had induced them to expect; the works being covered by a deep morass, which, at this time, happened to be overflowed by the tide.

The general, in his official papers, says, “that neither the deep morass, the formidable and double rows of abatis, or the strong works in front and flank could damp the ardor of his brave troops; who, in the face of a most incessant and tremendous fire of musketry, and of cannon loaded with grape-shot, forced their way at the point of the bayonet through every obstacle, until the van of each column met in the centre of the works, where they arrived at nearly the same time.” General Wayne was wounded in the head by a musket-ball, as he passed the last abatis; but was gallantly supported and assisted through the works by his two brave aids-de-camp,[28] Fishbourn and Archer, to whom he acknowledges the utmost gratitude in his public letter. Colonel Fleury, a French officer, had the honor of striking the British standard with his own hand, and placing in its room the American stars and stripes. Major Stewart and several other officers received great praise; particularly the two Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox, one of whom led the avant-guard on the right, and the other on the left. Both, however, had the good fortune to escape unhurt, although Lieutenant Gibbons lost seventeen men out of twenty in the attack.

There is nothing in the annals of war which affords more room for surprise, and seems less to be accounted for, than the prodigious disparity between the numbers slain in those different actions, which seem otherwise similar or greatly to correspond in their principal circumstances, nature and magnitude. Nothing could well be supposed, from its nature and circumstances, more bloody, in proportion to the numbers engaged, than this action; and yet the loss on both sides was exceedingly moderate.

Nothing could exceed the triumph of America and Americans generally, upon the success of this enterprize, and the vigor and spirit with which it was conducted.

It must, indeed, be acknowledged, that considered in all its parts and difficulties, it would have done honor to the most veteran soldiers. General Washington, the Congress, the General Assembly, and the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, were emulous in their acknowledgments, and in the praises which they bestowed upon General Wayne, his officers and troops. In these they particularly applaud the humanity and clemency shown to the vanquished, when, by the laws of war, and stimulated by resentment from the remembrance of former cruelty received from the British,[29] they would have been justified in putting the whole garrison to the sword.

As soon as Stony Point was taken, the artillery was directly turned against Verplanck’s, and a furious cannonade ensued which necessarily obliged the shipping at the latter place to cut their cables and fall down the river. The news of this disaster, and of Webster’s situation, who also expected an immediate attack on the land side, no sooner reached Sir Harry Clinton, than he took the most speedy measures for the relief of Verplanck’s. The whole British land and naval force was in motion. But, however great the importance or value of Stony Point and Verplanck’s, Washington was by no means disposed to hazard a general engagement on their account; more especially in a situation where the command of the river would afford such decisive advantages to his enemy in the disposition and sudden movement of their troops, whether with respect to the immediate point of action, or to the seizing of the passes, and cutting off the retreat of his army, as might probably be attended with the most fatal consequences.

In his letter to Congress, he says, that it had been previously determined in council not to attempt keeping that post, and that nothing more was originally intended than the destruction of the works and seizing the artillery and stores. This adventurous and daring feat kept the advanced posts of the British in a state of serious alarm.

By the journals of Congress for July 26, 1779, it appears that the attack on the fort at Stony Point was ordered by General Washington on the 10th of July. General Wayne issued his orders on the 15th, on the night of which day the attack was made. The prisoners taken were five hundred and forty-three; not a musket was fired by the Americans; and although the laws of war and the principle of retaliation for[30] past cruelty, would have justified the sacrifice of the garrison, yet not a man was killed who asked for quarters. Soon after this gallant action, General Wayne repaired to his family in Chester county, and thence to the seat of Government, to use his exertions in stimulating the councils of the nation in behalf of the suffering army, one-half of which was at this time nearly barefooted, and otherwise destitute of comforts. As the winter was now approaching, Washington was preparing to take up his quarters at Morristown, New Jersey, in order to restrain the British, who were then stationed at New York, from incursions into the adjacent country.

In May, 1780, Wayne was ordered to repair to the camp at Morristown, and resume his command in the Pennsylvania line. Little more than useless marches, and casual skirmishes with the enemy was accomplished during this year.

In November of the same year Wayne appears before his government supplicating supplies for his soldiers. This he accomplished, and returned in December to his winter quarters at Morristown, where he remained till the end of February, 1781. Receiving orders to join the southern army under General Greene, now in Virginia, Wayne accordingly commenced collecting his troops; but, from so many and unaccountable delays, it was May before he could concentrate them at York, Pennsylvania. Early in June the Pennsylvania troops, eleven hundred in number, formed a junction with Lafayette, whom they met in Virginia, and determined at once to march against Cornwallis, who was now retreating. Lafayette held a position about twenty miles in the rear of the British, whilst the advanced corps of Wayne kept within eight or nine miles, with the intention of commencing an attack on the rear guard, after the main body should have passed the river. Lafayette, having received intelligence that the enemy were preparing to cross the James river, he immediately[31] took a position at Chickahominy church, eight miles above Jamestown. Early the following morning, Wayne believing that the main army of the British had effected its passage, was determined to march forward and attack the rear guard; but upon arriving within sight he found he was mistaken, and that he had now to confront the whole British force with only five hundred men; the only safe mode which he could now calculate upon, was that of attacking vigorously and retreating precipitately. “For,” said he, “moments decide the fate of battles,” and accordingly the firing was commenced with great firmness at three o’clock, and continued till five in the afternoon.

In this severe but gallant action one hundred and eight of the Continental troops were killed, wounded and taken; most of the officers were severely wounded, and many of the field officers had their horses killed under them. Lafayette, in his official notice of this action, says—“From every account the enemy’s loss has been very great, and much pains taken to conceal it.”

In a letter from General Washington to Wayne, he adds:—“The Marquis Lafayette speaks in the handsomest manner of your own behavior, and that of the troops, in the action at Green Spring. I think the account which Lord Cornwallis will be obliged to render of the state of southern affairs, will not be very pleasing to ministerial eyes and ears, especially after what appears to have been their expectations by their intercepted letters of March last. I am in hopes that Virginia will be soon, if not before this time, so far relieved as to permit you to march to the succor of General Greene, who, with a handful of men, has done more than could possibly have been expected; should he be enabled to maintain his advantage in the Carolinas and Georgia, it cannot fail of having the most important political consequences in Europe.”[32] The movements of Cornwallis indicated a permanent post at Yorktown, a short distance up the York river, where he had removed the principal part of his forces, and commenced his fortifications. Washington hearing of this movement, commanded Lafayette to take early measures to intercept the retreat of Cornwallis, should he discover the intended blow, and attempt a retreat by North Carolina.

At the interposition of the Marquis Lafayette with his government, a French fleet, consisting of three thousand troops, were equipped and dispatched to the assistance of struggling America; and on the 2d September landed at Burwell’s Ferry, near this place. Lafayette, who was encamped about ten miles from General Wayne, on hearing of the arrival of the French fleet, requested an interview with him. In a letter to a friend, Wayne describes an accident that occurred to him on his way thither:—“After the landing of the French fleet, and pointing out to them the most proper position for their encampment, I received an express from the Marquis Lafayette, to meet him on business of importance that evening. I proceeded accordingly, attended by two gentlemen and a servant. When we arrived in the vicinity of the camp, about ten o’clock at night, we were challenged by a sentry, and we made the usual answer, but the poor fellow being panic-struck, mistook us for the enemy, and shot me in the centre of the left thigh; then fled and alarmed the camp. Fortunately, the ball only grazed the bone, and lodged on the opposite side to which it entered.” The main works of Cornwallis were at his strongly fortified garrison at Yorktown, on the York river. He also occupied Gloucester, on the opposite side, where he erected works to keep up the communication with the country. General Washington reached the neighborhood of this interesting scene of operation on the 14th of September, and immediately proceeded on board the Ville de Paris, (flag-ship of[33] the French admiral,) where the plan of the siege was concerted.

Subjoined is an extract of General Wayne’s diary of the siege of Yorktown and capture of Lord Cornwallis:

“On the 28th of September, 1781, General Washington put the combined army in motion, at five o’clock in the morning, in two columns, (the Americans on the right and the French on the left,) and arrived in view of the enemy’s lines at York about four o’clock in the afternoon.

“29th. Completed the investiture. The enemy abandoned their advanced chain of works this evening, leaving two redoubts perfect within cannon-shot of their principal fortifications.

“30th. The allied troops took possession of the ground vacated by the British, and added new works.

“1st October. The enemy discovering our works commenced a cannonade, continuing through the day and night with very little effect.

“6th. Six regiments, viz., one from the right of each brigade marched at six o’clock, P. M., under the command of Major General Lincoln and Brigadier Generals Clinton and Wayne, and opened the first parallel within five hundred and fifty yards of the enemy’s works and their extreme left, which was continued by the French to the extreme right.

“7th. The parallel nearly complete, without any opposition, except a little scattered fire of musketry, and a feeble[34] fire of artillery, by which a few of the French troops were wounded and one officer lost his leg.

“8th. Completed the first parallel; two of the Pennsylvanians were killed by rocket-shot.

“9th. At three o’clock P. M., the French opened a twelve gun battery on the extreme right of the enemy; and at five o’clock the same day, a battery of ten pieces was opened on their extreme left, by the Americans, with apparent effect.

“10th. At daybreak three more batteries were opened, (one of five heavy pieces by the Americans, and two containing twenty-two by the French,) opposite the centre of the British works; at five P. M., another American battery of two ten inch howitzers was also opened, which produced so severe a fire, that it in a great degree silenced that of the enemy; at seven o’clock P. M., the Caron, of forty-four guns, was set on fire by our balls and totally consumed.

“11th. Second parallel opened this night by the Pennsylvanians and Marylanders, covered by two battalions under General Wayne, on the part of the Americans.

“14th. A little after dark, two detached redoubts belonging to the enemy were stormed; that on the extreme left by the light infantry, under the Marquis Lafayette, in which were taken a major, captain, and one subaltern, seventeen privates, and eight rank and file killed.

“Our army lost, in killed and wounded, forty-one. The other was carried by the French, under the Baron de Viominial, who lost, in killed and wounded, about one hundred men. Of the enemy eighteen were killed, and three officers and thirty-nine privates were made prisoners. The above attacks were supported by two battalions of the Pennsylvanians,[35] under General Wayne; whilst the second parallel was completed by the Pennsylvanians and Marylanders, under Colonel W. Stewart.

“16th. The enemy made a sortie, and spiked seven pieces of artillery, but were immediately repulsed, the spikes drawn, and the batteries again opened.

“17th. The enemy beat the chamade at ten o’clock A. M., Cornwallis now sent out a flag, proposing a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, and that commissioners might be appointed to meet to settle the terms upon which the garrisons of York and Gloucester should surrender. General Washington would only grant a cessation for two hours; previously to the expiration of which, his lordship, by another flag, sent the following terms, viz:—The troops to be prisoners of war; the British to be sent to Great Britain, and not to act against America, France, or her allies, until exchanged; the Hessians to Germany, on the same conditions; and that all operations cease until the commissioners should determine the details. To this his excellency returned for answer:—That hostilities should cease, and no alterations in the works, or any new movement of the troops, take place, until he sent terms in writing; which he did on the 18th, at nine o’clock, A. M., allowing the enemy two hours to determine. They again requested more time; and the general granted them until one o’clock, when they acceded to the heads of the imposed terms, and nominated Colonel Dundas and Major Ross, on their part, to meet with Colonel Laurens and Viscount de Noailles on ours, to reduce them to form, which was completed by nine o’clock at night; and on the 19th, at one o’clock P. M., the capitulation was ratified and signed by the commander of each army, when the enemy received a guard of Pennsylvania and Maryland troops in one of their principal[36] works, and one of the French troops in another. At four o’clock, the same afternoon, the British army marched out of Yorktown with colors cased, between the American and French troops, drawn up for the purpose, and then grounded their arms agreeably to capitulation.”

After this successful struggle, General Wayne was commanded to repair without delay to the aid of General Greene, who was encamped near Savannah, Georgia, in which state the enemy had been long rioting without the fear of opposition from either regulars or militia. Not, however, before the 19th of January, 1782, did he reach the Savannah river, and having crossed it with a detachment of the first and fourth regiments of dragoons, with this force, aided by a small state corps and a few spirited militia, he soon routed the enemy from some of their strongest posts. Wayne receiving intelligence of a body of Creek Indians being on their march to Savannah, detached a strong party of horse under Colonel McCoy, dressed in British uniform, in order to deceive and decoy them. This deception succeeded, and the Indians were all surrounded and taken without the least resistance.

General Wayne, in a letter to a friend, dated the 24th of February, writes, “It is now upwards of five weeks since we entered this state, during which period not an officer or soldier with me has once undressed for the purpose of changing his linen; nor do the enemy lie on beds of down—they have once or twice attempted to strike our advance parties. The day before yesterday they made a forward move in considerable force, which induced me to advance to meet them; but the lads declined the interview, by embarking in boats and retreating by water to Savannah, the only post they now hold in Georgia.” This post remained in possession of the British till the month of May, when the British administration, having resolved upon abandoning all offensive operations in America,[37] it was ordered to be evacuated. Accordingly, on the 11th of July, 1782, Savannah was delivered into the possession of General Wayne, whose time was now fully occupied in replying to the numerous applications of the merchants and citizens of that place. About the end of November, General Wayne, with the light infantry of the army, and the legionary corps, reached the vicinity of Charleston, S. C., where Greene was posted near the Ashley river, a convenient position to attack the rear of the enemy when the hour of evacuation should arrive; but a proposition from the British General, to be permitted to embark without molestation if he left the town untouched, was acceded to, and on the morning of the 14th of December, General Wayne had also the honor and satisfaction of taking peaceable possession of Charleston, thus closing his last active scene in the war of the American revolution.

General Wayne continued busily engaged at the south till the following July, when he took passage for Philadelphia in very delicate health, having contracted a fever while in Georgia.

In 1784, Wayne was elected by his native county to the General Assembly, where he took deep interest in every act which agitated the Legislature. His family estates, which had so long been inoperative, now claimed his attention; which, for the space of two years, was most assiduously devoted to them. President Washington nominated Wayne to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the United States army—which was confirmed and accepted the 13th of April, 1792. The object of this high and honorable post being bestowed on Wayne, was to bring to a close the war with the confederated tribes of Indians, which was raging on the northwestern frontier. During the four years of Indian warfare, General Wayne suffered severely from his previous[38] disease, living, however, to witness the termination of those troubles which had so long existed, but not to share in the happy results which his bravery and exalted wisdom had consummated. He died at Presque Isle, on the 15th of December, 1796. An able writer thus portrays the character of this exalted man:—

“The patriotism, spirit and military character of General Anthony Wayne are written on every leaf of his country’s history, from the dawn of the revolution to the close of his eventful life. If you ask who obeyed the first call of America for freedom? It was Wayne! he was first on the battleground and last to retire. If you ask who gallantly led his division to victory on the right wing at the battle of Germantown? Who bore the fiercest charge at the battle of Monmouth? Who, in the hour of gloom, roused the desponding spirits of the army and nation by the glorious storming and capturing of Stony Point? It was General Anthony Wayne.

“In Congress, July 26th, 1779, it was resolved unanimously, that the thanks of Congress be presented to Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, for his brave, prudent and soldierly conduct, in the spirited and well-conducted attack of Stony Point.”

A gold medal was voted to him at the same time, of which the following is a description taken from the original in the possession of his family. (See Plate II.)

Device.—An Indian Queen crowned, a quiver on her back, and wearing a short apron of feathers: a mantle hangs from her waist behind: the upper end of the mantle appears as if passed through the girdle of her apron, and hangs gracefully by her left side. She is presenting, with her right hand, a[39] wreath to General Wayne, who receives it. In her left hand, the Queen is holding up a mural crown towards the General. On her left and at her feet an alligator is stretched out. She stands on a bow: a shield, with the American stripes, rests against the alligator.

Reverse.—A fort, with two turrets, on the top of a hill: the British flag flying: troops in single or Indian file, advancing in the front and rear up the hill: numbers lying at the bottom. Troops advancing in front, at a distance, on the edge of the river: another party to the right of the fort. A piece of artillery posted on the plain, so as to bear upon the fort; ammunition on the ground: six vessels in the river.

MAJ. JOHN STEWART.

It is a singular fact that no biographical memoir can be found of this gallant officer.

By the journals of Congress for July 26, 1779, we find, that that body passed a unanimous vote of thanks to General Wayne, and the officers and soldiers, whose bravery was so conspicuous at the memorable attack on Stony Point; particularly mentioning Colonel De Fleury and Major Stewart, as having led the attacking columns, under a tremendous fire. By the same resolve of Congress, we find, that a medal, descriptive of that action, was ordered to be struck and presented to Major Stewart. (See Plate II.)

In a communication soon after the close of the war, it says, that Major Stewart was killed by a fall from his horse, near Charleston, South Carolina. Should this meet the eye of any of the representatives of the late Major Stewart, the publishers of these memoirs would feel grateful for any particulars respecting that distinguished officer, as they may be added in another edition.[41]

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Device.—America, personified in an Indian queen, is presenting a palm branch to Captain Stewart: a quiver hangs at her back: her bow and an alligator at her feet: with her left hand she supports a shield inscribed with the American stripes, and resting on the ground.

Reverse.—A fortress on an eminence: in the foreground, an officer cheering his men, who are following him over a battis with charged bayonets in pursuit of a flying enemy; troops in Indian files ascending the hill to the storm, front and rear: troops advancing from the shore: ships in sight.

LIEUT.-COL. DE FLEURY.

Very little is known of the hero of the following memoir previous to his leaving his native country. He was educated as an engineer, and brought with him to this country testimonials of the highest order. His family were of the French noblesse; his ancestor, Hercule André de Fleury, was canon of Montpelier, and appointed by Louis XIV. preceptor to his grandson. At the age of seventy years he was made cardinal and prime minister, and by his active and sagacious measures the kingdom of France prospered greatly under his administration.

De Fleury, the subject of this brief sketch, was pursuing his profession when the news of the American revolution reached the shores of France. Endowed by nature with a spirit of independence, vigorous intellect, undaunted courage, and a spirit of enterprise, he seemed peculiarly fitted to encounter perils and hardships, which his daring, prompt and skillful maneuvers, in some of the sharpest battles of the revolution, proved most true. He read with excited anxiety, again and again, of the oppression and tyranny exercised by the mother country against the colonies.

Next came the news that at once decided our young hero[43] on embarking for America; the colonies had actually revolted, had thrown off the yoke of tyranny and usurpation, declaring themselves a free and independent people. This was a struggle, but it must be conquered. De Fleury reached the shores of America, was received by the Commander-in-chief, received a commission, and commenced his revolutionary campaign, to which he adhered with that unflinching constancy which leaves no doubt of the purity and disinterestedness of his motives. Soon after the battle of Brandywine our hero was dispatched to Fort Mifflin in the capacity of engineer, described in the following letter from General Washington to Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Smith, in which he says:—“Enclosed is a letter to Major Fleury, whom I ordered to Fort Mifflin to serve in quality of engineer. As he is a young man of talents, and has made this branch of military service his particular study, I place confidence in him. You will, therefore, make the best arrangement for enabling him to carry such plans into execution as come within his department. His authority, at the same time that it is subordinate to yours, must be sufficient for putting into practice what his knowledge of fortification points out as necessary for defending the post; and his department, though inferior, being of a distinct and separate nature, requires that his orders should be in a great degree discretionary, and that he should be suffered to exercise his judgment. Persuaded that you will concur with him in every measure, which the good of the service may require, I remain,” &c.

For six days previous to the evacuation of Fort Mifflin, the fire from the enemy’s batteries and shipping had been incessant. Major Fleury kept a journal of events, which were daily forwarded to General Washington, from which the following are extracts.

“November 10th, at noon.—I am interrupted by the bombs[44] and balls, which fall thickly. The firing increases, but not the effect; our barracks alone suffer. Two o’clock:—the direction of the fire is changed; our palisades suffer; a dozen of them are broken down; one of our cannon is damaged; I am afraid it will not fire straight. Eleven o’clock at night:—the enemy keep up a firing every half hour. Our garrison diminishes; our soldiers are overwhelmed with fatigue.

“11th. The enemy keep up a heavy fire; they have changed the direction of their embrasures, and instead of battering our palisades in front, they take them obliquely and do great injury to our north side. At night:—the enemy fire and interrupt our works. Three vessels have passed up between us and Province Island, without any molestation from the galleys. Colonel Smith, Captain George, and myself wounded. These two gentlemen passed immediately to Red Bank.

“12th. Heavy firing; our two eighteen pounders at the northern battery dismounted. At night:—the enemy throw shells, and we are alarmed by thirty boats.

“13th. The enemy have opened a battery on the old Ferry Wharf; the walk of our rounds is destroyed, the block-houses ruined. Our garrison is exhausted with fatigue and ill-health.

“14th. The enemy have kept up a firing upon us part of the night. Day-light discovers to us a floating battery, placed a little above their grand battery and near the shore. Seven o’clock:—the enemy keep up a great fire from their floating battery and the shore; our block-houses are in a pitiful condition. At noon:—we have silenced the floating battery. A boat, which this day deserted from the fleet, will have given the enemy sufficient intimation of our weakness; they will probably attempt a lodgment on the Island, which we cannot prevent with our whole strength.

“15th—at six in the afternoon.—The fire is universal from[45] the shipping and batteries. We have lost a great many men to-day; a great many officers are killed or wounded. My fine company of artillery is almost destroyed. We shall be obliged to evacuate Fort Mifflin this night. Major Talbut is badly wounded.

“16th. We were obliged to evacuate the fort last evening. Major Thayer returned from thence a little after two this morning. Everything was got off that possibly could be. The cannon could not be removed without making too great a sacrifice of men, as the Vigilant lay within one hundred yards of the southern part of the works, and with her incessant fire, hand grenades and musketry, from the round-top, killed every man that appeared upon the platforms.”

After this devastating conflict, Fleury was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. He had already received from Congress the gift of a horse, as a testimonial of their sense of his merit at the battle of Brandywine, where a horse was shot under him.

“To the President of Congress—

“Head Quarters, West Point, 25th July, 1779.

“Sir:—Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury having communicated to me his intention to return to France at the present juncture, I have thought proper to give him this letter to testify to Congress the favorable opinion I entertain of his conduct. The marks of their approbation, which he received on a former occasion, have been amply justified by all his subsequent behavior. He has signalized himself in more than one instance since; and in the late assault of Stony Point, he commanded one of the attacks, was the first that entered the enemy’s works, and struck the British flag with his own hands, as reported by General Wayne. It is but justice to him to declare, that, in the different services he has been[46] of real utility, and has acquitted himself in every respect as an officer of distinguished merit, one whose talents, zeal, activity, and bravery, alike entitle him to particular notice. I doubt not Congress will be disposed to grant him every indulgence. I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

G. Washington.

CERTIFICATE.

West Point, 28th July, 1779.

I certify that Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury has served in the army of the United States since the beginning of the campaign in 1777, to the present period, and has uniformly acquitted himself as an officer of distinguished merit for talents, zeal, activity, prudence, and bravery; that he first obtained a captain’s commission from Congress, and entered as a volunteer in a corps of riflemen, in which, by his activity and bravery, he soon recommended himself to notice; that he next served as brigade major, with the rank of major, first in the infantry and afterwards in the cavalry, in which stations he acquired reputation in the army, and the approbation of his commanding officers, of which he has the most ample testimonies; that towards the conclusion of the campaign of 1777, he was sent to the important post of Fort Mifflin, in quality of engineer, in which he rendered essential services, and equally signalized his intelligence and his valor. That in consequence of his good conduct on this and on former occasions, he was promoted by Congress to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and has been since employed in the following stations, namely, as a sub-inspector, as second in command in a corps of light infantry, in an expedition against Rhode Island, and lastly as commandant of a battalion of light infantry, in the army under my immediate command; that in[47] each of these capacities, as well as the former, he has justified the confidence reposed in him, and acquired more and more the character of a judicious, well-informed, indefatigable and brave officer. In the assault of Stony Point, a strong, fortified post of the enemy on the North River, he commanded one of the attacks, was the first that entered the main works, and struck the British flag with his own hands.

G. Washington.

In July, 1779, Congress passed a vote of thanks to Colonel De Fleury, with a gold medal (see Plate II.) for his bravery and courage at Stony Point. During the two years De Fleury was attached to the American army, he took a conspicuous post in all the battles fought within that period; and such was his bravery, that every commander under whom he had the honor to serve, recommended him to the especial notice of Congress.

MEDAL.

Device.—A soldier helmeted and standing against the ruins of a fort: his right hand extended, holding a sword upright: the staff of a stand of colors reversed in his left: the colors under his feet: his right knee drawn up, as if in the act of stamping on them.

Legend.—Virtutis et audiciæ monum, et præmium D. De Fleury equiti gallo primo muros resp. Americ. d. d.

Reverse.—Two water batteries, three guns each: one battery firing at a vessel: a fort on a hill: flag flying: river in front: six vessels before the fort.

CAPTURE OF MAJ. ANDRE.

John Andre, a British officer, was clerk in a mercantile house in London; being anxious for a military life, he obtained a commission as ensign in the regiment commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, then about to embark for America. His energetic and enterprising spirit soon raised him to the rank of major and aid-de-camp to Sir Henry. Benedict Arnold, the American traitor, a man guilty of every species of artifice and deception, smarting under the inflictions of a severe reprimand from his superiors, for misconduct, was resolved to be revenged by the sacrifice of his country. By artifice he obtained command of the important post of West Point. He had previously, in a letter to the British commander, signified his change of principles, and his wish to join the royal army. A correspondence now commenced between him and Sir Henry Clinton, the object of which was to concert the means of putting West Point into the hands of the British. The plot was well laid, correct plans of the fort drawn, and as they supposed, the execution certain. The arrangement was effected by Major John Andre, aid-de-camp to Sir Henry Clinton, and adjutant-general of the British army. Andre, who had effected all the arrangements with Arnold, received[49] from him a pass, authorizing him, under the feigned name of Anderson, to proceed on the public service to the White Plains, or lower, if it was required.

He had passed all the guards and posts on the road without suspicion, and was proceeding, with the delicate negotiation, to Sir Henry, who was then in New York.

Having arrived within a few miles of Tarrytown, he was accosted by three individuals who appeared loitering on the road. One of them seized the reins of his bridle, while another in silence pointed a rifle to his breast. Andre exclaimed, “Gentlemen, do not detain me; I am a British officer on urgent business; there is my pass,” at the same time drawing from his breast a paper, which he handed to one of the three, while the other two, looking with anxious scrutiny over the shoulders of their comrades, read as follows:—

Head Quarters, Robinson’s House, Sept. 22d, 1780.

Permit Mr. John Anderson to pass the guards to the White Plains, or below, if he chooses. He being on public business by my direction.

B. Arnold, M. Gen’l.

Andre made a second effort to be dismissed; when one of the men requested to know, how a British officer came in possession of a pass from an American general. A notice appeared some time since, purporting to be from a person who had remembered the circumstance, and an actual acquaintance of Paulding, Van Wart and Williams, that Paulding wore a British uniform, which accounted for the fatal mistake made by Andre, in so quickly declaring himself to be a British officer. The three militia men insisted upon Andre’s dismounting, which he did. They then led him to the side of[50] the road, and told him he must divest himself of his clothing, in order to give them an opportunity to search him. This was done with reluctance, after offering his splendid gold watch, his purse, nay thousands, to be permitted to pass; but no bribe could tempt, no persuasion could allure: they were Americans! Paulding, Van Wart and Williams had felt the hand of British wrong; they had been robbed, ill-treated, and trampled on, and would sooner suffer death than aid the enemy of Washington.

This, then, was the appalling moment. Andre knew that all must be divulged. He had but one hope, that their ignorance might prevent their being able to read the papers contained in his boot. In this he was mistaken, for Paulding first seizing the papers, read them aloud to his comrades in a bold voice. Nothing can picture the terrible treachery, which, to their uneducated minds, was planned in these papers.

Andre was speechless, and as pale as death. His fortitude seemed to forsake him; and laying his hands on Paulding’s arms, exclaimed, in tones of pity not to be described, “Take my watch, my horse, my purse, all! all I have—only let me go!” But no! the stern militia men could not be coaxed or bribed from their duty to their country. By a court martial ordered by General Washington, Andre was tried, found guilty, and agreeably to the law of nations, sentenced to suffer death.

Though he requested to die like a soldier, the ignominious sentence of being hung was executed upon him the 2d of October, 1780, at the early age of twenty-nine years.

Benedict Arnold effected his escape, remained in the British service during the war, then returned to London, where he died in 1801.

“By a vote of Congress, 3d of November, 1780, a silver medal or shield (See Plate IV.) was ordered to be struck and presented to John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van[51] Wart, who intercepted Major John Andre in the character of a spy, and notwithstanding the large bribes offered them for his release, nobly disdaining to sacrifice their country for the sake of gold, secured and conveyed him to the commanding officer of the district, whereby the conspiracy of Benedict Arnold was brought to light, the insidious designs of the enemy baffled, and the United States rescued from impending danger.”

A pension of two hundred dollars, annually, during life, was bestowed on each of them.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDALS.

GEN. NATHANIEL GREENE.

Nathaniel Greene, the son of a preacher of the Society of Friends, was born on the 27th of May, 1742, in Warwick, Rhode Island.

Nathaniel received the first rudiments of his education among that peaceful sect; but being of a strong and robust form, he often had to intersperse his hours of study by a relaxation of labor in the field, at the mill, or at the anvil. His early years were passed at the home of his parents, and in the garb of a strict Quaker, till he was twenty years of age, when he commenced the study of law.

Not long, however, did he continue his studies, for in 1773, when the states began to organize their militia, his attention turned to the subject, and he became a member of the “Kentish Guards,” a military company composed of the most respectable young men in his county. For this he was dismissed from the Society of Friends; yet he ever after regarded the sect with great respect.

Greene remained in the ranks of this corps till after the battle of Lexington; when Rhode Island embodied three[53] regiments of militia, and placed them under his command with a commission as brigadier-general. He marched his regiments to Cambridge, where he met the commander-in-chief, and was the first to express his satisfaction in his appointment, which was met by the confidence and friendship of Washington, which he retained through life. He was appointed by Congress major-general in 1776. He accompanied the army to New York, and took the command of the troops on Long Island. His absence, caused by sickness, from the disastrous battle of Flatbush, was severely regretted; but when the commander-in-chief found it necessary to retreat across New Jersey, General Greene was his companion. Although scarcely able, from debility, to sit on his horse, his cheerfulness and confidence never forsook him, and the spirits of the troops were ever cheered by his example.

On the night of the 25th of December, 1776, General Greene crossed the Delaware, and in command of the left wing of the army, surprised the enemy at Trenton, seized their artillery, and prevented their retreat to Princeton. He never left the army during the following winter, but bore his share in its hardships and glories. He commanded the left wing of the American army at the battle of Germantown. “Such was the distressed situation of the American army through the winter of that year, that Washington was doubtful of his ability to take the field the ensuing season. Every exertion was made to put the army in a condition for the campaign, and General Greene was urged to accept the appointment of quarter-master general. The office was accepted with great reluctance, for his inclination was to serve in the line; and the charge and disbursing the public money was to him of all things unpleasant. The necessities of the army, however, and the strong expression of Washington, that ‘some one must make the sacrifice,’ at last induced him to[54] consent; but not until the condition was acceded, that he should not lose his right to command in action. Of this he availed himself at the battles of Monmouth, and on the retreat from Rhode Island. The duties of his new station were arduous and embarrassing, but were rendered more so by the unhappy factions which divided the councils of the country. Notwithstanding the distress and poverty which threatened ruin to the cause, intrigue and slander were in active operation, to undermine the reputation and character of the men who were devoting themselves to accomplish the almost hopeless work. Washington himself was assailed; and Greene, who was supposed to have been his favorite officer and confidential adviser, was made an object of suspicion; but the purity and integrity of General Greene’s character bore him above the storm.—Congress did him justice, and his personal friends never faltered in the discharge of their duty towards him.” In 1780, General Greene was appointed to the command of the southern department; on his arrival at Charlotte, he found the southern army destitute of almost everything: no artillery, baggage or stores. In a letter to Lafayette, he says:—“Were you to arrive now, you would find a few ragged, half-starved troops in the wilderness, destitute of everything necessary for the comfort or convenience of soldiers.”

He had arrived in an exhausted country, the inhabitants divided into hostile parties, and an enemy before him, well provided, and flushed with the prospect of victory.

His only dependence and hope of success were in a number of spirited and devoted officers, who gathered around him, and the promise of reinforcements from the states he had passed through during his route. General Greene thought it most prudent to remove to a place where subsistence and the means of transportation could be obtained.

He accordingly marched to the Cheraw hills, on the Pee[55] Dee; and detached General Morgan to the west of the Catawba, to cut off the left wing of Cornwallis’ army, and otherwise annoy him as circumstances might permit. This movement of General Morgan and his army alarmed the British from their posts. Colonel Tarleton was dispatched with a force to cut off and destroy him; but in this case the victory took an opposite direction, and Colonel Tarleton’s troops met their annihilation at the Cowpens. The news of this victory was a severe blow to Cornwallis, and he at once determined to cut off Morgan’s retreat with his prisoners, and prevent his joining the main army. But in this he was foiled; for, mistaking the route supposed to be taken by his enemy, Morgan was enabled to reach Greene in safety. Notwithstanding the victory at the Cowpens, General Greene had to encounter a number of successive disasters. He was defeated at Guildford, and again at Camden, but prevented Lord Rawdon from improving his success, and obliged him to retire beyond the Santee. While in the vicinity of the Santee, he was under the painful necessity of ordering the sentence of the law to be put in force on some of his men. From the continual desertions taking place, he found it necessary to hang eight of his soldiers in one day. A number of forts and garrisons in South Carolina now fell into his hands, but the army, at the approach of Lord Rawdon, was under the necessity of retreating to the extremity of the state. Discouraging as this was, the firmness and decision of General Greene sustained him through every trial. Being at this time advised to abandon South Carolina and retire to Virginia, he replied, “I will recover the country or perish in the attempt.” Lord Rawdon soon found that pursuit was hazardous, and retired to Charleston. General Greene retired to the Santee Hills, to enjoy the breezes during the debilitating heat of the summer months. An able historian gives the following account of the[56] battle at Eutaw Springs, which was the last of General Greene’s battles:—“The battle at the Eutaw Springs, on the 8th of September, was described by the American commander, as the most obstinate and bloody he had ever seen. The militia, with a firmness ‘which would have graced the veterans of the great King of Prussia,’ advanced with shouts into the hottest of the enemy’s fire; but one part of the line faltering for a moment, the British, elated at the prospect, sprang forward to improve that moment, but at the same time deranged their own line. General Greene, who was watching for such an incident, ‘ordered the second line to advance and sweep the field with the bayonets!’

“The order was promptly obeyed, and the enemy were driven from the ground, through their camp in the rear. But their pursuers were diverted by the spoils of their tents, and became irretrievably confused. In the mean time the enemy rallied, and under cover of the fire from a large party who had taken possession of a brick house, recovered their camp. Had it not been for the temptation, so unexpectedly thrown open, the British forces must have surrendered. As it was, their power in South Carolina was prostrated, for in this action they lost upwards of one thousand men. The enemy abandoned the whole of South Carolina, except Charleston, and the American army retired to their former encampment.”

Except for the purpose of procuring provisions, the enemy lay inactive in Charleston, for with all their sagacity they had not been able to retain possession of the country. They therefore prepared to evacuate the city, having agreed with General Greene to leave it uninjured, and without interruption from the American army. On the 14th of December, 1782, the delighted citizens of Charleston beheld the British troops march out of their city, and with joyous congratulations received with open arms the liberators of their[57] country. This, indeed, was a happy day; many and sincere were the prayers offered to the Almighty for their deliverance; the whole city presented a scene of festivity.

From the governor to the lowly citizen, General Greene was regarded as the object of every eye, the praise of every tongue. South Carolina conveyed to him a valuable portion of land; Georgia presented him with a beautiful and highly improved plantation in the vicinity of Savannah.

When peace was restored, General Greene returned for a time to his native state, in order to remove his family to his new plantation in Georgia.

On his arrival at Princeton, New Jersey, where Congress was then in session, that body unanimously resolved to present him with two pieces of ordnance, taken from the British army, “as a public testimony of the wisdom, fortitude and military skill which distinguished his command in the southern campaign. They had previously voted him a British standard and a gold medal, an engraving of which is given on Plate III., commemorative of the battle of Eutaw.

In 1785 General Greene removed, with his family, to his new residence in Georgia, where he engaged in agricultural pursuits, and in the education of his children, but his period of domestic repose was short; scarcely a year did he enjoy the happiness of his family, for on the 19th of June, 1786, he closed a life of deep, pure, devoted patriotism to his country, and love and good-will to all mankind.

MEDAL.

Reverse.—Victory lighting on the earth, stepping on a broken shield; under her feet broken arms; colors; a shield.

GEN. HORATIO GATES.

Horatio Gates was the son of a clergyman at Malden, in England, and was born in the year 1729. Having lost his father at an early age, he was left pretty much to the dictates of his own passion. He appears to have determined on a military life as early as twelve years of age, when the frequent remonstrances of his uncle and guardian could not prevail on him to relinquish the thoughts of a profession so much against the wishes of his family.

At the age of seventeen he was appointed to an ensigncy in the regiment commanded by General Monckton, who was a personal friend of the father of Gates, and who gave him every opportunity of improving himself. Shortly after he was promoted to a lieutenancy, and was aid-de-camp to General Monckton at the capture of Martinico, where his bravery and soldier-like conduct won for him the rank of major. He was among the first troops who landed at Halifax, in Nova Scotia, under General Cornwallis, and was stationed there for some time. He was only in his twenty-sixth year when he accompanied the unfortunate Braddock in the expedition against Fort du Quesne, and with the illustrious[60] Washington, was among the few officers, who, on that occasion, escaped with their lives. Gates did not escape, however, without a very dangerous wound; he was shot through the body, which for a time shut him out from the bloody and perilous scenes which attended the various battles of the French war. Although he had not been a citizen of the new world but a few years, he evinced his attachment to it by purchasing a farm in Virginia, where he retired till he was perfectly restored to health. His attachment to the new country, and a military reputation so high, Congress, without any hesitation, appointed him adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier-general in the new army of the revolution of 1775. General Washington was well acquainted with his merits in his military character, and warmly recommended him to Congress on the occasion; they had been fellow-soldiers and sufferers under General Braddock.

From this period he took an active part in most of the transactions of the war, and his bravery and good fortune placed him in a rank inferior only to Washington. In July, 1775, he accompanied the commander-in-chief to Cambridge, and was employed for some time in a subordinate but highly useful capacity. In June, 1776, the government evinced their confidence in Gates, by conferring on him the chief command of the forces at the north, and the new general was found in no way deficient in courage and vigilance, so necessary under such circumstances.

The Congress had turned an anxious eye towards Canada at the opening of the contest; being fully aware of the danger of their gaining possession of our harbors and lakes, and the great difficulty to us, to obtain possession of their strong forts on their settled frontier. The British commenced the naval preparations on their side with great alacrity and success. But the Americans had every obstacle, but the want of zeal, to encounter in preparing for defence. General[61] Gates was directed to co-operate with General Schuyler, but there was a miserable and irreparable deficiency in cannon, in the materials of ship-building, and even in the necessary workmen. The country had been hitherto a desert. Colonization, in its natural progress, had not approached these solitary shores. Nothing but the exigencies of the former war with France had occasioned this region to be traversed or inhabited. A few forts, with suitable garrisons, were all that could be found in it, and that abundance of workmen, vessels and prepared timber, which a well-planted country would have spontaneously furnished, was unknown. Schuyler, indeed, was not destitute of a naval armament, but it was insufficient to cope with the greater preparations of the enemy. With all the exertions of the two commanders, they were merely able to equip about fifteen vessels, half of which were little better than boats, and the largest carried only twelve small guns very ill supplied with ammunition. This small armament, at the recommendation of General Gates, was placed under the command of the intrepid, and then, unsuspected Arnold. The first operations of the campaign consisted in a contest between these vessels under Arnold, and a much superior force under General Carleton, in which the land forces had no concern. The British army under Carleton commenced their advance to Ticonderoga, where Gates and Schuyler were already stationed with eight thousand men, well provisioned and determined to defend it to the last extremity; all parties expecting to witness a long, obstinate, and, perhaps, a bloody siege.

Some causes, however, and most probably the lateness of the season, induced Carleton to disappoint these expectations, by precipitately retiring to Canada in search of winter quarters.

This retreat enabled General Gates to march southward, with a considerable detachment of his army, to assist General[62] Washington in his operations in the middle colonies. The ensuing year was passed in a great variety of movements and skirmishes in the lower districts of New York, Pennsylvania and Jersey, between detachments of each army. In the ordinary records of the time, we meet with no splendid or conspicuous part performed by the subject of these memoirs, though there is sufficient reason to believe that his services in that motley warfare were active, strenuous and useful.

News having reached General Gates that Burgoyne, with part of his army, had passed the Hudson and encamped at Saratoga, he, with numbers already equal, and continually augmenting, advanced quickly towards him, with a resolution to oppose his progress at the risk of a battle.

On the 17th of September he arrived at Stillwater, where he encamped, being then within four miles of the enemy. Two days after, skirmishes between advanced parties terminated in an engagement almost general, in which the utmost efforts of the British merely enabled them to maintain footing of the preceding day. Burgoyne, who was daily expecting reinforcements from Clinton at New York, was content to remain in his camp, although his army was diminished by the desertion of the Indians and the Canadian militia, to less than one-half of its original number.

Gates, on the contrary, finding his forces largely increasing, being plentifully supplied with provisions, and knowing that Burgoyne had only a limited store, and that rapidly lessening, and could not be recruited, was not without hopes that victory would come, in time, even without a battle. His troops were so numerous, and his fortified position so strong, that he was able to take measures for preventing the retreat of the enemy, by occupying the strong posts in his rear.

Accordingly, nineteen days passed without any further operations, a delay as ruinous to one party as it was advantageous[63] to the other.

At the end of this period, the British general found his prospects of assistance as remote as ever, and the consumption of his stores so alarming, that retreat or victory became unavoidable alternatives. On the eighth of October a warm action ensued, in which the British were everywhere repulsed, and a part of their lines occupied by their enemies. Burgoyne’s loss was very considerable in killed, wounded and prisoners, while the favorable situation of Gates’ army made its losses in the battle of no moment.

Burgoyne retired in the night to a stronger camp, but the measures immediately taken, by Gates, to cut off his retreat, compelled him without delay to regain his former camp at Saratoga. There he arrived with little molestation from his adversary. His provisions being now reduced to the supply of a few days, the transport of artillery and baggage towards Canada being rendered impracticable by the judicious measures of his adversary, the British general resolved upon a rapid retreat, merely with what the soldiers could carry on their backs. They soon found they were deprived even of this resource, as the passes through which their route lay were so strongly guarded, that nothing but artillery could clear them. In this desperate situation a parley took place, and on the sixteenth of October the whole army surrendered to Gates. The prize obtained consisted of more than five thousand prisoners, some fine artillery, seven thousand muskets, clothing for seven thousand men, with a great quantity of tents, and other military stores. All the frontier fortresses were immediately abandoned to the victors. This successful capture filled America with joy: Congress passed a vote of thanks, and ordered a gold medal (See Plate III.) to be presented to him by the President. It is not easy to overrate the importance of this success. It may be considered as deciding the war of the revolution, as from that period the British cause[64] began rapidly to decline. The capture of Cornwallis was not considered of equal importance to that of Burgoyne, nor an event which caused more exultation.

The conduct of General Gates towards his conquered enemy was marked by a delicacy which did him the highest honor; he did not permit his own troops to witness the mortification of the British in depositing their arms. The system of General Gates was that of forbearance and lenity—of allowing for honest intentions and difference of opinion. The benignity of his measures were seconded by the urbanity of his personal deportment—he was courteous and even friendly to the proscribed, and this event entitled him to a high rank among the deliverers of his country. Soon after General Gates retired to his estate in Virginia, and died in 1806, at the advanced age of seventy-seven years.

MEDAL.

Occasion.—Surrender of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne and his army at Saratoga, New York, in 1777.

Reverse.—Gates and Burgoyne in front of the American and British troops. Burgoyne in the act of presenting his sword to Gates. The Americans on the right, with arms shouldered and colors flying. The British on the left, in the act of grounding their arms, and laying down their colors. By the side of the two generals are a drum and a stand of colors.

GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN.

The father of Daniel Morgan was a Welshman, who had emigrated from Wales, and settled in the state of New Jersey, some years before the birth of his son, which took place in the year 1736. His father was poor, consequently his education was confined to the ordinary branches of a country school. At an early age, an enterprising character appeared to be developing itself, and our hero, at the age of seventeen, left the humble roof of his parents, to improve his fortune at the south. Accordingly, we next find him as wagoner on the estate of a wealthy planter, in Frederick county, Virginia. In the situation of teamster, he continued until after the unfortunate expedition of Braddock; during the whole of this campaign he drove his own team attached to the army. During this unfortunate campaign he was charged with insolence to a British officer, tried and sentenced to receive five hundred lashes, which he submitted to with that firm indifference which was peculiar to him through the remainder of his life. Lee, in his memoirs says, “That in a few days after the infliction of this disgraceful punishment, the officer became convinced of the injustice of the charge, and made an ample atonement to young Morgan[66] before the whole regiment.” It was during this disastrous campaign, that the military qualifications of Morgan were first noticed, when the officers recommended him to the colonial government of Virginia, from which he received a commission as ensign in the English service. It was in this capacity that his powers of mind burst forth, in those qualifications which twenty years afterwards distinguished him as one of the prominent heroes of the glorious revolution.

Although engaged from 1775 to 1781, in which he saw more actual service than any other American officer, he received but one dangerous wound. He was attacked by a party of Indians, while carrying dispatches to a frontier post, accompanied by two soldiers; he received a ball, which entering the back of his neck, came out through his left cheek, shattering his jaw in a dangerous manner. He was mounted on a fleet horse, and in falling, grasped firmly the neck of the animal. The savages, presuming he was dead, left him to scalp the two that had fallen. Morgan, who believed that his wounds would prove fatal, or that he should be exhausted by loss of blood, urged his horse to full speed, and the noble animal escaped with him into the fort. One of the savages followed him for some distance, as fast as he could run, with open mouth and tomahawk in hand, expecting every moment his victim would fall. When the disappointed savage found the horse was fast leaving him behind, he threw his tomahawk with great force, but without effect, and abandoned the pursuit with a most hideous yell.

This serious wound confined Morgan to the hospital for six months; as soon as convalescence permitted, he returned to his native state, where he remained till he was quite recovered. In 1774, we find him possessor of one of the finest farms in the county of Frederick. During this year he took the command of a company in an expedition to the west,[67] under Lord Dunmore, against the Indians, who were defeated. On his return, on the Ohio river, he first heard of the hostilities between the English and the Bostonians. On their arrival at Winchester, Virginia, the corps was disbanded, and they severally pledged themselves to each other, to aid their eastern brethren if they should require it. Matters now becoming serious, he applied to Congress for permission to raise a company, which was immediately granted, with an appointment as captain. His military popularity being so well known, that in the short space of eight days, ninety-six men had enrolled themselves under his command, which formed the nucleus of that celebrated rifle company, which so signally distinguished itself in so many battles. His corps being complete he reached Boston in fifteen days, and remaining there some time in inactivity, he requested to be detached to Quebec. This was done, and under the orders of General Arnold, in that celebrated march through the woods, he led the van. Shortly after his arrival, General Montgomery also arrived, when the attack was decided upon. Morgan led the vanguard, under the order of General Arnold, who, being badly wounded in the leg, was carried from the field at the commencement of the attack.

At this time there were three field officers superior in command to Morgan, but each, from inexperience, insisted upon waiving their rank, and placed Morgan in command. His attack was upon a two gun battery, supported by fifty men. Having twice fired and missed, he ordered the ladders to be placed, which he mounted, and leaped into the town amidst the fifty men who, after a faint resistance, fled; this daring act inspired the soldiers, who lost no time in following their leader.

The English soldiery were panic-struck, the battery was carried without resistance, the barrier left open, and the people[68] gave themselves up, asking for protection. Before entering the barrier gate, he was ordered to wait for General Montgomery. In this he very reluctantly acquiesced, saying at the same time that it would give the enemy time to rally, and recover from their panic. In this he was correct, for the news of the death of the brave Montgomery seemed to damp the ardor of the brave soldiers; although they fought to desperation, they were overwhelmed by numbers and made prisoners of war. Soon after the exchange of Morgan, he received the appointment of colonel in the continental army; and marched at the head of the partisan rifle corps to the assistance of General Gates. At the glorious victory of Saratoga, he took a most conspicuous part; although Gates shamefully omitted to do him justice at the time, the English account of the battle gave the principal credit of the victory to Morgan.

A reconciliation, however, soon took place between Morgan and Gates; and the latter, on every subsequent occasion, endeavored to make amends for the injustice. The legislature of Virginia presented Morgan with a horse, pistols and a sword; and his neighbors named his plantation “Saratoga,” in honor of his late victory. His next act of bravery and skill was displayed in the defeat of General Tarleton, at the battle of the Cowpens, on the 17th of January, 1781, where he took nearly as many prisoners as he had men of his own; and Congress testified the high sense they entertained of this brilliant victory, by presenting him with a gold medal, (hereafter described.) At the end of the war General Morgan retired to his plantation at Saratoga, and devoted himself to agricultural pursuits. He was elected to Congress, but after serving two sessions, his debilitated health obliged him to retire from public life.

In 1800, General Morgan removed to Winchester, where he was confined by extreme debility for nearly two years, and[69] expired on the sixth day of July, 1802. General Morgan had two daughters, the eldest married to the late General Presly Neville, of Pittsburgh, and the youngest to Major Heard, of New Jersey. Of this gallant soldier it may truly be said, that no officer rendered more efficient aid to the cause of his country, and that he well merited the character at that time given him, the hero of the three greatest victories, Quebec, Saratoga, and the Cowpens.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Device.—An Indian queen with a quiver on her back, in the act of crowning an officer with a laurel wreath; his hand resting on his sword: a cannon lying on the ground: various military weapons and implements in the back-ground.

Reverse.—An officer mounted, at the head of his troops, charging a flying enemy. A battle in the back-ground: in front, a personal combat between a dragoon unhorsed and a foot soldier.

JOHN EAGER HOWARD.

John Eager Howard, the subject of this memoir, was born on the 4th of June, 1752, in Baltimore county, and state of Maryland. He was the grandson of Joshua Howard, who, when young, left his home, in the vicinity of Manchester, England, and against the wishes of his parents, joined the army of the Duke of York, afterwards James the Second, during Monmouth’s insurrection; fearing to encounter the displeasure of his parents, he joined a band of adventurers, who were preparing to seek their fortunes in the British colonies in North America, in the year 1685.

He soon obtained a grant of land in Baltimore county, (which is still held by the family,) and married Miss Joanna O’Carroll, of an Irish family, but recently emigrated from Ireland.

Cornelius, his son, and father of the subject of this sketch, married a Miss Eager, whose estate now forms part of the city of Baltimore. During the interval that elapsed between the emigration of the early members of the family to the revolution, they appear to have been quiet cultivators of the soil, taking no part in the political broils that were frequently arising in the colonies.[71]

The time had now arrived, when every true son of America felt bound to participate in the approaching struggle for liberty and independence, and John Eager Howard received a commission as captain, in one of those bodies of militia termed flying camps in the regiment commanded by Colonel Hall. The commission depended upon his raising thirty men in a given time; but such was the esteem in which our hero was held, that he formed his company required in two days, and marched direct to the army.

In the following year he was promoted, till finally he succeeded Lieutenant-Colonel Ford in the command of the second Maryland regiment. He was present at the battle of White Plains, and continued to serve till the end of the year 1776, when his corps was dismissed. Congress having resolved to raise additional regiments to serve during the war, with officers commissioned by Congress, Major Howard was one of the number allotted to Maryland, and in April 1777, we find him marching with his regiment to join the army at Rocky Hill, near Princeton, where he remained till the latter end of June, when receiving information of the death of his father, he returned home, till the following September, when he rejoined the army a few days after the Battle at Brandywine Springs, but in time to give proofs of his bravery at the battle of Germantown, which afterwards so greatly distinguished him.

Colonel Hall being disabled at the commencement of the battle of Germantown, Major Howard assumed the command and encountered the British corps of light infantry, posted some distance from the main body, and after a sharp conflict, pursued them through their encampment, Howard passing with his regiment amidst the standing tents, and in front of Chew’s house, without any serious injury from the fire of the British. Having passed in safety, he advanced his Maryland[72] troops about a quarter of a mile farther towards the main body of the British troops, who now sallied forth from their temporary fortress, and attacked the Maryland corps, but a return fire killed the officer who had commanded the garrison, and no further molestation ensued.

Major Howard still remained with the army, and was present at the battle of Monmouth, but we do not hear of any particular share that he bore in that contest. In June, 1779, Major Howard received the commission of Lieutenant-Colonel of the fifth Maryland regiment in the army of the United States, and accordingly prepared for a southern march, to meet General Gates and his army at the camp at Deep Run, North Carolina.

Having reinforced, they made night marches, in order to attack the British army, commanded as they thought by Lord Rawdon, but Cornwallis, who had lately arrived from Charleston with a strong reinforcement, was resolved to assault Gates in his camp. Gates, who had left his camp, and was proceeding by night marches to meet his antagonist, was encountered in the woods, where, to his great astonishment and dismay, he found that not Lord Rawdon, but Cornwallis, was the commander of the British troops, and that the enemy was much superior in force to the American troops. A retreat now was impossible, and the only alternative offered, was to form a line of battle. The disheartening intelligence, that Cornwallis had reinforced the British army, and the darkness of night, may, in some measure, account for the conduct of the militia in the battle of Camden, for they gave way early in the action, thereby throwing the whole of the British troops entirely upon the two Maryland brigades, who maintained the contest obstinately against superior numbers, at one time making a partially successful attempt to use the bayonet. Colonel Howard drove the corps in front of him out of line;[73] and if the left wing of the American army had been able to occupy the attention of the British right, the day would have been propitious; but attacked as he was in front and rear, by horse and foot, the American troops were overpowered and driven into the woods and swamps in all directions. Colonel Howard succeeded in keeping a few of his men together, and being occasionally joined by other officers and men, they reached Charlotte, a distance of sixty miles, in about three days: their only subsistence during that time was a few peaches. From this time, and until the arrival of General Greene in December, Colonel Howard was employed in equipping and forming into a battalion, four companies of light infantry, placed under his command, and then transferred to Greene. The next conspicuous act of our hero was at the celebrated battle of the Cowpens, 17th of January, 1781. We find from manuscript and printed documents of Colonel Howard himself, whose scrupulous accuracy places his authority beyond a doubt, that it was Howard, and not Morgan, who gave the order to the right company to change its front and protect his flank, and it was Howard also, who, on his own responsibility, ordered the charge with the bayonet. We give his own language:—“Seeing my right flank was exposed to the enemy, I attempted to change the front of Wallace’s company, (Virginia regulars;) in doing it, some confusion ensued, and first a part, and then the whole of the company commenced a retreat. The officers along the line seeing this, and supposing that orders had been given for a retreat, faced their men about and moved off. Morgan, who had mostly been with the militia, quickly rode up to me and expressed apprehensions of the event; but I soon removed his fears by pointing to the line, and observing that men were not beaten who retreated in that order. He then ordered me to keep with the men, until we came to the rising ground[74] near Washington’s horse; and he rode forward to fix on the most proper place for us to halt and face about. In a minute we had a perfect line. The enemy were now very near us. Our men commenced a very destructive fire; which they little expected, and a few rounds occasioned great disorder in their ranks. While in this confusion I ordered a charge with the bayonet, which order was obeyed with great alacrity. As the line advanced, I observed their artillery a short distance in front, and called to Captain Ewing, who was near me, to take it. Captain Anderson, (now General Anderson, of Montgomery county, Maryland,) hearing the order, also pushed for the same object; and both being emulous for the prize, kept pace until near the first piece, when Anderson, by putting the end of his spontoon forward into the ground, made a long leap, which brought him upon the gun and gave him the honor of the prize. My attention was now drawn to an altercation of some of the men with an artillery man, who appeared to make it a point of honor not to surrender his match. The men, provoked by his obstinacy, would have bayoneted him on the spot, had I not interfered and desired them to spare the life of so brave a man. He then surrendered his match. In the pursuit I was led to the right, in among the seventy-first, who were broken into squads; and as I called to them to surrender, they laid down their arms, and the officers delivered up their swords. Captain Duncanson, of the seventy-first grenadiers, gave me his sword and stood by me. Upon getting on my horse, I found him pulling at my saddle, and he nearly unhorsed me. I expressed my displeasure, and asked what he was about. The explanation was, that they had orders to give no quarter, and they did not expect any; and as my men were coming up, he was afraid they would use him ill. I admitted his excuse and put him into the care of a sergeant. I had messages from[75] him many years afterwards, expressing his obligation for my having saved his life.” At the time Colonel Howard was “among the seventy-first,” as he observes, he had in his hand at one time, seven swords of officers who had surrendered to him personally.

The moral effect of this celebrated battle was felt throughout the whole country. Congress voted a gold medal to Colonel Howard, (See Plate I.,) descriptive of his gallant conduct at the Cowpens, which is described at the end of this sketch.

The battle of the Cowpens is the only one on record, in which the American troops fairly conquered the British with the bayonet in open field.

In the extreme danger incurred by the rear guard, in protecting the retreat of Greene, Colonel Howard bore his full share; in the battle of Guildford, which soon followed, we find his skill and bravery displayed in no common degree. In his own manuscript, he observes:—“My station being on the left of the first regiment, and next the cleared ground, Captain Gibson, deputy adjutant-general, rode up to me, and informed me that a party of the enemy inferior in number to us, were pushing through the cleared ground and into our rear, and that if we would face about and charge them, we might take them. I rode to Colonel Gunby and gave him the information. He did not hesitate to order the regiment to face about, and we were immediately engaged with the guards. Our men gave them some well directed fires, and we then advanced and continued firing. At this time Gunby’s horse was shot, and falling upon him, injured him, but not severely. Major Anderson was killed about this time. As we advanced, I observed Washington’s horse, and as their movements were quicker than ours, they first charged and broke the enemy. My men followed very quickly, and we[76] pressed through the guards, many of whom had been knocked down by the horse without being much hurt. We took some prisoners, and the whole were in our power.

“After passing through the guards, as before stated, I found myself in the cleared ground, and saw the seventy-first regiment near the court-house, and other columns of the enemy appearing in different directions.

“Washington’s horse having gone off, I found it necessary to retire, which I did leisurely; but many of the guards who were lying on the ground, and who we supposed were wounded, got up and fired at us as we retired.”

Such is the unadorned narrative of this brave and gallant soldier. At the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill, he also ably distinguished himself. At Eutaw he had the command of the second Maryland regiment, who distinguished themselves at the bayonet’s point, and (according to Lee) in encountering the obstinate resistance of the Buffs, many of the Marylanders and of the Buffs were mutually transfixed with each other’s bayonets. Colonel Howard, in a letter, says, “nearly one-half of my men were killed or wounded, and I had seven officers out of twelve disabled; four killed, and three severely wounded.” Towards the end of the battle, Colonel Howard received a ball in the left shoulder, which, passing entirely through, came out under the shoulder-blade, and disabled him. In a letter from General Greene to General Smallwood, written a few days after the battle, he says, “nothing could exceed the gallantry of the Maryland line, the uncommon bravery of Colonels Howard, Williams, and the other officers, and the free use of the bayonet, by this and some other corps, gave us the victory.”

As soon as he was able to be removed, Colonel Howard was taken home, followed by the affectionate commendations of his brother officers. General Greene, in writing to a friend,[77] after his departure, says, “Colonel Howard is as good an officer as the world afforded, and deserves a statue of gold, no less than the Roman or Grecian heroes.”

At the conclusion of the war, Colonel Howard retired to his estates in Baltimore county, and soon after married Margaret, the daughter of Benjamin Chew, of Philadelphia. He was shortly after chosen governor of Maryland, which office he filled for three years. In 1795, General Washington invited him to a seat in his cabinet, but this was declined. In 1796, he was transferred from the legislature of his own state to the senate of the United States, where he remained seven years; he then returned again to his agricultural pursuits, where he remained till the trumpet of war broke in upon his retirement in 1814. The capture of Washington by the enemy, and the meditated attack upon Baltimore, demanded a preparation for resistance, and a troop of aged men was organized to render such services as their strength would allow, and Colonel Howard was, by unanimous consent, placed at its head. Colonel Howard now began to feel the effects of his early wound, which at every slight exposure brought on severe pain, which made inroads in his constitution not easily repaired. In 1821 he had the misfortune to lose his eldest daughter, and in 1822 his eldest son, and in 1824, the loss of his devoted wife gave him a shock from which he never recovered; from that time his health began fast to decline, and in October, 1827, he resigned his life with characteristic fortitude and pious resignation. An obituary notice written by a celebrated dignitary of the Catholic church, demands a place in these pages. “One after another, the stars of our revolutionary firmament are sinking below the horizon. They rise in another hemisphere, as they set to us; and the youth of other times will gaze upon their lustre, as he learns their names and marks them clustering into constellations, which[78] will recall to his mind some interesting event of our period of struggle.” An able historiographer thus speaks of the lamented Howard: “In private life he was distinguished for the amenity of his manners, his hospitality, and his extensive and useful knowledge. He possessed a memory uncommonly minute, and a love of information that never sank under the labor of acquisition. These faculties rendered him, perhaps, the most accurate repository of the history of his own time, in this or any other country. His habits of life were contemplative, cautious, scrupulously just, and regulated by the strictest method. Few men have enjoyed a more enviable lot;—his youth distinguished in the field, his age in the council, and every period solaced by the attachment of friends. Affluent in fortune, as rich in public regard, and blessed in his domestic and personal associations, he has glided away from the small band of his compatriots, as full of honors as of years. The example of such a citizen is a legacy to his country, of more worth than the precepts of an age.”

MEDAL.

Device.—An officer mounted, with uplifted sword, pursuing an officer on foot, bearing a stand of colors: Victory descending in front over the former, holding a wreath in her right hand over his head: a palm-branch in her left hand.

Reverse Inscription—(within a laurel wreath.)—Quod in nutantem hostium aciem subito irruens, præclarum bellicæ virtutis specimen dedit in pugna, ad Cowpens, 17th January, 1781.

COL. WILLIAM A. WASHINGTON.

William Augustine Washington was the eldest son of Baily Washington, of Stafford county, Virginia. The subject of these memoirs had commenced his studies for the church, when the war sound of the revolution rung in his ears; he was one of those who exerted such an exalted influence throughout the whole campaign, that his biographers distinguish him as the “modern Marcellus.”

Colonel Washington was a scholar of rare attainments, especially in the Greek language, in which, in his day, he was unequalled. At the request of his relative, General George Washington, he was appointed to the command of a company of infantry, in the third regiment of the Virginia line.

He was distinguished for his manly fortitude in sustaining the greatest difficulties and dangers.

He led one of the attacking columns, at the surprise of the Hessians at Trenton, where he received a severe wound from a musket-ball which passed entirely through his hand. He was afterwards appointed a major in a regiment of dragoons,[80] commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor, which was shortly after surprised by a detachment of the enemy, commanded by General Grey, and almost cut to pieces. Our hero fortunately escaped, and in the year following joined the army of General Lincoln, of South Carolina, with whose troops he was constantly employed, in encounters with the British, first, near Ashley Ferry, where he drove back the cavalry of the British legion, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, and took several prisoners: but being unsupported by infantry, he gained but little advantage or success.

It has been asserted, and it is believed from good authority, that Colonel Washington and Tarleton were personally engaged, and that during the skirmish, Tarleton lost three of his fingers from a stroke from the sword of Colonel Washington. An anecdote is related and believed to be correct, respecting the meeting of these two officers: it is as follows:—Tarleton, when on a visit to an American family, remarked, that he should be glad to get another look at this Colonel Washington, of whom he had heard so much: when a lady in company quickly observed, “What a pity Colonel Tarleton did not turn his head when he lost his fingers!” Subsequently, Colonel Washington was attached to the light corps, commanded by General Morgan; and by an ingenious stratagem carried a valuable post in possession of the British, called Rugely’s, and took a great number of prisoners, without firing a single shot. Aware of the character of his opponent, Colonel Rugely, he placed a pine log on the wheels of a wagon, so painted as to have the appearance, at a distance, of a field-piece, threatening immediate destruction if any resistance should be offered. The affrighted Colonel begged for quarter and surrendered without difficulty!

Next followed the brilliant victory of the Cowpens, in which Colonel Washington contributed in no small degree.[81] His ardor in this contest had nearly cost him his life. Animating the troops to the pursuit by his example, he advanced so far as to be surrounded by several British officers. At the moment when the sword of one of them was actually raised for his destruction, his brave bugleman fired a pistol which disabled the British officer, and saved the life of his gallant commander. Shortly after his cavalry was added to a body of horse and foot selected by General Greene, and placed under the command of Colonel Williams. Colonel Washington was happy to a degree in baffling the efforts of Cornwallis to force Greene to a battle. He took a very conspicuous part in the contest at Guildford Courthouse, where, by a spirited and daring charge, he broke the British regiment of guards, commanded by Colonel Stewart, who was killed; and with the brave Colonel Howard and his gallant Marylanders, nearly effected their entire destruction. Colonel Garden relates the following remarks made to him by an officer of distinction in the army of the enemy:—“I was near General Webster when the charge was made by Washington. The desperate situation of the guards had its effect on all around. An American officer quickly perceiving it, rode up to the British line and called aloud, ‘Surrender, gentlemen, and be certain of good quarters.’ Terrified by appearances, and concluding that defeat was inevitable, the soldiers of the regiment of De Bose were actually throwing down their arms. In the midst of the confusion, General Webster, famed for great presence of mind, exclaimed, ‘Unless that gallant fellow is taken off, we are lost.’ A field-piece at this moment was brought up, and directed to be fired into the throng where the guards now appeared to be greatly outnumbered, and did so with the happiest success; the cavalry wheeled off, the remains of the battalion rallied, and the army was saved.”

At Hobkirk Hill, Colonel Washington added another wreath[82] to his well-earned laurels. Famous for skillful maneuvering, he cut off the rear of the British line, capturing eleven officers and two hundred men, but the early retreat of the American forces prevented his bringing more than fifty of his prisoners off the field; these, however, contained the eleven officers. At the battle of Eutaw, his repeated charges on the British light infantry were signalized by extraordinary bravery and valor. In an effort which required all his courage, his horse was shot from under him, and becoming entangled as he fell, he was taken prisoner. This was the closing scene of his military performances, which had always been characterized by ardor, bravery and decision; he knew danger only by name, and though unfortunate at last, no officer in the American revolution ever in a higher degree merited success.

He remained a prisoner until the close of the war, when he retired to his plantation at Sandy Hill, about thirty miles from Charleston, South Carolina. He served for several years as a member of the legislature, during which service he was persuaded to become a candidate for the office of governor; but this honor he respectfully declined.

He married a lady to whom he had become attached during his imprisonment. By her he had a son and daughter. After a long and tedious illness, borne by the most heroic and Christian fortitude, he died on the 6th of March, 1810.

By a resolve of Congress, 9th March, 1781, which stated that eighty cavalry and two hundred and thirty-seven infantry of the United States, and five hundred and fifty-three southern militia, obtained a complete victory over a select and well-appointed detachment of more than eleven hundred British, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, a silver medal was ordered to be struck and presented to Colonel Washington, of which the following is a description:—[83]

Device.—An officer mounted at the head of a body of cavalry, charging flying troops: Victory over the heads of the Americans, holding a laurel crown in her right hand, and a palm branch in her left.

Reverse.—Quod parva militum manu strenue prospectus hostes, virtutis ingenitæ præclarum specionen dedit in pregna ad Cowpens, 17th January, 1781. (Within a laurel crown.) (See Plate I.)

MAJOR HENRY LEE.

Henry Lee, the subject of the following sketch, was born in Virginia on the 29th of January, 1756. His family was one of the most respectable among the first settlers of that state. His father was for many years a member of the provincial assembly of Virginia. Henry Lee was prepared for college by a private tutor at his father’s residence, and afterwards graduated at Princeton College, New Jersey, under the superintendence of Dr. Witherspoon, then President.

Two years after his graduation, and in the twentieth of his age, he was appointed to the command, as captain, of one of the six companies of cavalry, raised by his native state; the whole under the command of Colonel Theodoric Bland.

During the campaigns of 1775 and 1776, there was not a single troop of horse attached to the continental army. General Washington, seeing the danger arising from this, was urgent in his applications to Congress, and consequently the Virginia regiment was received into the service of the United States.

Here, under the immediate eye of the commander-in-chief, his skill in discipline and gallant bearing rapidly acquired[85] confidence. He was promoted to the rank of Major, with the command of a separate corps of cavalry. From his able and rigorous attention to his horses and men, he was enabled at all times to act with promptness and efficiency. Not only in attacking light parties of the enemy, but in foraging and obtaining information, he rendered most essential service to the American army.

As it was the province of Lee to lay near the British lines to discover their movements, an attempt was made to cut off both him and his troops. A body of British cavalry, amounting to about two hundred men, made a circuitous route, seizing four of his patrols, and came unexpectedly upon him in his stone house used as quarters. He had with him at the time but ten men; the majority were dispersed in search of forage.

With this small but gallant band, he made such a resolute and determined defence, that the enemy hastily retreated, after having four men and several horses killed, with one officer and three men wounded. This gallant and almost miraculous affair called forth from his commander-in-chief marks of his warmest approbation. Congress also voted him their thanks and congratulations upon his fortunate escape. In the year 1779, Lee again called forth the approbation of his country, by the successful execution of a plan for the capture of the British garrison, stationed at Paulus Hook, near New York.

At the head of about three hundred men, he completely surprised the garrison, and after taking one hundred and sixty prisoners, retreated with the loss of but two men killed and three wounded.

As a reward for the “prudence, skill and bravery” shown by Major Lee in the affair of Paulus Hook, Congress ordered[86] a gold medal to be struck, under the direction of the board of treasury, and presented to him; a description of which will be given at the end of this memoir.

Early in 1780, he returned with his legion to the south, having been previously promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, to join General Greene, who was then watching the movements of Cornwallis.

At the celebrated retreat of Greene, before Cornwallis, the legion of Major Lee formed the rear-guard of the American army; and so hasty was the pursuit, that Lee, coming in contact with the dragoons of Tarleton, in a successful charge, killed eighteen, and made a captain and fifteen privates prisoners. When the safety of General Greene’s retreat was certain, Lee, with Colonel Pickins, was detached to intercept and watch the movements of Lord Cornwallis. Lee now formed a plan to surprise Tarleton, and on their way to execute the plan, they fell in with some messengers, dispatched by some loyalists to Tarleton, to apprise him of his situation. These messengers, mistaking the legion of Lee for the British, freely communicated the object of their errand, which enabled Lee to act accordingly.

He particularly distinguished himself in the battle of Guildford. Afterwards he succeeded in capturing Fort Cornwallis, and other forts.

In the battle of Eutaw Springs, which soon followed, his military talents were again exerted, and again contributed in no small degree to the successful issue of the day. Our hero was next dispatched by General Greene to lay before his commander-in-chief the exigencies of the troops under his command. Washington was then engaged in the siege of Yorktown, and Lee arrived a few days only before its surrender. He was present at that imposing and eventful ceremony,[87] and, after having executed his commission, returned again to the south. The health of Colonel Lee had been much impaired by the fatigues and hardships he had undergone; besides, he fancied himself neglected, and his services underrated. Under the influence of these feelings, he sought and obtained permission to retire from the army. Soon after his return to Virginia, he married Matilda, the daughter of Philip Ludwell Lee, and settled at Stratford, in Westmoreland county.

In 1786, he was appointed a delegate in Congress from Virginia, in which body he remained till the constitution was adopted. In 1791, he was chosen governor of Virginia, and retained the office three years. He was a member of Congress at the death of General Washington, and was appointed by Congress to deliver an eulogy on the occasion. He retained his seat in Congress until the election of Jefferson to the chief magistracy, when he retired into private life. The last years of this gallant officer were clouded by pecuniary embarrassments. The profuse and extravagant mode of living in Virginia ruined his estate, and obliged him for some time to submit to the incarceration of a prison.

During his confinement he composed his memoirs of the southern campaign, in which he had been one of the principal actors; the events of which he had so good an opportunity of knowing. In hopes of restoring his broken health, Colonel Lee repaired to the West Indies, in order to try a warmer and more equable climate; but his hopes proved futile, and in 1818, on his return to the United States, he died on the 25th of March, at the house of Mrs. Shaw, on Cumberland Island, near St. Mary’s, Georgia, the daughter of his old friend and companion in arms, General Greene.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Non obstantib fluminibus, vallis astutia et virtute bellica, parva manu hostes vicit victosq. Armis humanitate devinxit. In men. pugn. ad Paulus Hook, 19th August, 1779. (See Plate IV.)

GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT.

Winfield Scott was born on the 13th of June, 1785, in the county of Dinwiddie, near Petersburg, Virginia. Designed for the profession of the law, he received a liberal education, and graduated at William and Mary College in that state. In 1806, having completed his studies, he commenced practice at the bar, with talents and acquirements which bade fair to introduce him to a very lucrative business. In 1807, the aggressions upon our defenceless commerce, by European powers, and the outrage upon the frigate Chesapeake, roused the indignant feelings of the nation. Redress was promptly called for, and the more ardent of our countrymen prepared for an immediate war. One of the first measures, at the next session of Congress, was to pass a bill for the increase of the army, and young Scott forsook the law, and was appointed a captain in a regiment of light artillery; in which capacity he remained prosecuting, with his usual zeal, his military studies, until the declaration of war in 1812, which opened a more arduous field for the exercise of his brilliant talents.

On the 6th of July, 1812, Scott was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the second regiment of artillery;[90] and arrived on the Niagara frontier, with the companies of Towson and Barker, and was posted at Black Rock, to protect the navy yard at that place.

On the 13th of October, the attack upon Queenstown, under Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, took place.

On the day previous, Lieutenant-Colonel Scott had arrived with his regiment at Schlosser, twelve miles from Lewiston. The object of this movement was to dispossess the enemy from the fort and village of Queenstown Heights, and thus to make a lodgment for the American troops on the Canada shore, the invasion of Canada being then the leading object of the northern campaign. Anxious to be near the scene of action, Scott obtained permission to march his regiment to Lewiston, and to use his artillery as circumstances might direct. In the early part of the action which followed he bore no part; but Colonels Van Rensselaer and Fenwick having fallen severely wounded, Colonel Scott’s request to cross the river was finally acceded to. The enemy was driven from the heights, which were now in the possession of the Americans, who gallantly repulsed an attack under General Brock, who had come up with reinforcements, but was himself killed in the engagement.

On his arrival, Colonel Scott found the troops in great disorder. Announcing his name and rank, he immediately formed them into line. Colonel Scott’s attention was first directed to an eighteen pounder, which the enemy, in his retreat, had left in the hands of the Americans, after having hastily spiked it; and he proceeded in person to direct the measures for rendering the piece again useful. Returning in a short time, he was surprised to find a large body of Indians preparing to attack the American lines, while the troops, already in some confusion, were on the point of giving way. His presence soon changed the state of affairs, and the savages[91] were compelled to make a hasty retreat. With an unanimous burst of enthusiasm, the line suddenly rallied from right to left, threw itself forward upon the enemy, putting him to precipitate flight, and leaving the ground strewed with the dead and wounded. In this manner successive conflicts were kept up, till a reinforcement of British arrived, under the command of Major General Sheaffe.

Colonel Scott now perceiving that a crisis must be near at hand, every effort was made by the commanding officers to induce the American militia, on the opposite side of the river, to cross over to the assistance of their countrymen, but in vain. Entreaty was wasted upon them, and as all the boats were upon the American side, the little band under Scott was left to await a fate from which there was no retreat. All had now been done that was required by honor, and longer resistance would only have sacrificed in vain the lives of brave men. Terms of capitulation being agreed upon, Colonel Scott surrendered into the hands of the enemy his whole force, now reduced to one hundred and thirty-nine regulars, and one hundred and fifty-four militia; in all two hundred and ninety-three men. Thus ended the battle of Queenstown Heights; an engagement desultory in its movements, but unfortunate in its results. From Queenstown, Scott was sent to Quebec; whence, upon being exchanged, he soon after embarked for Boston. Previous to this, however, one of those scenes occurred in which the decision of character of Colonel Scott was most strikingly displayed.

When the prisoners were embarked on board the transport to be conveyed to Boston, they were first mustered on the deck by British officers, and every man whose accent betrayed his British birth, was set apart to be sent to England as a traitor, there to be tried and executed. As soon as Scott became aware of what was going on, he instantly forbade his[92] soldiers to make further answer. Twenty-three had already been set apart for a shameful death. After the command from their Colonel, no threats from the British officer could induce the men again to speak. Scott, amidst constant interruptions from the British officer, addressed the men, encouraged them to be of good cheer, and solemnly pledged himself to them, that if a hair of the head of one of them was touched, because of their having served in the American army, retaliation should be made upon British prisoners in the hands of the Americans. These twenty-three men, all Irish, were, nevertheless, put in irons and sent to England, bearing with them the pledge of a gallant soldier, who, they knew, would not fail them. His first care, on his arrival at Boston, was to lay the whole circumstances before the secretary of war, who communicated the same to Congress. A law was passed vesting the President with the power of retaliation, and two months after, at the capture of Fort George, Scott having made many prisoners, true to his pledge, selected twenty-three of his prisoners, and confined them to abide the fate of the twenty-three naturalized Americans. In making this selection, Scott was careful not to include a single Irishman.

The British authorities saw the peril, and, it may be presumed, the injustice of the step they had taken, and not one of the prisoners was tried or harmed. The sequel to the foregoing narrative is told by his biographer, and must be read with interest. In July, 1815, when peace had been some months concluded, and Scott (then a major-general), was passing along on the East River side of the city of New York, he was attracted by loud cheers and bustle on one of the piers. He approached the scene, and great was his delight to find that it was the cheer of his old Irish friends, in whose behalf he had interfered at Quebec, and who had that moment landed in triumph, after a confinement of more than two[93] years in English prisons! He was quickly recognized by them, hailed as their deliverer, and nearly crushed by their warm-hearted embraces! Twenty-one were present, two having died natural deaths. Scott had not then recovered from the wounds he had received in the bloody battle of the Niagara, and was about to embark on a voyage to Europe. Yet, in conformity with the promises of friendship he had made with these men, he found time to write to the departments at Washington, and solicit for them their patents for land bounties, and their long arrearages of pay. He was successful, and they were at length restored both to their adopted country and their promised rewards. Several of these brave sons of Ireland are yet alive, and can testify to the truth of this narrative.

Shortly after the capture of York, the capital of Upper Canada, in 1813, Colonel Scott joined the army at Fort Niagara. He joined in the capacity of adjutant-general, (chief of the staff,) under the command of Major-General Dearborn. Though thus engaged in staff duties, he insisted upon the right, and it was conceded, of commanding his own regiment on extraordinary occasions. On the British side of the Niagara was a peninsula, of which Fort George was the defence. This position General Dearborn was determined to carry. The first act of Colonel Scott was in leading the advanced column of the attack, which so completely succeeded that the enemy was driven from the work and the field; and but for repeated and peremptory orders, Scott would probably have captured the whole British force. Fort George, the colors of which had been taken down by Colonel Scott himself, became the head quarters of the American troops, and in command of it Colonel Scott was left, when the main body of the army went down the St. Lawrence, in the summer of that year, to attack Montreal. The whole summer[94] passed without any attack from the British, when Scott obtained permission to turn Fort George over to General McLure, of the New York militia, and to join the main army at Sacket’s Harbor; marching to the mouth of the Genesee river, where the commander-in-chief promised that transports should meet him. It is well known that the expedition, after exciting much expectation, finally resulted in utter failure. The troops endured great fatigue, and encountered considerable danger in the difficult and perilous navigation of the St. Lawrence, without obtaining an opportunity of distinguishing themselves or benefiting their country. This unlucky campaign was, however, brilliantly redeemed by that of the following year. On the 9th of March, 1814, Colonel Scott was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General, and he joined General Brown on his route to Niagara, in the commencement of the next month.

Soon after General Brown was called to Sacket’s Harbor, and the command, in consequence, devolved upon General Scott, who immediately assembled the army and established a camp of instruction. His whole attention was now given to perfecting the discipline of the troops, to give them that celerity and combination of movement, which in modern times has made war a science, and rendered individual prowess of so little avail. For two months and a half the troops were drilled daily, from seven to nine hours each day, until finally they exhibited a perfection of discipline never before attained in our army. They were now prepared to meet on terms of equality the veteran troops of the enemy, and they soon had an opportunity of showing the advantages they had derived from their instruction. In June, Major General Brown reached Buffalo with reinforcements, and in the commencement of the next month the campaign was opened.[95]

The Niagara was passed on the 3d of July in two brigades, Scott’s and Ripley’s, the former below, the latter above Fort Erie, which almost immediately surrendered. On the morning of the 4th, the army moved towards Chippewa, General Scott’s brigade being in advance; and on the evening of the same day, took up a position on the bank of Street’s Creek, about two miles distant from the British encampment. The stream was in front of the American position, having beyond it an extensive plain; its right rested upon the Niagara, and its left upon a wood. On the following day the British militia and the Indians having occupied the wood, commenced annoying the American piquets from it, until Brigadier General Porter, at the head of his brigade of militia and friendly Indians, drove the enemy from the wood back upon the Chippewa. The British regulars being here supported by their whole army, drawn out in line and advancing to the attack, General Porter, in his turn, was compelled to give way. The heaviness of the firing informed General Brown of the advance of the main body of the enemy. It was now about four o’clock in the afternoon. General Scott was at this moment advancing with his brigade to drill upon the plain, on which the battle was afterwards fought. On the march he met General Brown, who said to him, “The enemy is advancing. You will have a fight.” Beyond this brief remark, Scott received no further orders during the day. General Brown passed to the rear, to put Ripley’s brigade in motion, and to reassemble the light troops behind Street’s Creek. It was not till he arrived at the bridge over Street’s Creek, two hundred yards to the right of his camp of the night before, that Scott saw the enemy.

The army of Riall had crossed the bridge over Chippewa, and displayed itself on the plain before described. It was composed of the one hundredth regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel,[96] the Marquis of Tweedale; the first, or Royal Scots, under Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon; a portion of the eighth, or King’s own regiment; a detachment of the royal artillery; a detachment of the royal nineteenth light dragoons; and a portion of Canada militia and Indians. The main body of these troops were among the best in the British army. This force was supported by a heavy battery of nine pieces, within point blank range of the American troops. Under the fire of this battery, the corps of General Scott passed the bridge in perfect order, but with some loss. His first and second battalions, under Majors Leavenworth and McNeil, after crossing, formed a line to the front, which brought them opposed respectively to the left and centre of the enemy. The third battalion under Major, (now General) Jessup, obliqued in column to the left, and advanced to attack the right of the enemy, which extended into the wood. Captain (now General) Towson with his artillery, was stationed on the right, resting in the Chippewa road. General Scott soon perceived that, although there were no intervals in the British line, yet their right wing outflanked his left.

To remedy this difficulty, the movement of Jessup was caused, and the interval between the battalions of Leavenworth and McNeil on the plain, was greatly enlarged. These evolutions were executed rapidly and with great precision, under the fire of both musketry and artillery. The action soon became general; Jessup, having engaged and broken off the right wing of the enemy, while their main body continued to advance, gave their army a new flank. Taking advantage of this circumstance, and assisted by the enlarged interval between the battalions of Leavenworth and McNeil, General Scott threw the battalion of the latter forward upon its right flank, so as to stand obliquely to the charge of the enemy, outflanking them upon the right. This movement, executed[97] with precision, together with the steadiness of our troops and the heavy fire from the artillery, decided the fate of the day. The British army retreated a short distance in good order, then broke, and fled in confusion to their entrenchments, beyond the Chippewa. Thus was the whole British line fairly routed, in a field action, on an open plain. They fled to their entrenchments beyond the Chippewa, hotly pursued by Scott, to the distance of half-musket shot of Chippewa bridge. He took many prisoners, leaving the plain strewed with the dead and wounded of both nations. Justly, indeed, did General Brown, in his official report of the battle, say:—“Brigadier-General Scott is entitled to the highest praise our country can bestow: to him, more than to any other man, I am indebted for the victory of the 5th of July.”

The fight was fierce and bloody in an unwonted degree, the killed on both sides amounting to eight hundred and thirty, out of about four thousand engaged—more than one in five. This gallant action was followed in just three weeks by another yet more decisive of the courage and discipline of the American army—that at Lundy’s Lane.

General Riall, unknown to General Brown, had been largely reinforced by General Drummond from below; and when, on the morning of the 26th of July, General Scott, in advance, was on a march to attack General Riall’s forces, he suddenly came upon the British troops, which, reinforced that very day by Drummond, were themselves bent on attack. Scott had with him but four small battalions, commanded by Brady, Jessup, Leavenworth and McNeil; and Towson’s artillery, with Captain Harris’ detachment of regular and irregular cavalry. The whole column did not exceed one thousand three hundred men. With this small force, Scott found himself in the presence of a superior body. His position[98] was critical, but it was one of those where promptness and decision of action must supply the want of battalions.

Dispatching officers to the rear to apprise General Brown that the whole British army was before him, General Scott at once engaged the enemy, who all the while believed they had to do with the whole of General Brown’s army, not at all expecting that a mere detachment of it would venture upon the apparently desperate course of encountering such greatly superior numbers as the British knew they had in the field. The battle began about half an hour before sunset. The armies were drawn out near the shores of that rapid river whose current mingles lake with lake; and as his able biographer beautifully observes:—“Hard by was the Cataract, whose world of waters rushes over the precipice, and rushing, roars into the gulf below! The ceaseless spray rises up, like incense, to the Eternal Father! The beams of sun, and moon, and stars, fall ceaselessly on that spray, and are sent back in many-colored hues to the source of light! So it was when, wheeling into the field of battle, the slant beams of the setting sun, returning from the spray, encircled the advancing column with rainbow colors! The sun went down, to many an eye, no more to rise on earth! With the darkness came the greater rage of battle—charge after charge was made. For a time the faint beams of the moon struggled with the smoke, and gave a little light to the combatants; but it was but little. The moon itself became obscured, and no light, save the rapid flashes of musket and cannon, pierced the heavy clouds. The fight raged in the darkness of the night. From the height on the ridge, the battery of the enemy still poured its deadly fire. It was then the gallant Miller said, ‘I will try.’ It was then that Scott piloted his column through darkness to Lundy’s Lane. It was then that brave[99] regiment charged to the cannon’s mouth. The battery was taken. The victory rests with the American army.”

Twice had Scott charged through the British lines—two horses had been killed under him—he was wounded in the side—and about eleven o’clock at night, on foot, and yet fighting, he was finally disabled by a shot which shattered the left shoulder, and he was borne away about midnight from the battle—his commander, General Brown, having been previously, in like manner, carried away wounded from the field. The wounds of General Scott, which were severe, confined him for a long time; nor had he again an opportunity of distinguishing himself before the conclusion of peace put an end to all active service in the field. In the mean time his sufferings were alleviated by the testimonials of the approbation and gratitude of his countrymen. Congress ordered a vote of thanks, and a gold medal (See Plate V.). Virginia and New York each presented valuable swords. He was also elected an honorary member of the Cincinnati, and numberless states named new counties after him. In the long interval of comparative inaction which followed the close of the war, General Scott’s services were made available to the general government,—first, in that most painful task of reducing the army to a peace establishment, which necessarily imposed on the general great responsibility. The next important benefit rendered, and which, perhaps, was not the least of all the many he was capable of rendering, was to translate from the French, prepare, digest, and adapt to our service, a complete system of military tactics. In the execution of this trust, his previous military studies gave him great facilities and advantages over his brother officers.

In March, 1817, General Scott was married to Miss Maria Mayo, daughter of John Mayo, Esq., of Richmond, Virginia—a lady whose charms and accomplishments are much admired[100] both in this country and in Europe. They have had several daughters, but no living son.

Such is the brief memoir of General Winfield Scott, extracted from his life, so ably portrayed by Edward D. Mansfield, Esq. General Scott is now in the sixty-second year of his age, and retains, to a remarkable degree, all the vigor and buoyancy of youth. At the head of our armies at war with a neighboring republic, all eyes are directed to him as the chief of that gallant band upon whom must depend the honor and success of our arms.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL SCOTT.

Reverse.—Resolution of Congress, November 3d, 1814. Battles of Chippewa, July 5th, 1814; Niagara, July 25th, 1814. Surrounded by a wreath of laurel and palm entwining a snake.

GEN. E. P. GAINES.

Edmund Pendleton Gaines was born in the county of Culpepper, Virginia, on the 20th of March, 1777. His father, James Gaines, served in the latter part of the revolutionary war at the head of a company of volunteers, and having removed with his family to the north-west border of North Carolina, he was soon after chosen a member of the legislature of that state. He was the nephew of Edmund Pendleton, for many years presiding judge of the Court of Appeals, in Virginia, and one of those illustrious statesmen whose services were most prominent in the cause which produced a Washington, and enrolled the names of Jefferson, Madison, Randolph and Mason, among the most distinguished in the annals of American history. To the early affectionate solicitude and pious care of a highly gifted mother, may be imputed the strict integrity, and devoted sense of duty, which have always distinguished the subject of this memoir; to whose prudence and excellent example he acknowledges himself indebted for the high sense of honor and rectitude which have been his support amid the trying and eventful scenes of his life.[102]

At the close of the war of independence, his father returned to his estate in North Carolina, consisting of some hundred acres. He, like most of his neighbors, had lost his money in the form of valueless continental bills. In these circumstances, at this period, all classes were more or less involved.

Edmund, now in his thirteenth year, assisted his father in the toils of agriculture. His heart became early imbued with the pleasures which result from the performance of duties, and his health invigorated by such wholesome exercise.

About this period, his father removed his family to Sullivan county, (afterwards the eastern part of Tennessee,) in the immediate vicinity of which the Cherokee Indians were constantly committing depredations. With these Indians the United States were at that time, and continued to be for several years afterwards, at war. Surrounded by hostilities, our hero’s thoughts now actually turned to arms, and he employed his leisure hours in the study of such military works as were within his reach. By the time he was fourteen, he had acquired such skill in the management of the rifle, as to excel most of his young associates. At the age of eighteen, he was elected lieutenant of a rifle company of volunteers, which was raised at that time as a terror to the Cherokees, who were a continual annoyance to the neighborhood. In January, 1799, he was appointed an ensign, and attached to the sixth United States regiment, and ordered on duty in the recruiting service. In the following year the sixth regiment was disbanded, and Ensign Gaines was transferred to the fourth infantry, as second lieutenant.

In 1801, Colonel Butler, who commanded the fourth regiment, was instructed to select the subalterns of that regiment best qualified for making a topographical survey from Nashville to Natchez, for the location of a military road.[103]

He appointed Lieutenant Gaines, who, in the performance of this duty, and in the survey of certain Indian boundary lines, near the Choctaw nation, was engaged until the winter of 1804. In that year, Spain having refused to withdraw her troops from the military posts of Mobile and Baton Rouge, and deliver up the country lying between the island of Orleans and the rivers Iberville, Mississippi and Perdido, as a part of Louisiana, the President of the United States determined to appoint a military collector of the customs, for the district of Mobile, and appointed Lieutenant Gaines to that office.

He accordingly was stationed at Fort Stoddart, thirty-six miles north of the town of Mobile, in the confident expectation of sooner or later having the honor of taking possession of the disputed territory. In 1806, in addition to the duties hitherto assigned to him, Lieutenant Gaines was appointed postmaster, and also agent to the postmaster-general, with authority to suspend all postmasters and mail contractors who were in any wise aiding persons supposed to be engaged in the machinations of Colonel Burr. In the interim, he was promoted to a captaincy. Captain Gaines, as commandant of Fort Stoddart, was authorized to employ such of the United States troops as should be deemed necessary for the protection of the mail, and inspectors of the revenue between the city of Orleans and Athens, Georgia, then a wilderness of nearly six hundred miles in extent. Having performed the arduous duties of this situation to the perfect satisfaction of his government, for nearly five years, Captain Gaines determined to retire from the army, and engage in the profession of the law. But the increased probability of a war with England, for a time suspended this resolution. He at length decided upon asking for leave of absence.

In this interval he commenced the practice of law, in the[104] counties of Washington and Baldwin, Mississippi territory; but scarcely had he completed his first year’s practice, when war was declared against Great Britain, and Captain Gaines joyfully resumed his sword, never again to abandon it as long as his country should need his services.

In the war which followed, it will be seen that our hero was among the most steadfast in the performance of every arduous duty.

In the greatest danger he was distinguished alike by the fertility of his resources, the coolness of his courage, and the amiable simplicity of his manners. In his operations on the northern frontier, his gallant conduct received the highest commendation. At the battle of Chrystler’s Fields, on the 11th of November, 1813, Colonel Gaines commanded the twenty-fifth regiment of United States infantry. He was deprived of the honor of a participation in the glory of Harrison’s victory on the Thames, by a long and serious illness; but his brave regiment was one of the most effective, on the memorable 11th, covering the retreat of our several corps, after the check received by the enemy, to their re-embarkation on the St. Lawrence.

The relative strength of the two armies, when Colonel Gaines, who had recently been promoted to the rank of Major-General, arrived at Fort Erie, and took command on the morning of the 4th of August, 1814, was as follows:—the British veteran force amounted to a fraction over three thousand six hundred officers and men, besides six hundred Canadians and Indians—making altogether an aggregate of more than four thousand two hundred. This force was opposed by only nineteen hundred United States regulars, and six hundred New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, making the aggregate strength for duty, nearly two thousand five hundred. On the following day, August 5th, commenced the first of those[105] actions, consisting of a vigorous cannonade and bombardment, with alternate sharp conflicts between the infantry and rifle corps of the two armies, with occasional skirmishing, which were kept up with a degree of vigor, daily and successively, until the morning of the 15th. These daily conflicts were so conducted as to pave the way for the more important victory which was to follow.

Although the losses in these smaller actions amounted to considerably more than those sustained in the battle of the 15th, still they were carried on in a spirit and temper, evincing a determination on the part of every officer and soldier to maintain the old-fashioned maxim, namely, “Victory or Death.” This sanguinary battle of the 15th, with the other actions of the following fourteen days, were altogether so conducted as to secure to a moral certainty, not only the safety of the whole northwestern frontier, but to cover the war-worn division with imperishable fame, by a series of triumphs extending throughout the months of August and September, 1814, the value and moral effect of which, can only be rightly estimated by the statesman or soldier capable of counting the cost of blood and treasure, which must have followed the sacrifice of that division—and the consequent recombination of a British army flushed with victory—and their lately whipt, and, therefore, doubly ferocious savage friends and allies—with free access to a sparsely settled and unprotected frontier of near twelve hundred miles in extent, from Buffalo to Lake Michigan, and thence to the upper Mississippi, Missouri and Arkansas: a frontier embracing an extensive section of the then suffering northwestern settlements, that had during the first fourteen months of the war been bleeding at every pore. And this deplorable catastrophe to have followed upon the heels of the fiendish and disgraceful scenes which terminated in the taking, sacking, and burning the capitol of our beloved[106] Union. The total defeat of this crippled and maimed remnant of Brown’s heroic division, a catastrophe which, from the night of the 25th of July, to the fourth of the following month—to many brave officers of high rank—(one of whom was at the head of a brigade,) seemed to be inevitable, without an immediate abandonment of Canada, might have prolonged the war, with its increasing horrors of the massacre and scalping of women and children, for seven years. This mutilated remnant of our noble division, however, gallantly met and gloriously triumphed over a veteran British army of near double our numbers during twenty consecutive days, and some nights, and accomplished these triumphs before the harassed and broken down war department could send on the requisite reinforcements, to give our operations the offensive in place of the defensive cast, and increased vigorous character.

The great and gallant state of New York, with her Tomkins, and her Clintons, and her Porter, and her Spencer, and hosts of other master spirits of this state, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, soon devised measures to put in rapid motion the chivalry—constituting the minute-men of the volunteers around them—and these sanguinary conflicts, which commenced on the 5th, and continued until the 28th of August, under the direction of the gallant Gaines, from thence until the 5th of September, under Miller, and to the 10th, under Ripley, were brilliantly terminated on the 17th of that month, under Brown.

It may safely be left to the future statesman and soldier to decide—and to the impartial historian to record—how far these triumphs of August, 1814, may have contributed to allay the panic produced by the victory of the British at Bladensburg, the capture of Alexandria and the city of Washington, with the destruction of the capitol; or to what extent they may have tended to arrest the exultation which this victory,[107] and these captures produced in the ranks of the enemy; and to establish throughout the Union the moral power, and unshaken confidence reposed in the efficiency of our volunteers. They had never, before the month of August, 1814, given such indubitable evidence of their being in all respects equal to the best of veteran regulars, in an open field fight, and in the close conflict of repeated heavy charges of veteran infantry with the bayonet—in the deepest darkness of night. It is for posterity to decide (when the actors are all in the grave), how far the moral effect of those sanguinary struggles, and long-continued triumphs, may or may not have contributed to seal the fate of the enemy, from the 29th of August to the 17th of September, on the Niagara frontier, at Baltimore, at Plattsburg, and at New Orleans, in December, 1814, and January, 1815. The description of troops here referred to as so eminently distinguished at each place, had long been known to be invincible in the woods against Indians and their white allies, and behind breastworks, against the best of British veterans. But they had never, before the month of August, 1814, afforded such incontestable proofs of their entire fitness for the close conflicts of the open field, as at that time near Fort Erie.

These triumphs were duly appreciated by the wise, the just, the virtuous Madison, as well as by the supreme judiciary of the United States; by the assembled wisdom of both houses of Congress, and by the enlightened and patriotic public authorities of the sovereign states of the Union—who promptly, and in most cases unanimously, testified in terms of high approbation, their sense of the value of the services rendered by that division of the army during the period here referred to.

General Gaines, in his official report to the war department, gives the following account of the battle of the 15th of August: He says, “I hasten to communicate particulars of the[108] battle fought at this place (Fort Erie, Upper Canada), on the 15th inst., between the left wing of the second division of the northern army, under my command, and the British forces in the Peninsula of Upper Canada.

“At half past two o’clock, on the morning of the 15th, the right column of the enemy approached; and though enveloped in darkness, was distinctly heard on our left, and promptly marked by our musketry, under Major Wood, and artillery under Captain Towson. Being mounted at the moment, I repaired to the point of attack, where the sheet of fire rolling from Towson’s battery and the musketry of the left wing of the 21st infantry, under Major Wood, enabled me to see the enemy’s column, of about fifteen hundred men, approaching on that point; his advance was not checked until it approached within ten feet of our infantry; a line of loose brush, representing an abattis, only intervened; a column of the enemy attempted to pass round the abattis, through the water where it was nearly breast-deep. Apprehending that this point would be carried, I ordered a detachment of riflemen and infantry to its support; but having met with the gallant commander, Major Wood, was assured by him that he could defend his position without reinforcements. At this moment the enemy were repulsed; but instantly renewed the charge, and were again repulsed.

“My attention was now called to the right, where our batteries and lines were soon lighted by a most brilliant fire of cannon and musketry. It announced the approach of the centre and left columns of the enemy, under Colonels Drummond and Scott. The latter was received by the veteran ninth, under the command of Captain Foster and Captains Broughton and Harding’s companies of New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, and were repulsed. That of the centre, led by Colonel Drummond, was not long kept in check; it approached,[109] at once, every available point of the fort, and, with scaling ladders, ascended the parapet, but was repulsed with dreadful carnage. The assault was twice repeated, and as often checked; but the enemy, having moved around in the ditch, covered by darkness, added to the heavy cloud of smoke which had rolled from our cannon and musketry, enveloping surrounding objects, repeated the charge, re-ascended the ladders—their pikes, bayonets and spears, fell upon our gallant artillerists. The gallant spirits of our favorite Captain Williams, and Lieutenants M’Donough and Watmough, with their brave men, were overcome—the two former, and several of their men, received deadly wounds—our bastion was lost. Lieutenant M’Donough, being severely wounded, demanded quarter. It was refused by Colonel Drummond;—the Lieutenant then seized a handspike and nobly defended himself, until he was shot down with a pistol, by the monster who had refused him quarter, who often was heard to reiterate the order, ‘Give the damned Yankees no quarter.’ This officer, whose bravery, had it been seasoned with virtue, would have entitled him to the admiration of every soldier; this hardened murderer soon met his fate: he was shot through the heart by ——, of the —— regiment, while repeating the order to ‘give no quarter.’ The battle now raged with increased fury on the right; but on the left, the enemy was repulsed and put to flight; thence, and from the centre, I ordered reinforcements—they were promptly sent by Brigadier-Generals Ripley and Porter. Captain Fanning, of the corps of artillery, kept a spirited and destructive fire, with his field-pieces, on the enemy attempting to approach the fort. At this moment, every operation was arrested by the explosion of some cartridges, deposited in the end of the stone building, adjoining the contested bastion—the explosion was tremendous—it was decisive—the bastion was restored. At this moment,[110] Captain Biddle, with his field-piece, enfiladed the exterior plain and salient glacis: although not recovered from a severe injury in the shoulder by one of the enemy’s shells, promptly served his field-piece with vivacity and effect. Captain Fanning’s battery, likewise, played upon them at this time with great effect—the enemy were, in a few moments, entirely defeated, taken, or put to flight, leaving on the field two hundred and twenty-one killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and one hundred and eighty-six prisoners—total five hundred and eighty-one, including fourteen officers killed, and seven wounded and prisoners. Americans, seventeen killed, fifty-six wounded, eleven missing, total eighty-four.

It must be remembered that General Gaines had collected and arranged the requisite papers and memorandums, such as would have enabled him to make a faithful report of every material incident of each day’s operations, from the 5th to the 28th of August. But on this last-mentioned day he was crippled; and the British bomb-shell that wounded him, demolished his writing-desk, with so many of his valuable papers, including most of the reports and memorandums just now referred to, that his detailed report fell very short of what was intended, with the exception of giving to his officers that praise which their courage and bravery deserved; this report, as before intimated, was very hastily and imperfectly thrown together amidst the cares and constant interruptions of incessant daily action and nightly vigilance and preparation for increased vigorous action, unavoidably omitting some incidents of great interest to the service, to corps, and to individual officers and soldiers, gallantly engaged in this as well as in some of the smaller conflicts.[111]

The official reports of the then acting Adjutant-General Jones, (now adjutant-general of the army,) and Major Hall, then acting Inspector-General, show, that in the smaller actions, before referred to, from the 5th to the 14th, the actual loss of United States regulars and volunteers, was altogether much greater than in the battle of the 15th, which, though resulting in a decided victory, in which the enemy acknowledged his loss to be greater than he sustained in any one battle during the year 1814 in America, yet this was, in truth, but one of twenty-three days’ sharp conflicts—all crowned with success; although Gaines’ encampment near Fort Erie, from the daily flow of blood which it exhibited, was compared by the officers to a slaughter-pen. And from the 15th to the 28th of August, was still greater; amounting in all to nearly four hundred—officers and soldiers killed and wounded. The enemy took from us but one prisoner, it is believed, during the month; the brave Lieutenant Fontaine, who was knocked down from his battery in the dark.

For his gallant conduct in this ever memorable battle, General Gaines was honored by the federal government with an unanimous vote of thanks, and a gold medal (See Plate V.), whilst the three great and patriotic states of New York, Virginia and Tennessee, awarded to him unanimous resolutions of thanks, with a fine gold hilted sword, which he received from each of these states. This gallant officer is now employed in the honorable and important service of his country. We are sensible that in so brief a space allowed us in this memoir, justice cannot be done to such bravery, magnanimity and patriotism as have marked his character, through a life which has ever displayed a highly intelligent and unremitted zeal for the welfare of his country.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Victory standing on a shield, under which are a stand of colors and a halbert, and holding a palm-branch in her left hand, as in the act of placing a laurel crown on the cascabel of a cannon marked R, which is fixed upright in the ground, and is surrounded with a scroll inscribed “Erie.” On one trunnion rests a stand of British colors, and from the other is suspended a broad sword. By the side of the cannon are a howitzer, helmet, and several balls. Behind the cannon is a halbert.

GEN. JAMES MILLER.

James Miller, late Brigadier-General in the United States army, was born in the town of Peterborough, Hillsborough county, New Hampshire, April 25th, 1776. His grandfather, Samuel Miller, came from the North of Ireland, about the year 1720, and settled in Londonderry, New Hampshire, accompanied by his wife, (whose maiden name was Mary Shearer,) and their eldest child. They had seven children; five sons, Matthew, James, William, Samuel and John; and two daughters, Mary and Jane; all of whom, except Matthew, the eldest, were born in America. The four younger sons subsequently removed from Londonderry to Peterborough and settled on a tract of wild land, which, as tradition states, had been purchased for them, and paid for in linen cloth and thread manufactured by their mother, a woman of great energy and industry. The purchase comprised an extent of four hundred acres, and includes some of the best land in Peterborough. The eldest son, Matthew, remained in Londonderry with his parents.

Of the four who went to Peterborough, James, the father of General Miller, was the twin brother of William, and for[114] many years they improved their land in common and divided the produce. He married Catherine Gragg, the first child baptized in Peterborough. She was the daughter of Hugh Gragg, who also came to America from the north of Ireland, and settled in Groton, Massachusetts, but subsequently removed to Peterborough, when his daughter Catherine was a child of about eight or nine years of age. James Miller and his wife, Catherine Gragg, had four sons, Hugh, Samuel, James and Jacob; and three daughters, Jane, Mary and Catherine: of these, James, the subject of this memoir, was the third son. His earlier years were spent at home with his parents. Although he was of a robust constitution, and had a muscular and powerful frame, he was never a very valuable assistant in the agricultural labors of the farm, if we may be allowed to judge from the appellation by which he is said to have been familiarly designated in the family, and perhaps in the neighborhood, that of “lazy Jem.” The facilities for education in that part of the country were at that period very limited, but they were then, as now, free to all so far as the town or district schools were concerned. He attended one of these, such portions of the year as it was kept open; and it so happened that his earliest military as well as literary instruction was received there. One of the persons employed for a time as teacher of the school, had been a sergeant in the army of the Revolution, and had still so much of his former military taste remaining, as to render it quite as much a matter of pride and gratification to him to drill the boys (provided with wooden guns for the purpose) in the manual and company movements, at intervals between school hours and on holidays, as it was to preside over their literary progress in doors. He was, withal, a strict disciplinarian, and the event now to be related would not, in all probability, have happened during his administration. In the time of one of his successors[115] in the school, the boys, incited perhaps by traditionary accounts of similar schoolboy doings in the old country, determined to gain a holiday, which had been refused them, by “barring out” the master and holding adverse possession of the school-house until their demand was complied with.

The plan was carried into effect by those who, from residing at a distance from the school-house usually remained at noon-time, (while the master and another portion of the scholars were temporarily absent,) aided by such as they had persuaded to stay with them and take part in the conspiracy. The door was accordingly shut and barricaded by those in the plot, but a window, which (in the scarcity of glass and window-frame, incident to a new settlement) was fitted only with a wooden shutter, could not be closed against the “executive” and “conservatives,” without at the same time excluding daylight; a deprivation to which the young conspirators felt a distaste very similar to that attributed by Homer to the Grecian Ajax. It was, besides, highly desirable that an avenue for negotiations between the parties should be kept open, through which, at the proper time, the terms of an accommodation might be settled. The defence of this important and assailable point was committed to young Miller, although one of the youngest of this juvenile band: and when at the exhortation of the master, (who, after all, was possibly at heart as little averse to a holiday as any of his pupils,) an assault on the fortress was made by the advocates of “law and order,” so resolutely did he maintain his post, that the storming party, headed by an older cousin of the young defender, were effectually kept at bay. A parley was now held, and the demand for a holiday having been acceded to on the part of the teacher, coupled with a stipulation for the entire immunity from punishment of all concerned, the door was once more opened and the affair terminated in a[116] manner agreeable, doubtless, to all concerned, since all shared alike in the indulgence obtained.

He continued to attend the town schools during a portion of each season, until the autumn of his eighteenth year, when, desirous of greater facilities for education than his native town afforded, he left home for the purpose of attending the academy at that time established in Amherst, New Hampshire, some twenty-five miles distant from Peterborough. His outfit on the occasion was neither very splendid nor extensive; consisting of a bundle of clothes, not at all burdensome to carry, and the sum of one dollar and twenty-five cents in money.

The “credit system” was, in those days almost a matter of necessity, and although he had no personal acquaintance in Amherst, except with one or two of the students at the academy, he found no difficulty in making an arrangement for his board in the family of one of the townspeople, and his tuition at the institution. He remained at the academy for several months, and then left for the purpose of recruiting his finances and paying off arrearages by teaching; and having done so, was enabled himself to go to school again, and then open a new account with his boarding house and learning. He went on in this manner, alternately pupil and teacher, receiving knowledge by instalments, and disbursing it very fairly as it accumulated, until after years (when, having spent a short portion of the time as a student at Williams College,) he was qualified to commence the study of law, which he pursued in the office of the late James Wilson, Esquire, then of Peterborough, and latterly of Keene, New Hampshire, a gentleman at that time of extensive and successful practice in the law. Having completed the requisite term as a law student, he was admitted to practice in the state court, at the spring term for Hillsborough County, 1803.

He removed to the town of Greenfield, adjoining Peterborough,[117] and continued the practice of the law there until, in the year 1808, he received from President Jefferson an appointment as major, in the Fourth Regiment of United States Infantry, the highest appointment made from New Hampshire under the act of Congress for increasing the army. He was in a great measure indebted, for this appointment, to the favorable opinion and influence of the late Governor Pierce of New Hampshire, himself a distinguished officer in the revolutionary army. James Miller had previously held a commission under the state government, as captain of artillery. His commission as major of the Fourth Regiment of United States Infantry, bears date the 3d of March, 1809, taking rank from 8th of July, 1808. In June, he joined his regiment, then commanded by Col. John P. Boyd, at Fort Independence, in Boston harbor, in the spring of 1809, where he remained (with the exception of a short interval, spent on duty at Springfield, Massachusetts, and on a march from there with a detachment of troops to Newport, Rhode Island,) until the spring of 1811, when he embarked with the fourth regiment, for Philadelphia—having shortly before been commissioned as lieutenant-colonel of the fiftieth regiment. The troops arrived at Philadelphia, on the 16th of May, and on the following day proceeded on their march to Pittsburgh, where they arrived on the 21st of June.

In consequence of hostile indications on the part of the Northwestern Indians, prompted by the master spirit Tecumseh, government had determined on a military expedition into the Indian country, and Colonel Miller was, with his regiment, ordered to prepare with all possible dispatch to proceed to Vincennes and join the forces under General Harrison. The first steamboat ever launched on the western waters was then on the stocks at Pittsburgh, and of course afforded matter for much observation and comment. On the 2d of August, the troops embarked in keel boots for Vincennes.[118] They reached Newport, Kentucky, the distance of five hundred and twenty miles, in seven days, and there landed and remained until the 30th of the same month, when they again embarked and descended the river to Jeffersonville, Indiana, in order to meet General Harrison.

At the request of General Harrison, Colonel Boyd, then in command of the regiment, left the expedition and went with General Harrison across the country to Vincennes, leaving Colonel Miller in command of the troops, with orders to proceed by water.

They descended about three hundred miles to the farther Wabash, and then made their way up that river one hundred and seventy miles more to Vincennes.

The ascending the Wabash was at that time exceedingly toilsome and harassing; the river was very low, and they had eleven large boats from fifty to seventy-five feet long to pass over the bars and shallows of the river, which were of very frequent occurrence. It sometimes required the united efforts of an hundred men to lift or drag a single boat over a rocky shallow. On the 17th of September, the day of the great solar eclipse, they were engaged in passing the grand rapids of the Wabash.

To encourage and animate the men, Colonel Miller himself frequently went into the water to assist at the boats, as did every other officer, and for several successive days, had not the opportunity of a change of dry clothes. It was to this exposure and fatigue that Colonel Miller was probably indebted for the severe illness with which he was subsequently attacked.

The boats, with the troops, reached Vincennes on the 19th and there joined the militia under General Harrison. The combined force immediately commenced drilling for Indian warfare, and on the 27th of September, marched for the Prophet’s[119] town, in the vicinity of the Tippecanoe ground. On the 2d of October, the army reached the spot, seventy miles from Vincennes, where they halted to build Fort Harrison, which was subsequently so bravely and successfully defended against the Indians by Lieutenant, now Major-General Zachary Taylor. The next day after his arrival at this place, Colonel Miller was seized with a violent bilious fever, which at once completely prostrated him, from the effects of which, and the treatment and exposure which he necessarily had to undergo, he has never entirely recovered.

Until the fort was built, he was sheltered in a tent, with a bearskin and blankets for bedding. The weather for the first few days was very warm, and then suddenly changed to cold, with snow and rain; to hasten salivation, the physicians applied mercury very freely externally, as well as administering it internally, with blisters on the neck and limbs.

He had never been confined by sickness for a single day in his life before. He received the kindest attention from General Harrison, Colonel Boyd, and other officers, particularly from Colonel Davis, of the Kentucky dragoons, who was afterwards killed at Tippecanoe.

When the army moved from Fort Harrison, on the 29th of October, Colonel Miller had so far recovered as to be able to walk a few steps with the assistance of a cane, but was utterly unable to accompany the troops. For fifteen days he had been unable to move from his hard bed without being lifted, a tent his only shelter; and the weather suddenly changed from warm to cold, sufficiently to allow the snow to remain on the ground for two days at a time. His regret at being compelled to remain behind, is thus expressed in a letter written some time after:—“I reflected that I had sailed, marched, and rowed in boats, more than two thousand miles in search of, and with the expectation of acquiring, in common with my brothers[120] in arms, some military fame: to be brought to the ‘right about’ and obliged to halt within a few miles of the scene of action and consequent honor acquired by the glorious victory obtained—I thought my lot a hard one.” From the 4th day of May to the 18th of November, he had slept in a house but two nights. Colonel Miller was left in command of Fort Harrison, with the invalids of the army, and although thus debarred from participating in the battle which ensued, and resulted in the victory of Tippecanoe, he was fortunately able to be of essential service after the battle. For when apprised of the result, by express from General Harrison, he dispatched boats up the river, with hay in them for the reception of the wounded, and fresh provisions for the troops, to a point where the army would be likely to strike the river, on their return to Fort Harrison.

When the army left Fort Harrison, on its return to Vincennes, in the following November, although still an invalid, Colonel Miller requested to accompany them, and he was sent in command of the troops and boats, by way of the river: although it was considered the most easy way of traveling, he suffered much from exposure on the journey. He spent the following winter at Vincennes, and during that time became an inmate in the house and family of General Harrison, who with the most affectionate kindness urged this hospitality upon him. In May, 1812, he received orders to proceed with the fourth regiment to Dayton, Ohio, and from thence marched to Detroit, having joined General Hull at Urbana.

The communication with the state of Ohio being completely blocked up, thereby preventing the transportation of supplies of provisions for General Hull’s army, he saw it necessary to turn his attention to that point, and accordingly detached from the army a part of the regular troops, numbering about six hundred men, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel[121] James Miller, of the fourth regiment United States infantry, for this object. Colonel Miller was permitted to take two field pieces with the detachment, one six pounder and one five and a half inch howitzer, with their appendages and ammunition.

The detachment having drawn two days’ provisions, being organized and everything prepared for the march, General Wayne was chosen to lead the spies to reconnoitre the country; these were volunteer citizens of Detroit well acquainted with the route.

At five o’clock P. M., on the 8th of August, 1812, the troops being ready to march, and drawn up in line in the main street of Detroit, Colonel Miller rode to the centre and in front of the line, and addressed the troops in the following words:—“Soldiers, we are going to meet the enemy and to beat them! The blood of your brethren, spilt by savage hands on the 5th, must be avenged by their chastisement, and by the chastisement of the enemy who employs them, more savage than they! I shall lead you—I trust that no man will disgrace himself or me—every man who is seen to leave the ranks, to give way, or fall back without orders, shall instantly be put to death. My brave soldiers! you have once faced the enemy in a hard conflict, and beaten them, and gained glory to yourselves and honor to your country! Let this opportunity be improved to add another victory to that of Tippecanoe, and new glory to that which you gained on the Wabash. Soldiers, if there are any now in the ranks of this detachment, who are afraid to meet the enemy, they are now permitted to fall out and stay behind.” At which the words, “I’ll not stay,” ran through the ranks with a “huzza.”

The detachment then moved off in order and high spirits, and exhibited so much ardor to engage in the conflict, that the anxious citizens felt perfect confidence in the success of the enterprise. The detachment arrived at the river Rouge, six miles[122] from Detroit, about sunset. There being no bridge and the water very deep, they were conveyed over in scows, and as two only were within reach, it was ten o’clock before the whole had crossed over. The weather being somewhat rainy and very dark, it was determined to encamp there for the night. They therefore stationed their guards and picquets, and permitted the men to rest on their arms till daylight. Accordingly, at daybreak, they commenced their march, with Colonel Miller at the head of a column of cavalry, accompanied by his aids, in the road and in a line with the heads of the columns of musketry. In this order the detachment marched from the encampment, near the river Rouge, on the morning of the 9th. They proceeded through the white settlement, which was about five miles, and entered the woods.

The country, from the river Rouge to Brownstown, is generally flat, and lies a little above the surface of the river Detroit. Indian huts and fields are interspersed through the woods; at that time the fields were covered with corn, which was grown to seven and eight feet high.

When the advanced guard had arrived at the farther edge of this wood, the spies advanced into the Indian opening; they were fired upon by a party of ten Indians, who were on horseback, and had concealed themselves behind the house of the celebrated chief, Walk-in-the-water.

The spies fell back. A citizen from Detroit, who accompanied them, was killed, and fell from his horse. The guard advanced quickly towards the house, and the Indians immediately fled without receiving much injury, though the guard fired upon them while they were uncovered by the house. The Indians bore away as a trophy, the citizen’s scalp whom they had shot; and the facility with which the scalp was taken, was astonishing. There scarcely appeared to have been time for the Indian to reach the spot where the man fell, before[123] the guard arrived and found the scalp taken off, and the Indian gone. When the firing was heard by the columns, the order was given by Colonel Miller to march on with haste, but only some scattered Indians were discovered, who had been sent out by the British to watch the movements of the Americans, and to give information of their approach towards Brownstown, where the enemy, as it appeared afterwards, then lay in ambush to receive them. The position which the enemy had chosen, lay in an open oak wood, just at the declivity of a rising ground, over which the Americans had to pass. He had thrown up a breastwork of trees, logs, &c., behind which he lay concealed in force, and in order of battle. His works were thrown up in form of a courtine with two flanks. The line of the courtine lay across the road and perpendicularly to it. The banks formed an angle with the courtine of about one hundred and twenty. The courtine was lined with British regular troops, two deep of the forty-first regiment of foot, under the command of Major Muer of that regiment, who had long been in command at Malden. The flank of the courtine, on the enemy’s right, and American left, was lined with Canadian militia and Indians, commanded by Walk-in-the-water and Marpot. Most of the militia were dressed and painted like their “brethren in arms,” the savages. The left flank of the courtine was lined entirely by savages, under the command of the celebrated Indian warrior Tecumseh, of the Shawnoese nation.

The number of the British regulars and militia amounted to about three hundred; about two hundred regulars. The Indians amounted to four hundred and fifty, making the enemy’s forces about seven hundred and fifty men. The position and strength of the enemy were entirely unknown to Colonel Miller and to the army at this time.

At twelve o’clock M. the detachment arrived at a large opening[124] which contained four or five Indian houses, gardens, and orchards, and the army halted to take some refreshment, and to bury the man who had been killed; there they lay one hour. The village was deserted, and nothing of any consequence left in the houses.

At one P. M., the troops resumed their march, and soon reached the woods, near Brownstown, where some guns were heard by them. In a few seconds a volley was heard from Captain Snelling’s advance guard, and another instantly returned from a great number of pieces. The troops, by this time, were in preparation for battle, when Colonel Miller rode towards the centre at full speed, halted, and with a firm voice ordered the columns to “form the line of battle,” which was executed with that order, promptness and zeal, which he had expected; after the first volleys, the firing became incessant in front. Captain Snelling stood his ground till the lines were formed, and moved to his relief. He stood within pistol shot of the enemy’s breastworks in a shower of balls from the regular troops in his front, who showed themselves after the first fire, and set up the Indian yell.

When the first line appeared before the breastwork, they received the fire of the whole front and a part of the flanks. At this instant, Colonel Miller discovered that the enemy outflanked him, when the second line and flank guards were brought upon the flanks of the front line of the enemy.

The savages, in unison with the British troops, set up a horrid yell, and a severe conflict ensued.

The incessant firing of individual pieces soon changed to volleys, and while silence prevailed for an instant, the discharge of the six pounder burst upon the ear. At this instant, Colonel Miller was thrown from his horse which took fright at the discharge. He was supposed to be shot; those near him flew to his aid; the savages who saw him fall sprang over the breastwork[125] to take his scalp, but were repulsed. Colonel Miller instantly remounted and returned to continue his orders. The fire from the Indians, who were screened by their breastworks, was deadly.

Another discharge of grape from the six pounder, caused the British line to yield, then to break, and the troops to fly in disorder! Tecumseh, and some Indians under his command, who had leaped over the breastwork in the full assurance of victory, were driven back at the point of the bayonet. The British and some Indians fled directly down the river, and were pursued by Colonel Miller, and that part of the troops which had opposed them. Tecumseh, with his Indians, fled directly from the river westwardly, into the wilderness, and were pursued. After the British had retreated about one mile, they came to an opening, of about half a mile in diameter; here they attempted to rally again, but on the approach of the Americans they again broke and fled into the woods down the river. Colonel Miller immediately ordered the troops to follow in further pursuit of the British.

After following them through the woods for nearly half a mile, they came upon the beach of Lake Erie, and discovered the enemy all in boats, steering towards Malden, and out of reach of their shot. They had concealed their boats at this point, when they came over, for this purpose, if they should be defeated. The troops returned to the battle field, where they met the division which had returned from the pursuit of Tecumseh.

When the troops were formed in line, Colonel Miller rode in front and addressed them in the following words:—“My brave fellows! you have done well! every man has done his duty. I give you my hearty thanks for your conduct on this day; you have gained my highest esteem; you have gained fresh honor to yourselves, and to the American arms; your[126] fellow soldiers in arms will love you, and your country will reward you. You will return to the field of battle, to collect those who have gloriously fallen; your friendly attentions to your wounded companions are required.” Detachments were sent out with wagons to search the woods, and collect all the wounded and dead, and bring them to the ground then occupied by the troops. All the Indian houses, only three or four in number, were prepared to receive them, and the surgeons were industriously employed with them, during the whole night.

The troops encamped on the bank of the river, fronting the woods, the river forming their back. The time from the attack on the vanguard to the time of forming the line on the Indian fields, after the pursuit was finally ended, was two and a half hours. During this sharp conflict the conduct of each individual officer and soldier was so uniformly and strictly military, that the commander was scarcely able to make distinctions in his brief and modest report to General Hull. The physical powers of almost every man were called into action, and severely tried.

The troops then returned to Detroit, where they were apprised of the declaration of war between England and the United States.

Colonel Miller, on hearing the above news, determined to make an attempt to land on the Canada shore, with the fourth regiment, which he still continued to command, accompanied by Colonel, now General Cass, with a regiment of militia, together with a company of artillery, under Captain Dyson; the whole, under the command of Colonel Miller, embarked at a point about a mile above Detroit, crossed the river and landed on the Canada side without opposition. Colonels Miller and Cass had, on this occasion, the honor of planting with their own hands, on the bank of the Detroit river, the first American flag carried into Canada in the last war. After[127] remaining but a short time in Canada, they re-embarked to the American side. Colonel Miller, it appears by official reports, took an active part in nearly all the principal battles of the western frontier. In a dispatch from General Harrison, at Lower Sandusky, he observes, “the detachment led by that brave officer, Colonel Miller, did not exceed three hundred and fifty men, and it is very certain that they defeated two hundred British regulars, one hundred and fifty militia men, and four or five hundred Indians.” Again, in a letter from Major-General Brown to the secretary of war, after the battle of Bridgewater, he says, “to secure the victory, it was necessary to carry this artillery and seize the height; this duty was assigned to Colonel Miller, who advanced steadily and gallantly to his object, and carried the height and the cannon.” He also observes, “from the preceding detail, you have evidence of the distinguished gallantry of that brave officer.” In the battles of Chippewa, Niagara and Erie, he is alike distinguished. After the battle of Chippewa, Colonel Miller was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General. Congress presented him with a gold medal (see Plate V.) with the unanimous thanks of that body.

After the close of the war, General Miller retired to his estate at Peterborough, New Hampshire, where he resided for some time, enjoying the sweets of quietude and the pleasures of agricultural pursuits; subsequently he received the appointment of collector of the port at Salem, Massachusetts, where he is now living in the bosom of his family. Although nearly deprived of the powers of articulation by paralysis, he enjoys his other faculties with comfort to himself and happiness to all around him.

The kindness and affability of General Miller made him a favorite in the field, as well as in the domestic circle. Before his affliction, it was indeed difficult to be long in his society[128] without feeling happier as well as wiser. He was blessed with a great cheerfulness of disposition, which diffused its charms on all around him. He lives, commanding universal veneration and attachment from his illustrious services as a soldier, and his social virtues and generous hospitality as a man.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Exergue.—Battles of Chippewa, July 5th, 1814; Niagara, July 25th, 1814; Erie, September 17th, 1814.

MAJOR-GEN. JACOB BROWN.

Jacob Brown, the subject of the following memoir, was born in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, in the year 1775, of a highly respectable family of Quakers. His father inherited a valuable and flourishing estate, but anxious still to increase it, he imprudently embarked in some commercial transactions which proved unfortunate, and his whole property was sacrificed. This happened when our hero was about sixteen years of age, and, it is said, made a great change in his character and conduct; he was determined to devote himself to something that might be a support for himself, and enable him to retrieve the broken fortunes of his family.

At the age of eighteen he took charge of a large and respectable school at Crosswicks, New Jersey; at the same time endeavoring, by close study, to improve his own mind for future labors. At the age of twenty-two, he was employed in surveying and laying out lands, in that section of country now the state of Ohio. He also became agent for M. Le Roy de Chaumont, a distinguished Frenchman, who owned a large tract of that country, and was industrious in obtaining[130] settlers. In 1798 he removed to the city of New York, where, by the urgent solicitations of his friends, he was induced again to take charge of a school; this, after a time, became irksome, and he commenced the study of law, but soon abandoned it as uncongenial with his active and adventurous pursuits. Having acquired a small property by his exertions in Ohio, he made a purchase of some land on the borders of Lake Ontario and the river St. Lawrence, now Jefferson county, in the state of New York. Here he built the first human dwelling within thirty miles of the lake, and after effecting some necessary improvements, he removed his parents to his new abode; and to the close of his life devoted himself to their happiness and comfort.

Brown, through his early life, had much to contend with. Thrown upon his own resources for subsistence and education, and the poverty of his beloved parents on his mind, he was repeatedly discouraged; but his energy never forsook him; his firmness and perseverance seemed to overcome every obstacle that surrounded him. In 1809, he was appointed a colonel of militia; and in the year following, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. At the commencement of the war in 1812, he was appointed to defend the frontier of Lake Ontario and the river St. Lawrence, from Oswego to Lake St. Francis, an extent of coast reaching two hundred miles. He fixed his head-quarters at Ogdensburg, where he was attacked by a British force much superior to his own in numbers; but in this affair no one received the least injury, while the enemy lost several men in killed and wounded. In 1813, General Brown joined Colonel Backus, of the dragoons, stationed at Sacket’s Harbor, a demonstration against the post having been made by a British force from Kingston, under the command of Sir George Prevost and Sir James Yeo. General Brown had hardly time to arrive and dispose[131] his brigade, before the enemy commenced the attack, which for a time was fierce and successful; but after a series of skillful and spirited movements, the British forces were completely vanquished, and retreated precipitately in their boats. The loss of the enemy was four hundred and fifty, while that of the Americans was one hundred and fifty-six. Among the slain was the gallant Backus, who fell while exciting his men by his own bravery. The same year General Brown was appointed a brigadier-general in the regular army of the United States, and soon after planned the expedition against Montreal, which, by a want of concert between the generals of the northern army, was entirely frustrated.

Early in 1814, General Brown was placed in command of the northern division of the army at French Mills, with the rank of major-general. The reputation of the military was at this time rather low; many enterprises had proved abortive, and a feeling of disappointment was fast spreading through the country, and unfavorable impressions against the military capacity of the generals, were gaining ground. General Brown was determined, with the aid of able coadjutors, to endeavor to retrieve the reputation of the army; to these arduous exertions are to be ascribed the brilliant triumphs which were subsequently achieved.

In the Spring of 1814, he crossed the Niagara river and carried Fort Erie, which surrendered without any resistance.

On the 5th of July, 1814, was fought the battle of Chippewa, the first in that series of battles by which the American army so eminently distinguished itself. The British commander made a rapid advance, supposing the American forces not prepared for the attack he was about to make. In this he found himself mistaken, for hardly had he formed his line, when the gallant Scott made an attack. The conflict was severe[132] on both sides, and for some time seemed about even, when, on the approach of a second brigade, under General Ripley, the British made a precipitate retreat under cover of their works on the Chippewa creek. News having reached General Brown that the British were intending to cross the Strait at Niagara, for the purpose of seizing the depot of the American army, and cutting off supplies of ammunition and subsistence, he accordingly advanced General Scott, with his brigade, to divert the enemy from his purpose, and on the 25th instant General Scott came in sight of the enemy, and shortly after made an attack. General Brown was also on the field in a few minutes, and immediately after General Ripley with his brigade. The combat now became obstinate and bloody beyond all parallel: like the battle of Chippewa it was fought on an open field; but here, as at Chippewa, the American army was completely victorious.

Although the enemy had chosen his own ground, on a commanding position, sheltered by heights, superior in numbers, and flanked by numerous artillery, he was driven from his position at the point of the bayonet, his cannon captured, and completely routed. Being reinforced by additional troops, the enemy made three unsuccessful attempts to regain his former position, by charges on the American line; the two last of which are described as the most desperate in the whole history of the war, being decided entirely at the point of the bayonet. General Brown, although he had received two severe wounds, and was so much exhausted by loss of blood, that at one time he was obliged to be supported on his horse by members of his staff, evinced through the whole, coolness and intrepidity, seemingly determined to maintain his position with his last drop of blood, till the victory was complete. General Brown was born to excel in his military profession. A stranger to[133] surprise or intimidation, he met every emergency with a moral courage, his safeguard on the most trying occasions. When dangers were greatest, his coolness and resolution shone most conspicuous. His plans, which were never rash or imprudent, were distinguished for energy and vigor.

History informs us, that no enterprise undertaken by General Brown ever failed, or which he caused to be executed under the direction of others. It was not until the beginning of September, that General Brown was sufficiently convalescent from his wounds to resume his command. Our hero then commenced making secret preparations, and on the 17th of September, made a sortie, drove the besiegers from their entrenchments, and either destroyed or rendered their works wholly unserviceable; the loss of the enemy was one thousand, that of the American army five hundred. On the 21st, the enemy abandoned his position, and retreated beyond the Chippewa.

The American army heretofore had been looked upon by the British as vacillating and dilatory, and therefore such firmness and vigor, accompanied by such offensive movements, were entirely unexpected, and may in some measure account for such signal success. It had been said that the “British bayonet was irresistible;” but on the Niagara, the tide of victory was turned by that very weapon on which lay their invincibility. At the close of the war, General Brown was retained in the army, and took up his residence at Washington; but he never recovered from the severe wounds received at Fort Erie. His health gradually declining, he died at his residence at Washington, 24th February, 1828.

By a resolve of Congress, November 3, 1814, a gold medal was struck and presented to General Brown, for his brilliant achievements in the battles of Chippewa, Niagara and Erie.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL BROWN.

Reverse.—The Roman fasces, as indicative of the union and strength of the states; the top encircled with a laurel wreath, from which are suspended three tablets, bearing the inscriptions Erie, Niagara, Chippewa; and encircled by three stands of British colors, its wings outspread.

Exergue.—Battles of Chippewa, July 5th, 1814; Niagara, July 25th, 1814; Erie, Sept. 17, 1814.

MAJOR-GEN. RIPLEY.

Eleazer Wheelock Ripley was born in Hanover, in New Hampshire, in the year 1782. His father, the Reverend Sylvanus Ripley, was professor of divinity of Dartmouth College; his maternal grandfather was the Reverend Eleazer Wheelock, founder of the institution of which his father was professor, and the son a graduate. By the same side he was lineally descended from the celebrated Miles Standish, the Scanderberg of his day, whose memory is justly cherished as the early protector of the Plymouth colony. The Reverend Mr. Ripley dying early in life, left a large family under the care of his widow, to whose virtuous and devoted attention may be ascribed the future success of her offspring, particularly that of the subject of this memoir, then at the tender age of five years. At the age of fourteen, Eleazer was admitted to Dartmouth college, from which institution he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts, in the year 1800, being only in the eighteenth year of his age. His course, while an under graduate, had been distinguished, and at the time of graduation he received the highest honors of the college. After leaving college, he commenced the study of the law in the town of Waterville, Massachusetts.[136]

In this memoir we can only give slight traces of his early life, but infer from the information of historians, that he gave early presages in youth of what has since been realized in manhood. He was assiduous and successful in his studies, and exemplary in his life and conduct; and the early eminence attained by Mr. Ripley in his profession, tested the assiduity with which he had devoted himself to the study of it. In the year 1807, he was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts, from the town of Winslow, in that state. At the period when the nation first felt the effect of the offensive edicts of the two great belligerent powers of Europe, Mr. Ripley’s political character strongly developed itself. He was aware that the insults and aggressions of France would lead to a war, for which just cause had been given, provided the equal avidity and greater means of annoyance of Great Britain did not make that country the mark of an equally just enmity.

When, in the year 1808, their combined hostility became more apparent and oppressive, he conceived that was the moment for a declaration of war, for which the country would never be better prepared, a crisis which sooner or later must come.

In 1811, Mr. Ripley was elected to the chair of the speaker of the house of Representatives of Massachusetts, vacated by the late Hon. Joseph Story; over which he presided with distinguished ability and impartiality.

In 1812, he declared for the necessity of a war, and was induced to assume an active duty in it, by accepting a lieutenant-colonelcy in the army of the United States. On leaving his civil and legislative duties, Colonel Ripley was entrusted by the commander-in-chief with the charge of a sub-district, from Saco to the eastern frontier, with orders to place the same in the best posture of defence. To this was added the[137] superintendence of the recruiting service, which in a short time embodied his recruits into a regiment, called the twenty-first, of which he had the sole command.

With this regiment he marched to Plattsburgh, on the northern frontier, where an army under the command of the late General Pike was encamped.

The winter of 1812 he spent with his regiment at Burlington, Vermont, where he commenced that school of discipline and police which led his regiment to its subsequent fame, and made it the model of the army. In March, 1813, Colonel Ripley left his winter quarters for Sacket’s Harbor, to join General Pike’s brigade, and prepare for the attack on York, Upper Canada. On the 23d of April, the troops embarked on that enterprise, and on the morning of the 27th, arrived before the town which was the object of it. The immediate command of the assault was entrusted to General Pike. On entering the bay of York the ships were severely cannonaded by the forts defending the harbor, while they in turn covered with their guns a large portion of the beach, on which it was intended that the troops should form. On the debarkation of a body of riflemen under Major Forsyth, the enemy fled to the woods, giving time for the main body to form on the beach, and move in close column to the attack of the principal fort. The troops thronged into the works, when the awful explosion of the magazine took place, which annihilated the leading columns, and mortally wounded their gallant commander General Pike. During the confusion, the enemy called in his detached parties, and concentrated his force in the town. Colonel Ripley, who also had been wounded in the explosion, soon collected his scattered army and prepared to charge the enemy, who made a precipitate retreat, leaving an immense quantity of artillery and stores, some few prisoners, and the town to make its own conditions. A surrender was made,[138] and Colonel Ripley’s regiment was stationed to guard the property of the citizens from depredation. On the 30th, the army re-embarked for the assault of Fort George; but a long and severe storm detained and prevented its reaching its destination until the 27th of May, when Fort George was assaulted and taken. On the 3d of June, Colonel Ripley having been ordered to return to Sacket’s Harbor to organize the large body of recruits collected during the winter, reached that place on the 11th instant, where he was detained by severe indisposition, until the 15th of July; from that time until October the regiment was employed in an incessant course of instruction; the drill, general discipline, and police, were carried to their highest perfection, which produced the most successful results. In November following, Colonel Ripley and the 21st regiment played a conspicuous part in the descent of the St. Lawrence; after which they retired again to their winter quarters at Sacket’s Harbor. In the spring of 1814, the army was put in motion for the Niagara frontier. On the 15th of April, Colonel Ripley was created brigadier-general, and early took his leave of the corps of his own training, the 21st regiment. The command of General Ripley was not augmented by his increased rank. The division of the army under General Brown consisted of two brigades, of which General Scott commanded the first, General Ripley the second. From the 4th of May until the 3d of July, the army pursued its usual routine of instruction, when it commenced the passage of the Niagara, and invaded the province of Upper Canada. On the morning of the 5th, General Brown detached a portion of General Porter’s volunteers to drive back a body of the enemy’s light troops and Indians that infested a wood on the left wing of the army. About mid-day Generals Brown and Ripley advanced to ascertain the effect of this attempt, when it was observed that the firing, which had been irregular and[139] receding, from the circumstance of the enemy’s having been driven back, changed into a regular heavy platoon discharge. This discovery made it necessary for Generals Ripley and Scott to join them; they had scarcely advanced when the enemy appeared in line, and the brilliant action ensued, so well known, and so justly celebrated, which caused the enemy to retire in such rapid and confused precipitation across the Chippewa, that no attempt to impede his flight could prove effectual. Everything that could not be moved in haste was abandoned, and the enemy retreating into his entrenchments, left the American army undisturbed possession of the ground in front of them. From this until the 24th the army were in frequent skirmishes with the enemy. As the succeeding day produced the most memorable battle during the war, there are circumstances which require a somewhat minute relation, and which are given on these pages from the concurring testimony of the most distinguished officers present. During the course of the 25th, a piquet stationed beyond the Chippewa, reported the advance of a small party of the enemy on the Niagara road, and that several columns had been thrown across the river to Lewistown, to proceed towards Schlosser, to seize on our wounded and baggage. General Scott, in order to draw them back, made a demonstrative movement toward Queenstown. About two hours after its departure a fire of musketry was heard, on which General Ripley immediately formed his brigade, to be in readiness for an emergency of which he had not been apprised; scarcely was it ranged, when the increased fire of musketry, accompanied by heavy discharges of artillery, announced the unexpected certainty of General Scott’s being engaged. Shortly afterwards an order arrived from General Brown, directing him to advance.

The enemy was posted on an eminence, his artillery in the centre, and from it, and a long line of infantry, poured on the[140] first brigade an annihilating fire: that brigade had held position in direct front of the enemy, less than one hundred yards distance; the action had continued nearly two hours, during which an attempt to turn our left had been repulsed, but no advance had been made on the enemy’s line, which, from its superior position, beyond the reach of material annoyance from our artillery, kept up so deadly a fire that the first brigade was fast sinking under the effect of it. The 25th regiment line of brigade, under the command of Major, now General Jessup, being thrown on the enemy’s right flank, captured General Riall, and performed other acts of heroism reflecting the most unfading honor on its gallant commander. At the same instant he formed the 21st regiment under the command of the brave Colonel now General Miller, to attack the cannon in direct line in front, and to push both the 21st and 23d regiments upon the enemy. The two bodies struck the enemy’s line at nearly the same moment, the 21st falling immediately upon the cannon, the 23d on the infantry supporting it. At this moment of confusion it is scarcely possible to do justice to many individuals most honorably engaged. Colonel Miller, to whom the sole charge of the attack in front was entrusted, evinced that unconquerable gallantry which is identified by but one spirit, and that of the noblest sort. As the enemy was now advancing under cover of the darkness, General Ripley gave orders that the fire should be retained until that of the assailants was received, in order that ours might be made more effective by being directed by the light of his. In a few moments he advanced to within a distance of ten or twelve paces, and, from a line far outflanking ours, poured in one continued blaze of musketry; this was promptly answered by our troops, and at this short distance, a tremendous conflict commenced: for the space of twenty minutes an incessant gleam of light was emitted from both lines; sections[141] mutually recoiled where the severity of the fire was most excessive; those on our side were inspirited and brought again to the charge by the personal exertion of General Ripley, and such a vigor infused in their resistance, that the enemy was forced back in confusion, and fell to the bottom of the hill. During the short period that intervened between this charge and a subsequent repetition of it, the first brigade was forming itself in the rear of the second, and at the moment when the two lines were in their second encounter, General Scott passed his corps through an opening in the one before it, to throw himself upon the enemy then engaged in a vigorous discharge of musketry. From this point he again advanced to the attack of the enemy’s right flank, but being compelled to fall back, he left his brigade on the left and pushed along the line to the extreme right. The enemy’s second charge being repulsed, General Ripley still retained his position on the eminence. It was now midnight, and the enemy being reinforced, advanced to his third and most vigorous effort. The same deadly assault was made, which in like manner was frustrated and forced back. This was a perfect skirmish; the enemy mingled himself with our ranks; two of our guns were spiked, and the utmost confusion prevailed in every direction; but by the firmness and bravery of the 21st regiment and its gallant officers, the line was preserved, and the enemy again, and for the last time, recoiled from it in confusion and dismay; leaving the line under General Ripley master of the field. The darkness was now impenetrable, and although the field, on which were strewed our dead and wounded, was ours, an enemy of superior force was on its borders, and of the measures which his late discomfiture might induce him to adopt we were necessarily ignorant. Under these circumstances General Ripley condensed the remnant of our shattered force and marched toward[142] Chippewa. Such was the memorable battle of Niagara; although the conquest was ours, one-third of our slender force engaged in it were now wounded or dead. Some time after midnight the army arrived at its encampment, when General Ripley waited on General Brown, then wounded, in his tent. General Brown requested that General Ripley should refresh the troops, of which the whole command now rested with him, march them in the morning to the battle-field, and if the enemy appeared there in force, to be governed entirely by circumstances.

At daybreak the army was arranged, and the march commenced, when they found the enemy had been reinforced since the battle of the preceding evening, and that it would be an act of madness to attack an enemy thus increased, with two-thirds only of the force in the previous conflict. The army consequently retrograded across the Chippewa, the bridge of which they destroyed, and likewise everything that might aid the enemy’s advance.

They reached Fort Erie on the 27th of July, and commenced a course of labors that would now be deemed beyond the reach of accomplishment. The redoubts, abattis, traverses and entrenchments were instantly commenced, and the ability of an army in patience, vigor and hardihood, was never more fully elicited; nor can any monument of military exertion show a greater amount of labor accomplished in a shorter period, than can the works of Fort Erie from the 27th of July until the 3d of August. The impediments given to the advance of the enemy by General Ripley, had retarded his approach until that day. By one or two days of previous advance, he might have found the American army unintrenched and exposed; he now found it in a situation to defy him.

He arrived and planted his main camp about two miles distant, and in front of it a line of circumvallation extending[143] around our fortifications; it consisted of two lines of entrenchment supported by block-houses; in front of these, and at favorable points, batteries, from which an incessant and destructive fire was poured on our encampment.

On the 14th of August, about midnight, General Ripley perceived indications of an attack, which he had been for some time anticipating; accordingly, about one o’clock on the morning of the 15th, the firing of the piquet confirmed General Ripley’s impressions.

Lieutenant Belknap, who commanded the piquet, perceiving the enemy’s column approach through the darkness, fired and retreated to the works. The assailants were allowed to approach near to the works, when the fire from the 21st and 23d regiments, and the incessant blaze of the battery, drove them back in confusion, without the enemy having made the least impression.

The charge was again renewed on the abattis between the battery and the lake, which was again and in the same manner frustrated. A third and last attempt was made to pass the point of the abattis, by wading into the work by the lake. Like the other attempts, this also was defeated, and the part of the enemy which survived the destruction to which it had been exposed, fell back in confusion from the works. Throughout these several and varied attacks from a force so overwhelming, the second brigade evinced its accustomed discipline, and its officers the high and gallant spirit they held in common with their leader. Reinforcements were detached to different points, changes of position made, new shapes of the enemy’s attack on the right, a part deemed the least vulnerable, were found more effectual. He had succeeded in making a lodgement in the bastion, which was left to the defence of artillery only, unsupported by infantry, as had been the previous custom. From this, however, he was soon dislodged, and after[144] a dreadful repulse, all became as tranquil on the right as it had previously become on the left. When morning appeared, the flower of the British army lay dead or wounded before the American works. The commanders of the three assailing columns shared the same fate, and of the force which the last night thronged toward the fortification, the miserable remains of the greater part never returned from it.

The only prisoners taken during the night, were made by a sally ordered by General Ripley. His position was deemed the least of any part of the force engaged, while he inflicted on the enemy the greatest. The enemy now commenced with batteries in every direction. Hot shot, shells and other destructive implements were showered in vast profusion; every house, tent and hut were perforated, and many of our best soldiers destroyed. This warfare was kept up at intervals, by daily skirmishes, until the 17th of September, the day allotted for the sortie which terminated the siege; when the besiegers yielded to the besieged, and a force regular and irregular, of two thousand men, drove the enemy from his entrenchments, beat and scattered a regular enemy of four thousand men.

Extract of an official letter to the secretary of war, after the sortie of Fort Erie:—“On the morning of the 17th, General Miller was directed to station his command in the ravine, which lies between Fort Erie and the enemy’s batteries, by passing them by detachments through the skirts of the wood; and the 21st infantry, under General Ripley, was posted as a corps of reserve, between the new bastions of Fort Erie, all under cover and out of the view of the enemy. About twenty minutes before three, P. M., the left columns, under the command of General Porter, which were destined to turn the enemy’s right, were within a few rods of the British entrenchments. They were ordered to advance and commence the action. Passing down the ravine, it was judged from the[145] report of musketry, that the action had commenced on our left; orders were given to General Miller to seize the moment and pierce the enemy’s entrenchment, between batteries No. 2 and 3, which orders were promptly and ably executed. Within thirty minutes after the first gun was fired, batteries No. 2 and 3, the enemy’s line of entrenchments, and his two block-houses were in our possession. Soon after, battery No. 1 was abandoned by the British. The guns in each were spiked by us, or otherwise destroyed, and the magazine of No. 3 was blown up. A few minutes before the explosion, the reserve, under General Ripley, was ordered up; as he passed, at the head of his column, he was desired he would have a care that not more of the troops were hazarded than the occasion of the sortie required. General Ripley passed rapidly on.

“Soon after fears were entertained for the safety of General Miller, and an order sent for the 21st to hasten to his support, towards battery No. 1. Colonel Upham received the order and advanced to the aid of General Miller. General Ripley had inclined to the left, and while making some necessary inquiries was unfortunately wounded in the neck, severely, but not dangerously. By this time the object of the sortie was accomplished beyond the most sanguine expectations of the commander and his generals. General Miller had consequently ordered the troops on the right to fall back. Observing this movement, the staff of General Brown was directed along the line, to call in the other corps. Within a few minutes they retired from the ravine, and from thence to camp. Thus one thousand regulars, and an equal portion of militia, in one hour of close action, blasted the hopes of the enemy, destroyed the fruits of fifty days’ labor, and diminished his effective force at least one thousand men.”

After the battle, General Ripley was removed to the American[146] side of the river, and throughout a course of severe suffering for three months his life was despaired of. At the commencement of his convalescence he was removed by short journeys to Albany, where the best medical aid was procured, yet it was nearly a year before he was sufficiently recovered to attend to any military duties. The speedy return of peace caused a reduction in the army, but General Ripley was retained with the brevet and command of major-general. Congress testified their approbation of his gallant services by a vote of thanks, and the presentation of a gold medal, (See Plate VI.;) and the states of New York, Massachusetts, South Carolina and Georgia, and the country at large, have by honorary tokens and expressions, testified their grateful acknowledgments for his gallantry.

On the return of General Ripley’s health, he removed to his estate at Baton Rouge, near New Orleans, from whence he was elected to Congress. He died in 1834, in the fifty-second year of his age, respected by a numerous circle of friends, who admired his bravery as a soldier, and his virtues as a man.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Victory holding up a tablet among the branches of a palm tree, inscribed with “Niagara, Chippewa, Erie.” In her right hand, which gracefully hangs by her side, are a trumpet and laurel wreath.

Exergue.—Battles of Chippewa, July 5th, 1814; Niagara, July 28th, 1814; Erie, Sept. 17th, 1814.

GEN. PETER B. PORTER.

Peter B. Porter was born of very respectable parents, in Salisbury, Connecticut, August 14th, 1773. His father intending him for the profession of the law, entered him at Yale College, in his own state, where he graduated with high honors to himself and great satisfaction to his preceptors.

Having completed his law studies, he established himself in his native town, from whence he was elected to Congress, where he remained as chairman of the “Committee of Foreign Relations” till 1811. At that period this country was preparing for a war with England, with which she had long been threatened, and every buoyant spirit seemed anxious to take up arms in his country’s cause; and no part of the community engaged in it with greater ardor than the members of the bar.

During the same year he was appointed with Governor Morris, Stephen Van Rensselaer, De Witt Clinton, William North, Simeon De Witt, Thomas Eddy, Robert R. Livingston and Robert Fulton, the first commissioners in relation to inland navigation, being the incipient step that led, in the sequel, to the noble works of art and improvement, which contributed[148] so largely (whatever excesses may have been committed) to the glory and prosperity of the state of New York. These labors were suspended, however, by the war of 1812, and for these civic duties, General Porter exchanged the privations and dangers of the frontier campaigns. Residing then at Black Rock, he was in the midst of the most eventful and stirring of the border scenes. He rallied the hastily gathered volunteers, who repelled the first invasion of that place in midsummer, 1813; and shared, at the head of his corps, with intrepidity and skill, in those brilliant and memorable battles of the succeeding year.

In the official papers of General Brown to the secretary of war, after the battle of Chippewa, he speaks of General Porter as follows:—“General Scott having selected this plain with the eye of a soldier, his right resting on the river, and a ravine in front, was joined early in the morning of the 5th by General Porter, with a part of the New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, and some of the warriors of the Six Nations. At 4 o’clock, P. M., General Porter advanced from the rear of our camp with the volunteers and Indians, (taking the woods, in order to keep out of view of the enemy,) with a hope of bringing his pickets and scouting parties between his (Porter’s) line of march and our camp. As Porter moved, the parties advanced in front of our camp, fell back gradually under the enemy’s fire, in order, if possible, to draw him up to our line. Before 5 o’clock, the advance of General Porter’s command met the light parties of the enemy in the woods, upon our extreme left—the enemy were driven; and Porter, advancing near to Chippewa, met their whole column in order of battle.” He also observes:—“The conduct of General Porter has been conspicuously gallant; every assistance in his power to afford, with the description of force under his command, has been rendered.”

In the official details of the battle of Bridgewater, General[149] Brown also says:—“It was with great pleasure I saw the good order and intrepidity of General Porter’s volunteers, from the moment of their arrival; but, during the last charge of the enemy, those qualities were conspicuous. Stimulated by their gallant leader, they precipitated themselves upon the enemy’s line, and made all the prisoners which were taken at this point of the action.”

In General Gaines’ detailed report of the battle of Fort Erie, the August following, he says:—“General Porter’s brigade, of New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, with our distinguished riflemen, occupied the centre.” After describing the action, General Gaines observes:—“Brigadier-General Porter, commanding the New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, manifested a degree of vigilance and judgment in his preparatory arrangements, as well as military skill and courage in action, which proves him to be worthy the confidence of his country, and the brave volunteers who fought under him.” During the next session Congress passed the following resolution:—“Resolved, that the President of the United States be requested to cause a gold medal (See Plate VI.) to be struck, with suitable emblems and devices, and presented to Major-General Porter, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress for his gallantry and good conduct in the several conflicts of Chippewa, Niagara and Erie.” In 1816, he was appointed Secretary of State, in place of Jacob Rutsen Van Rensselaer, but he declined the appointment, having been elected to Congress the previous year. Near the close of his congressional term, he was appointed Commissioner, under the British treaty, to run the boundary line between the United States and Canada. In 1817, he was the antagonist candidate to De Witt Clinton, in the democratic canvass held for the nomination of Governor, and at the election received a few votes, cast by politicians in the city of New York, who refused to acquiesce in the nomination of Clinton. In the political controversies[150] of his time General Porter was a prominent participator, until his retirement from public life with Mr. Adams in 1829. Under that administration, and for the last year of it, he discharged the duties of Secretary of War. He was warmly attached to Mr. Clay, and was related to him by the marriage of his second wife. A frontier resident during the last forty years; possessed of large estates on the border—he is identified with the history of western New York, and with its gigantic progress in the great elements of social and physical developments.

General Porter has been distinguished in our annals in civic and martial life, and there are few among us to whom the meed of talents, bravery and patriotism can be more faithfully awarded. His private life was estimable, as his public career was brilliant. In his domestic relations he was ingenuous, affectionate and kind. In his intercourse with mankind his deportment drew around him a numerous circle of friends. The active and useful life of this distinguished servant of his country was closed at his residence at Niagara, March 20th, 1844, in the seventy-first year of his age.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Victory standing holding a palm branch and wreath in her right hand; and three stands of colors, bearing the inscriptions, “Niagara, Erie, Chippewa,” in her left. The Muse of History is recording the above names.

Exergue.—Battles of Chippewa, July 5th, 1814; Niagara, July 25th, 1814; Erie, Sept. 17th, 1814.

ALEXANDER MACOMB.

Major-General Alexander Macomb, the son of a respectable fur merchant, was born at Detroit, April 3d, 1782. His father removed to New York when he was an infant, and at the age of eight years placed him at school at Newark, New Jersey, under the charge of Dr. Ogden, a gentleman of distinguished talents and high literary attainments. In 1798, a time of great excitement, as invasion by a French army was soon expected, Macomb, although quite a youth, was elected into a corps called the “New York Rangers;” Congress having passed a law receiving volunteers for the defence of the country. In 1799, Macomb obtained a cornetcy, and General North, then adjutant-general of the northern army, who had watched for some time the soldier-like conduct of our hero, received him into his staff as deputy adjutant-general. Macomb, from his intelligence and attention to his profession, soon became the favorite of the accomplished North, and the pet of his senior officers. He was ambitious of distinction, without ostentation, and persevering even to fatigue.

The thick and dark clouds which hung over the country[152] had passed away, the prospect of war had now vanished, the troops were generally disbanded and many of the officers retired to their homes, but our young officer begged to be retained, and was accordingly commissioned as a second lieutenant of dragoons, and dispatched to Philadelphia on the recruiting service; but this service being more form than necessity, gave Lieutenant Macomb an opportunity to associate with the best informed men, and access to the extensive libraries in that city, advantages which he was anxious to improve. When he had raised the number of recruits required, he was ordered to join General Wilkinson on the western frontiers, to visit the Cherokee country, to aid in making a treaty with that nation, a mission which lasted a year. The corps to which Macomb belonged was soon after disbanded, and a corps of engineers formed, to which he was afterwards attached as first-lieutenant, and sent to West Point.

During his residence at West Point, Lieutenant Macomb compiled a treatise upon martial law, and the practice of courts-martial, now the standard work upon courts-martial, for the army of the United States. In 1805, Macomb was sent to superintend the fortifications, which, by an act of Congress, were ordered to be commenced on the frontiers, and promoted to the rank of captain in the engineer corps. In 1808, he was promoted to the rank of major, still acting as superintendent of fortifications. At the breaking out of the war in 1812, he solicited a command in an artillery corps, then about to be raised, which was granted him, and a commission as colonel of the third regiment, dated July 6th, 1812. The regiment was to consist of twenty companies of one hundred and eighteen each. He assisted in raising the numbers required, and in November of that year he marched to Sacket’s Harbor with his troops, where he spent the winter, having command of the whole of the lake frontier. In January, 1814,[153] he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and appointed to a command on the east side of Lake Champlain; from which time to the climax of his fame at the defence of Plattsburgh, he was constantly on the alert, in the discharge of his duties. During the summer of 1814, Sir George Prevost, governor-general of Canada, had greatly augmented his forces, by detachments of picked men from the army which had fought in Spain and Portugal, under the Duke of Wellington, and which, of course, from their long and tried military service, were among the best troops in the world; with these it was intended to strike a decisive blow on our frontier, and bring us to terms at once. In this, however, Sir George was mistaken, as the following extract from Brigadier-General Macomb to the Secretary of War will prove, dated Plattsburgh, September 15, 1814:—

“The governor-general of the Canadas, Sir George Prevost, having collected all the disposable force of Lower Canada, with a view of conquering the country as far as Ticonderoga, entered the territory of the United States on the 1st of the month, and occupied the village of Champlain—there avowed his intentions, and issued orders and proclamations, tending to dissuade the people from their allegiance, and inviting them to furnish his army with provisions. He immediately began to impress the wagons and teams in the vicinity, and loaded them with his baggage and stores, indicating preparations for an attack on this place. My fine brigade was broken up to form a division ordered to the westward, which consequently left me in the command of a garrison of convalescents and the recruits of the new regiments—all in the greatest confusion, as well as the ordnance and stores, and the works in no state of defence.

“To create an emulation and zeal among the officers and men, in completing the works, I divided them into detachments,[154] and placed them near the several forts—declaring, in orders, that each detachment was the garrison of its own work, and bound to defend it to the last extremity. The enemy advanced cautiously, and by short marches, and our soldiers worked day and night; so that, by the time he made his appearance before the place, we were prepared to receive him. Finding, on examining the returns of the garrison, that our force did not exceed fifteen hundred men for duty, and well-informed that the enemy had as many thousand, I called on General Mooers, of the New York militia, and arranged with him plans for bringing forth the militia en masse.

“The inhabitants of the village fled with their families and effects, except a few worthy citizens and some boys, who formed themselves into a party, received rifles, and were exceedingly useful. General Mooers arrived with seven hundred militia and advanced seven miles on the Beekmantown road, to watch the motions of the enemy, and to skirmish with him as he advanced—also to obstruct the roads with fallen trees, and to break up the bridges. On the lake road, at Dead-Creek Bridge, I posted two hundred men, under Captain Sproul, of the 13th regiment, with orders to abattis the woods, to place obstructions in the road, and to fortify himself; to this party I added two field-pieces. In advance of that position was Lieutenant-Colonel Appling, with one hundred and ten riflemen, watching the movements of the enemy and procuring intelligence. It was ascertained that before daylight, on the 6th, the enemy would advance in two columns, on the two roads before mentioned, dividing at Sampson’s, a little below Chazy village. The column on the Beekmantown road proceeded most rapidly; the militia skirmished with their advanced parties, and, except a few brave men, fell back most precipitately in the greatest disorder, notwithstanding[155] the British troops did not design to fire on them, except by their flankers and advanced patroles.

“Finding the enemy’s columns had penetrated within a mile of Plattsburgh, I dispatched my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Root, to bring off the detachment at Dead-Creek, and to inform Lieutenant-Colonel Appling that I wished him to fall on the enemy’s right flank; the Colonel fortunately arrived just in time to save his retreat, and to fall in with the head of a column debouching from the woods; here he poured in a destructive fire from his riflemen at rest, and continued to annoy the column until he formed a junction with Major Wool. The field-pieces did considerable execution among the enemy’s columns. So undaunted, however, was the enemy, that he never deployed in his whole march, always pressing on in a column. Finding that every road around us was full of troops, crowding in on all sides, I ordered the field-pieces to retire across the bridge and form a battery for its protection, and to cover the retreat of the infantry, which was accordingly done, and the parties of Appling and Wool, as well as that of Sproul, retired alternately, keeping up a brisk fire until they got under cover of the works. The enemy’s light troops occupied the houses near the bridge, and kept up a constant firing from the windows and balconies, and annoyed us much. I ordered them to be driven out with hot shot, which soon fired the houses and obliged these sharp-shooters to retire. The whole day, until it was too late to see, the enemy’s light troops endeavored to drive our guards from the bridge, but they suffered dearly for their perseverance.

“Our troops being now all on the south side of the Saranac, I directed the planks to be taken off the bridges, and piled up in form of breastworks, to cover our parties intended for disputing the passage, which afterwards enabled us to hold[156] the bridges against very superior numbers. From the 7th to the 11th, the enemy was employed in getting his battering train and erecting his batteries and approaches, and constantly skirmishing at the bridges and fords. By this time the militia of New York and volunteers from Vermont were pouring in from all quarters. I advised General Mooers to keep his force along the Saranac, to prevent the enemy crossing the river, and to send a strong body in his rear to harass him day and night, and keep him in continual alarm. The militia behaved with great spirit after the first day, and the volunteers from Vermont were exceedingly serviceable.

“Our regular troops, notwithstanding the constant skirmishing, and repeated endeavors of the enemy to cross the river, kept at their work, day and night, strengthening their defences, and evinced a determination to hold out to the last extremity. It was reported that the enemy only awaited the arrival of his flotilla to make a general attack. About eight, on the morning of the 11th, as was expected, the flotilla appeared in sight, round Cumberland Head, and at nine, bore down and engaged our flotilla, at anchor in the bay off this town. At the same instant, the batteries were opened on us, and continued throwing bomb-shells, shrapnells, balls and congreve rockets until sunset, when the bombardment ceased; every battery of the enemy being silenced by the superiority of our fire. The naval engagement lasted two hours, in full view of both armies. Three efforts were made by the enemy to pass the river at the commencement of the cannonade and bombardment, with a view of assaulting the works, and had prepared for that purpose an immense number of scaling ladders; one attempt was made to cross at the village bridge; another at the upper bridge; and a third, at a ford, about three miles from the works. At the two first he was repulsed by the regulars; at the ford, by the brave volunteers and[157] militia—where he suffered severely in killed, wounded and prisoners, a considerable body having passed the stream, but were either killed, taken, or driven back. The woods at this place were very favorable to the operations of our militia; a whole company of the 76th regiment was here destroyed—the three lieutenants and twenty-seven men prisoners; the captain and the rest killed. I cannot forego the pleasure of here stating the gallant conduct of Captain McGlassin, of the 15th regiment, who was ordered to ford the river and attack a party constructing a battery on the right of the enemy’s line, within five hundred yards of Fort Brown—which he handsomely executed, at midnight, with fifty men; drove off the working party consisting of one hundred and fifty, and defeated a covering party of the same number, killing one officer and six men in the charge and wounding many. At dusk, the enemy withdrew his artillery from the batteries, and raised the siege; and at nine, under cover of the night, sent off all the heavy baggage he could find transport for, and also his artillery. At two the next morning, the whole army precipitately retreated, leaving the sick and wounded to our generosity; and the governor left a note with a surgeon, requesting the humane attention of the commanding general.

“Vast quantities of provision were left behind and destroyed; also, an immense quantity of bomb-shells, cannon-balls, grape-shot, ammunition, flints, &c. &c.; intrenching tools of all sorts, also tents and marquees. A great quantity has been found in the ponds and creeks, and buried in the ground, and a vast quantity carried off by the inhabitants. Such was the precipitance of his retreat, that he arrived at Chazy, a distance of eight miles, before we had discovered his departure. The light troops, volunteers and militia, pursued immediately on learning his flight; and some of the mounted men made prisoners, five dragoons of the 19th, and[158] several others of the rear guard. A continued fall of rain, and a violent storm, prevented further pursuit. Upwards of three hundred deserters have come in, and many are hourly arriving. The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, prisoners and deserters, since his first appearance, cannot fall short of two thousand five hundred, including many officers, among whom is Colonel Wellington, of the Buffs. Killed and wounded on the American side; thirty-seven killed, sixty-six wounded—missing, twenty; making one hundred and twenty-three. The whole force under Sir George Prevost amounted to fourteen thousand. The conduct of the officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers of my command, during this trying occasion, cannot be represented in too high terms.

“I have the honor, &c.

“Alex. Macomb.”

This victory was as brilliant as it was unexpected. The event had a most happy effect on the negotiations then going on at Ghent, and unquestionably hastened the treaty of peace. Testimonials of respect poured in upon General Macomb from every quarter of the country. Congress voted the thanks of the country and a gold medal, (See Plate VII.) The President promoted him to the rank of major-general, dating his commission on the day of his victory.

At the conclusion of the war General Macomb was stationed at his native town, Detroit, and appointed to the command of the northwestern frontier. In 1821 he was called to Washington, to take the office of chief of the engineer department; the duties of which he discharged to the general satisfaction of the government and army, until the death of General Brown, in 1835; he was then nominated to that station, which nomination was confirmed by the senate, and he succeeded him as commander-in-chief of the army. In this capacity he[159] continued to reside at the seat of government, where he died on the 25th of June, 1841, aged fifty-nine years.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—A battle on land, Plattsburgh in sight: troops crossing a bridge, on the head of which the American standard is flying: vessels engaged on the lake.

GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.

Andrew Jackson was born on the 15th of March, 1767, at the Waxhaw settlement, in South Carolina. His parents, who were natives of the north of Ireland, emigrated to this country about two years previous to the birth of their son. Having lost his father at an early age, he was left to the care of a faithful and devoted mother, who was anxious to give him such an education as her limited means would permit. For this purpose she placed him at an academy, where he remained until his studies were interrupted by the advance of the British troops into the neighborhood, involving his native spot in a scene of commotion. At the age of fourteen he abandoned his studies for the colonial camp; where, in company with an elder brother, he joined the American army. The troops to which they were attached withdrew to North Carolina, but soon returned again to their own state. Before long they had the misfortune of being made prisoners by the enemy, who treated them with great barbarity, and inflicted injuries upon them from which the brother soon after died.

Andrew only escaped with his life, by receiving on his hand the stroke of the sword which was aimed with fury at his[161] head, by an excited British officer, for refusing to perform some menial service.

His mother survived the death of her son but a few weeks, thus leaving Andrew sole heir to the small estate possessed by his late parents. In 1784, he commenced the study of law in Salisbury, North Carolina; was admitted to practice in 1786, and removed in 1788 to Nashville, Tennessee, then a new settlement in the western district of North Carolina. This district having been ceded to the United States, and organized into a territory in 1790, he was appointed to the office of United States attorney; and when the territory, in its turn in 1796, became the state of Tennessee, he was a leading member of the convention to frame a constitution for it, and took a conspicuous part in the proceedings of that body. Professional success attended him, in consequence of the singular condition of the settlers, and being the only practitioner, introduced him to a lucrative business. He was soon after chosen a representative, and the next year a senator in Congress; his seat in the senate he resigned at the end of the first session; but was immediately appointed, by the legislature of Tennessee, a judge of the supreme court of that state, an office from which he also soon retired. At his farm on the Cumberland river, near Nashville, he continued to reside till the breaking out of the war with Great Britain in 1812. From this time until 1814, Andrew Jackson was employed by government at the head of between two and three thousand volunteers, as a major-general, against a hostile movement of the Creek and Muscogee Indians, who had invaded the frontier settlements of Alabama and Georgia, and inflicted on the inhabitants the usual horrors of savage warfare. After a succession of bloody victories achieved by him over these tribes, a treaty was concluded, and they agreed to suspend their warfare. In 1814 he was appointed a major-general[162] in the United States service; and proceeded to take the command of the forces intended for the defence of New Orleans, against the apprehended attack of the enemy. On arriving there on the 1st of December, he took decided measures, acting with the greatest promptness. Fearing the treachery of some disaffected individuals, he at once proclaimed martial law, superseding at once the civil authority by the introduction of a rigid military police. Towards the enemy he acted with the most determined energy. The British troops had no sooner effected a landing, than he marched against them, and by assailing them in the night of the 22d of December, gained great advantages, not only by proving to his followers what their ability was able to perform, but also to communicate to the invaders what they had to encounter.

This protracted contest was brought to a close by the memorable battle of the 8th of January, 1815, which raised the reputation of the American commander to the highest pitch among his countrymen, and served as a satisfactory apology, with many, for the strong measures adopted by him before the landing of the enemy, and immediately on his retreat. Congress voted to General Jackson the thanks of that body and a gold medal. (See Plate VII.)

In 1818 General Jackson conducted a war against the Seminole Indians, and with a force of Georgia militia and volunteers from Tennessee, he penetrated into Florida to the villages of the savages and fugitive slaves who had joined them, setting fire to their habitations and scattering devastation in all directions. In 1821, he was appointed governor of Florida, that territory having been transferred by Spain to the United States, but resigned the office at the end of one year and returned to his farm near Nashville.

In 1822 the legislature of Tennessee nominated General Jackson as the successor of Mr. Monroe, in the presidency of[163] the United States; the proposition was favorably received in many parts of the Union, but by the provisions of the constitution the election devolved on the House of Representatives, in Congress, voting by states, and Mr. Adams was selected to be the president. General Jackson was at once nominated to succeed Mr. Adams, and was elected president in 1828, and again in 1832 he was re-elected to that high office.

At the end of his second term, General Jackson retired to his farm called the “Hermitage,” near Nashville, where he remained until his death, which took place on the 8th of June, 1845, in the 78th year of his age. Though enfeebled in body he retained his mental faculties undiminished until the day of his death.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Victory seated and supporting a tablet before her with her left hand, which also holds a laurel wreath; has commenced the record of the glorious victory of the 8th of January, 1815, and headed the tablet with the word Orleans, but is interrupted by a female personifying peace, who holds an olive branch in her right hand, and with her left points to the tablet, as if directing Victory to record the peace between the United States and England. Victory is in the act of turning round to listen to her instructress.

GEN. ISAAC SHELBY.

Isaac Shelby, a distinguished American revolutionary officer, was born on the 11th of December, 1750, near the North Mountain, in Maryland, where his father and grandfather settled after their emigration to America from Wales. In that early settlement of the country, which was much annoyed by wars with the Indians, Shelby obtained only the elements of a plain English education; but born with a rugged constitution, capable of bearing privations and fatigue, he became accustomed to the early use of arms and pursuit of game. General Evan Shelby, the father of the subject of this memoir, was born in Wales, and arrived in this country when quite a small lad with his father, and settled near Hagerstown, Maryland. He possessed a strong mind, with great perseverance and unshaken courage, which, with his skill as a hunter and woodsman, induced his appointment as captain of a company of rangers, in the French and Indian war, which commenced in 1754. During this year he made several successful expeditions into the Alleghany mountains. He fought many severe battles with the unfortunate Braddock, and was[165] appointed a captain in the provincial army destined for the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, now Pittsburgh. He planned and laid out the old Pennsylvania road across the Alleghany mountains, and led the advance of the army commanded by General Forbes, which took possession of Fort Du Quesne in 1758. He was distinguished for his bravery at the battle of Loyal Hanning, now Bedford, Pennsylvania. In 1772 he removed to the western waters, and commanded a company in 1774, in the campaign under Lewis and Lord Dunmore, against the Indians on the Scioto river. Isaac Shelby was appointed a lieutenant in the company of his father, and fought in the memorable battle of Kenhawa, and at the close of that campaign was appointed by Lord Dunmore to be second in command of a garrison, to be erected on the ground where this battle was fought. This was considered to be the most severe battle ever fought with the western Indians; the contest continued from sunrise to sunsetting, and the ground along the banks of the Ohio, for nearly half a mile, was scattered with bodies at the end of the conflict. The Indians, under their celebrated chief, Cornstalk, abandoned the ground during the darkness of the night. Lieutenant Isaac Shelby remained in this garrison until 1775, when it was disbanded by Governor Dunmore, fearing it might be held for the benefit of the rebel authorities; he then removed to Kentucky, and engaged in the business of a land surveyor; but after living for nearly twelve months in the cane-breaks, without either bread or salt, his health began to decline and he returned to Virginia.

Immediately on his return in 1776, the committee of safety in Virginia, appointed him captain of a minute company—a species of troops organized upon the first breaking out of the revolution, but not called into service from the extreme frontier where he lived. In the year 1777 he was appointed by Governor Henry a commissary of supplies for an extensive[166] body of militia, posted at different garrisons to guard the frontier settlements, and for a treaty to be held at the Long Island of Holston river with the Cherokee tribe of Indians. These supplies could not be obtained nearer than Staunton, Virginia, a distance of three hundred miles; but, by the most indefatigable perseverance, one of the most prominent traits in his character, he accomplished it to the satisfaction of his country. In 1778 he was still engaged in the commissary department to provide supplies for the continental army, and for a formidable expedition, by the way of Pittsburgh, against the northwestern Indians. In 1779 he was appointed by Governor Henry to furnish supplies for a campaign against the Chicamanga Indians—a numerous banditti on the south side of the Tennessee river, under the control of a daring Cherokee chief, called Dragon Canoe, who, after his defeat at the Long Island of Holston, in 1776, had declared eternal war against the whites.

The frontiers from Georgia to Pennsylvania suffered from their depredations, more than from all the other hostile tribes together. Owing to the poverty of the treasury at this time, the government was unable to advance the necessary funds, and the whole expense of the supplies, including transportation, was sustained by his own individual credit. In the spring of that year he was elected a member of the Virginia legislature from Washington county, and in the fall of that year, was commissioned by Governor Jefferson as a major in the escort of guards to the commissioners for extending the boundary line between that state and the state of North Carolina. By the extension of that line Major Shelby became a resident of North Carolina, and Governor Caswell immediately appointed him a colonel of the militia of the new county of Sullivan, established in consequence of the additional territory acquired by the running of that line. During[167] the summer of 1780, whilst Colonel Shelby was in Kentucky, securing and laying out those lands which he had five years previously improved for himself, the intelligence of the surrender of Charleston and the loss of the army, reached him.

He immediately returned home, determined to enter the service of his country, to quit it no more but by death, or until her independence should be secured. He was not willing to be a cool spectator of a contest in which the dearest rights and interests of his country were involved. On his arrival in Sullivan, he found a requisition from General McDowell, requesting him to furnish all the aid in his power to check the enemy, who had overrun the two southern states, and were on the borders of North Carolina.

Colonel Shelby without delay called on the militia of his county to volunteer their services for only a short time, on an occasion so trying, and accordingly he collected three hundred mounted riflemen, and marched across the Alleghany mountains. Having arrived at McDowell’s camp, near the Cherokee ford of Broad river, Colonel Shelby was detached with Lieutenant-Colonels Sevier and Clarke, with six hundred men, to surprise a post of the enemy in front, on the waters of the Pacolet river. This post was a strong fort surrounded by abattis, built in the Cherokee war, and commanded by Captain Patrick Moore. The Americans surrounded the post within musket-shot and gave the summons to surrender; this was unheeded, but the second had the desired effect. Captain Moore surrendered the garrison with one British sergeant-major, ninety-three loyalists, and two hundred and fifty stand of arms, loaded with ball and buckshot, and so arranged at the port-holes, that with a very little sagacity, they might have repulsed double the number of the American detachment. Shortly after this affair, Colonels Shelby and Clarke were detached, with six hundred mounted men, to watch the enemy[168] and intercept, if possible, his foraging parties. Several attempts were made by a party of about twenty-five hundred, composed of British and tories, with a small squadron of British horse, commanded by Major Ferguson, an officer of some enterprise, to surprise Colonel Shelby, but the enemy was baffled. On the first of August, however, the American commander had reached a place called Cedar Spring, where the advance of Major Ferguson, amounting to about six or seven hundred, came up, and a sharp conflict ensued for half an hour, when Ferguson approached with his whole force. The Americans then retreated, carrying off the field fifty prisoners, mostly British, including two officers. The enemy followed in quick pursuit for nearly five miles, in order to regain the prisoners; but the American commander, by forming frequently on the most advantageous ground to give battle, so retarded the pursuit, that the prisoners were placed beyond their reach. The American loss was ten or twelve killed and wounded. Only a few days after this conflict, intelligence was received from General McDowell, that five or six hundred tories were encamped at Musgrove’s Mill, on the south side of the Enoree, about forty miles distance, with orders to Colonels Shelby, Clarke and Williams, of South Carolina, with about seven hundred horsemen, to surprise and disperse them. The American commanders took up their line of march from Smith’s Ford of Broad river, on the evening of the 18th of August, continuing through the woods until dark, and then pursuing a road, leaving Ferguson’s camp about three miles to the left. After riding hard all night, frequently on a gallop, and just at the dawn of day, and about half a mile from the enemy’s camp, they met a strong patrol party, with whom a short skirmish ensued, and several of them were killed. At that juncture, a countryman living just at hand, came up and informed Colonel Shelby, that the[169] enemy had been reinforced the evening before with six hundred regular troops from New York, under Colonel Innes, destined to reinforce Ferguson’s army. This intelligence, which was found to be correct, changed the movement of the troops, for, fatigued and exhausted as they were, it was deemed improper to march on and attack the enemy. They instantly determined to form a breastwork of old logs and brush, and make the best defence in their power. Captain Inman and a detachment of twenty-five men were sent out to meet the enemy, and skirmish with them as soon as they crossed the Enoree river. Captain Inman was ordered to fire upon them, and retreat according to discretion. This stratagem drew the enemy out in disorder, supposing the whole army was near. When they came within seventy yards, a most destructive fire commenced from the American riflemen, concealed behind the breastwork of logs. For an hour the American army kept possession of the slender breastwork, during which Colonel Innes was wounded, and all the British officers, except a subaltern, being previously killed or wounded, and Captain Hawzey, a noted tory leader, being shot down, the whole of the enemy’s line made a precipitate retreat, closely pursued by the Americans, who beat them across the river. In this pursuit Captain Inman was killed, bravely fighting hand to hand. Colonel Shelby commanded the right wing, Colonel Clarke the left, and Colonel Williams the centre. In M’Call’s History of Georgia, (the only work in which this battle is related,) the British loss is stated to be sixty-three killed and one hundred and sixty wounded and taken; the American loss to be four killed and nine wounded. Amongst the killed was Captain Inman, and amongst the wounded, Colonel Clarke and Captain Clarke. The Americans mounted their horses, intending to reach Ninety-six, a small British post, that night, but before they had commenced their march, an express in great haste[170] arrived from General McDowell, apprising them of the defeat of the grand American army under General Gates, near Camden, and advising them to be on the alert, as the enemy would, no doubt, endeavor to improve their victory by destroying all the small corps of the American army within their reach. Colonel Shelby disposed of his British prisoners by distributing them amongst the companies, so as to make one to every three men, who carried them alternately, directly towards the mountains, and commenced a rapid march all that day and night, and the next day until late in the evening, without even halting to refresh. Harassing as this long and rapid march must have been, it saved them, as they were pursued until late in the afternoon of the second day after the action, by a strong detachment from Ferguson’s army. Ferguson was so anxious and determined to recapture the prisoners, and to check those daring adventures of the mountaineers, that, in order to intercept their march, he, with his main body, took post at a place called Gilbert Town, whence he sent messages, by paroled prisoners, to the officers west of the mountains, threatening the devastation of their country if they did not cease their opposition to the British government.

This was the most critical period of the revolutionary war at the south. It appeared doubtful whether a force sufficient could be raised to prevent the entire devastation of that portion of the continent. Cornwallis and the main army were posted at Charlottetown, in North Carolina, and Ferguson, with three thousand at Gilbert Town; while many of the best friends of the American government, despairing of the eventual independence of America, sought protection under the British standard. At this season of gloom, Colonel Shelby proposed to Colonels Sevier and Campbell to raise a force from their several counties, and to march hastily through the mountains,[171] and attack and surprise Ferguson in the night. Accordingly they collected about one thousand strong, but when, on the 26th of September, they commenced their march, it was discovered that three men had deserted to the enemy. This disconcerted their first design, and induced them to turn to the left, gain his front, instead of his rear, as was first intended, and act as events might suggest. For days they traveled through mountains almost inaccessible to horsemen, but soon entered the level country, where they met Colonel Cleaveland with three hundred men, and with Colonels Williams, Lacy and others, who had heard of Cleaveland’s advance. Three hundred more were thus added to the force of the mountaineers. They now considered themselves sufficiently strong to encounter Ferguson; and by a council of officers it was agreed that Colonel Campbell, of the Virginia regiment, should be appointed to the command. They accordingly selected the best horses and rifles, and at the dawn of day nine hundred and ten expert marksmen commenced their march. In their council, also, they determined that as Ferguson was their object, they would not be diverted from the main point by any collection of tories in the vicinity of their march.

For the first thirty-six hours they traveled, they alighted from their horses but once, and that only for one hour. They at last found Ferguson securely encamped on King’s Mountain, which was about half a mile long, and from which he declared but the evening before that “God Almighty could not drive him.”

On approaching the mountain, the two centre columns displayed to the right and left, formed a front, and commenced an attack; while the right and left wings were marching to surround the enemy. In a few minutes the action was general and severe. It continued furiously for three-quarters of an[172] hour, when the enemy, being driven from the east to the west end of the mountain, surrendered at discretion. Ferguson was killed, with three hundred and seventy-five of his officers and men, and seven hundred and thirty taken prisoners. The Americans had sixty killed and wounded; among the former was Colonel Williams.

This glorious victory took place at the most gloomy period of the revolution, and may be styled the first link in the great chain of events at the south, which established the independence of the United States. It was achieved by raw, undisciplined riflemen, who had no authority from the government under which they lived; who were without pay, rations, ammunition, or even the expectation of reward, other than that which resulted from the noble attempt to advance the independence of their beloved country. The tories were completely dispirited, and Cornwallis, who then lay within thirty miles of King’s Mountain, became so alarmed that he ordered an immediate retreat to Winnesborough, sixty or eighty miles distant, where he remained for three months, until reinforced by General Leslie, with two thousand men from the Chesapeake.

The legislature of North Carolina passed a vote of thanks to Colonel Shelby and his brother officers, and directed each to be presented with an elegant sword, for his patriotic conduct in the attack and defeat of the British on King’s Mountain, on the memorable 7th of October, 1780. Colonel Shelby served the two following years under that distinguished partisan officer, General Marion. In 1782, Colonel Shelby retired from the army, and was appointed one of the commissioners to settle the pre-emption claims upon the Cumberland river, and to lay off the lands allotted to the officers and soldiers of the North Carolina line, south of where Nashville now stands. In 1783, he returned to Boonsborough, Kentucky, and married Susanna, second daughter of Captain[173] Hart, one of the first settlers of Kentucky, and one of the proprietors styled Henderson & Co., by their purchase of the country from the Cherokees. Colonel Shelby established himself on the first settlement and pre-emption granted in Kentucky, for the purpose of cultivating the soil; and it is a remarkable fact, that at the period of his death, forty-three years after, he was the only individual in that state residing upon his own settlement and pre-emption. In 1812 he was chosen governor of the state in which he lived; and during the trying crisis of 1813, at the request of the legislature, he organized a body of four thousand volunteers, which he led in person, at the age of sixty-three, under General Harrison, into Canada. His gallantry and patriotism at that ever memorable victory on the Thames, were acknowledged by the commanding general, and by President Madison, and in resolutions by the legislature of Kentucky, which recognized “his plans and the execution of them as splendid realities, which exact our gratitude and that of his country, and justly entitle him to the applause of posterity.” Congress also passed a vote of thanks, and awarded a gold medal (see Plate VII.), as a testimony of its sense of his illustrious services.

In 1817, he was selected by President Monroe to fill the department of war, but his advanced age induced him to decline the honor. In February, 1820, he was seized with a paralytic affection, which disabled his right arm and was the occasion of a lameness the remainder of his life. His mind continued unimpaired until his death by apoplexy, on the 18th of July, 1826, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. He was fitted, by a vigorous constitution, to endure active and severe bodily exercise, and the energetic symmetry of his person rendered his deportment impressively dignified. His strong, natural sense was aided by close observation of matters and things; and the valuable qualities of method and perseverance imparted success to all his efforts.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—A representation of the battle of the Thames, in Canada; Governor Shelby charging the enemy with his mounted rangers.

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

William Henry Harrison was born at the seat of his father, at Berkely, on James river, twenty-five miles from Richmond, Virginia. His father, Benjamin Harrison, was a descendant of the celebrated leader of that name in the wars of Oliver Cromwell. He appears to have inherited republicanism, for he acted a most conspicuous part in our own revolutionary struggle. He represented Virginia in Congress, in the years 1774, 1775 and 1776, and was chairman of the committee of the whole house when the Declaration of Independence was read, and was one of the signers of that act. In 1782 he succeeded Governor Nelson in the executive chair of that state. William Henry Harrison, the subject of this memoir, was educated at the college of Hampden Sydney, which he left at the age of seventeen, to obey the wishes of his father in the study of medicine, and for that purpose repaired to Philadelphia in 1791, that he might prosecute his studies with greater advantage.

He had hardly commenced the study of his new profession when the death of his distinguished parent obliged him to[176] return. After his return, and during the time appropriated for the settlement of his father’s estate, the preparations for a campaign against the Indians of the west caused much excitement, and Harrison resolved to enter the service of his government despite the most eloquent entreaties and persuasions of his guardian and friends. Nothing could check his enthusiastic ardor. He begged, he importuned, and Washington at last yielded to his constant importunities, and presented him with an ensign’s commission. With a heart beating with enthusiasm, he departed for Fort Washington, now Cincinnati, where he arrived only in time to learn the unparalleled massacre of St. Clair’s army, and the deaths of several distinguished officers. The sight of the broken troops had no effect on the warlike zeal of young Harrison. In the following year, General Wayne assumed the command, and appointed Ensign Harrison as one of his aids.

The first time he had a chance to distinguish himself was in the engagement of Roche de Bouc, in the official report of which, his general did him the justice to name him especially.

After the departure of General Wayne for the Atlantic States, in 1795, Harrison was left in command of Fort Washington. During the first year of his garrison life, he married the daughter of Judge Symmes, the proprietor of the Miami purchase. But the active mind of Harrison could not be confined within the walls of a garrison; he therefore resigned his commission, and obtained an appointment as secretary of the northwestern territory. His able talents, exercised in that capacity, soon made him popular, and in 1799 he was elected the first delegate in Congress for that extensive region, now comprising the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and the territory of Michigan. The first object of his attention was a repeal of the obnoxious land bill, which ordained, that not less[177] than four thousand acres could be sold at once. He became chairman of the committee on lands and framed a bill, which was carried with very little opposition. This bill lowered the number of acres to sections, half-sections, and quarter-sections, so as to enable the industrious husbandman to commence his labors; also providing for the payment of the lands in such a way as to meet the exigences of the most frugal means.

To this grand and important act of William Henry Harrison, is imputed the rapid settlement of the whole of that extensive region; and had he only been permitted to live to see this noble act completed, he would richly have merited the title of a benefactor to mankind. Shortly after, Indiana was erected into a separate territory, and Mr. Adams appointed Harrison the first governor.

In 1801, Governor Harrison entered upon the duties of his new office, with powers never before conferred upon any other officer, either civil or military, that of commissioner to treat with the Indians. In this capacity he negotiated and concluded fifteen treaties, with their title to upwards of seventy millions of acres of land. Although he was surrounded by numerous tribes of warlike Indians, whose hostile feelings were constantly inflamed by the intrigues of British agents and traders, and often by the American hunters themselves, Harrison kept down Indian invasion in the territory, only by conciliation accompanied by firmness. His administration of justice was always tempered with mildness. In this way he surmounted difficulties which would have prostrated any ordinary capacity. The ability and success of the administration of Governor Harrison are recorded in his voluminous correspondence with Mr. Jefferson from 1802 till 1809.

During the year 1811, affairs approached a crisis which appeared to render hostilities unavoidable; and Governor Harrison found it necessary to apply to Colonel Boyd, of the[178] 4th United States regiment, then at Pittsburgh, who immediately joined him, with as large a force of militia as time permitted him to collect, together with a small but gallant band of volunteers from Kentucky, numbering about seventy persons. With these he marched towards the prophet’s town, at Tippecanoe. His object was to bring about a negotiation with Tecumseh and his prophet brother, who for a long time had been harassing and plundering the inhabitants of that part of the country. On the 6th of November he arrived in sight of the Indian village, and commenced his attempts at negotiation with these ruthless savages. Finding, however, that all his attempts were fruitless, he resolved to encamp for the night, the chiefs having promised to listen to him on the day following. Governor Harrison was careful in selecting a spot for the encampment, in case of a sudden attack, which he anticipated. His anticipation proved too true; for on the morning of the 7th, before daylight, the onset of these blood-thirsty savages was announced by their hideous yells. The Indians fought with their usual desperation, and for some time were victorious; but the extraordinary skill and courage of the American officers changed the tide against them, and they fled before their pursuers. Victory was propitious, but at the expense of some of the most gallant spirits of the age.

Colonels Davis and Owen, of Kentucky, and Captain Spencer, of Indiana, were among the slain. Governor Harrison received a bullet through his stock, but without injury.

Governor Harrison still continued to negotiate with the Indians, until the declaration of war against England, in 1812. He then received a commission as a major-general in the army of the United States, embracing a larger sphere of action. At that period the greatest confusion prevailed. Money, arms, and[179] men must be raised, but who would assume the responsibility of procuring them?

All the talents and energies of our hero were called into action. He organized his army, obtained money, arms, and ammunition, and on the 5th of October, 1813, he brought the British army, with their Indian allies under Tecumseh, to action, near the river Thames. The decisive victory achieved by militia over the disciplined troops of England, was a matter of joy and exultation through the whole Union. This gallant victory is attributed to the novel maneuver of General Harrison, that of charging through the British lines with mounted infantry. For this important action, Congress presented a vote of thanks and a gold medal. (See Plate VIII.)

General Harrison, having given the necessary aid to Niagara and the western frontier, left his troops at Sacket’s Harbor under the command of Colonel Smith, and repaired to Washington for the purpose of resigning his commission, in consequence of a misunderstanding between the Secretary of War and himself. The resignation was presented and accepted by Secretary Armstrong, much to the regret of the President, who was absent at the time; on his return he remarked, in a letter to a friend, “that had he been in Washington, it should not have been accepted.” General Harrison retired to his estate at North Bend, in Ohio. Thence he was successively called to represent the people of Ohio in the House of Representatives, and Senate of the United States, by which he was appointed minister to Colombia, till recalled by President Jackson. On his return to the United States, General Harrison again enjoyed the pursuits of agriculture in the bosom of his family at North Bend, until 1834, when he was appointed prothonotary of the court of Hamilton county. This office he punctually attended in person, until 1840,[180] when he was triumphantly elected to the presidency of the United States. He was inaugurated and entered upon the duties of his office on the 4th of March, 1841, and died on the following 4th of April. In their official announcement of the death of General Harrison, the members of his cabinet say, “that the people of the United States, overwhelmed, like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life had been patriotic, useful, and distinguished, and that the last utterance of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the constitution, and the preservation of its true principles.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—A female placing a wreath round two bayonets fixed on muskets, and a color staff stacked, over a drum and a cannon, a bow and a quiver; her right hand resting on a shield, bearing the stars and stripes of the United States, and holding a halbert. From the point of union of the stack, hangs a badge with the inscription, Fort Meigs, Battle of the Thames.

LIEUT.-COLONEL CROGHAN.

George Croghan was born at Locust Grove, near the falls of Ohio, on the 15th of November, 1791. His father, Major William Croghan, left Ireland at an early period of life; was appointed an officer in our revolutionary army, and discharged his duties to the satisfaction of the commander-in-chief. His mother was the daughter of John Clark, Esq., of Virginia, a gentleman of worth and respectability, who exerted himself greatly, and contributed largely towards the support of our just and glorious contest.

George Croghan received all the advantages of education which the best grammar-schools in Kentucky could afford. In his seventeenth year he entered the ancient college of William and Mary in Virginia. Both at school and at college, he was remarked for an open manliness of character, for elevation of sentiment, and for strength of intellect, connected with a high and persevering ambition. In July, 1810, he graduated at William and Mary College, and soon afterwards entered the law school of that institution, where he remained until the fall of 1811, when he volunteered his services as a[182] private in the campaign up the Wabash. A short time before the action of Tippecanoe, he was appointed aid-de-camp to General Boyd, the second in command; and, although from his situation, he was not enabled to evince that activity which has since so much distinguished him, he exhibited a soul undaunted in one of the most sanguinary conflicts of that time, and accordingly received the thanks of the commanding general. In consequence of his services on the Wabash expedition, he was appointed a captain in the provincial army, directed to be raised and organized in the spring of 1812. In August he marched with the detachment from Kentucky, under General Winchester, destined to relieve General Hull in Canada. During the movements of that gallant but unfortunate little army, the caution, zeal and military capacity of Captain Croghan were conspicuous.

Upon visiting the various encampments of the army on its march along the Miami of the Lake, both before and after the attack on Fort Wayne, the ground occupied by Captain Croghan was easily designated by the judicious fortifications erected for the night. On the movement of the army towards the Rapids, he was entrusted with the command of Fort Winchester, at the junction of the Anglaize and Miami rivers, where he adopted his usual military arrangements. After the defeat at the river Raisin, he joined General Harrison at the Rapids, previous to the erection of Fort Meigs. General Harrison has often expressed the great confidence he had in the judicious arrangements of Captain Croghan, during the trying, brilliant and ever memorable siege of Fort Meigs.

In the sortie under the gallant Colonel, now General Miller, on the 5th of May, the storming of the British batteries was confided to the companies led by Captains Croghan, Langhan and Bradford. These batteries were defended by a regular force and a body of Indians, either of them superior in number[183] to the assailants. Here Captain Croghan’s gallantry was again noticed in general orders. At a critical period in the campaign of 1813, Captain Croghan was promoted to a majority, and appointed to the command of Fort Sandusky, at Lower Sandusky.

On his conduct in the defence of that post, the official documents of the time, and the applause of a grateful country, are the most honorable commentary. The defence of the fort of Sandusky took place on the 4th of August, 1813, and although the work of a few hours, and of a small force, was an achievement brilliant in itself and important in its consequences. However diminutive it may appear, when compared with many of the military feats in the revolutionary war, it is justly entitled to a distinguished place in the annals of our country. It was among the first events of the last war that gave confidence to our soldiers, and compelled the enemy to respect our arms. It furnished, moreover, a memorable instance of what a few bold and determined spirits can perform, when opposed even to more than fourfold their number. It is not too much to add, that, under Providence, it was highly instrumental in preserving from the tomahawk and the scalping-knife, many of our defenceless frontier inhabitants.

The inclosure of Fort Sandusky, like that of most fortresses that are suddenly erected in our new settlements, was composed of picket-work, and surrounded by a ditch nine feet wide and six deep. The number of its defenders, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel, then Major Croghan, amounted to about one hundred and sixty, most of them raw, unexperienced troops. It contained but a single piece of mounted ordnance, and that only a six pounder.

The assailing force consisted of nearly a thousand men, one-half of them British regulars, commanded by General[184] Proctor in person, and the remainder savages, led on, as we believe, by the celebrated Tecumseh. Their means of annoyance, besides small arms, were five six pounders, and one howitzer of considerable calibre. The fort was regularly summoned to surrender, under the usual plea of a wish to prevent the effusion of blood. To give to this message the greater weight, the force of the assailants was somewhat exaggerated, and it was added that, should the works be carried by assault, it would be impossible to restrain the savages from massacre. Undismayed by the odds that were against him, and the unsoldierly threat, that, should the enemy be successful, he would receive no quarter, Colonel Croghan unhesitatingly returned the customary answer, that he would defend his post “to the last extremity.”

This conference being ended, the British regulars, led on by Lieutenant-Colonel Short, an officer of high character and daring courage, advanced to the assault in a solid column, under the discharge of all their artillery. Notwithstanding a galling fire from the small arms of the fort, the assailants approached with firmness and gallantry, till, following the example of their intrepid leader, a large portion of them had leapt into the ditch. At this moment, when the enemy were completely within the toil he had prepared for them, Major Croghan unmasked his piece of cannon, which had been hitherto concealed, and poured among them a discharge of grape-shot which raked the ditch with terrible carnage. In the number of those who fell under this first and most destructive fire, was Lieutenant-Colonel Short. Another discharge or two from this piece of ordnance carried confusion into the British ranks, and forced them to retreat with the utmost precipitation; nor had they sufficient hardihood to return the charge. Panic-struck by this disaster of their allies, the savages also fled in all directions, leaving our countrymen in[185] undisturbed possession of their well-defended fortress. The combined loss of the British and Indians in this affair, was computed at somewhat upwards of a hundred men; that of the Americans was one man killed and seven slightly wounded.

Such was the dismay created among the enemy by this signal and unexpected chastisement, that they precipitately abandoned their position, leaving behind them a large boat loaded with clothing and military stores. In consequence of the gallantry of this achievement, and the important effects of which it was productive, the brave Croghan, as yet but a major, besides being honorably mentioned in Congress, was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. An affair of such brilliancy, achieved under such circumstances, could not fail to endear him to his country, and to exalt his name in the ranks of honor. Some years since Congress voted to Colonel Croghan a gold medal. (See Plate VIII.)

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—The fort of Sandusky, with the enemy arrayed in front; American flag flying on the tower; columns of smoke from the fort, &c.

PAUL JONES.

John Paul Jones was born on the 6th of July, 1747, at Arbigland, in the parish of Kirkbean, Scotland.

The residence of his father was near the shores of the Solway, one of the most beautiful and picturesque points of the Frith, where our young hero passed his hours of pastime in launching his “tiny bark” on the waters, and issuing to his supposed officers and crew his naval commands. At the age of twelve years, having made known his determination to lead a seafaring life, it was deemed proper to yield to it by his reluctant parents. Accordingly, he was apprenticed to a merchant at Whitehaven, on the opposite side of Solway Frith, in the American trade.

He made his first voyage before he was thirteen, in the ship Friendship of Whitehaven, bound for the Rappahannock. His elder brother, William, had married and settled at Fredericksburg, in Virginia, where Jones found a happy home during his stay in America.

Although his first visit was of but short duration, he appears to have become greatly prepossessed in favor of America.[187] These feelings he fostered under circumstances which made them keen and enduring, being so intimately connected with his first impressions of a naval life. His master, finding his affairs embarrassed, was induced to cancel the indentures of Jones, who now found himself at liberty to think and act as he pleased; but his fixed determination was the sea. He fortunately obtained the appointment of third mate of the ship King George, of Whitehaven, a vessel engaged in the slave trade. After making one voyage, he shipped as chief mate on board the brigantine Two Friends, of Kingston, Jamaica, engaged in the same traffic.

We have reason to believe that, after his second voyage in this brutalizing and unmanly traffic, he became disgusted and took a passage from the West Indies to Scotland in the John, of Kirkcudbright.

The slave trade was then tolerated by Great Britain, and the cruel and infamous manner in which its unfortunate victims were treated, evidently exercised a strong influence upon the mind of the inexperienced young seaman, and it probably tended, in after life, to make him inconsiderate of justice as well as regardless of the sufferings of others. Nevertheless, it is fair to infer, that the exhibition of these horrors, at which his feelings revolted, strengthened his love for that liberty for which he afterwards fought, and for that land which knew how to vindicate the cause of liberty. On the passage to Scotland, in the John, the master and mate both died of the yellow fever, and Jones took the command of the vessel, and brought her safely into port. For this service the owners placed him on board the same vessel as master and super-cargo. He then made two prosperous voyages to the West Indies, at the end of which, he was honorably discharged on account of the dissolution of the firm to which the vessel[188] belonged. At this period the trade to the Isle of Man was principally contraband, and offered great facilities for making money. Our adventurous young hero, now in his twenty-third year, active, ambitious and self-confident, ready to steer his way through life as circumstances might serve, earnestly embarked in this trade, which, by a large portion of society was held not to be criminal, but simply illegal. After having been engaged in this trade for some time, in 1773 he was called to Virginia at the death of his brother William, who died without heirs. Jones took possession of the property, formally abandoned the sea, and declared his intention of devoting himself to agriculture. This intention he really commenced to carry into effect, but the quiet domestic life of the planter soon became irksome; and when the American Revolution broke out, his liberty-loving, and chivalric soul could no longer bear the ignoble life of a farmer, and he eagerly embraced the cause of the rebellious provinces. He immediately offered his services to Congress; they were accepted, and he received a commission in the navy as lieutenant.

No man appeared better qualified for the part he had to perform. Nature had made him a hero, and circumstances had prepared him to command men, as well as to give direction to the development of their energies; and these qualifications united with a brave heart and chivalrous spirit, rendered him able to vindicate the rights, which he knew so well how to assert.

Jones, who had been appointed lieutenant of the flag ship, Alfred, hoisted with his own hands the first American flag that ever waved over the ocean. He does not give the date of this transaction, but his commission dates 7th of December, 1775. The device was a pine tree, with a rattlesnake coiled at its root in the act of striking. This was the national insignia until 1777, when the present standard was adopted. On the 17th of February, 1776, the first American squadron sailed for the West Indies. During the passage they captured two small vessels, and made preparations for the capture of the island of New Providence, where a large quantity of stores and ammunition was deposited. The enterprise succeeded, the island was captured, the governor taken prisoner; also a hundred cannon and a large quantity of stores and ammunition fell into their hands.

In October, 1776, when the grade of naval captains was established by Congress, he received a full commission as one of the number.

Having now acquired the entire confidence of the marine committee of Congress, he repaired to France to arrange some naval operations with the American commissioners. His next voyage was to Whitehaven, in the north of England, where, with a few men, he spiked all the cannon of two of the forts, the sentinels being first secured in their own guard-house.

This and similar rapacious attacks, he justified upon the principle of retaliation for the destruction of private property[190] by the British troops in America. Off Carrickfergus, on the southern coast of Scotland, he had an engagement with the British sloop of war Drake, which, after a severe and close action of an hour, he captured and carried in triumph into France. The day only before this action occurred the atrocious act at St. Mary’s Isle. Thinking that the capture of the Earl of Selkirk, who resided at Selkirk Abbey, St. Mary’s Isle, might enable Congress to obtain more equal terms in the exchange of prisoners, his object was to seize his lordship and detain him as prisoner on board the Ranger, until Congress could demand a suitable exchange. This, however, was defeated by the absence of his lordship; and the excuse which Jones gave for entering the Abbey and bringing away all the family plate, was, that his men, remembering the scenes of devastation occasioned by the British in America, disregarded all restraints of wholesome discipline, and acted at their own discretion. Jones, in a communication from Brest to the countess, informed her that he should gratify himself by purchasing the plate and returning it uninjured, which he did, and received a formal acknowledgment from the earl upon the subject. In August, 1779, Jones first sailed in the Bon Homme Richard, with six other vessels, forming a squadron under his command.

In September, 1779, he fell in with the Serapis, off Flamborough-head, on the northeast coast of England, where that celebrated action took place, in view of hundreds of inhabitants of the neighboring coast, which has imparted so much renown to the name of Jones. The Serapis was a new ship, of forty-four guns and a picked crew. It was a clear, moonlight night, about seven o’olock, when the enemy first hailed Jones, who answered with a whole broadside. The action, which lasted several hours, raged with incessant fury, until the enemy’s bowsprit coming over the poop of the Bon[191] Homme Richard, by the mizzenmast, Jones, with his own hand, seized the ropes from the enemy’s bowsprit, and made them fast to his own ship. The Serapis swung round, so that the ships lay square alongside of each other, the stern of the enemy close to the bow of the Bon Homme Richard. In this desperate situation the conflict lasted for some hours, each fighting with a vigor that seemed to threaten mutual extermination. At length, about half past ten o’clock, the enemy struck his colors and surrendered. Both ships were much injured in the contest; the Bon Homme Richard sunk the day after the battle. Her crew was transferred to the Serapis, and sailed for the Texel.

On his arrival in France, Jones was received with the most flattering attention by the most distinguished persons in Paris. Louis the Sixteenth presented him with the cross of military merit, and a magnificent gold mounted sword, bearing this inscription: “Maris Ludovicus 16 Remunerator Strenuo Vindici.” He returned to America in the ship Ariel of twenty guns, after an absence of nearly three years. Congress immediately adopted the following resolutions:—

“Resolved,—That the Congress entertain a high sense of the distinguished bravery and military conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq., captain in the navy of the United States, and particularly in his victory over the British frigate Serapis, on the coast of England, which was attended with circumstances so brilliant as to excite general applause and admiration.

“Resolved,—That a gold medal (see Plate VIII.) be struck and presented to the Chevalier Paul Jones, in commemoration of the valor and brilliant services of that officer; and that the Hon. Mr. Jefferson, minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of Versailles, have the same executed in France with proper devices.”

Late in the year of 1787 he returned to Europe in order to[192] settle some disputes relative to certain prizes which had been sent into Denmark; which, after much trouble, he accomplished to the satisfaction of his government. After a year of ill health, he died at Paris, on the 18th of July, 1792, aged forty-five years. President Washington designated him for the important mission to treat with the Dey of Algiers on the ransom of American captives. His credentials reached Paris the day after his death.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Occasion.—Capture of the English frigate Serapis, Captain Pearson, by the Bon Homme Richard, Captain John Paul Jones.

Reverse.—Two frigates engaged yard-arm and yard-arm; the English ship severely battered in the sides. Another ship lying across the bow of the British frigate.

CAPT. THOMAS TRUXTUN.

The subject of the following memoir, whose achievements shed a lustre on the infant navy of his country, was the son of an eminent English barrister of the state (then colony) of New York, and was born at Long Island, on the 7th of February, 1755. Our hero, in consequence of the death of his father, was placed under the guardianship of his intimate friend, John Troup, Esq., of Jamaica, on Long Island. In a short time, however, the kindling spark of that spirit, which has since shone so conspicuously in his character, led him to the sea. At the early age of twelve years, he embarked, on his trial voyage, in the ship Pitt, Captain Joseph Holmes, bound to Bristol, England. In the following year he was placed, at his own request, under the direction of Captain James Chambers, a celebrated commander in the London trade. During his apprenticeship, when the armament, in consequence of the dispute respecting the Falkland Islands, took place, he was impressed on board the Prudent, an English man-of-war of sixty-four guns; but was afterwards released through the application of a person in authority. While on board the Prudent, the Captain,[194] pleased with his intelligence and activity, endeavored to prevail on him to remain in the service, and assured him that all his interest should be used for his promotion; but notwithstanding the prospects thus opened to his youthful and aspiring mind, he left the Prudent, and returned to his old ship. He conceived that his engagements with his former commander would not permit him with honor to indulge his wishes. In the early part of 1775, he commanded a vessel, and succeeded in bringing considerable quantities of powder into the United Colonies. About the close of the same year, when bound to St. Eustatius, he was seized off the Island of St. Christopher by the British frigate Argo, and detained until the general restraining bill came out, when his vessel and cargo, of which he owned the half, were condemned. But what “ill wind” can wreck the buoyant mind of the sailor? He made his way from St. Christopher’s to St. Eustatius, and thence embarking in a small vessel, after a short passage, arrived in Philadelphia. At this period the two first private ships of war fitted out in the colonies, called the Congress and Chance, were equipping for sea, and he entered on board the former as lieutenant. They sailed in company early in the winter of 1776, and proceeded off the Havana, where they captured several valuable Jamaica ships, bound home through the Gulf of Florida. Of one of these he took the command, and brought her safe into New Bedford. In June, 1777, in company with Isaac Sears, Esq., he fitted out, at New York, a vessel called the Independence. Of this he took the command, and passing through the Sound, (Lord Howe having arrived with the British fleet at Sandy Hook and blocked up that outlet,) he proceeded off the Azores, where, besides making several other prizes, he fell in with a part of the Windward Island convoy, and captured three large and valuable ships. One of these was much superior to the Independence in both guns and men. On his[195] return, he fitted out the ship Mars, mounting upwards of twenty guns, in which he sailed on a cruise in the English Channel. Some of his prizes, which were numerous, he sent into Quiberon Bay. The success of this cruise was, in a great measure, the cause of Lord Stormont’s remonstrance to the French court, against the admission into her ports of our armed vessels and the prizes which had been taken by them.

He commanded, and in part owned, during the rest of the war, several of the most important armed vessels built in Philadelphia; and brought in from France and the West India Islands, large cargoes of those articles, which, during the Revolution, our army most greatly needed. While carrying out to France Thomas Barclay, Esq., our consul-general to that country, he had a very close and severe engagement with a British ship-of-war of thirty-two guns, (double his own force,) which he obliged to sheer off; and she was afterwards towed into New York by one of the king’s ships, in a very dismantled condition. The ship under his command was called the St. James, and mounted twenty guns, with a crew of about one hundred men—not half the number on board his enemy. From this voyage he returned with the most valuable cargo brought into the United States during the war. It would be impossible, within the limits of this memoir, to recount the various instances of activity and zeal displayed by this gallant officer during our struggle for independence; but in all his actions with British vessels of war, many of which were of force greatly superior to his own, he was invariably victorious.

After the peace of 1783, at the commencement of our naval establishment, he was one of the six captains selected by President Washington. The frigate Constellation, of thirty-six guns, which he was appointed to command, was built under his superintendence at Baltimore. She was the first of the required armament that put to sea.[196]

Appointed, with a squadron under his command, to the protection of American commerce in the West Indies, Captain Truxtun had an arduous duty to perform, at a time when our navy was scarcely yet organized; but every difficulty yielded to the excellence of that discipline for which he was ever celebrated. On this station, by his indefatigable vigilance, the property of our merchants was protected in the most effectual manner, and an enemy’s privateer could scarcely look out of port without being captured.

At noon, on the 9th of February, 1799, the Island of Nevis bearing W. S. W., five leagues distant, the Constellation being then alone, a large ship was seen to the southward, upon which Captain Truxtun immediately bore down. On his hoisting the American ensign, the strange sail showed French colors and fired a gun to windward, (the signal of an enemy.) At a quarter past three o’clock, P. M., the captain was hailed by the French commander, and the Constellation, ranging along side of the enemy’s frigate, who had declared herself to be such by firing a gun to windward, poured in a close and extremely well-directed broadside. This was instantly returned by her antagonist, who, after a very warm engagement of an hour and a quarter, hauled down her colors, and proved to be L’Insurgente, of forty guns and four hundred and seventeen men; twenty-nine of whom were killed and forty-four wounded. She was commanded by Captain Barreau, a distinguished officer, who did not strike his colors until his ship was a perfect wreck. The Constellation had only one man killed and two wounded.

A stronger instance of the strict and exemplary discipline preserved on board the Constellation, cannot be given than this disparity of loss in the two ships; and yet, during the whole time that Captain Truxtun commanded, but one man was chastised for disorderly conduct. Scarce a man in his crew had ever been in action before. The prize was taken[197] into Basseterre, St. Christopher’s, and after being refitted, added to the American navy. This was the first opportunity that had offered to an American frigate of engaging an enemy of superior force, and the gallantry displayed by Captain Truxtun was highly applauded, not only by his own countrymen, but by foreigners. He received congratulatory addresses from all quarters, and the merchants of Lloyd’s Coffee-house, London, sent him a present of plate, worth upwards of six hundred guineas, with the action between the frigates elegantly engraved on it. It is a relief to the horrors of war, to see those whom the collisions of their countries have placed in hostile array, treat each other, when the battle is over, with all the urbanity of accomplished cavaliers. Captain Barreau, in a letter to Captain Truxtun, of which the following is a translation, says, “I am sorry that our two nations are at war, but since I unfortunately have been vanquished, I felicitate myself and crew upon being prisoners to you. You have united all the qualities which characterize a man of honor, courage, and humanity. Receive from me the most sincere thanks, and be assured, I shall make it a duty to publish to all my fellow-countrymen the generous conduct which you have observed towards us.” The Constellation, in a short time, put to sea again; and France saw the West Indies cleared of her bucaniers by our infant navy on the station. While the different ships belonging to it, were cruising separately, so as best to give protection to our merchant vessels, Captain Truxtun, hearing that La Vengeance, a large French national ship of fifty-four guns, with upwards of five hundred men, including several general officers and troops on board, was lying at Gaudaloupe, proceeded in January, 1800, off that port, determined, if possible, notwithstanding the superiority of her force, to bring her into action, should she put to sea. On the 1st of February, at half-past seven, A. M., in the road of Basseterre, Gaudaloupe, bearing E. five leagues distant, he[198] discovered a sail in the S. E. standing to the westward, which soon proved to be the long-sought La Vengeance.

The French commander, one would suppose, could have had no hesitation in engaging an enemy so inferior in guns and men as the Constellation; but this did not prove to be the case, for he crowded all sail to avoid his foe, and it was not till after a most persevering chase for upwards of twelve hours that the Constellation brought him to action.

The engagement began by a fire from the stern and quarter-deck guns of the French ship, which was returned in a few minutes afterwards, by a broadside from the Constellation, that had by this time got upon the weather quarter of her antagonist, and a close and desperate action commenced, which lasted from 8 P. M., until within a few minutes of 1 A. M., when the fire of La Vengeance was completely silenced. At this moment, when the American commander considered himself sure of his prize, and was endeavoring to secure his main-mast, which had been very much injured, he had the misfortune to see it go by the board. A heavy squall coming on at the same time, before the Constellation could be completely cleared of the wreck, the French ship was enabled to effect her escape. Indeed, so sudden was her disappearance in the squall, that she was supposed by all on board the Constellation to have sunk. Nevertheless, it appeared that five days after the action she got into Curracoa, in almost a shattered condition, having had one hundred and sixty men killed and wounded, and nearly all her masts and rigging shot away.

It had required all hands at the pumps for several days, to keep her from foundering.

Her captain had the candor to acknowledge that he had twice struck his colors, but owing to the darkness of the night, this was not perceived on board the Constellation, and he, finding that her fire continued, and concluding that it was the determination of his enemy to sink him, renewed the combat[199] from necessity. When her mast went overboard, he took the advantage of the accident, and got off. In this engagement, the Constellation had fourteen men killed and twenty-five wounded.

Among the former was Midshipman Jarvis, a young man of great promise, who commanded in the main-top. When told by one of the old seamen of the danger of the mast falling, and requested, with his men, to come down, he replied that if it went, they must go with it. In a few minutes after it went over, and but one of the topmen was saved. For the signal gallantry displayed in this action, Congress passed the following resolution.

“Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be requested to present to Captain Thomas Truxtun a gold medal (see Plate IX.,) emblematical of the late action between the United States frigate Constellation, of thirty-eight guns, and the French ship-of-war La Vengeance, of fifty-four guns, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of his gallantry and good conduct in the above engagement, wherein an example was exhibited by the captain, officers, sailors, and marines, honorable to the American name, and instructive to its rising navy.”

Theodore Sedgwick,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Thomas Jefferson,
Vice President of the United States.

John Adams,
President of the United States.

Approved, March 29th, 1800.

Captain Truxtun still continued to serve his country with all the ardor of his temperament, and devoted all the energies of his character to the promotion of her glory. In the beginning of 1802, he was ordered to take the command of a squadron[200] destined for the Mediterranean; he immediately proceeded to Norfolk, where the frigate Chesapeake then was, and made every preparation for the duty assigned to him.

It appears that it was customary in the navy for commanding officers of squadrons, to have assigned to them during their command, an officer who, being entrusted with the charge of the flag ship, could relieve the commander-in-chief of this trust, and thereby enable him to have more leisure to devote to the important duties of his station. This additional officer was deemed necessary by Captain Truxtun, and claimed by him of the secretary of the navy. A correspondence ensued, the sequel of which was that Captain Truxtun wrote to the secretary, informing him that “the task for the intended service would be too severe without some aid, and if that aid could not be rendered, he must beg leave to quit the service,” (meaning the intended service in the Mediterranean.) In the conclusion of his letter, after recommending some particular business to be attended to, he observes “if I do not proceed on the expedition.”

Contrary to his intentions and to his just expectations, Robert Smith, then secretary of the navy under the administration of Thomas Jefferson, chose to construe this letter into a resignation of his commission as a captain in the navy; and notwithstanding every honorable effort that was then made to restore him to his just rights, the administration of that day sacrificed at one blow the man who had shed such lustre upon the infant navy of our country, but who had the misfortune to belong to a different political school from those who then wielded the destinies of America.

Thus at the early age of forty-seven years, in the prime of manhood, at a period when his former life gave promise of much future usefulness, after many years’ devotion to the navy in which he fondly hoped to close his existence, was the subject of this memoir suddenly cut short in that career in which[201] he had won unfading laurels, both for his country and himself.

He immediately retired to his farm, and like another Cincinnatus, sought in the enjoyment of domestic happiness a solace to the injustice he had met in public life. For many years he continued a citizen of New Jersey, but towards the latter part of his life, he was induced by the claims of his family, to resume his residence in Philadelphia, where his fellow-citizens welcomed his return in the most grateful manner, and as an appreciation of his services, spontaneously tendered him the important office of high sheriff of the city and county of Philadelphia, to which he was elected in the year 1816, by a very large majority. Soon after the expiration of his term of office in 1819, his health began to decline, until finally in May, 1822, he closed his earthly pilgrimage.

Commodore Truxtun has left several children, but neither of his sons now survives. The only grandchild bearing his name, is a midshipman in the navy. The same service also numbers three other grandsons, one of whom, Edward F. Beale, has recently proved, by his gallant conduct under Commodore Stockton, that he inherits the blood of his illustrious grandsire.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Two ships of war, the French a two decker; both much shattered; the rigging of both much cut up.

Legend.—The United States frigate Constellation, of thirty-eight guns, pursues, attacks, and vanquishes the French ship La Vengeance, of fifty-four guns, 1st of Feb. 1800.

COM. EDWARD PREBLE.

The subject of this memoir was born in the ancient town of Falmouth, now Portland, Maine, August 15th, 1761. He was the son of the Hon. Jedediah Preble, a member of the council and senate, who died in 1783, at the advanced age of seventy-seven.

Edward Preble exhibited from early childhood a firm and resolute temper, and a love for adventurous and chivalrous feats. While quite young he showed a predilection for a seafaring life, and although his father was much opposed to his choice, he thought it unwise to thwart him; and therefore placed him on board a ship bound for Europe, in which he made his first voyage. In 1779 Preble became midshipman, in the state ship Protector, of twenty-six guns, under the command of Captain Williams.

The Protector, on her first cruise, had a sharp engagement with a British frigate of thirty-six guns, on the coast of Newfoundland, and so disabled her that she was obliged to strike. She blew up in a few minutes afterwards.

The second cruise of the Protector was less fortunate; she was captured by a British frigate and sloop-of-war. The principal[203] officers were taken to England, but young Preble, by the influence of his father, obtained his release. Captain Little, who was second in command in the Protector, and one of the prisoners taken to England, scaled the walls of his prison at Plymouth, and escaping with one other person, rowed in a wherry across the British Channel, and landed on the coast of France; thence took passage for Boston; and took the command of the sloop of war Winthrop, with Preble as his first lieutenant.

Captain Little had previously captured the tender of a brig, of superior force to his own, lying in the Penobscot river, in Maine. From the crew he gained sufficient information to determine him to take her by surprise. Accordingly he ran along side in the night, having dressed forty of his men in white frocks, to distinguish them from the enemy. He was hailed by the brig, supposing him to be the tender, with “You will run us aboard!” “Ay!” shouted Preble, “I am coming aboard!” and he immediately jumped into the vessel with fourteen of his men. The rapidity of the vessel was such, that it prevented the remainder from following them. Little cried out to his lieutenant to know if he would not have more men; “No!” he answered with great coolness, (expecting to be overheard by the enemy,) “we have more than we want already; we stand in each other’s way.” Those of the English crew on deck immediately leaped overboard, while others did so from the cabin windows, swimming for the shore, within pistol-shot. Preble then proceeded to the cabin, where he found the officers either in bed or just rising. He informed them they were his prisoners, that the brig was in his possession, and any resistance would be fatal. Supposing themselves captured by a superior force, they submitted, without any effort to rescue the vessel. The captors conveyed their prize to Boston. Our hero was only in his twentieth year,[204] when this daring act took place, which gave striking indications of the intrepidity and courage which afterwards so greatly distinguished him.

Lieutenant Preble remained in the Winthrop the whole of the war. That vessel is acknowledged to have rendered much service to our trade, by destroying privateers infesting our eastern waters.

In 1798, and the ensuing year, government had decided on building fifteen frigates and twelve other vessels of war. Preble was the first lieutenant appointed, and in the winter of 1798 and 1799, he made two cruises as commander of the brig Pickering. The next year, with a captain’s commission, he commanded the frigate Essex of thirty-six guns. In January, 1800, he was ordered to Batavia, in company with the frigate Congress, as a convoy to our homeward bound ships. The Congress was dismasted and obliged to return, while Preble took under his own convoy fourteen sail of merchantmen, valued at several millions of dollars. Soon afterwards he was appointed commander of the Adams, for the Mediterranean; but his health declining, he was compelled to withdraw from the profession until 1803. His government then made him commodore of the squadron fitted out against the Algerine pirates on the coast of Barbary. The brilliant career of this gallant officer, in negotiating with so much ability, not only redound to his own credit, but exalted the character of the American navy in the eyes of all the world. His fleet consisted of the Constitution, of which he was commander, also the frigate Philadelphia, and several smaller vessels. The memorable bombardment of Tripoli is familiar to all readers of history, having been so often recorded by able historians. Congress voted the thanks of the nation, and an elegant gold medal, (See Plate IX.,) which were both presented by the President, with the most emphatic expressions[205] of esteem. On his leaving the squadron, the officers presented a most affectionate and interesting address, expressive of their devotion and attachment to him as their commander, and of his worth as a citizen and Christian. In the latter part of the year of 1806, Commodore Preble suffered severely from a debility of the digestive organs. Indulging a hope of recovery, he bore his sufferings with that fortitude which had marked his character through life, until the 25th of August, 1807, when he breathed his last.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. ISAAC HULL.

Isaac Hull was born at Derby, in the state of Connecticut, about ten miles distant from New Haven, in 1775. Choosing the sea for his profession, he entered, soon after leaving school, on board a merchant vessel, where he was employed during the interval which occurred between the peace of 1783 and the breaking out of hostilities anew in 1798, when it became the policy of the United States to form a permanent marine. He was immediately appointed a lieutenant, without passing through the subordinate grades; an irregularity of necessary occurrence, owing to the absence of any class of men educated in ships of war from which to make promotion. In May, 1800, he was first lieutenant of the frigate Constitution, under Commodore Talbot, and cut out a French letter of marque from one of the islands of St. Domingo with a small sloop. This gallant act took place at noon-day, without the loss of a single man. In 1804 he commanded the brig Argus, and particularly distinguished himself at the storming of Tripoli and the reduction of Derne. In 1812, he commanded the Constitution, and by his energy[207] and skill as a seaman, he escaped from a British squadron under Commander Broke. That escape is faithfully described by Mr. Cooper in his Naval History, from which the following remarks are quoted. “Thus terminated a chase that has become historical in the American navy, for its length, closeness and activity. On the part of the English there were manifested much perseverance and seamanship, a ready imitation, and a strong desire to get along side of their enemy. But the glory of the affair was carried off by the officers and people of the Constitution.

“Throughout all the trying circumstances of this arduous struggle, this noble frigate, which had so lately been the sneers of the English critics, maintained the high character of a man of war. Even when pressed upon the hardest, nothing was hurried, confused, or slovenly, but the utmost steadiness, order, and discipline reigned in the ship. A cool, discreet, and gallant commander was nobly sustained by his officers, and there cannot be a doubt that had the enemy succeeded in getting any one of the frigates fairly under the fire of the American ship, that she would have been very roughly treated. The escape itself is not so much a matter of admiration, as the manner in which it was effected. A little water was pumped, it is true; and perhaps this was necessary, in order to put a vessel fresh from port on a level, in light winds and calms, with ships that had been cruising some time; but not an anchor was cut away, not a boat stove, not a gun lost. The steady and man-of-war-like style in which the Constitution took in all her boats as occasions offered; the order and rapidity with which she hedged, and the vigilant seamanship with which she was braced up and eased off, extorted admiration from the more liberal of her pursuers. In this affair, the ship, no less than those who worked her, gained a high reputation, if not with the world generally, at least with those[208] who, perhaps, as seldom err in their nautical criticism as any people living.” Not long after this affair, Captain Hull met the British frigate Guerriere, and, to the surprise of the whole world, conquered her. That fight was of more importance to America than all the subsequent victories, because it demonstrated that the notion of the British navy being invincible on the seas was incorrect. Commodore Hull was the man that showed that an American frigate was equal to a frigate of any other nation. The following is Mr. Cooper’s description of that most important and eventful action:—

“The Constitution next stood to the southward, and on the 19th, at two P. M., in lat. 41 deg. 41 min., long. 55 deg. 48 min., a sail was made from the mast head, bearing E. S. E., and to leeward, though the distance prevented her character from being discovered. The Constitution immediately made sail in chase, and at three, the stranger was ascertained to be a ship on the starboard tack, under easy canvas, and close hauled. Half an hour later, she was distinctly made out to be a frigate, and no doubt was entertained of her being an enemy. The Constitution kept running free until she was within a league of the frigate to leeward, when she began to shorten sail. By this time the enemy had lain his main topsail aback, in waiting for the Constitution to come down, with everything ready to engage. Perceiving that the Englishman sought a combat, Captain Hull made his own preparations with greater deliberation. The Constitution consequently furled her top-gallant sails, and stowed all her lightstay sails and fling jib. Soon after, she took a second reef in the top-sails, hauled up the courses, sent down royal yards cleared for action, and beat to quarters. At five, the chase hoisted three English ensigns, and immediately after she opened her fire, at long gun shot, wearing several times to rake and prevent being raked. The Constitution occasionally yawed as she[209] approached, to avoid being raked, and she fired a few guns as they bore, but her object was not to commence the action seriously until quite close. At six o’clock, the enemy bore up and ran off under his three top-sails and jib, with the wind on his quarter. As this was an indication of a readiness to receive his antagonist, in a fair yard-arm fight, the Constitution immediately set her main-top-gallant sail and foresail to get along side. At a little past six, the bow of the American frigate began to double on the quarter of the English ship, when she opened with her forward guns, drawing slowly ahead with her greater way, both vessels keeping up a close and heavy fire, as their guns bore.

“In about ten minutes, or just as the ships were fairly side by side, the mizzen-mast of the Englishman was shot away, when the American passed slowly ahead, keeping up a tremendous fire, and luffed short round on her bows, to prevent being raked. In executing this manœuvre, the ship shot into the wind, got sternway, and fell foul of her antagonist. While in this situation, the cabin of the Constitution took fire from the close explosion of the forward guns of the enemy, who obtained a small, but momentary advantage from his position. The good conduct of Mr. Hoffman, who commanded in the cabin, soon repaired this accident, and a gun of the enemy’s that had threatened further injury, was disabled. As the vessels touched, both parties prepared to board. The English turned all hands up from below, and mustered forward, with that object, while Mr. Morris the first lieutenant, with his own hands, endeavored to lash the ships together. Mr. Alwyn, the master, and Mr. Bush, the lieutenant of marines, were upon the taffrail of the Constitution to be ready to spring. Both sides now suffered by the closeness of the musketry; the English much the most, however. Mr. Morris was shot through the body, the bullet fortunately missing his vitals. Mr. Alwyn[210] was wounded in the shoulder, and Mr. Bush fell dead by a bullet through the head. It being found impossible for either party to board, in the face of such a fire, and with the heavy sea that was on, the sails were filled, and just as the Constitution shot ahead, the fore-mast of the enemy fell carrying down with it his main-mast, and leaving him wallowing in the trough of the sea, a helpless wreck. The Constitution now hauled aboard her tacks, ran off a short distance, secured her masts, and rove new rigging. At 7, she wore round, and taking a favorable position for raking, a jack that had been kept flying on the stump of the mizzen-mast of the enemy was lowered. Mr. George Campbell Read, the third lieutenant, was sent on board the prize, and the boat soon returned with the report that the captured vessel was the Guerriere, thirty-eight guns, Captain Dacres, one of the ships that had so lately chased the Constitution, off New York. The Constitution kept wearing to remain near her prize, and at two A. M., a strange sail was seen closing, when she cleared for action, but at three the stranger stood off.

“At daylight the officer in charge hailed to say that the Guerriere had four feet water in her hold, and that there was danger of her sinking. On receiving this information, Captain Hull sent all the boats to remove the prisoners. Fortunately the weather was moderate, and by noon this duty was nearly ended. At three P. M., the prize crew was recalled, having set the wreck on fire, and in a quarter of an hour she blew up. Finding himself filled with wounded prisoners, Captain Hull now returned to Boston, where he arrived on the 30th of the same month. It is not easy, at this distant day, to convey any idea of the full force of the moral impression created in this country, by this victory of one frigate over another.[211]

“So deep had been the effect produced on the public mind by the constant accounts of the successes of the English over their enemies at sea, that the opinions already mentioned of their invincibility on that element generally prevailed; and it had been publicly predicted that, before the contest had continued six months, British sloops of war would lie alongside of American frigates with comparative impunity.

“Perhaps the only portion of even the American population that expected different results, was that which composed the little body of officers on whom the trial would fall, and they looked forward to the struggle with a manly resolution, rather than with a very confident hope.

“But the termination of the combat just related, far exceeded the expectations of even the most sanguine. After making all proper allowance for the difference of force, which certainly existed in favor of the Constitution, as well as for the excuses that the defeated party freely offered to the world, men on both sides of the Atlantic, who were competent to form intelligent opinions on such subjects, saw the promise of many future successes in this.

“The style in which the Constitution had been handled, the deliberate and yet earnest manner in which she had been carried into battle; the extraordinary execution that had been made in so short a time by her fire; the readiness and gallantry with which she had cleared for the action, so soon after destroying one British frigate, in which was manifested a disposition to meet another, united to produce a deep conviction of self-reliance, coolness, and skill, that was of infinitely more weight than the transient feeling which might result from any accidental triumph. In this combat the Constitution suffered a good deal in her rigging and sails, but very little in her hull. Her loss was seven killed and seven wounded. As soon as[212] she had rove new rigging, applied the necessary stoppers, and bent a few sails, as has been seen, she was ready to engage another frigate.” Since that time Captain Hull has commanded in the Pacific and Mediterranean, and at shore stations in the United States. He enjoyed the rank of captain in the United States naval service for thirty-seven years. “No act of Commodore Hull’s life can be quoted as a drawback upon the immense debt of gratitude due him by his fellow-citizens. He did not, in the midst of the continued praise that followed him, yield to a single suggestion of wrong, nor presume, for a moment, upon the hold which he had on the affections of the nation. Every day of his life seemed to be spent as if he felt that day had its special duty, which, if unperformed, would leave incomplete his honors, and perhaps, tarnish the laurels he had already acquired. Hence, day by day, he earned new titles to public affection; and as a man, a patriot, and an officer, he grew in the esteem of his fellow men. And the last day of his life saw his laurels as fresh as when they were first woven into a chaplet for his brow.” He died at his residence in Philadelphia, 13th of February, 1843, in the sixty-eighth year of his age. By a resolution of Congress, it was unanimously agreed to present to Captain Isaac Hull, commander of the frigate Constitution, the thanks of that body and a gold medal (see Plate IX.), for the capture of the British frigate Guerriere, 19th of August, 1812.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Legend.—Isaacus Hull peritos arte superate, July, 1812, Ang. certamine fortes.

Reverse.—The battle between the Constitution and Guerriere is represented in that particular and interesting stage, when the boarders from the Guerriere were repulsed, and a raking fire from the Constitution had cut away the main and foremasts of the Guerriere, which are falling, leaving the American ship little injured.

CAPTAIN JACOB JONES.

Jacob Jones was the son of an independent and respectable farmer, near the village of Smyrna, in the county of Kent, in the state of Delaware, and was born in the year 1770. His mother, who was an amiable and interesting woman, died when Jacob was two years old. Some time afterwards his father married a second time to a Miss Holt, granddaughter of the Hon. Ryves Holt, formerly Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Delaware, or, as it was then denominated, “the lower counties on Delaware.” Shortly after this second marriage his father died, when this, his only child, was scarcely four years of age. It was the happiness of our hero to be left under the care of a step-mother who possessed all the kind feelings of a natural parent. The affection which this excellent woman had borne towards the father, was, on his death, transferred to his child. By her he was nurtured from infancy to manhood, with a truly maternal care and tenderness. At an early age he was placed at school, where his proficiency exceeded her most anxious expectations. He was soon transferred to a grammar school at Lewes, in Sussex county, where he read the classics with much assiduity, and became well[215] acquainted with the Latin and Greek languages. At the age of eighteen he left school and commenced the study of medicine at Dover, in the county of Kent, where he remained four years, after which he attended the usual courses of medical lectures of the University of Pennsylvania, and returned to Dover to commence the practice of his profession. He did not, however, continue long in the practice. Discouraged by the scanty employment that is commonly the lot of the young physician, and impatient of an inactive life, he determined to abandon it for a more lucrative occupation. Governor Clayton, who was a personal friend of his father, conferred upon him the clerkship of the Supreme Court of the State of Delaware, for the county of Kent. In this situation he remained some time, but the sedentary nature of its duties caused it to become irksome to him, and possessing a spirit of enterprise, and not content with the tranquil ease of common life, he resolved upon a measure as indicative of the force of his character, as it was decisive of his future fortunes. This was to enter the navy of the United States. Jones, it appears, had weighed all the inconveniences and sacrifices incident to his determination, and had made up his mind to encounter and surmount them all. The only consolation to his friends was the reflection, that if courage, activity and hardihood could ensure naval success, Jacob Jones was peculiarly fitted for the life he had adopted; and it is probable they felt some degree of admiration for that decision of character which, in the pursuit of what he conceived a laudable object, could enable him to make such large sacrifices of personal pride and convenience. Through the exertions of his friends, he obtained a midshipman’s warrant and joined the frigate United States, Commodore Barry, from whom he derived great instruction in the theory and practice of his profession, blended with the utmost kindness and civility. He was a midshipman[216] on board of the United States, when she bore to France Chief Justice Ellsworth and General Davie, as envoys extraordinary to the French Republic. He was next transferred to the Ganges, where he remained till the breaking out of the war with Tripoli, when he was stationed on board of the frigate Philadelphia, under the command of the gallant Bainbridge. The disaster which befel that ship and her crew before Tripoli, forms a solemn page in our naval history; atoned for, however, by the brilliant achievements to which it gave rise.

Twenty months of severe captivity among a barbarous people, and in a noxious climate, neither broke the spirit nor impaired the constitution of our hero. Blest by nature with vigorous health and an invincible resolution, when relieved from bondage by the bravery of his countrymen, he returned home full of life and ardor. He was soon after promoted to a lieutenancy, which grade he merited before his confinement in Tripoli, but older warrant officers had stood in the way of his preferment.

After being employed for some length of time on the Orleans station, he was appointed to the command of the brig Argus, stationed for the protection of our commerce on the southern maritime frontier. In this situation he acted with vigilance and fidelity, and conformed to his instructions, to the public interest and the entire satisfaction of his government. In 1811, Captain Jones was transferred to the command of the sloop of war Wasp, mounting eighteen twenty-four pound carronades, and was dispatched, in the spring of 1812, with communications to the courts of St. Cloud and St. James. During this voyage, war was declared by the United States against Great Britain.

On his return, Captain Jones refitted his ship with all possible dispatch, and repaired to sea on a cruise, in which he met with no other luck than the capture of an inconsiderable[217] prize. He again put to sea on the 13th of October, and on the 18th of the same month, after a long and heavy gale, he fell in with a number of strongly armed merchantmen, under convoy of his Britannic majesty’s sloop of war The Frolic, Captain Whinyates.

As this engagement has been one of the most decidedly honorable to the American flag, from the superior force of the enemy, we vouch for the following account of it to be scrupulously correct:—“There was a heavy swell in the sea, and the weather was boisterous. The top-gallant yards of the Wasp were taken down, her top-sails were close reefed, and she was prepared for action. About eleven o’clock A. M., the Frolic showed Spanish colors, and the Wasp immediately displayed the American ensign and pendant. At thirty-two minutes past eleven, the Wasp came down to windward on her larboard side, within about sixty yards and hailed. The enemy hauled down the Spanish colors, hoisted the British ensign, and opened a fire of cannon and musketry. This the Wasp instantly returned, and coming nearer to the enemy, the action became close and without intermission. In four or five minutes the main-topmast of the Wasp was shot away, and falling down with the main-top sail yard across the larboard fore and fore-topsail braces, rendered her head-yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. In two or three minutes more her gaft and mizzen top-gallant sail were shot away. Still she continued a close and constant fire. The sea was so rough that the muzzles of the Wasp’s guns were frequently in the water. The Americans, therefore, fired as the ship’s side was going down, so that their shot went either on the enemy’s deck or below it, while the English fired as the vessel rose, and thus her balls chiefly touched the rigging, or were thrown away. The Wasp now shot ahead of the Frolic, raked her, and then resumed her position on her larboard bow. Her fire[218] was now obviously attended with such success, and that of the Frolic so slackened that Captain Jones did not wish to board her, lest the roughness of the sea might endanger both vessels; but in the course of a few minutes more every brace of the Wasp was shot away, and her rigging so much torn to pieces that he was afraid that his masts, being unsupported, would go by the board and the Frolic be able to escape. He thought, therefore, the best chance of securing her was to board and decide the contest at once. With this view he wore ship, and running down upon the enemy, the vessels struck each other, the Wasp’s side rubbing along the Frolic’s bow so that her jib-boom came in between the main and mizzen rigging of the Wasp, directly over the heads of Captain Jones and the first lieutenant, Mr. Biddle, who were at that moment standing together near the capstan. The Frolic lay so fair for raking, that they decided not to board until they had given a closing broadside. Whilst they were loading for this, so near were the two vessels, that the rammers of the Wasp were pushed against the Frolic’s sides, and two of her guns went through the bow-ports of the Frolic, and swept the whole length of her deck. At this moment, Jack Lang,[A] a seaman of the Wasp, a gallant fellow, who had been once impressed by a British man-of-war, jumped on a gun with his cutlass, and was springing on board the Frolic. Captain Jones, wishing to fire again before boarding, called him down, but his impetuosity could not be restrained, and he was already on the bowsprit of the Frolic; when, seeing the ardor and enthusiasm of the Wasp’s crew, Lieutenant Biddle mounted on the hammock-cloth to board.

[A] John Lang was a native of New Brunswick, in New Jersey. This seaman is a proof that conspicuous bravery is confined to no rank in the naval service.

“At this signal, the crew followed, but Lieutenant Biddle’s[219] feet got entangled in the rigging of the enemy’s bowsprit, and Midshipman Baker, in his ardor to get on board, laying hold of his coat, he fell back on the Wasp’s deck. He sprang up, and as the next swell of the sea brought the Frolic nearer, he got on her bowsprit where Lang and another seaman were already. He passed them on the forecastle, and was surprised at not seeing a single man alive on the Frolic’s deck, except the seaman at the wheel and three officers. The deck was slippery with blood and strewed with the bodies of the dead. As he went forward, the Captain of the Frolic, with two other officers, who were standing on the quarter-deck, threw down their swords, with an inclination of their bodies, denoting that they had surrendered. At this moment the colors were still flying; Lieutenant Biddle, therefore, jumped into the rigging himself and hauled down the British ensign, and possession was taken of the Frolic in forty-three minutes after the first fire. She was in a shocking condition; the birth-deck, particularly, was crowded with dead, wounded and dying; there being but a small portion of the Frolic’s crew who had escaped.

“Captain Jones instantly sent on board his surgeon’s mate, and all the blankets of the Frolic were brought from her slop room for the comfort of the wounded. To increase this confusion, both the Frolic’s masts soon fell, covering the dead and everything on deck, and she lay a complete wreck.

“It now appeared that the Frolic mounted sixteen thirty-two pound carronades, four twelve pounders on the maindeck, and two twelve pound carronades.

“She was, therefore, superior to the Wasp, by exactly four twelve pounders. The number of men on board, as stated by the officers of the Frolic, was one hundred and ten; the number of seamen on board the Wasp, was one hundred and two; but it could not be ascertained, whether in this one hundred and ten, were included the marines and officers, for the Wasp[220] had besides her one hundred and two men, officers and marines, making the whole crew about one hundred and thirty-five. What is, however, decisive, as to their comparative force is, that the officers of the Frolic acknowledged that they had as many men as they knew what to do with, and in fact the Wasp could have spared fifteen men. There was, therefore, on the most favorable view, at least an equality of men, and an inequality of guns. The disparity of loss was much greater. The exact number of killed and wounded on board the Frolic, could not be precisely determined, but from the observation of our officers, and the declarations of those of the Frolic, the number could not have been less than about thirty killed, including two officers, and of the wounded between forty and fifty, the captain and second lieutenant being of the number. The Wasp had five men killed and five slightly wounded. All hands were now employed in clearing the deck, burying the dead, and taking care of the wounded, when Captain Jones sent orders to Lieutenant Biddle to proceed to Charleston, or any southern port of the United States; and, as there was a suspicious sail to windward, the Wasp would continue her cruise. The ships then parted. The suspicious sail was now coming down very fast. At first it was supposed that she was one of the convoy, who had fled during the engagement, and who now came for the purpose of attacking the prize. The guns of the Frolic were therefore loaded, and the ship cleared for action; but the enemy, as she advanced, proved to be a seventy-four, the Poictiers, Captain Beresford. She fired a shot over the Frolic, passed her, overtook the Wasp, the disabled state of whose rigging prevented her from escaping; and then returned to the Frolic, who could, of course, make no resistance. The Wasp and Frolic were both carried into Bermuda.”

On the return of Captain Jones to the United States, he was everywhere received with the utmost demonstrations of gratitude[221] and admiration. Brilliant fêtes were given him in the cities through which he passed. The legislature of his native state appointed a committee to wait on him with their thanks, and to express the “pride and pleasure” they felt in recognizing him as a native of their state; in the same resolution they voted him an elegant piece of plate, embellished with appropriate designs.

The Congress of the United States appropriated twenty-five thousand dollars, as a compensation to Captain Jones and his crew for the loss they sustained by the recapture of the Frolic. They also ordered a gold medal (see Plate X.) to be presented to the Captain, and a silver one to each of his officers. Various other marks of honor have been paid by the legislatures and citizens of different states, but the most substantial testimony of approbation which he received, was the appointment to the command of the frigate Macedonian, captured from the British.

Since the peace with England, Captain Jones has been alternately employed on foreign or home stations; he has now retired to his farm in his native state, to enjoy the evening of his days in tranquillity and peace. May they be as serene and happy as those of his early years were patriotic and brave!

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Two ships closely engaged, the bowsprit of the Wasp between the mast of the Frolic; men engaged on the bow of the Wasp while in the act of boarding the Frolic; the main-topmast of the Wasp shot away.

CAPT. STEPHEN DECATUR.

The subject of the following brief sketch was born in Worcester county, Maryland, on the 5th of January, 1779. He was the son of Stephen Decatur, a naval officer from the first establishment of the American navy, until the difficulties with the French terminated, when he retired to Philadelphia. He died, in 1808, honored and respected by all who knew him. His son, Stephen Decatur, Jun., entered the navy in 1798 as a midshipman in the frigate United States, then commanded by Commodore Barry.

In 1801, he was promoted and sailed as lieutenant on board the Essex, in Commodore Dale’s squadron, to the Mediterranean.

At Malta, he had an unfortunate rencontre with a British officer, which caused his suspension, and he returned home. He demanded an investigation, which ended in his appointment to the command of the Argus, destined to form part of Commodore Preble’s squadron then lying before Tripoli.

On his joining the squadron he was transferred to the command of the Enterprise, and shortly after, captured a Tripolitan[223] ketch, within sight of the tower, which he afterwards named the Intrepid. A short time before the arrival of our hero, the frigate Philadelphia, which had run aground on the Barbary coast, had fallen into the hands of the Tripolitans. His jealous ardor excited him to form some project by which she could be recaptured or destroyed.

Having obtained the consent of his commodore, with seventy volunteers on board the ketch Intrepid, accompanied by the United States brig Syren, Lieutenant Stewart, he arrived about eight o’clock in the evening. The Philadelphia, lying within half gun-shot of the Bashaw’s castle, and of the principal battery, made the adventure extremely hazardous. About eleven o’clock, he approached within two hundred yards, when he was hailed, and ordered to anchor. He directed a Maltese pilot to answer that the anchor had been lost in a gale of wind. His object was not suspected till he was almost along side of the frigate, when the Turks were thrown into the utmost confusion.

Before they were aware of the character of their visitors, Decatur had sprung on board, followed by Midshipman Charles Morris: these officers were nearly a minute on the deck before their companions joined them. Fortunately the surprise was so great that before the Turks could recover themselves, a sufficient number had assembled equal to their adversaries; about twenty Turks were killed; the rest jumped overboard or fled below. After setting fire to the ship in several places, Decatur and crew returned to the ketch. A favorable breeze sprung up soon and carried them beyond the reach of the enemy’s guns, which had opened a fire upon them from the batteries and castles, and two corsairs. In this daring exploit, not one man was killed, and only four wounded. For this gallant achievement, he was immediately promoted to the rank of post captain. Commodore Preble had determined[224] to make an attack on Tripoli; and having obtained the loan of some gun-boats and bombards from the King of Naples, gave the command of one division of them to Captain Decatur. The signal to prepare for action was made from the Commodore’s ship, the Constitution, on the morning of the 3d of August, and at nine o’clock the squadron began to bombard the town and the vessels in the harbor. Decatur advanced his gun-boats in a line to attack the Tripolitan gun-boats, which were moored along within musket-shot of the batteries. Disregarding the heavy fire from the batteries now pouring upon them, he, with twenty-seven men, boarded one of the enemy’s gun-boats which contained forty-seven men, and in ten minutes its deck was cleared, and the boat made a prize. At this moment he was informed that his brother, Lieutenant James Decatur, who commanded another boat, had captured a gun-boat of the enemy, but had been treacherously shot by her commander, who had pushed off, and was then steering towards the harbor. Decatur instantly pursued him, entering the enemy’s line with his single boat, and, overtaking the foe, boarded her with eleven men, being all the Americans he had left. He singled out the Turkish commander, who was armed with an espontoon or spear; in attempting to strike off the head of which with his sword, the treacherous steel gave way and was broken at the hilt, and he received a severe wound in the right arm and breast; upon which he seized the spear and closed with him. In the struggle both fell. Decatur, being uppermost, caught the arm of the Turk with his left hand, and with his right, seized a pistol which he had in his pocket, cocked it, fired through his pocket and killed him. During this struggle, a Tripolitan aimed a blow at the head of Decatur with a sabre; an American seaman, although so severely wounded as to lose the use of both hands, rushed forward and received the blow on his own head, by which his[225] skull was fractured. The generous-hearted sailor survived, and his devotion to his commander was rewarded by his government.

Captain Decatur secured both his prizes, and received from Commodore Preble the highest commendation for his bravery, who, on retiring from the squadron, gave him the command of the Constitution.

On his return to America, he superintended the building of gun-boats, until he was ordered to supersede Commodore Barron in the command of the Chesapeake frigate. He was afterwards removed to the frigate United States. On the 25th of October, 1812, he fell in with his Britannic majesty’s ship Macedonian, one of the finest frigates in the British navy, which he captured after an action of an hour and a half. His loss was four killed and seven wounded; that of the Macedonian thirty-six killed and sixty-eight wounded. When the commander of the Macedonian came on board of the United States and presented his sword, Decatur, with a chivalrous and delicate courtesy, declined taking it, observing that he could not think of taking the sword of an officer who had defended his ship so gallantly, but he should be happy to take him by the hand. The Macedonian was taken into the harbor of New York, where she was repaired and equipped as an American frigate; and the name of her gallant victor was hailed with enthusiastic admiration throughout the country. Congress presented to him a vote of thanks and a splendid gold medal, (see Plate X.,) while several of the state legislatures and cities testified their high sense of his services by votes of thanks and valuable presents. In 1813 Commodore Decatur was ordered to sea with the United States, the Macedonian and the Hornet, but being compelled to run into the mouth of the Thames in Connecticut, by a British squadron, he lay off New London for several months; this becoming[226] irksome, he sent a challenge to the commander of the blockading squadron, offering to meet two British ships, with the United States and the Macedonian; but this invitation Sir Thomas M. Hardy politely declined.

In 1815 he was appointed to the command of the frigate President, and in attempting to get to sea, came in contact with the Endymon, Tenedos and Pomona frigates, by which he was captured and carried into Bermuda. After the peace with England, Commodore Decatur was dispatched to the Mediterranean, to chastise the Algerines, who, instigated as was supposed by the British, had captured some of our merchantmen and enslaved their crews. He soon captured an Algerine frigate of forty-nine guns, after a short action (in which the celebrated Rais Hammida was killed), and a brig of twenty-two guns. He arrived before Algiers on the 22d of June, 1815, and the next day compelled the proud regency to a treaty most honorable to our country. He demanded that no tribute was ever to be required of the United States; that all enslaved Americans were to be released without ransom, and that no American was ever to be held again as a slave. The relinquishment of the tribute was a point most difficult to adjust. The Dey contended that it might be used as a precedent by other nations; “even a little powder,” said he, “might prove satisfactory.” “If,” replied our hero, “you insist upon receiving powder as tribute, you must expect to receive balls with it.” The next day the treaty was negotiated, with immunities and privileges never before granted by a Barbary state to a Christian nation. Commodore Decatur thence proceeded to Tunis and Tripoli, where, by similar diplomatism, he obtained the necessary redress, and returned home in the autumn of the same year. He was appointed one of the board of commissioners, and resided at Kalarama, near Washington. In October, 1819, a correspondence commenced[227] between Commodore Barron, former commander of the Chesapeake, and Commodore Decatur, in relation to harsh expressions said to have been used by the latter towards the former. Commodore Decatur denied having, at any time, made use of such expressions, but admitted at the same time, that he had not been particular to conceal his opinions, which were not very favorable to Commodore Barron. This controversy, which lasted some months, could not be assuaged by the interference of friends, but a challenge sent and accepted, named the day that was to send its victim bleeding to his grave. On the 20th of March, 1820, they repaired to Bladensburg. At the first fire both were wounded, Decatur mortally, Barron dangerously.

Commodore Decatur died the same evening. In the enjoyment of his country’s highest regard and confidence, he added his before unsullied name to the list of victims who died slaves to “an affair of honor.” His remains were temporarily deposited in the family vault of Colonel Bomford, at Kalarama, where they remained until 1846, when they were re-interred with appropriate ceremonies in the churchyard of St. Peter’s, in Philadelphia, and rest by the side of those of his father and family.

The lid of the coffin was removed when it was brought out of the vault at Washington, in the hope that the noble features of the dead hero were still perfect, but the friends who so anxiously sought this gratification, had to undergo a sad disappointment. Every lineament of the fine face was gone—nothing remained save the skeleton and a few remnants of the clothes.

The original coffin is now enclosed in a new one of black walnut, a silver shield on the top of which bears the following touching inscription:—“Here lie the remains of Commodore Stephen Decatur, of the United States Navy, who departed[228] this life in the city of Washington, on the twentieth day of March, 1820, aged forty-two years. His public services are recorded in the annals of his country—his private virtues in the hearts of his friends—and above all, in her heart who was for fourteen years the happy partner of his life, and the delighted witness of his exalted worth; and who can with truth inscribe upon this humble tablet, that he possessed every virtue of which the human character is susceptible, and each carried to its highest perfection. Columbia mourn! For time, which soothes the grief of individuals, will only render you more sensible of the irreparable loss you have sustained.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—Two ships engaged; the topmasts of one shot away, the other with a few shot only in her sails.

Exergue.—Inter sta. uni. nav. Amer. et Macedo. nav. Ang. die 25th Octobris, 1812.

COMMODORE BAINBRIDGE.

William Bainbridge, of the American navy, was born at Princeton, New Jersey, on the 7th of May, 1774. He was the son of Dr. Absalom Bainbridge, a respectable physician of that town. His education was limited to the usual branches of an English school, with a pretty good knowledge of the French language.

His first setting out in life was in a counting-house in New York. Thence he removed to Philadelphia, and was for some time employed as clerk in a mercantile house in that city. Some of his biographers say he was sent in some capacity to sea, by the house in which he was employed; others, that, tired of a mercantile life, he wished to try the sea. Be that as it may, he sailed as mate of the ship Hope, on a voyage to Holland, during which voyage he saved the life of his captain, who was seized by a mutinous crew with the intention of throwing him overboard. On his return home, he was offered the command of a merchant vessel in the Dutch trade which he accepted, being then but nineteen years of age. In this and other trading vessels he remained until 1798, when[230] he entered the naval service of the United States as lieutenant. His first cruise in the American service, was to the West Indies, in command of the schooner Retaliation, of fourteen guns, which unfortunately was captured by two French frigates and carried into Guadaloupe; after remaining there a short time, he, with his vessel, was permitted to return to the United States. In 1799, he again sailed to the West Indies in the brig Norfolk, eighteen guns, with the commission of master commandant. During this cruise he was more fortunate, for he captured several merchant vessels, and a privateer, destroyed a number of barges, and compelled another privateer of sixteen guns to run ashore. He also gave protection to our merchants trading in those seas. In 1800, Bainbridge was promoted to the rank of captain, and sailed in the frigate George Washington, with presents to the Dey of Algiers. On his arrival there, he was anxiously solicited to convey an ambassador with presents from the Dey to the Grand Seignior, at Constantinople. To this he reluctantly consented, and the sight of an American frigate struck the wondering Turks with astonishment. They were unable to comprehend where this country, called the New World, was situated, but being pleased with a visit from such a stranger, they gave Captain Bainbridge a most cordial welcome, treating him with the greatest respect. The Algerine ambassador was, on the contrary, repelled with indignity by the pacha, his presents refused, and he not permitted to land, on account of the depredations on the commerce of nations in amity with the Porte, committed by the Dey.

Captain Bainbridge, accompanied by Dr. Clarke, the celebrated traveler, and many other persons of distinction, proceeded to the Black Sea in his long boat, where he had the honor of displaying “the star-spangled banner” for the first time. On his return to Constantinople, he gave a splendid[231] entertainment on board his frigate, and beheld, among his distinguished guests, natives of the four quarters of the globe mingled together at the same table. This visit to Constantinople opened the way to subsequent negotiations and friendly intercourse, besides leaving a favorable impression of the American character. On the return of Bainbridge to Algiers, he found that war had been declared against France, and that the French consul and citizens had been ordered to leave forthwith. To save them from captivity he received them all on board his ship, and landed them at Alicant, on his return to Philadelphia, where he arrived in April, 1801. In the following June, he was ordered again to the Mediterranean, to protect our commerce against the Tripolitans. After remaining there a year, he returned in 1802; and in July, 1803, sailed to join the squadron under Commodore Preble.

This voyage he sailed in the frigate Philadelphia, which had been built by the merchants of that city, and by them presented to the government.

An able historian has described the loss of this beautiful ship in the following lines: “While Commodore Preble was engaged in negotiation, Captain Bainbridge proceeded to blockade Tripoli with the Philadelphia and Vixen. Being informed that a Tripolitan cruiser had escaped from the port, the Vixen was ordered to cruise off Cape Bon, in quest of her. After her departure, the Philadelphia was driven from her cruising ground by strong westerly gales; but the wind coming round to the eastward, she was returning to her station, when a strange ship was discovered in shore, and running for the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia gave chase, and when about four knots, she ran upon a reef of rocks which were unknown to our navigators in that sea. This unfortunate event occurred on the morning of the 31st of October. Every exertion was made to float the ship by throwing overboard[232] the guns and anchors, starting the water, and cutting away the fore-mast, but to no purpose. The gun boats came out of the harbor and fired upon her, but so long as she kept an upright position, they were kept off by the few guns which could be brought to bear upon them. At length she turned upon her side, and could no longer be defended; the magazine was drowned, every article of value was thrown overboard, the ship skuttled, the pumps choked, and all this being accomplished, the colors were struck at five o’clock in the afternoon. The officers and crew were plundered of everything valuable on their persons, before they reached the shore, but were afterwards kindly treated by the pacha, until Decatur burnt the Philadelphia, after which they were closely confined in the castle, through fear of their escape. On a treaty being concluded, by which the pacha was to receive sixty thousand dollars, they were liberated.” From this period till the declaration of war in 1812, Captain Bainbridge was occasionally employed in the public service, either in the navy yards or at sea.

At the commencement of the war, Captain Bainbridge was appointed to the command of the Constellation frigate; he was thence transferred to the Constitution, on the arrival of that ship at Boston, after the capture of the Guerriere. His destination was a cruise to the West Indies in company with the sloop-of-war Hornet, Captain Lawrence. Having parted with the Hornet on the coast of Brazil, he fell in with the Java, a British frigate of forty-nine guns, commanded by Captain Lambert, with a crew of more than four hundred men, and upwards of one hundred officers and men, intended for ships on the East India station, together with a lieutenant-general and suite of the British army. The ships were separated from each other about half a mile, when the action commenced, but they gradually approached each other until[233] the jib boom of the Java came in contact with the mizzen rigging of the Constitution. The contest, which lasted nearly two hours, only terminated when the last spar of the Java had gone by the board.

After the British frigate had struck, the Constitution wore and reefed top-sails. One of the only two remaining boats out of eight, was then hoisted out, and Lieutenant Parker, of the Constitution, was sent to take possession of the frigate. She proved to be his Britannic majesty’s frigate Java, rating thirty-eight, but carrying forty-nine guns. She was manned by upwards of four hundred men, and was commanded by Captain Lambert, a very distinguished naval officer, who was mortally wounded. The Constitution had nine men killed, and twenty-five wounded. The Java had sixty killed and one hundred and one wounded. But, by a letter written on board the Constitution, by one of the officers of the Java, and accidentally found, it is evident her loss must have been much greater. He states it to have been sixty killed, and one hundred and seventy wounded.

The Java had her own full complement of men, and upwards of one hundred supernumeraries, for British ships in the East Indies. Her force, in number of men, at the commencement of the action, was probably much greater than the officers of the Constitution were enabled to ascertain. Her officers were extremely cautious about concealing the number of her crew. By her quarter-bill she had one man more stationed at each gun than the Constitution.

The Java was an important ship. She was fitted out in the most complete manner to carry Lieutenant-General Hyslop and staff to Bombay, of which place he had been appointed governor, and several naval officers for different vessels in the East Indies. She had dispatches for St. Helena, the Cape of Good Hope, and for every British settlement in the India and[234] Chinese seas. She had copper on board for a seventy-four, and for two brigs, building at Bombay, and a number of other valuable articles.

The great distance from the United States, and the disabled state of the Java, forebade the idea of attempting to bring her to the United States. No alternative was therefore left, but to burn her, which was done, after the prisoners and their property were removed to the Constitution. They were all landed at St. Salvador and parolled.

The commander of the Java, Captain Lambert, died soon after he was put on shore. Commodore Bainbridge was received by his countrymen, on his return to the United States, with every demonstration of joy and esteem that his gallant exploit merited.

The Congress of the United States voted fifty thousand dollars, and their thanks to Commodore Bainbridge, his officers, and crew. They likewise ordered a gold medal (see Plate X.,) to be presented to him, and silver ones to each of his officers, in token of their esteem. The citizens of Philadelphia presented him with an elegant piece of plate, and the common council of New York voted to him the freedom of their city, in a gold box; and ordered that his portrait be obtained, and placed in the gallery of portraits belonging to the city. The Constitution now became an object of national pride, and having seen so much service, with so little injury, during her numerous encounters, that she acquired the popular sobriquet of “Old Ironsides.” At the conclusion of the war, Commodore Bainbridge went again to the Mediterranean, in command of the Columbus, seventy-four, which was the last of his services at sea. He commanded for several years, at the different naval stations, till his health became infirm, when he retired to Philadelphia, and breathed his last on the 27th of July,[235] 1833.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—A ship with three stumps only of her masts standing; the American ship with but a few shot holes in her sails.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY.

The hero of the following memoir was born in Newport, Rhode Island, August, 1785. His father, who also was in the service of the United States, anxious that his son should lead a seafaring life, obtained for him a commission as midshipman on board of the sloop-of-war General Greene, in 1798, at a time when our commercial difficulties with France caused much excitement. Perry soon after joined the squadron for the Mediterranean.

He served during the Tripolitan war, and though debarred, by his extreme youth, from an opportunity of distinguishing himself, he acquired by his conduct the regard and esteem of his superior officers and the affection of his associates. Being at all times willing to be instructed, and most anxious to excel, he became very early in life an accomplished officer and navigator. In 1810 he was commissioned as lieutenant commandant in the schooner Revenge, attached to the squadron of Commodore Rogers, on Long Island Sound, to prevent infractions of the embargo laws. During his command of this vessel, a circumstance occurred which first tried the character[237] of our young hero, though in the end it proved of advantage to him. The Revenge was wrecked in a fog near Stonington, but by the intrepidity of Perry, the crew, guns, and much other property were saved. He immediately demanded a court of inquiry into his conduct, which acquitted him of all blame, and reported, that the preservation of so much property was owing solely to his coolness and energy. The Secretary of the Navy wrote a letter to Lieutenant Perry, complimenting his admirable conduct under such trying circumstances.

In 1812 he was advanced to be master-commandant; and in 1813 he was appointed to the command of the squadron on Lake Erie. Early in August of that year, he crossed the bar with his squadron, and was soon on the deep waters of the lake. The enemy, who were nearly all the time in sight, did not molest him, although they were strictly watching his movements. More than once he cruised in sight of the enemy while at anchor, and offered battle; but the challenge was not accepted. On the 10th of September, at sunrise, the American squadron discovered the enemy making towards them. Perry’s force was two twenty-gun brigs and several smaller vessels, carrying in all fifty-four guns, and manned with six hundred men. The British force was superior both in guns and men. About eleven o’clock, A. M., the British were formed in a line for battle, but the wind veering round, Perry bore down upon them as he chose. The commander of the Lawrence led, from whose mast-head were displayed the last words of the gallant Captain Lawrence, who fell in the action between the Chesapeake and Shannon, “Don’t give up the ship!” An able historian thus relates the conduct of our hero during this most exciting battle:—“At a few minutes before twelve o’clock the British commenced their fire, and some damage was done to the Lawrence before Perry could[238] make his guns to bear upon the enemy; at length he opened his battery and stood the force of the enemy’s fire for two hours. The other part of his fleet not coming to his assistance, and the Lawrence becoming unmanageable, her decks strewed with dead and her guns dismounted, Perry conceived a most bold and daring design, which he put in execution. Giving the command of the Lawrence to Lieutenant Yarnall, he, with his flag under his arm, jumped into his boat, and amidst a shower of shot from the enemy, made his way to the Niagara, the second ship of his squadron. He went off from the Lawrence standing up in his boat supporting his flag, until his seamen seized him with affectionate violence and pulled him down to a seat. His flag was soon seen flying from the mast-head of the Niagara, and in this moment of extreme peril our hero was as calm as he was adventurous. He soon brought his ship in a position to break the line of the enemy, giving two of their ships a raking fire with his starboard guns, pouring a broadside into a schooner from his larboard tier, and brought his ship alongside the British commodore. The effect of his terrific fire soon silenced the enemy’s battery; when bringing up the small American vessels, the contest was decided, having lasted nearly three hours. The enemy was not entirely subdued, but all his vessels were taken and brought to the American side of the lake. Commodore Barclay, commander of the British squadron, was a man of no ordinary fame; he had gained laurels at the battle of Trafalgar and other memorable battles by sea, where Englishmen had bled and won the victory; but this day his experience did not avail him—he was forced to yield. The loss was great on both sides, but much more severe on the British. They had two hundred killed and wounded, the Americans about one hundred and twenty-three.”

Commodore Barclay lost his remaining hand in the fight;[239] the other had been shot off in some previous battle. This victory has given Perry a permanent place in the history of his country, and his merit is greatly enhanced by the reflection, that, whilst no victory was ever more decidedly the result of the skill and valor of the commander, this was the first action of the kind he had ever seen.

In testimony of his merit, Commodore Perry received the thanks of Congress and a medal, (see Plate XI.,) and the like marks of honor from the senate of Pennsylvania. At the conclusion of the war Commodore Perry was appointed to the command of the Java, a frigate of the first class, and dispatched with Commodore Decatur to the Mediterranean, to chastise the Dey of Algiers, who, during the war with Great Britain, had plundered our commerce, and taken several of our small vessels. Perry shortly after returned to the United States, and the Java was laid up at Newport, in the middle of winter. The following anecdote is related of him:—“Information was hastily brought to him that a merchant vessel was on a reef, about five or six miles from that place, and that the crew were still on the wreck, at the mercy of the winds and waves. He manned his barge and said to his rowers, ‘Come, my boys, we are going to the relief of shipwrecked seamen, pull away.’ They returned him a look of fearless determination, which seemed to say, where you go, we will go. The vessel had gone to pieces, but eleven men were on her quarter-deck, which had separated from the hull of the vessel, and was floating as a raft on the billows. This act may not be thought to belong to the class of heroic deeds by some, who are attracted only by the blaze of military glory; but the great mass of his countrymen declared that he was as deserving of the civic as of the naval crown.” In 1819 Commodore Perry received the command of a squadron destined for the West India station, for the capture of pirates who swarmed on those[240] seas. This was a most important command, and required the utmost vigilance and energy; but he was not long to enjoy such an honorable post, for the yellow fever was raging in the squadron, and of this disease he died on the 23d of August, 1820, in the thirty-fifth year of his age.

The remains of Commodore Perry were brought to his native country and interred at Newport, where a handsome monument has been erected by an appropriation from the legislature of Rhode Island. Every tribute of national grief was paid to his memory in the United States. Congress made a liberal provision for his family, including his mother, who was leaning on him for support. Commodore Perry married early in life the accomplished daughter of Doctor Mason, of Newport, who made him a devoted and affectionate wife. He was a man of splendid talents, blended with a kind and tender heart; of superior tact in his profession, and every way fitted for the position Providence intended him to fill.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

COMMODORE ELLIOTT.

Jesse Duncan Elliott was born in Maryland, on the 14th of July, 1780. His father, Robert Elliott, was unfortunately killed by the Indians in the year 1794, near the Muskingum river, while transacting business for the army of the United States. The following resolution was passed by Congress on this melancholy event. “Be it enacted,” &c., “that the sum of two thousand dollars be allowed to the widow of Robert Elliott, who was killed by a party of hostile Indians while he was conducting the necessary supplies for the army commanded by Major-General Wayne, in the year 1794,” &c. &c. Until the year 1804, Jesse Elliott was engaged in prosecuting his studies at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, when he was appointed a midshipman in the navy, and ordered on board the United States frigate Essex. The United States being then engaged in a war with the Barbary powers, the above-mentioned frigate was ordered to cruise in the Mediterranean.

The little force that Congress was enabled to detach for that service—their limited means of annoyance—the treachery and ferocity of their barbarous antagonists, created a deep responsibility in the officers, and conspired to introduce a system of[242] masculine intrepidity, severity of discipline, and promptitude of obedience, of which, even to the present hour, we reap the benefits. The treachery of our opponents taught our men to be ever on the alert, and their cruelty made them bold and resolute, even to rashness. Knowing how much was expected, and how scanty were their means, they supplied every deficiency by skill and courage. Contempt of danger was so rigidly enforced, that when one of our subordinate officers showed symptoms of fear in an engagement, and was tried by a court martial, the commodore assigned for his acquittal, a reason no less curious than just: viz., that the bare supposition that one coward existed on board of the American fleet was, of itself, a greater injury than the condemnation of this man could possibly be a benefit, as it would establish the fact. The British squadron in the Mediterranean minutely watched the movements of our little fleet for the purpose of sarcasm and jest. Their sarcasms were, however, soon converted into expressions of warm admiration. Amidst such a band of brave and kindred spirits, our young midshipman learned to smile at danger, while he grew familiar with it, and felt his ideas expanded and enlarged. Returning to the United States, in July, 1807, he obtained a lieutenancy on board the frigate Chesapeake, where he remained until June, 1810, when he was appointed acting lieutenant on board the schooner Enterprize, to cruise on the coast, and to enforce the embargo laws. In this service he remained till 1810, when he was appointed to carry dispatches to our minister at the court of Great Britain. For a short time after his return, he served in the John Adams, from which he was transferred to the Argus, as first lieutenant. On the 5th of April, 1812, he married the daughter of William Vaughan, Esquire, of Norfolk, Virginia. He had no sooner entered that happy state, than he was obliged to relinquish the sweets of domestic life for the hardier scenes of battle.[243] War was declared against England, and he, with all speed, repaired to New York, to rejoin the vessel from which he had been furloughed, and to his mortification, found that she had already sailed. Commodore Chauncey, being on the eve of departing on a secret and novel expedition, to which he cordially assented, had applied to the proper department to receive his instructions. Lieutenant Elliott was immediately appointed to the command on Lake Erie, and received orders to repair thither, with all possible dispatch, purchase what private vessels he could, build two ships of twenty guns, and as early as possible have his fleet in readiness to meet that of the enemy. Lieutenant Elliott, aware of the importance of the command of the lakes in our war against Canada, and the difficulty and delay which would attend the building of the vessels, to say nothing of the expense, had purchased some vessels, but was much embarrassed with the difficulty in getting up the Niagara, and into the lake. After revolving in his mind all these obstacles, he formed the resolution of boarding and capturing two British brigs-of-war, called the Detroit and Caledonia, lying under the protection of the batteries of Fort Erie.

He accordingly embarked in two boats, with fifty men in each, and put off from the mouth of Buffalo creek, and at one o’clock in the morning came along side of the enemy.

He boarded, and captured the two vessels, and secured all the prisoners in ten minutes. Unfortunately the wind was not strong enough to enable him to make head against the rapid current in the lake. He was compelled to anchor opposite the enemy’s forts, within four hundred and fifty yards of their batteries, exposed to a heavy and incessant fire of round, grape and canister shot, from a number of pieces of heavy ordnance, and their flying artillery.

The Caledonia was, however, beyond the reach of the[244] enemy’s guns, under one of the batteries at Black Rock. Lieutenant Elliott ordered all the guns of the Detroit to be mounted on one side, whence he kept up a constant fire against the enemy’s batteries as long as his ammunition lasted. He determined then to drop down the river out of reach of their cannon, and make a stand against the flying artillery. At this instant, he discovered, for the first time, that his pilot had deserted him. He, however, cut the cable, and falling astern, made good his way to Square Island. He sent the boarding boat ashore with the prisoners, himself and four others only remaining in the Detroit, directing the officer to return for him, and what property they might be able to save from the brig.

The officer was unable to return on account of the rapidity of the current. At length, discovering a skiff under the stern, he made for the shore in her with the remaining part of the crew.

During all this time, an incessant fire was kept up from both sides of the river, on the brig.

She received twelve shots of large dimensions in her bends, her sails were reduced to ribbons, and her rigging cut to pieces. Finding all attempts to carry off the Detroit were unavailing, he dismantled her of all her ordnance and stores, and set her on fire. The Caledonia was found to be a vessel belonging to the Northwest Company, loaded with peltry. Lieutenant Elliott’s party consisted of one hundred men. He was fortunate enough to capture one hundred and thirty prisoners with their officers, and to release from captivity forty of his own countrymen, belonging to the fourth United States regiment. Lieutenant Elliott, on boarding, opposed three of the enemy with no other weapon than his cutlass. During the hottest of the fire from the batteries, a cannon shot passed through, and striking a large silver wedge deposited in a trunk belonging[245] to one of the officers, bent it double. This wedge is still preserved as a curiosity. As a proof of the gallantry displayed in this exploit, Congress presented to Lieutenant Elliott a splendid sword, with suitable emblems and devices, in testimony of the just sense entertained by that body, of his gallantry and brave conduct in boarding, and capturing the British brigs Detroit and Caledonia, while anchored under the protection of Fort Erie.

Shortly after this brilliant exploit, Lieutenant Elliott joined Commodore Chauncey at Sacket’s Harbor, and proceeded with six schooners, in quest of the enemy’s fleet. The next day he fell in with the Royal George, and followed her into Kingston channel, where he engaged her and the batteries for an hour and three-quarters, and determined to board her in the night, but from adverse winds, the pilot refused to take charge of the vessels; and the commodore was reluctantly compelled to forego his determination. Lieutenant Elliott, shortly after, was promoted over thirty lieutenants to the rank of master-commandant, and having the command of the Madison in Commodore Chauncey’s fleet, in the preparation for the attack on York, Upper Canada, he discovered that the ships could not be brought into action from the shoalness of the water. He asked, and obtained the commodore’s permission to lead the small vessels employed in covering the troops while they were landing and attacking the batteries. The troops under General Dearborne, amounting to seventeen hundred men, were embarked on board Commodore Chauncey’s fleet, and arrived at York, while the squadron taking a position to the westward and southward of the fort, covered the debarkation of the troops. The riflemen landed under a heavy fire, and seven hundred regulars, with one hundred Indians, marched to oppose the landing of the American army. General Pike, with seven hundred men,[246] having effected a landing, routed the enemy, and pushed direct for the principal batteries. At this time the enemy blew up his magazine, and during the confusion precipitately retreated. Thirty-eight of our men were killed by this explosion, amongst whom we have to lament the gallant Pike, and two hundred and thirty were wounded. The town surrendered by capitulation, and Captain Elliott was appointed by Commodore Chauncey to see that the articles were carried into execution on the part of the navy.

In the beginning of August, 1813, Captain Elliott was directed to proceed to Lake Erie and take the command of the Niagara, under the orders of Commodore Perry. The battle of Lake Erie, which resulted in the capture of the entire fleet of the enemy, was fought on the 10th of September following. Of the conduct of Captain Elliott on this occasion, it will suffice to state here, that Commodore Perry, in his official account of the battle, dated September 13th, said, “Of Captain Elliott, already so well known to the government, it would be almost superfluous to speak. In this action he evinced his characteristic bravery and judgment, and since the close of the action has given me the most able and essential assistance.”

Let the highest authority known to our laws speak for themselves, on this occasion. Congress passed the following resolution:—“Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause gold medals to be struck, emblematic of the action between the two squadrons, and to be presented to Captain Perry and to Captain Jesse Elliott, in such manner most agreeable to them,” &c. (See Plate XI.)

In October following, Commodore Perry left the lake service, and Captain Elliott succeeded him in the command of the naval forces on Lake Erie. On this station he did not remain long, but at his own request, he obtained the command[247] of the sloop-of-war Ontario. Peace with Great Britain being proclaimed, Captain Elliott, in the Ontario, joined the squadron which sailed in the spring of 1815 to the Mediterranean to exact reparation from the Barbary powers for injuries to our commerce. This service being performed, he returned to his own country and remained with his own family until 1817. From that time until 1824 he was employed as one of the commissioners to examine the coast of the United States. From 1825 to 1827, with a promotion to captain in the navy, he commanded the United States ship Cyane, cruising on the coasts of Brazil and Buenos Ayres, to protect our commerce in that quarter. Captain Elliott’s next appointment in 1829, was to the command of the squadron on the West India station, consisting, besides the Peacock, of five sloops-of-war and two schooners. On this station he remained three years. In 1833 he was appointed to the charge of the navy yard at Charlestown, Massachusetts. In 1835 he sailed for the Mediterranean to take command of the squadron there; and during the several years spent in that service, he visited some of the most interesting parts of the world, of Italy, Greece, Constantinople, Palestine, Egypt, &c. &c., at the same time making collections of such objects of curiosity as would add to the interest of our institutions. After several years’ absence from the United States, he returned, and in November, 1844, was appointed to the command of the Philadelphia navy yard. His health soon after began to decline, and he died on the 10th of December, 1845. Commodore Elliott was a strict disciplinarian, yet his personal friends can bear unequivocal testimony to the amiability of his deportment in his intercourse through life. The excellence of his private character was never called in question. His correspondence at different times with the functionaries of foreign governments, was highly creditable to him. He possessed much useful knowledge,[248] the result as well of his own observation as of his reading.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

To Captain Jesse Duncan Elliott, of Baltimore, second in command, for gallantry in the action on Lake Erie. Decreed January 6th, 1814.

LIEUT. WILLIAM BURROWS.

William Burrows was born at Kenderton, near Philadelphia, on the 6th of October, 1785. His father was wealthy, and not wishing to confine the genius of his son to any particular pursuit, apprehending that his wealth was amply sufficient to the support of his son in the style and character of a gentleman, he was accordingly left principally to his own guidance, dallying with books as he would with toys, regarding them rather as matters of amusement than as objects of serious concern.

Knowing how essential to the character of a gentleman it was to become familiar with the living languages, his father warmly exhorted him to turn his attention to them; in this he but partially succeeded. To the French language he betrayed an insurmountable reluctance. In the acquisition of German, Burrows was more successful, and at the age of thirteen years he could converse in that language with great fluency. This may be considered as the broad outline of his early years, as far as regards those pursuits which often have an important bearing in the formation of the future character of the man.[250] In a boy so amiable, so retiring and reserved, little did his parents dream that the flame of ambition had ignited that bosom, and was burning strong and intense. This passion, which he had guarded with such scrupulous and jealous care, was discovered by his father by an incident which afforded an outlet to those passions which had so long occupied his musing and solitary hours. He was receiving instructions in drawing, but none seemed to arrest the attention of Burrows but the delineation of a ship of war. With astonishment and regret his father discovered the cause of his contemplations in retirement, and that indifference which he discovered to his allotted studies and pursuits. He labored to give his ambition another turn, but so deeply rooted was his passion for ocean chivalry, that his efforts were unavailing; he, therefore, found it best to lend his aid towards the gratification of a passion he was incapable of repressing, and accordingly seconded his application to the Secretary of the Navy for an appointment, and Burrows was appointed a midshipman in November, 1799. He now devoted his hours to the study of navigation, but the requisite proficiency could not be made in so short a time, for in January, 1800, he received orders to repair on board the sloop-of-war Portsmouth, Captain McNeil, bound to France.

The Portsmouth did not return to the United States for nearly a year. Burrows now became sensible of the necessity of becoming better acquainted with his preparatory studies, and obtained a furlough for the purpose of applying himself to the science of navigation with renewed ardor. From 1800 to 1803, he served on board different ships of war, in cruises, some of a longer and some of a shorter date, unimportant as far as regards the glory of the navy. This was, notwithstanding, a necessary school, which prepared him for more important services.

In the year 1803 he was transferred to the frigate Constitution,[251] bound to the Mediterranean, commanded by Commodore Preble. This officer, famous for his sagacity in the discernment of character, soon discovered in our young midshipman, under a cold and repelling exterior, a character of noble and intrepid daring, waiting only a proper season to burst forth in all its resplendence. Under these impressions, Burrows was appointed an acting lieutenant, in which character he served during the war with Tripoli. In 1807, Lieutenant Burrows returned from the Mediterranean, and in the following year he was attached to the Philadelphia station, and employed in the bay and river Delaware, as commander of gun-boat No. 119. It became then his duty to enforce a rigid observance of the embargo law. In a service at once so delicate and invidious, he exhibited traits of character by which he was enabled to make a painful duty an amusement. The inhabitants found, while the laws of the Union were enforced, that this was done from higher and more honorable motives than personal hostility towards them. His moments of relaxation from duty were sedulously devoted to the acquisition of their confidence and good-will, and to render the obligations imposed upon him, by duty, less painful, irritating and severe. Alternately preventing the least infractions of the law, and then becoming, at their tables, a hospitable guest, he was enabled to conciliate the esteem, while he rigidly enforced the duties of his office. In 1809 he joined the President under Captain Bainbridge. From this ship he was transferred to the sloop-of-war Hornet, as first lieutenant, under Captain Hunt. In a dangerous and heavy gale, his brother officers have reported that, by his superior skill and intrepidity as an officer, the ship and the crew were both preserved from what they deemed inevitable destruction. In 1812 he found his circumstances were embarrassed, and that it was indispensable to extricate himself in the best possible way. He accordingly[252] applied for a furlough, which was granted, and he went on board the merchant-ship, Thomas Penrose, from Philadelphia, bound to Canton, under the command of Captain Ansley. On the return passage the ship was captured and carried into Barbadoes; Lieutenant Burrows arrived in the United States in June, 1813.

Soon after his return, Lieutenant Burrows took the command of the United States sloop-of-war Enterprise, and left the harbor of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on the 5th of September. On the following day he fell in with his Britannic majesty’s brig Boxer, mounting sixteen eighteen pound carronades and two long nine pounders. The Boxer fired a shot as a challenge, hoisted English colors, and immediately bore down upon the Enterprise. The American vessel was now employed in tacking and making preparations for action. Having obtained the weather-gage, she manœuvred for some time to try her sailing, and to ascertain the force of her antagonist. At length she shortened sail, hoisted three ensigns, and fired three shot in answer to the challenge. The action now grew warm; the Boxer bore within half-pistol shot of the Enterprise, and, giving three cheers, fired her starboard broadside. She was answered by three cheers and a larboard broadside from the Enterprise, and the action became general.

The Enterprise, having the advantage of the wind, ranged ahead of her enemy, rounded to on the larboard tack, and commenced a raking broadside. The enemy’s main-topsail and topsail yards came down, and the Enterprise, taking a position on the starboard bow of the Boxer, and opening a raking fire, compelled the enemy to cry for quarter. Their colors were nailed to the mast and could not be hauled down. This action lasted for forty-five minutes, during which time the Boxer received much damage in sails, rigging, spars and hull. The Enterprise had but one eighteen pound shot in her[253] hull, one in her main-mast, and one in her fore-mast. Her sails were much cut with grape shot, and a great number of grape were lodged in her side. The Boxer had twenty eighteen pound shot in her hull, most of them at the water’s edge, with several stands of eighteen pound grape in her side. Lieutenant M’Call states our loss to have been four killed, and ten wounded.

The number killed on board the Boxer is uncertain. The same officer states, from the best information which he was able to procure, that there were, of the enemy, between twenty and twenty-five killed, and fourteen wounded.

At the very first fire, Lieutenant Burrows was mortally wounded by a musket ball. He refused, notwithstanding, to be carried below, and during the whole of the action his life’s blood was streaming on the deck. With his dying lips he requested that the flag might never be struck. When the sword of his gallant enemy was presented to him, he clasped his hands together, and exclaimed, “I am satisfied! I die contented!” He was then carried below, and expired shortly after. The bodies of Captain Blyth of the Boxer, and of Lieutenant Burrows, were conveyed to Portland and interred at the same time with all the honors due to their rank and character. Having paid the debt which they owed to their respective countries, they now slumber side by side, awaiting the day of the resurrection together. The following resolution was unanimously passed by both houses of Congress.

“Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled:

“That the President of the United States be requested to present to the nearest male relative of Lieutenant Burrows, of the brig Enterprise, a gold medal, (see Plate XI.,) with suitable emblems and devices, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress, of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers[254] and crew, in the conflict with the British sloop Boxer, on the 4th of September, 1813.”

It is rare to find a character more distinctly defined than that of Lieutenant Burrows. He could accommodate himself to the circumstances in which he was placed, and suspend the exercise of a darling passion, when the season would not admit of its indulgence. His heroism maintained a long and obstinate contest with the king of terrors, and he was only cold and insensible to the charms of glory, when he was invested with the coldness and insensibility of death. It is much to be lamented that no likeness of this distinguished young officer now exists. The mind, in cases like the present, labors to supply the defect, and to form for itself a sort of sensible image, for we never read of high and illustrious actions without associating them with a body.

MONUMENT OF BURROWS.

The following record must be read by every American, with pride and pleasure, at such an instance of liberality and honorable munificence to the memory of the brave.

A gentleman from New York, Matthew L. Davis, Esquire, while passing through Portland, some time since on a tour eastward, had accidentally taken a walk into the burying-ground. His attention was attracted to the neglected grave of the late Captain Burrows. The only guide to the spot, where is deposited one who had so much heroic merit, and who deserved so much of his country, was the tombstone of his deceased competitor, Captain Blyth, of the Boxer, which had been but recently erected by the surviving officers of that ship. The thought was instant. Mr. Davis immediately gave orders for an elegant marble monument to be erected over the grave of Burrows, without the sparing of labor or expense.[255]

It was done! and its style of execution does credit to the ingenious artist, and the inscription is highly creditable to the taste, judgment, and modesty of the generous donor, and worthy the hero whom it is designed to commemorate.

THE TOMB OF BURROWS.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Device.—An urn, with the inscription, W. Burrows, on the pedestal; military emblems tastefully arranged on each side; one is a coronal wreath hanging from a trident.

Reverse.—Two brigs engaged. The Boxer on the larboard side of the Enterprise. Main-topmast of the Boxer shot away.

Exergue.—Inter Enterprise nav. Ameri. et Boxer nav. Brit. 4th of September, 1813.

LIEUT. EDWARD R. M’CALL.

Edward Rutledge M’Call was born at Charleston, South Carolina, August 5th, 1790.

Having lost his father at an early age, he was placed under the care of a guardian who superintended his education, and upon learning the determination of his young charge to lead a seafaring life, he directed his studies accordingly. At the age of fifteen years, Edward R. M’Call received a midshipman’s warrant, and was ordered to join the sloop-of-war Hornet, Captain John H. Dent. In 1811, he was ordered to join the Enterprise, Captain Blakeley, with the promotion of a lieutenancy on board that ship, where he remained till after the conflict with the Boxer, in which conflict Burrows, who had only a few days previous taken the command, was killed. The following letter from Lieutenant Edward R. M’Call to Commodore Hull, commanding naval officer on the eastern station, gives some account of the action.[258]

United States Brig Enterprise, Portland, Sept. 7th, 1813,

“Sir:—In consequence of the unfortunate death of Lieutenant-Commandant William Burrows, late commander of this vessel, it devolves on me to acquaint you with the result of our cruise. After sailing from Portsmouth on the 1st instant, we steered to the eastward, and on the morning of the 3d, off Wood Island, discovered a schooner which we chased into this harbor, where we anchored. On the morning of the 4th, weighed anchor and swept out, and continued our course to the eastward. Having received information of several privateers being off Manhagan, we stood for that place, and on the following morning, in the bay near Penguin-Point, discovered a brig getting under way, which appeared to be a vessel of war, and to which we immediately gave chase. She fired several guns, and stood for us, having four ensigns hoisted. After reconnoitering and discovering her force, and the nation to which she belonged, we hauled upon a wind, to stand out of the bay, and at three o’clock, shortened sail, tacked, and run down, with an intention to bring her to a close action.

“At twenty minutes past three, P. M., when within half pistol shot, the firing commenced from both sides, and after being warmly kept up, and with some manœuvring, the enemy hailed and said they had surrendered, about four P. M.—their colors being nailed to the masts, could not be hauled down. She proved to be his British-Majesty’s brig Boxer, of fourteen guns, Samuel Blythe, Esquire, commander, who fell in the early part of the engagement, having received a cannon shot through the body; and, I am sorry to add, that Lieutenant Burrows, who had gallantly led us to action, fell also, about the same time, by a musket ball, which terminated his existence in eight hours. The Enterprise suffered much, in spars and rigging; and the Boxer both in spars, rigging, and hull, having many shots between wind and water.[259]

“It would be doing injustice to the merit of Mr. Tillinghast, second lieutenant, were I not to mention the able assistance I received from him, during the remainder of the engagement, by his strict attention to his own division and other departments; and the officers and crew, generally. I am happy to add, their cool and determined conduct have my warmest approbation. As no muster-roll, that can be fully relied on, has come into my possession, I cannot exactly state the number killed on board the Boxer, but from information received from the officers of that vessel, it appears that there were between twenty and twenty-five killed, and fourteen wounded. On board the Enterprise there was one killed and fifteen wounded, two since dead-sixty-six prisoners.

“I have the honor, &c.

“Edward R. M’Call, Sen. Officer.

“Isaac Hull, Esq., Commanding on the Eastern Station.”

After the action with the Boxer, Lieutenant M’Call was transferred from the Enterprise to the sloop-of-war Ontario, Captain Robert T. Spence, and subsequently to the Java, Commodore Perry, preparing for a cruise in the Mediterranean, on which cruise he remained till 1817. On his return home, Lieutenant M’Call was ordered to Charleston to take the command of the sloop-of-war Peacock, also preparing to cruise in the Mediterranean. On his return, in 1831, he obtained leave of absence, and since that time has been waiting orders, till his country is disposed to employ again his admirable capacities for service.

By a resolution of Congress, January 6th, 1814, which states the gallantry and good conduct displayed by Lieutenant Edward R. M’Call, as second in command of the Enterprise, in the conflict with the Boxer, a gold medal (see Plate XII.) was[260] ordered to be struck and presented to him with the thanks of that body.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse, and the inscription on the exergue, the same as those of the medal of Lieutenant Burrows.

CAPT. JAMES LAWRENCE.

James Lawrence was the youngest son of John Lawrence, Esq., of Burlington, New Jersey, and was born on the 1st of October, 1781. Having lost his mother a few weeks after his birth, his two eldest sisters, by their most tender attention, endeavored to supply her place. His affection for his sisters was in a measure filial, as well as fraternal, being bound to them by the double ties of blood and education. Their assiduities were directed to the cultivation of his feelings and his principles, and they were only relieved from responsibility when they gave him to society, liberal, humane and virtuous. At the age of twelve years he exhibited a passion for the sea, but his father was anxious that he should be educated for the law, a profession in which he was himself considerably distinguished; and in consequence of his limited means, his son James received his education at a grammar-school in his native town. At the age of fourteen he removed to Woodbury, and commenced a course of law studies with his brother John Lawrence, who was at that time a lawyer of some distinction there. Soon after his removal his father[262] died. James was now wholly an orphan, and long and severe were his sufferings at the loss of so good a parent, but in time they wore away, and he made an urgent appeal to his brother in favor of the path to which his genius had directed him.

The faithful and affectionate brother had discovered that the pursuits of law were loathsome to his pupil, and that sedentary habits suited not a frame formed for activity, nor study a mind that gloried in action, nor the land a heart whose only delight was the broad ocean. It was, therefore, thought best, on the whole, to surrender him at once to the prerogative of his nature. At his own request he returned to Burlington, and commenced the study of navigation. He remained there only sufficiently long to attain the elements of the theory of that science; but it was all he required. His mind, once receiving a proper direction, could go forward at leisure, of its own motion; a guide was wanting only to show the path and to mark out the course; it was for Lawrence alone to arrive at the goal. It was not long before he was pronounced a most finished seaman, and this character could not have been acquired otherwise than by devoting himself exclusively to the acquisition of nautical science, including combination of practice with theory.

In the seventeenth year of his age—in the bloom of youth and the pride of his strength—full of hope, he applied for a station in the navy. Such was the correctness of his character, the promise of his life, and the interest felt for him, that many of the oldest and most respectable citizens of the state came forward with alacrity, in aid of his application. The mail that carried it returned with a warrant for midshipman Lawrence; and he entered his country’s service on the 5th of September, 1798. His first voyage was to the West Indies, in the ship Ganges, Captain Tingey. Nothing of consequence occurred to our young officer for the two first years of[263] his seafaring life, until his promotion to a lieutenancy on board the Adams, Captain Robinson, where he remained until March, 1801. In the war with Tripoli, Lawrence was a commissioned lieutenant and attached to the Enterprise as first officer. In the bombardment of Tripoli, he acted a very conspicuous part, which was acknowledged by Decatur in his official reports. After his return from the Mediterranean, he was some time at New York, attached to the navy yard in that city. While there the attention of the naval gentlemen of that place was attracted by some “queries” in the “Public Advertiser,” the object of which was to call Commodore Rogers to account for not having used the gun-boats in a particular manner on a recent occasion. One query alluded to the inferior officers, and particularly the commanders of gun-boats. “Why,” asks the writer, “are the commanders of these gun-boats suffered to be swaggering through our streets, while they should be whetting their sabres?” So much insolence incensed the whole corps; and Lawrence, being the senior officer then on that station, in behalf of them, addressed the following note to the printer.

“To Mr. Frank, Editor of the Public Advertiser.

“Your queries in the Public Advertiser of Monday, were of a nature to excite indignation in the coldest bosom, and procure for you the chastisement which a scoundrel deserves. In answer to your ‘Queries,’ which immediately relate to the navy, if you wish to be informed why Commodore Rodgers did not employ the apparent force with which government has invested him, I would refer you to the constituted authorities. On this subject they alone can gratify your curiosity. In regard to the commanders of gun-boats, whom you term swaggerers, I assure you their ‘sabres’ are sufficiently[264] keen to cut off your ears, and will inevitably be employed in that service, if any future remarks, injurious to their reputation, should be inserted in your paper.

“James Lawrence, Lieut. U. S. N.,

“In behalf of the officers.

“Navy Yard, N. York, 6th Sept., 1807.”

The editor, having too much respect for his ears, let the matter rest. Lawrence was next appointed first lieutenant to the Constitution, where he remained until he was promoted to the rank of master and commander, and directed to take command, in succession, of the Vixen, Wasp, Argus and Hornet; was twice sent with dispatches to Europe—once to London and once to Paris.

In 1808 he married a Miss Montandevert, of New York. At the declaration of war in 1812, he sailed in command of the Hornet, in the squadron commanded by Commodore Rodgers, consisting of the United States, Congress and Argus, and after a cruise not distinguished by any signal success, returned to Boston on the 31st of August in the same year.

Captain Lawrence went to sea again in October, 1812, as commander of the Hornet under Commodore Bainbridge, who commanded for this cruise in the Constitution. Their destination was the East Indies, but near Brazil Captain Lawrence captured the English brig Resolution with ten guns and twenty-five thousand dollars, but being a dull sailer, after securing the crew and the money he burnt her. Captain Lawrence then sailed towards Demerara, and in passing round the Corobano bank he espied a sail on his weather-quarter and about to approach him. It was the Peacock, Captain William Peake, with English colors.

The Hornet was immediately cleared for action, and kept[265] close to the wind to get the weather-gage of the enemy; shortly they exchanged broadsides at half pistol-shot distance. Finding the enemy in the act of wearing, Captain Lawrence bore up, and gave him a well directed and tremendous fire, and in less than fifteen minutes from the commencement of the action, the signal of distress had taken the place of the British flag. In an instant a lieutenant boarded her and found her cut to pieces, her captain killed, many of her crew killed or wounded, her mizzen-mast by the board, six feet water in the hold, and the vessel fast sinking. The two ships were immediately brought to anchor, the Hornet’s boats dispatched to bring off the wounded, the guns thrown overboard, the shot holes that could be got at plugged, every thing done, by pumping and bailing, to keep her afloat; yet she went down before all her wounded seamen could be removed. The Hornet had one man killed and lost three brave fellows while attempting to rescue the vanquished from a watery grave; four of her seamen were taken from the tops just before the Peacock had entirely disappeared. Captain Lawrence now determined to sail for New York; no sooner had he arrived there, than the officers of the Peacock honorably made public their grateful feelings for the kindness of Captain Lawrence and the officers under him. They said, “we ceased to consider ourselves prisoners.” The crew most heartily vied with their captain in generosity as well as bravery. The sailors of the Peacock were left destitute of a change of apparel, so suddenly had their vessel sunk. The crew of the Hornet most kindly contributed to their wants. Such conduct is worthy heroic sailors! these brave hearts from opposite extremities of the ocean, mingling together on the same deck, beat with but one common pulsation. On the meeting of the next Congress, this battle was thus officially noticed by the President of the nation:—[266]

“In continuance of the brilliant achievements of our infant navy, a signal triumph has been gained by Captain Lawrence and his companions, in the Hornet sloop-of-war, which destroyed a British sloop-of-war with a celerity so unexampled, and with a slaughter of the enemy so disproportionate to the loss in the Hornet, as to claim for the conqueror the highest praise.”

Captain Lawrence, after remaining in New York a short time, received orders to repair to Boston and take command of the Chesapeake, to sail on the 1st day of June. On his arrival there, he was informed that a British ship had been cruising around in sight of the harbor for the last three days. He accordingly, on the 1st, proceeded in chase of her, and was informed by pilots they believed it to be the British frigate Shannon. About four o’clock, P. M., she came in sight; he accordingly directed his course towards her; at half past four, P. M., she hove to, with her head to the southward and eastward; at five, P. M., she took in the royal and top-gallant sails, and at about fifteen minutes before six the action commenced within pistol-shot distance. The first broadside killed, among others, the sailing master, and wounded Captain Lawrence; in about twelve minutes afterwards, the Chesapeake fell on board of the Shannon, and immediately thereupon, an armed chest, on the quarter-deck of the Chesapeake, was blown up by a hand grenade from the enemy, and every officer, on whom the charge of the ship could devolve, was either killed or wounded previous to the capture. Captain Lawrence, who, bleeding, had still kept the deck, supporting himself against the companion-way, in the act of giving orders, was levelled by a second ball; he was carried below, making a particular request that the ship should not be surrendered. The surgeon hurried to his captain in the cockpit, to relieve the most excruciating pains from his wounds both in the body and the leg. But, “No—serve those who[267] came before me, first; I can wait my turn,” said the noble-hearted sailor—greater even below than above deck. The wounds of Captain Lawrence confined him to his bed until the moment of his death; he lingered in much pain and suffering until the 5th of June, when, in the thirty-second year of his age, he expired. He died young; he gave himself to glory and his country; not to dwell upon public recollection mangled and mutilated, but leaving in the fond eye of faithful memory the whole image of a perfect hero, unimpaired by age or by accident, in all the freshness of youth and the fair fullness of his admired proportions. Funeral solemnities were rendered to Captain Lawrence and his Lieutenant, Ludlow, at Halifax. “By strangers honored and by strangers mourned.” His enemies were his mourners, or rather the enemies of his country, for personal enemies he had none. The tears of Britons evinced how much more gratefully they would have shown homage to his person than every respectful attention to his remains. That flag, from which he had parted but with life, was restored to him in death. “His signal once, but now his winding sheet.” In the month of August following the remains of Lawrence and Ludlow were removed from Halifax and arrived at Salem on the 18th, where a public funeral service and eulogy were pronounced by the Hon. Judge Story, and from thence, at the request of the relatives, were removed to New York; there the city council took charge of the funeral in a manner worthy the munificence which they had promptly manifested on every naval occasion. They gave the two children of Captain Lawrence one thousand dollars each, to be vested in the sinking-fund of the corporation, and paid, with the interest, to the daughter at eighteen, and to the son at twenty-one years of age.

His remains were interred in St. Paul’s burying-ground, in[268] that city, where a suitable monument is erected. Captain Lawrence was amiable in private as he had made himself admirable in his professional life. The domestic were in the same circle with the ocean virtues, each heightening the charm of the others. As a Christian, his proof of faith in our Heavenly Father was love to every brother upon earth. His country wears the laurel to his honor, the cypress for his loss.

A monument has been erected in Trinity churchyard, New York, of which the following is a description:—

The design is simple and affectingly appropriate. It is a broken column of white marble, of the pure Doric, the cap broken off and resting on the base. The inscription is, we think, singularly beautiful, and does great honor to the author. It presents a fine contrast to the unfeeling and inflated bombast which so often disgraces this species of composition, exhibiting a rare specimen of that sweet yet dignified simplicity which so well accords with the records and the emblems of perishing mortality. The introduction of the dying words of this gallant officer, is in the highest degree affecting.

Description of the gold medal presented by Congress to the nearest male relative of Captain James Lawrence.

Reverse.—A vessel in the act of sinking, mizzen-mast shot away; a boat rowing towards her from the American ship.

Exergue.—Inter Hornet nav. Ameri. et Peacock nav. Ang. die 24th February, 1813.

CAPTAIN THOMAS MACDONOUGH.

For the biography and exploits of this brave officer, we are indebted to that valuable work entitled “The Portrait Gallery.”

“Thomas Macdonough was born in the county of Newcastle, in the state of Delaware, in December, 1783. His father was a physician, but inspired with a love of liberty, he entered the army of the revolution as a major; he did not, however, remain long in the service, but returned to private life and his professional pursuits, until the close of the war, when he was made a judge; in which office he remained until his death, which happened in 1795. He left three sons. His eldest son, James, was a midshipman with Commodore Truxton when he took the Insurgent.

“In that battle he was so severely wounded, that his leg was obliged to be amputated. He soon afterwards left the navy with the reputation of a brave officer. In 1798, the subject of this memoir obtained a warrant as a midshipman, and commenced his career as a naval officer.

“Those who were acquainted with his early life, spoke of[271] Midshipman Macdonough as a young officer of great promise; but he had no opportunity of being made known to the public until the country had the misfortune to lose the frigate Philadelphia. When the gallant Decatur proposed to burn her, as she lay in possession of the enemy, he selected Macdonough as one of the young officers to accompany him on that hazardous expedition; and he reaped an early harvest of honor in that daring exploit, with his leader and others. The Mediterranean has been the birth-place of more naval reputations than all the waters of the world beside, and it was there, too, that our infant navy displayed some of those acts of valor and good conduct which were of importance in themselves, and were hailed as presages of future glory for our country. When Macdonough was first lieutenant of the Syren, under command of Captain Smith, a circumstance occurred in the harbor of Gibraltar sufficiently indicative of the firmness and decision of his character. An American merchant brig came to anchor near the United States vessel. Macdonough, in the absence of Captain Smith, who had gone on shore, saw a boat from a British frigate board the brig, and take from her a man. He instantly manned and armed his gig and pursued the British boat, which he overtook, just as it reached the frigate, and without ceremony took the impressed man into his own boat. The frigate’s boat was twice the force of his own; but the act was so bold as to astound the lieutenant who commanded the press-gang, and no resistance was offered.

When the affair was made known to the British captain he came on board the Syren in a great rage, and inquired how he dared to take a man from his boat. Macdonough replied that the man was an American seaman, and was under the protection of the flag of the United States, and that it was his duty to protect him. The captain, with a volley of oaths, swore he would bring his frigate along side the Syren and sink her.[272] ‘This you may do,’ said Macdonough, ‘but while she swims the man you will not have.’ The English captain told Macdonough that he was a young hairbrained fellow, and would repent of his rashness. ‘Supposing sir,’ said he, ‘I had been in that boat, would you have dared to have committed such an act?’ ‘I should have made the attempt, sir, at all hazards,’ was the reply. ‘What, sir!’ said the English captain, ‘would you venture to interfere if I were to impress men from that brig?’ ‘You have only to try it, sir!’ was the pithy answer. The English officer returned to his ship, manned his boat, and made his way towards the brig. Macdonough did the same, but there the affair ended,—the English boat took a circuitous route and returned to the ship.

“There was such a calmness in the conduct of Lieutenant Macdonough, such a solemnity in his language, such a politeness in his manner, that the British officer saw that he had to deal with no ordinary man, and that it was not prudent to put him on his metal. In that garden of the world, the shores of the Mediterranean, where nations have grown up and decayed, and others have taken their places; where everything is marked with age, luxury, crime, and temptation, and where many a fine young officer has made shipwreck of his morals and his health, Macdonough exhibited the Spartan firmness with the Christian virtues. His bravery was never for one moment doubted, but he was so reserved, temperate, and circumspect, that the envious sometimes strove to bring him to their level, and often were snares set for him, but he was never caught. His character was fair and bright as the surface of a mirror, before it was brought to reflect any ray of glory upon himself and his country.

“There is generally a good share of sagacity in the common sailor; he sees through a character much clearer than we generally suppose. Before Macdonough had been promoted[273] to a lieutenancy, he had the heart of every sailor who knew him. There are few so ignorant that they cannot distinguish moral worth, when connected with professional ability, and none so bad as not to approve of it. It has often been stated, and never questioned, that while in Syracuse, he was one night attacked by three assassins, with daggers.

“He drew his sword, and wounded two of them so severely as to fear nothing further from them; the other fled, but he pursued him to the roof of a building, and climbing it after the assassin, would have caught him, if he had not thrown himself from it with the loss of his life. At the declaration of war with England, in 1812, our navy was put into requisition, and every officer panted for distinction. The elder officers were mostly sent on the ocean; some of the high spirited juniors to the lakes. Among the latter, Lieutenant Macdonough was ordered to Lake Champlain, an important station; for through this lake a communication could most readily be had with the most powerful part of the Canadas.

“The main armies of the British were always near Montreal and Quebec, but for the first two years of the war, both sides were busy in another direction, particularly on the Lakes Ontario and Erie. The contending powers watched each other’s movements and kept nearly pari passu in the augmentation of their naval forces; the English always in the advance, having in many respects greater facilities; if not in ship building, certainly in procuring munitions of war, sails, rigging, &c.

“Towards the close of the summer of 1814, the warlike preparations on Lake Champlain, and its vicinity, seemed to portend some powerful shock.

“Large bodies of troops, the veterans of Wellington’s army, to the amount of sixteen thousand, had arrived in Canada, and were preparing to strike a severe blow on the frontiers, one that would be felt to the very vitals of the nation. Izard received[274] orders to assist Brown, and Macomb was left with a handful of men to defend Plattsburgh. The fleet under Macdonough was put in readiness for an attack. He had only four ships, the Saratoga, twenty-six guns; the Eagle, twenty guns; the Ticonderoga, seventeen guns; the Preble, seven guns; and ten galleys, carrying sixteen guns, making in all eighty-six guns.

“The British force was larger; four ships and thirteen galleys, in all ninety-five guns; their complement of men was also much larger.

“That the American fleet was commanded by a young officer who ranked only as lieutenant, and the British by an old experienced officer, gave Sir George Prevost no doubt of the issue of his naval operations. On the land, too, with his veterans from Waterloo, he was quite certain of a signal victory. On the afternoon of the 10th of September, it was evident that the assault on the lake and on the land was to be made the next day; and Macdonough deemed it best to await the attack at anchor. At eight o’clock on the morning of the 11th, the British fleet was seen approaching, and in another hour the battle had commenced.

“The most accurate description of it must be from his own pen. ‘At nine,’ says Macdonough, ‘the enemy anchored in a line ahead, at about three hundred yards distant from my line; his ship opposed to the Saratoga; his brig to the Eagle, Captain Robert Henley; his galleys, thirteen in number, to the schooner, sloop, and a division of our galleys; one of his sloops assisting their ship and brig; the other assisting their galleys; our remaining galleys were with the Saratoga and Eagle.

“‘In this situation, the whole force on both sides became engaged, the Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of the Confiance. I could perceive at the same time, however,[275] that our fire was very destructive to her. The Ticonderoga, Lieutenant Commandant Cassin, gallantly sustained her full share of the action. At half past ten, the Eagle not being able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable and anchored in a more eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she very much annoyed the enemy, but unfortunately leaving me much exposed to a galling fire from the enemy’s brig.

“‘Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted, or unmanageable, a stern anchor was let go, the lower cable cut, and the ship winded with a fresh broadside on the enemy’s ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, which surrendered about fifteen minutes afterwards. The sloop which was opposed to the Eagle, had struck some time before, and drifted down the line. The sloop that was with their galleys had also struck. Three of their galleys sunk, the others pulled off. Our galleys were about obeying with alacrity the signal to follow them, when all the vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking condition.

“‘It then became necessary to annul the signal to the galleys, and order their men to the pumps. I could only look at the enemy’s galleys going off in a shattered condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to make sail on. The lower rigging being nearly shot away, hung down as though it had just been placed over the mast heads.

“‘The Saratoga had fifty-five round shot in her hull; the British ship Confiance, one hundred and five. The enemy’s shot passed principally just over our heads, as there were not twenty whole hammocks in the nettings, at the close of the action, which lasted without intermission two hours and twenty minutes.

“‘The absence and sickness of Lieutenant Raymond Perry,[276] left me without the assistance of that excellent officer. Much ought fairly to be attributed to him for his great care and attention in disciplining the ship’s crew, as her first lieutenant. His place was filled by a gallant young officer, Lieutenant Peter Gamble, who, I regret to inform you, was killed early in the action.’

“The Saratoga was twice on fire during the action, by hot shot from the Confiance; but the flames were promptly extinguished. At the same time the land forces were engaged, both armies looking on the sea fight as in a measure the turning point with them.

“The loss of the Americans was fifty-two killed, and fifty-eight wounded; that of the British, eighty-four killed and one hundred and ten wounded. The prisoners taken far exceeded the whole number of Americans in the action. This victory was hailed by the whole nation with great joy. The state of New York, in justice and gratitude, gave the gallant captain a thousand acres of land, of no small value, and the state of Vermont made a grant of two hundred acres, within a short distance of the battle ground. The city of New York gave Macdonough a valuable lot of land, and the city of Albany did the same. Festive honors were offered him in all places where he chanced to pass through, which were generally declined.

“Congress presented a vote of thanks and a gold medal, (See Plate XII.) From the close of the war to the time of his decease, he shared the honors of the home and foreign service with his compeers.

“He was an excellent member of courts martial, for he brought to those tribunals a candid mind, ever ready to find matters that made in favor of the accused as well as against him. For several years before his death he made his home in Middletown, Connecticut, where he had married a Miss Shaler, a lady[277] of a highly respectable family of that place. He died of consumption, on the 10th of November, 1825. His wife had paid the debt of nature only a few months before.”

The great charms of his character were the refinement of his taste, the purity of his principles, and the sincerity of his religion. These gave a perfume to his name which the partial page of history seldom can retain for departed warriors, however brilliant their deeds.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. ROBERT HENLEY.

Robert Henley was born in James’ City county, in the state of Virginia, on the 5th day of January, 1783. He was educated at William and Mary College, in that state, and intended for the profession of the law; but his mind seeming bent on a seafaring life, his parents reluctantly permitted him to apply to his relative, General Washington, for a midshipman’s warrant, which, at his particular desire, was obtained, and he entered the navy in 1799. Although but sixteen years of age when he entered the service of the United States, he possessed a good mind and showed great firmness and decision of character; he had laboriously applied himself to reading and study, more particularly in preparation for the naval service, which it was his determination to follow, although at that time his wishes were unknown to his friends. His first cruise was with Commodore Truxtun, in the Constellation, and he was present at her encounter with the French ship “La Vengeance.”

Not a year had elapsed before our young sailor had an opportunity of knowing by experience the toils and hardships of[279] a seafaring life. On the first of February, 1800, the desperate conflict between the Constellation and La Vengeance took place, and during the struggle, which lasted from eight in the evening until nearly one in the morning, the bravery of Midshipman Henley was unflinching; although nearly exhausted by fatigue he never for one moment deserted his post, and after the conflict was over, was one of the first who was complimented by his commander for his bravery, who observed while pointing to him, “That stripling is destined to be a brave officer.”

On his return to the United States he obtained leave of absence and returned to Williamsburgh, where he attended a course of lectures on navigation and naval science. This seemed to infuse him with new life and vigor, and his buoyant pride was soon gratified by an appointment to the command of a gun-boat at Norfolk and promotion to a lieutenancy. After remaining some years in this and similar situations, he received the command of the brig Eagle on Lake Champlain, and was second in command to Commodore McDonough in that decisive battle; who, in his official letter, speaks of the gallantry of our hero, as follows:—“To Captain Robert Henley, of the brig Eagle, much is to be ascribed; his courage was conspicuous, and I most earnestly recommend him as worthy of the highest trust and confidence.”

For his gallant conduct throughout this engagement, Congress voted to Captain Robert Henley a gold medal (see Plate XIII.,) and the thanks of both houses. After the battle of Lake Champlain, Captain Henley resided for some time in Norfolk, Virginia, in order to overlook some matters connected with the naval station at that place, until 1827, when he was called to the command of the Hornet, and ordered to cruise in the West Indies. On his return to the United States he was stationed in North Carolina, where he remained some[280] years; from thence he was ordered to Charleston, South Carolina, where he died in command in the year 1829. He married in early life but left no family. Captain Henley was a man of fine and commanding appearance, of a sanguine and ardent temperament, combined with great decision of character: although generous and brave, he was easily appeased; he was magnanimous, hospitable, and possessed a warmth of heart that made him the idol of his crews; he was full of chivalry, and a devoted lover of his country; whose interest seemed to govern every action of his life.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Reverse.—A fleet engaged before a town enveloped in smoke. Several boats on the lake filled with sailors rowing.

CAPTAIN STEPHEN CASSIN.

Stephen Cassin, the son of Commodore John Cassin of the United States Navy, was born in Philadelphia, the 16th of February, 1783.

He entered the navy as midshipman in 1800, then in his seventeenth year. His first cruise in 1801, was in the frigate Philadelphia, Commodore Stephen Decatur, the father of the late and gallant Decatur, whose bravery in the Tripolitan war and also in the war of 1812, forms a conspicuous part in the naval history of America. After a cruise of nearly two years, during which nothing of consequence occurred, the command of the Philadelphia was transferred to Captain Samuel Barron, and after a short cruise with him, Midshipman Cassin was transferred to the schooner Nautilus of sixteen guns, ordered to form part of the squadron preparing to sail for the Mediterranean, under the command of Commodore Preble, for the purpose of protecting effectually the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Tripolitan cruisers on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.[282]

This squadron, consisting of seven sail, viz: the Constitution, forty-four guns; Philadelphia, forty-four, already on the station; Argus, eighteen; Siren, sixteen; Nautilus, sixteen; Vixen, sixteen; Enterprise, fourteen. This squadron sailed on the 13th of August, 1803, and reached Gibraltar the 13th of September. On the 17th, they arrived in Tangier bay, when the negotiations commenced which terminated so prosperously and which have already been given in the life of Commodore Preble. After two years’ service as midshipman in the Nautilus, greatest part of the time being spent in cruises in the Mediterranean, Stephen Cassin was promoted to a lieutenancy on board the John Adams, Captain Shaw.

Not long after his promotion, Lieutenant Cassin returned to the United States, and sailed as captain of a merchant ship to the Pacific, where he was captured by the Spaniards and detained for nearly two years. Soon after his second return to the United States, he joined the Chesapeake, Commodore Hull. In this ship, he made several cruises under this brave commander. In the interval between the Tripolitan war and that which commenced in 1812, no occasion occurred to our naval officers by which they signalized themselves; we therefore pass over that period till we find Lieutenant Cassin promoted to the command of the Ticonderoga, eighteen guns, and ordered forthwith to join the squadron commanded by Macdonough on Lake Champlain.

Among the young officers of the navy who were ordered on the lake service, and destined to become illustrious in our naval annals was the hero of these memoirs.

Commodore Macdonough, in his official account of the battle on Lake Champlain, says, “The Ticonderoga, Lieutenant Commandant Stephen Cassin, gallantly sustained her full share of the action.” In this sharp conflict, the British force was superior in numbers; being the frigate Confiance, thirty-nine[283] guns; the Linnet, sixteen guns; the Finch, eleven guns; and thirteen galleys, carrying eighteen guns; in all, ninety-five guns, nine more than were in the American fleet; their complement of men was much greater. The calmness of this lake permitted heavy armaments in comparatively light vessels, and of this circumstance the British availed themselves to the utmost, giving their commander a ship equal in force to the President or the Constitution, with which he—being a veteran officer—made sure of capturing the young American officer, ranking only as lieutenant, who was his opponent in a flag-ship of twenty-six guns. But it is here seen, that “the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.” Naval discipline, skill, coolness, and courage, were put in requisition in this battle, united with daring intrepidity in coming down head upon the line of an enemy of superior force. As a description of this battle has been given in the memoir of the gallant Commander Macdonough, it is unnecessary to repeat it here. Lieutenant Cassin was promoted to the rank of post-captain, and received from Congress a gold medal, an engraving of which is given in Plate XIII., in commemoration of the victory. At the close of the war, Captain Cassin commanded the Newport, Rhode Island Station, and since had command, for five years, of the Washington Navy yard. Captain Cassin’s residence, when not in service, has always been in the vicinity of Washington, where his well-known character for courage and ability, and his amiable and gentlemanly deportment have drawn around him a large circle of friends. Notwithstanding the difficulties and disappointments attending a young officer in his first naval career, and his oppressing captivity in Spain for two years, yet his undaunted spirit led him forward, in spite of every untoward event in the path of glory, and crowned his exertions with success.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Legend.—Step. Cassin Ticonderoga præfect. quæ regio in terris nos. non plena lab.

Reverse.—A fleet engaged before a town enveloped in smoke. Several boats on the lake filled with sailors rowing.

COMMODORE WARRINGTON.

Lewis Warrington is the descendant of an old and respectable family in Williamsburgh, near Norfolk, in Virginia, where he was born on the 3d day of November, 1782. He finished the higher branches of his education at William and Mary College in that state. The habits of study which he acquired at that excellent institution, and the associations which he formed, have never forsaken him, but have continued to mark his character and augment his information, at intervals of leisure, amidst the toils and tumults, the hardships and privations of a naval life. In consequence of an unusually retentive memory, added to a strong attachment to books, his mind is amply enriched with general knowledge. Shortly after the completion of his studies at Williamsburgh, he received an appointment in the navy as midshipman, and entered the service in January, 1800. His first cruise was on board the Chesapeake, commanded by Captain Samuel Barron, to the West Indies. In 1801 he was removed to the frigate President, Captain Dale, on a cruise to the Mediterranean, but returned the following year. During the same[286] year he returned again to the Mediterranean, as master’s mate in the frigate New York, under the command of Captain James Barron.

At Gibraltar he was transferred to the frigate Chesapeake, then on her return to the United States. In 1803 he again sailed in the schooner Vixen, Captain John Smith, to join the American squadron in the Mediterranean, where, actively participating in their exertions and dangers, he was justly entitled to share the glory attendant on the achievements of that band of heroes. Late in the year 1804 he was promoted to the rank of acting lieutenant, and on the termination of hostilities with the Tripolitans, was transferred, with Captain Smith, to the brig Syren, and in the succeeding year to the schooner Enterprise, Captain Porter, and returned to the United States in 1807. From that period until 1809 he was variously employed, always intent on his own improvement in the science of his profession. In March of that year he was appointed first lieutenant on board the brig Syren, Captain Charles Gordon, and ordered to sail to France with dispatches. In September, 1811, he was appointed first lieutenant in the brig Essex, under Captain Smith, who not long after was appointed to the command of the frigate Congress, and requested as a favor that Lieutenant Warrington might be permitted to accompany him. The request was complied with, and Warrington remained with his friend, Captain Smith, until March, 1813, when he was transferred as first lieutenant to the frigate United States, under the command of Commodore Decatur. In July of the same year, at the particular request of Decatur, he was promoted to the rank of master-commandant, and in the following month was appointed to the command of the sloop-of-war Peacock, the vessel in which his fortune conducted him to victory and to glory. The following is an extract of an official letter from[287] Captain Warrington to the Secretary of the Navy, dated U. S. sloop Peacock, at sea, 29th April, 1814. He says, “We have this morning captured, after an action of forty-two minutes, his majesty’s brig Epervier, rating and mounting eighteen thirty-two pound carronades, with one hundred and twenty-eight men, of whom eight were killed and thirteen wounded. Among the latter is her first lieutenant, who has lost an arm and received a severe splinter wound on the hip. Not a man in the Peacock was killed, and only two wounded; neither dangerously so. The fate of the Epervier would have been determined in much less time, but for the circumstance of our foreyard being totally disabled by two round shot in the starboard quarter, from her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of the use of our fore and fore-top sails, and compelled us to keep the ship large throughout the remainder of the action. This, with a few topmast and top-gallant backstays cut away, a few shot through our sails, is the only injury the Peacock has sustained. Not a round shot touched our hull; our masts and spars are as sound as ever. When the enemy struck he had five feet water in his hold, his main-topmast was over the side, his main-boom shot away, his fore-mast cut nearly in two, and tottering; his fore-rigging and stays shot away, his bowsprit badly wounded and forty-five shot holes in his hull, twenty of which were within a foot of his water-line. By great exertion we got her in sailing order just as the dark came on. In fifteen minutes after the enemy struck, the Peacock was ready for another action, in every respect but her foreyard, which was sent down, fished, and had the foresail set again in forty-five minutes; such was the spirit and activity of our gallant crew. The Epervier had under her convoy an English brig, a Russian and a Spanish ship, which all hauled their wind and stood to the E. N. E. I had determined upon pursuing[288] the former, but found that it would not answer to leave our prize in her then crippled state, and the more particularly so, as we found she had one hundred and twenty thousand dollars in specie, which we soon transferred to the Peacock.

It is a fact, then, which no candid seaman will venture to deny, that, taking into consideration the nature of the action, one hundred and twenty-eight men—the complement of the Epervier when the conflict commenced—were capable of defending her, and annoying their enemy with as much effect as one hundred and forty-eight could have done—the complement in full of the crew of the Peacock. The gallant Warrington, therefore, achieved his victory with triumphant facility; not because he had thirty men and one fighting gun more than his enemy, but because he was himself superior to the British captain in skill, and his officers and crew superior to their opponents in firmness and gunnery.

Congress ordered a gold medal (see Plate XIII.) to be struck and presented to “Captain Lewis Warrington, of Virginia, commander of the sloop-of-war Peacock, for the capture of the British brig L’Epervier, Captain Wales, April 29th, 1814.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Exergue.—Inter Peacock nav. Ameri. et Epervier nav. Ang. die 29th March, 1814.

CAPTAIN JOHNSTON BLAKELEY.

Johnston Blakeley was born at the village of Seaford, in the county of Down, Ireland, in the month of October, 1781. At the age of two years, his father, John Blakeley, emigrated to this country, and soon after his arrival settled in Charleston, South Carolina. Not meeting with the encouragement he expected, he removed, with his family, to Wilmington, North Carolina, in hopes of improving his business. Soon after his establishment at this place, Mr. Blakeley was deprived of his wife, and all his children, except his son Johnston.

Ascribing these successive and painful losses to the unhealthy climate, which was considered peculiarly unfavorable to children, he was induced to send his only surviving son to New York, with a view to the preservation of his health, and to afford him an opportunity of acquiring an education. In the year 1790, Johnston was sent to that city and confided to the care of Mr. Hoope, a respectable merchant and very old friend of his father. After attentively pursuing his studies in New York, for five years, he returned to Wilmington, in[290] order to complete his education at the university of Chapel Hill, in that state. Before Johnston had been one year in this institution he had the misfortune to lose his father, and was now without a single relative in this country, to whom he could look for advice, or protection, or assistance, which made it necessary for him to choose a guardian. In this choice, he was singularly fortunate in the selection of Mr. Jones, an eminent lawyer of Wilmington, who most tenderly and generously supplied the place of a father.

With occasional intermissions, he remained at college till the year 1799, when by some misfortune, he was deprived of the support derived from his father, and compelled to relinquish his studies at the university, as well as his intention of practising the law.

Having long had a predilection for a naval life, which, however, he had from his affection to his only parent, and with a self-denial worthy of imitation, concealed from him, he solicited, and through the friendly exertions of Mr. Jones, obtained a midshipman’s warrant, in the year 1800. Mr. Jones, in the interim, being anxious that his young ward should fulfil the wishes of his deceased parent, kindly offered to receive him as a member of his family, and afford him every facility in his power to complete his legal studies. Johnston, unwilling to accumulate obligations he might never be able to repay, and stimulated by a clear perception of the line of life he believed nature had marked out for him, declined this generous offer.

In every subsequent situation, he retained and demonstrated the most grateful recollection of the friendship of Mr. Jones, and to the end of his life acknowledged him as his benefactor.

The gentleman who kindly furnished materials for this biography writes thus: “As anything which illustrates the character of so much departed worth, especially when the[291] qualities of the heart are so well calculated to excite our admiration, cannot but be interesting, I have furnished a few extracts from the letters of Captain Blakeley, written to me at various periods. Having been deprived of his father at an age when the desire of knowing something of his family was beginning to be felt, it was not in his power to gratify his inquiries on that subject in a satisfactory manner, until May, 1811, when I had the pleasure of opening a correspondence with him.” In his first letter, dated on board the United States brig Enterprise, May 9th, 1811, he manifested his anxiety to obtain the wished for information, relative to his connections, in the following manner.

“It would afford me great satisfaction to hear from you all the information you possess respecting my relations.

“This trouble your goodness will excuse, when I inform you, that for fourteen years I have not beheld one being to whom I was bound by any tie of consanguinity.”

“The affection manifested by —— is truly grateful to my heart. Indeed, I begin already to feel for her a filial regard, and the more so, as it was my lot to lose my mother before I was sensible of a mother’s tenderness.”

In reply to a letter, in which the solicitude for his professional reputation was cordially expressed by the lady alluded to, he remarks—“Should I be fortunate enough to acquire any fame, my good old friend will make me debtor for more than half. With her prayers for my success can I doubt it? I hope the last Blakeley who exists, will lay down his life ere he tarnish the reputation of those who have gone before him. My blessed father’s memory is very dear to me, and I trust his son will never cast a reproach on it.” In another, he observes, “It is true, that in the war in which we are engaged, we have to contend under great disadvantages, but this should[292] stimulate to greater exertions, and we have already seen that our enemy is not invincible.” In a letter, dated on board the Enterprise, the 29th of April, 1813, he observes—“Independent of personal feeling, I rejoice at the good fortune of the navy, believing it to be that description of force best adapted to the defence of this country. I confess the success of our sailors has been much greater than I had any reason to expect, taking into view the many difficulties they had to encounter. The charm which once seemed to have encircled the British navy, and rendered its very name formidable, appears to be fast dispelling.”

In a letter, dated Newburyport, 20th of January, 1814, he remarks—“I shall ever view as one of the most unfortunate events of my life having quitted the Enterprise at the moment I did. Had I remained in her a fortnight longer, my name might have been classed with those who stand so high. I cannot but consider it a mortifying circumstance that I left her but a few days before she fell in with the only enemy on this station with which she could have creditably contended. I confess I felt heartily glad when I received my order to take command of the Wasp, conceiving that there was no hope of doing anything in the Enterprise. But when I heard of the contest of the latter ship, and witnessed the great delay in the equipment of the former, I had no cause to congratulate myself. The Peacock has ere this spread her plumage to the winds, and the Frolic will soon take her revels on the ocean, but the Wasp will, I fear, remain for some time a dull, harmless drone in the waters of her own country. Why this is, I am not permitted to inquire!” These extracts will strike the reader as being strongly indicative of an amiable and heroic character. There is something touching in his gratitude to the good old lady who had manifested an interest in his successes. There is something noble in his reference to the[293] memory of his father, as a motive stimulating him in the path of honor; and there is something heroic, we think, in the unaffected manner in which he expresses his regret at having left the Enterprise.

It is unnecessary to remark here, that it was in the action between that vessel and the Boxer, that Burrows conquered, and lost his life.

Yet Blakeley regretted he had not been in his place, either because he considered the sacrifice of life as a cheap price for the purchase of glory, or had forgotten, in his love of fame, that such a price had been paid. But he was determined before long to acquire at least equal reputation, and to perish equally with the regrets of his country. After various services, Blakeley was appointed, in 1813, to the Wasp, with the rank of master commandant.

In this vessel he fell in with his Britannic majesty’s ship Reindeer, mounting sixteen twenty-four pound carronades, two long nine pounders, and a shifting twelve pound carronade; and having a complement of one hundred and eighteen men. An action commenced, and, in nineteen minutes ended in the capture of the Reindeer. The loss of the Americans was twenty-one killed and wounded; that of the enemy sixty-seven. The Reindeer was cut to pieces in such a manner as to render it impossible to save her, and she was accordingly set on fire. After this the Wasp put into L’Orient; from which port she sailed on the 27th of August, and four days afterwards, falling in with ten sail of merchantmen, under a convoy of a ship of the line, she succeeded in cutting off one of the vessels. On the evening of the first of September, 1814, she fell in with four sail, two on each bow, but at considerable distances from each other. The first was the British brig-of-war Avon, which struck after a severe action; but Captain Blakeley could not take possession, as another enemy[294] was fast approaching. This enemy, it seems, however, was called off to the assistance of the Avon, which was now sinking. The enemy reported that they had sunk the Wasp by the first broadside; but she was afterwards spoken by a vessel off the Western Isles. After this we hear of her no more; and though her fate is certain, the circumstances attending it are beyond the reach of discovery. The most general impression is that she was lost by one of those casualties incident to the great deep, which have destroyed so many gallant vessels in a manner no one knows how; for there are so many uncertainties connected with the unfathomable deep, that even imagination is bewildered in tracing the fate of those who are only known to have perished, because they are never more heard of or seen.

Another impression is, that the Wasp, very shortly after being spoken off the Western Isles, had a severe engagement with a British frigate, which put into Lisbon in a shattered condition; and reported having had an action, in the night, with a vessel which they believed to have sunk. But whatever may have been the fate of the generous Blakeley, this much is certain, that he will, to use his own expression, “be classed among those names that stand so high.”

The lustre of his exploits, not less than the interest excited by those who remembered how, in his very boyhood, he was left, as he says, without a single being around him with whom he could claim kindred blood,—how, by his merit, he obtained friends, and conferred honor on that country which was not only his parent, but which has become the parent of his only child; and how, last of all, he perished, is known only to One who rules the sea, and commands the troubled waves to “be still;”—has all given to his character, his history, his achievements and his fate, a romantic interest, marking the name of Blakeley for lasting and affectionate remembrance.[295]

Notwithstanding his professional duties, which were scarcely interrupted from the time of his obtaining a warrant, his literary and scientific acquirements were very respectable; and among his brother officers he was always considered a man of uncommon intellect, as well as great courage and professional skill.

In December, 1813, he married Jane, the daughter of Mr. Hoope, of New York, the old and respected friend of his father; by whom he has left an only daughter, who received one of the most noble and substantial tributes of national gratitude which has occurred in the history of this country.

On the 27th of December, 1816, the legislature of North Carolina, after prescribing the destination of the sword they had voted to Captain Blakeley, “Resolved unanimously, that Captain Blakeley’s child be educated at the expense of this state; and that Mrs. Blakeley be requested to draw on the treasurer of this state, from time to time, for such sums of money as shall be required for the education of the said child.” This, we repeat, is substantial gratitude. It is classical, too, and reminds us of those noble eras in the history of some of the illustrious states of Greece, when the offspring of those who had fallen for their country, became the children of that country whose cause had made them fatherless. It is in this way that our states may acquire a parental character, that will endear them still more to the hearts of the citizens; that will inspire fathers to die in defence of their country, and be held up as an example to the world.

It is in this way, too, that the different members of the Union may nobly indulge their local feelings, and display their honest homebred affections. Let them exemplify their desire to appropriate to themselves the fame of their distinguished citizens, by their peculiar care in honoring their memory and cherishing their helpless orphans. A gold medal (see[296] Plate XIV.) was, by a vote of Congress, presented to Captain Blakeley, for the capture of the British sloop-of-war Reindeer, Captain Manners, June 28th, 1814.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. CHARLES STEWART.

Charles Stewart was born in Philadelphia, on the 22d of July, 1776. Both his parents were natives of Ireland. His father came to America at an early age, and followed the business of a mariner in the merchants’ service. Charles was the youngest of eight children, and before he was quite two years of age had the misfortune to lose his father; his mother was now left in the midst of the Revolution with four children to provide for, and with but limited means, but being a woman of great energy and perseverance, she performed the arduous task with the care and affection of a devoted parent. At the age of thirteen, Charles, having a strong propensity for a seafaring life, commenced that profession in the merchant service, in which he gradually rose, through the several grades, from a cabin boy to the commander of a merchant vessel, and was often entrusted with the sale and purchase of whole cargoes. In the early part of the year 1798, when there was a strong probability of a war with France, he was induced to offer his services to his country. They were accepted; and on the 13th of March, 1798, he was appointed a lieutenant in the[298] navy of the United States, under the command of Commodore Barry. In this ship he remained until 1800, when he was promoted to the command of the United States schooner Experiment, of twelve guns, to cruise on the West India station. On the 1st of September, in the same year, he fell in with the French schooner Deux Amis, (Two Friends,) of eight guns, which the Experiment engaged and captured without any loss, after an action of ten minutes. The following patriotic act will ever be remembered by his country. “Being short of water, he proceeded to Prince Rupert’s Bay, in St. Domingo, and while there, his Britannic majesty’s ship Alert, Captain Nash, accompanied by his majesty’s ship Siam, Captain Matson, arrived and anchored; soon after Lieutenant Stewart received a letter from a citizen of the United States, named Amos Seeley, stating that he had been impressed on board the British ship Siam, and claiming an interference for his release. Although Lieutenant Stewart’s power was inadequate to enforce his demand for the surrender of Seeley, the two ships mounting twenty guns each, his patriotic heart could not withstand the appeal of his countryman, and, prompted by that chivalry and patriotism which were destined to blaze out in after life so gloriously, he resolved on opening a correspondence with the British captain for the release of Seeley. A polite note was addressed by Lieutenant Stewart to the senior officer, conveying the request that Amos Seeley might be transferred from his majesty’s ship Siam to the schooner under his command, that he might be restored to his family and his home. The British captain demurred, but in answer requested a personal interview, wherein he remarked to Lieutenant Stewart, that the war in which his majesty was engaged was arduous; that the difficulty of obtaining men for his numerous fleets and ships of war was great, and that he should encounter great hazard of being censured by his government[299] should he lessen his force by yielding up his men; urging, moreover, that the example would be injurious to the service. Lieutenant Stewart replied, in substance, that the British officers had too long trampled on the rights and liberties of his countrymen, and it was high time they had learned to respect the rights and persons of an independent nation; that whatever power his majesty claimed over his own subjects, he had no right to exercise it over a people who had forced him to acknowledge their independence; that to resume this power was to belie his own solemn act, and practise a deception on the world. It was stated in answer, that Seeley was impressed in England as an Englishman; to which Lieutenant Stewart replied:—“Then prove him so and I have done; but if you cannot, I am prepared to prove him a citizen of the United States.” Seeley was at once transferred to the schooner. Shortly after, while cruising under the lee of the Island of Bermuda, the Experiment discovered two vessels, one a brig of war, the other a three-masted schooner, both standing for her under a press of sail, and displaying English colors. The Experiment hove to, and the British signal of the day was made, which not being answered by the strange vessels by the time they were within gun-shot, that signal was hauled down, and the Experiment stood away with all sail set. A chase was now commenced which lasted two hours, when, finding they were outsailed by the Experiment, they relinquished the pursuit, and bore away under easy sail, firing a gun to windward and hoisting French colors. Lieutenant Stewart now manœuvred his schooner so as to bring her in the enemy’s wake, to windward, when a chase was made on his part. At eight o’clock at night the Experiment closed with the three-masted schooner, which was the sternmost of the hostile vessels; and having taken a position on her larboard quarter, opened a fire upon her from the great[300] guns and small arms, which in about five minutes compelled her to strike. She was immediately taken possession of, and proved to be the French schooner-of-war Diana, of fourteen guns and sixty-five men, commanded by M. Perandeau, Lieutenant de Vaisseau. The detention occasioned by removing the prisoners, enabled the brig-of-war to escape. She mounted, as was afterwards learned, eighteen guns, and had a crew of one hundred and twenty men. The Experiment proceeded to St. Christopher’s with her prize. During this important cruise, the Experiment recaptured several American vessels, sometimes as many as two or three in a day, and thus rescued American property to an immense amount.

Accounts now arrived of peace having been made with the French republic; the Experiment was thereupon sent from Martinique to the Island of St. Thomas, and from thence to Curacoa, to look for the United States brig Pickering and frigate Insurgent, but nothing could be heard of those vessels at that place; they had both foundered in the equinoxial gale, with a store-ship under their care, and all hands perished. On leaving Curacoa, the Experiment proceeded to Norfolk, Virginia, to be put out of commission.

On her passage thither, she discovered a vessel in distress, near the Island of Saona, at the east end of Hispaniola; and had the good fortune to rescue from the jaws of death, about sixty persons who were on board of her. They consisted chiefly of families of the most respectable inhabitants of St. Domingo, flying from the siege of that city by the blacks. The persons thus saved from destruction had remained two days without any nourishment, on a small part of the quarter-deck of their vessel, which had struck upon a rock that went through her bottom and fixed her to the reef; the greatest part of her being under water. They were placed in safety on board of the Experiment, with their plate and other valuables,[301] which the sailors had recovered by diving into the hold of the wreck, notwithstanding the roughness of the sea. They were soon restored in safety to their friends in St. Domingo.

They, and the inhabitants of that city in general, expressed to the officers and crew of the Experiment their most grateful thanks, showed them every possible civility and attention, and furnished them with fruits and all kinds of stock which the island afforded in such profusion, that much of the supply was obliged to be returned. Soon after Lieutenant Stewart’s return to the United States, he was appointed to the command of, and to superintend the equipment of the brig Siren for the Mediterranean service; so much activity was employed in fitting her out that she was completely coppered in ten hours. After convoying some merchant-vessels, and conveying the naval consular presents to Algiers, she proceeded to Syracuse, in Sicily, the port appointed for the general rendezvous of the squadron. Here they heard of the capture of the frigate Philadelphia by the Tripolitans; and Lieutenant Stewart hastened with the brig Siren to aid the gallant Decatur in his victorious efforts against these savages; the particulars of which are given in the memoirs of those to which they belong; a victory which caused the pope to exclaim, “the Americans have done more for Christendom in one battle, than all Europe in a century.” On the 17th of May, 1804, Lieutenant Stewart was promoted to the rank of master and commander; and on the 22d of April, 1806, he was promoted to the rank of captain in the navy. The years of 1806 and 1807 he was employed in superintending the construction of gun-boats at New York, and was afterwards engaged in prosecuting mercantile enterprises to the East Indies, the Mediterranean and Adriatic. In 1812, on the prospect of a war with Great Britain, he was appointed to the command of the frigate Constellation; but as that ship required so much repairs, there was[302] little hope of getting her to sea before the beginning of 1813. Captain Stewart, on the declaration of war, proceeded to Washington, and projected an expedition for the Argus and Hornet. The President and Secretary of the Navy approved of it and appointed Captain Stewart to undertake its direction. On his return to New York, he found that those vessels had sailed with the squadron under the command of Commodore Rodgers; the project of course was abandoned. He, therefore resumed the command of the Constellation, and on the 4th of February, 1813, was anchored in Hampton Roads. Having learned that the enemy were off the Chesapeake in great force, and presuming that they would soon be informed of her situation, Captain Stewart sent to Hampton, at midnight, for a Norfolk pilot, in order to be prepared for a retreat if it should become necessary. At seven o’clock the next morning, the enemy appeared with two ships of the line, three frigates, a brig and a schooner. No time was now to be lost. Captain Stewart got up his anchor, and there being no wind, and the ebb tide making, commenced kedging his ship towards Norfolk. He succeeded in getting her partly over the flats at Sewell’s Point, when the tide had fallen so much that she took the ground. By this time the enemy were within three miles, when they were obliged to anchor. Captain Stewart, apprehensive that they would kedge up one of their line-of-battle ships, pressed all the craft he could lay hold of, unloaded his frigate of every thing that could be removed, and made preparations for burning her, in the last extremity. He sent to Norfolk for the gun-boats to assist him, but such was their condition that none of them could be sent to him.

As the enemy lay quiet for the want of wind, until the flood-tide made, Captain Stewart continued lightening the ship. At the first quarter she floated. He then sent off the[303] boats with a pilot to station them on the different shoals with lights; and with these precautions he was enabled to get the ship up to Norfolk in the night, through a difficult channel. Her safe retreat diffused universal joy among the inhabitants of that city, to whose protection she afterwards greatly contributed. A division of gun-boats was put in condition for service, and manned from her crew. By this means the communication with James’ river and Hampton was kept open, and every facility afforded to the transportation of the troops to their different stations. Captain Stewart seeing that there was hardly a possibility of getting the Constellation to sea, applied for and obtained in June, 1813, the command of the frigate Constitution, then vacant by the appointment of Commodore Bainbridge to the superintendence of the navy yard at Boston. On the 30th of December, in the same year, the Constitution proceeded to sea from Boston harbor, although it was then blockaded by seven ships-of-war. During this cruise she captured the British schooner-of-war Picton, of sixteen guns, together with a letter-of-marque ship under her convoy; the brig Catharine and schooner Phœnix, and chased a British frigate, supposed to be the La Pique, in the Mona passage. On the 4th of April, 1814, she returned to Boston Bay, and was chased into Marblehead by two of the enemy’s heavy frigates, La Nymphe and Junon. In December, 1814, she proceeded on her second cruise under the command of Captain Stewart; and on the 24th of the same month, she captured and destroyed the brig Lord Nelson. She cruised off Cape Finisterre, the rock of Lisbon, and the Madeiras, without meeting with anything except a merchant ship from the river Platte; but on the 20th of February, 1815, at two o’clock in the afternoon, two ships were discovered to leeward. Chase was given immediately to one of those vessels, which was several miles to windward of the other, for the purpose of[304] cutting her off from her consort, but without effect; for at sunset they formed a junction and prepared to receive the Constitution.

She soon got alongside of them, and commenced the action, which was kept up with considerable vivacity on the part of the enemy, for about forty minutes, when the headmost ship bore away, and the sternmost struck her flag. The latter, which proved to be his Britannic Majesty’s ship Cyane, rated at twenty and mounting thirty-four guns, was taken possession of, and her consort was pursued without delay. She too, the Levant of twenty-one guns, was compelled to surrender, after exchanging broadsides. In these actions, the Constitution had three men killed and thirteen wounded. The British ships having in all thirty-five killed and forty-two wounded. Captain Stewart proceeded with these prizes to the Island of St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd islands, with a view to divest his ship of the numerous prisoners, consisting of officers, seamen, and marines of both ships of the enemy, amounting to nearly four hundred. While making arrangements for dispatching them at Port Praya, for Barbadoes, the British squadron, consisting of the ships-of-war the Acasta, of fifty guns, the Newcastle of sixty-four guns, and the Leander of sixty-four guns, under the command of Sir George Collier, reached his position under the cover of a thick fog. Notwithstanding their near approach, Captain Stewart determined to retreat, and immediately the Constitution and her prizes cut their cables and crowded sail to escape. He was fortunate in being able, by his skillful management and manœuvres, to save from their grasp his favorite frigate Constitution, and the Cyane. The Levant was captured by the squadron and sent to Barbadoes.

After this escape, he proceeded with the Constitution to Maranam, in the Brazils, and landed the prisoners, refreshed[305] his crews, refitted his vessel, and returned to Boston, where he and his officers were received with the usual courtesies by their fellow citizens. On his way through New York, the common council honored Captain Stewart with the freedom of the city in a gold box, and extended towards him and his officers the courteous hospitalities of that great city, by a public dinner. The legislature of Pennsylvania voted him their thanks, and directed a gold-hilted sword to be presented to him.

On the meeting of Congress, the assembled representatives of the nation passed a vote of thanks to Captain Stewart, his officers, and crew; and resolved that a suitable gold medal (See Plate XIV.) commemorative of that brilliant event, the capture of the two British ships-of-war, the Cyane and Levant, by the Constitution, should be presented to Captain Stewart, in testimony of the sense they entertained of his gallantry and that of his officers, seamen, and marines, under his command on that occasion. The war with Great Britain having terminated, the Constitution was put out of commission, and laid up in ordinary.

In 1816, Captain Stewart took command of the Franklin ship of the line, of seventy-four guns, and in 1817, she was fitted out at Philadelphia as a flag ship and directed to sail for England, to convey the Hon. Richard Rush as minister to the court of Great Britain, after which the Franklin proceeded to the Mediterranean, and Captain Stewart took command of the forces of the United States in that sea. Since our country has been at peace, he has been alternately employed either in command of squadrons abroad, or in superintending the navy at home. Such is the brief outline of the life of this gallant officer, one of Pennsylvania’s cherished sons, who has contributed his services and his counsels for half a century, for the protection of our commerce and for the glory of the navy.[306]

Long may he live to serve his country and wear the laurels which victory and fame have enwreathed for his brow.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Exergue.—Inter Constitu. nav. Ameri. et Levant et Cyane nav. Ang. die 20th Feb. 1815.

CAPTAIN JAMES BIDDLE.

James Biddle, the subject of this memoir, is the son of the late Charles Biddle, Esquire, of Philadelphia, and was born in that city on the 18th of February, 1783. He was educated in the University of Pennsylvania, where he acquired a taste for literature, which, in the intervals of professional duty, has been most assiduously cultivated.

In the year 1800, the American navy offered the most flattering prospects to the aspiring youth of our country. Its fame acquired by the war with France was rapidly increasing. The brilliant success of Captain Truxtun, in his victory with the French frigates Insurgente and Vengeance, gave additional eclat to the navy.

To this distinguished commander, Mr. Biddle entrusted the care of his two sons, James and Edward, who, on obtaining midshipmen’s warrants, were attached to the frigate President, fitting for the West Indies. The cessation of hostilities with France brought the frigate again to the United States after a much shorter cruise than was intended, but which was rendered memorable by the melancholy death of Mr. Edward[308] Biddle, who died at sea of a fever after an illness of a few days. Early in 1802, James Biddle sailed to the Mediterranean, in the frigate Constellation, Captain Murray, to protect American commerce against Tripolitan cruisers. This gave our young officer valuable opportunities of renewing his acquaintance with classic writers, and remains of antiquity, obtained by him during his studies at the University, and which were to him an additional fund of instruction and gratification. The Constellation returned home in 1803, and Mr. Biddle was transferred to the frigate Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, and returned again to the Mediterranean, where this unfortunate ship struck upon a rock, and was lost.

When all efforts to get the Philadelphia afloat were found to be unavailing, Lieutenant Porter and Midshipman Biddle were dispatched to the commander to inform him of the accident. As they approached the Tripolitan gun-boats, they were fired upon and ordered to surrender. Porter and Biddle were prepared to deliver up their swords, but this ceremony was dispensed with by the savage Tripolitans; twenty of whom, of the most ferocious appearance, armed with sabres, pistols, and muskets, jumped into the boat, and at once commenced their work of insult and plunder. Two of them snatched Biddle’s sword, pulled off his coat, and began to fight for it, when, to decide their dispute, they returned it to him.

His cravat was violently torn from his neck, his waistcoat and shirt torn open, in search for valuables that might be concealed about his person. They searched all his pockets, and took all his papers and money, except twenty dollars in gold, which he had slipped into his boot and thereby secured. The officers and crew were then carried on shore, conducted amidst the shouts and acclamations of a barbarous rabble to the palace gates, and ushered into the presence of the bashaw, who, seated in state, received them in the audience chamber; and after[309] asking a variety of questions about the American squadron, they were conducted to the place assigned for safe keeping.

There is no subject which the imagination can present to us more full of horror than that of slavery among the barbarians of Africa. In this situation, ignorant of the fate of their companions, and doubtful of their own, they continued nineteen months in close and rigorous confinement, in want of pure air, exercise, and employment, with occasional threats by the bashaw of his vengeance; circumstances calculated to impair the health and break the spirits of the strongest and most resolute. Yet happily they preserved their health and their spirits unbroken.

They considered it a point of honor to be firm and cheerful, to disregard the threats of the barbarians, and to sustain by an unconquerable fortitude the character of their country. In consequence of the peace with Tripoli, in the month of September, 1805, they were liberated, and Captain Bainbridge and Midshipman Biddle, who had not separated since the loss of the frigate, returned together to Philadelphia. Upon the release of Mr. Biddle, he was promoted to a lieutenancy, and after remaining at home but a few weeks, he was ordered to the command of one of the gun-boats, then lying at Charleston, South Carolina, but finding this service both inactive and irksome, he obtained an appointment as second lieutenant in the frigate President, under the command of his friend Captain Bainbridge. In this, and other similar situations, he had opportunities to display a character of firmness and decision, jealous of personal honor, and aspiring to deeds of enterprise and of fame. In 1811 he sailed as bearer of dispatches from our government to the American minister in France, and remained in Paris nearly four months, during which he was presented to the Emperor Napoleon, and attended all the parties given at the Tuileries.[310]

Lieutenant Biddle had but recently returned from France, when the war was declared between the United States and Great Britain. He at once availed himself of the first chance of service, and accordingly volunteered his services to Commodore Rodgers, who had command of the frigate President, but unfortunately the number of officers was complete before he made application. But his disappointment was soon relieved by the arrival of the sloop-of-war Wasp, Captain Jones, with dispatches from France; this vessel had not her full complement of officers, and Lieutenant Biddle immediately procured an order to join her as first lieutenant.

The Wasp went to sea on the 13th of October, 1812, and on the 18th fell in with six sail of the line of British merchant vessels under convoy of the Frolic sloop-of-war. An attack was made, and a heavy fire of cannon and musketry opened upon them, which was quickly returned by the Wasp without interruption. Amidst this severe contest the two vessels struck each other with a tremendous crash, the jib-boom of the Frolic coming between the main and mizzen rigging of the Wasp, directly over the heads of Captain Jones and Lieutenant Biddle; this position gave the Wasp an opportunity of sweeping the deck of the Frolic, which was done by two guns of the Wasp. Lieutenant Biddle jumped on the bowsprit and boarded her, and to his surprise found that the only persons on deck were the commander and two other officers, and a seaman at the wheel. Upon seeing Lieutenant Biddle, these officers threw down their swords and surrendered, and, as their colors were still flying, he hauled them down himself, and took possession of the Frolic in forty-three minutes after the first fire. Soon after the action Biddle was ordered by Captain Jones to make his way with the prize to a southern port of the United States, but he had not proceeded far when a large ship hove in sight, to windward, which proved[311] to be the Poictiers, a British seventy-four, and as the Frolic was totally dismasted, and the Wasp so disabled in her rigging and sails as to be incapable of escaping immediately, both vessels were taken by the Poictiers. Captain Jones and his officers were carried to Bermuda, and after a short detention there, were released upon their parole, and returned to the United States. The very efficient part borne by Lieutenant Biddle in this memorable action, is related in the following extract from the official letter of Captain Jones. “Lieutenant Biddle’s active conduct contributed much to our success, by the exact attention paid to every department during the engagement, and the animating example he afforded the crew by his intrepidity.”

The legislature of Pennsylvania voted Lieutenant Biddle a sword, and a testimonial still more grateful to his feelings was offered to him by a number of highly respectable gentlemen of Philadelphia, in a letter addressed to him, of which the following is an extract:—“Whilst your country confers upon you those distinguished marks of approbation which are ever due to merit and valor, a number of the personal friends and companions of your youth are desirous of attesting to you their esteem, and of perpetuating the remembrance of your private worth. With this view they have directed us, as their committee, to present to you in their name, a silver urn, bearing upon it an appropriate inscription, and a representation of the action between the Wasp and the Frolic, in which you so conspicuously assisted to exalt the naval character of our country.”

Shortly after, Lieutenant Biddle was promoted to the rank of master-commandant, and received command of the Hornet sloop-of-war. This ship, after cruising for some time in the vicinity of New York and New London, was attached to the[312] command of Commodore Decatur, destined for a cruise to the East Indies.

On the third day after the sailing of this squadron, the Hornet separated in chase of a vessel which proved to be a Portuguese brig, and then proceeded singly towards the Island of Tristan d’Acunha, which was the first place of rendezvous for the squadron. On the passage she chased and boarded every vessel that came in sight. On the morning of the 23d of March, 1815, when about to anchor off the north end of that island, a sail was descried to the southward and eastward. The Hornet made sail immediately, and hove to for her to come down. When she had come down and shortened sail, she took in her steering sails in a very clumsy manner, purposely to deceive the Hornet, and came down stem on as near as possible, lest the Hornet should perceive her broadside and run. “At forty minutes past one, P. M.,” says Captain Biddle’s official letter, “being nearly within musket-shot distance, she hauled her wind on the starboard tack, hoisted English colors and fired a gun. We immediately luffed to, hoisted our ensign, and gave the enemy a broadside. The action being thus commenced, a quick and well-directed fire was kept up from this ship, the enemy gradually drifting nearer to us, when at fifty-five minutes past one he bore up apparently to run us on board. Expecting he would certainly board us, I ordered every officer and man to the quarter-deck, to be ready to repel the boarders if an attempt was made. The enemy’s bowsprit came between our main and mizzen rigging on our starboard side, affording him an opportunity to board us, if such was his design; but no attempt was made. There was a considerable swell, and as the sea lifted us ahead, the enemy’s bowsprit carried away our mizzen shrouds, stern-davits and spanker-boom, and he hung upon our larboard quarter. At this moment an officer, who was afterwards recognized[313] to be Mr. McDonald, the first lieutenant and the then commanding officer, called out that they had surrendered. I directed the marines and musketry men to cease firing, and while on the tafferel, asking if they had surrendered, I received a wound in the neck. The enemy again called out that he had surrendered. It was with difficulty I could restrain my crew from firing into him again, as they persisted he had fired into us after having surrendered. From the firing of the first gun to the last time the enemy cried out he had surrendered, was exactly twenty-two minutes by the watch. She proved to be his Britannic majesty’s brig Penguin, mounting sixteen thirty-two pound carronades, two long twelves, a twelve pound carronade on the top-gallant forecastle, with swivels on the capstan and in the tops. She had a spare port forward so as to fight both her long guns of a side. The enemy acknowledge a complement of one hundred and thirty-two men, twelve of them supernumerary marines, from the Medway seventy-four. They acknowledge also a loss of fourteen killed and twenty-eight wounded; but Mr. Mayo, who was in charge of the prize, assures me that the number of killed was certainly greater.” Among the killed of the Penguin, was Captain Dickinson, her commander, who is represented to have been a deserving and favorite officer. The Hornet had but one man killed and eleven wounded. Among the wounded were Captain Biddle severely, and McConner, the first lieutenant, dangerously. It is always gratifying to notice the attachment of our brave tars to their commanders. Captain Biddle had his face much disfigured by being struck twice with splinters, and, when he received the wound in the neck, from which the blood flowed profusely, some of the crew insisted upon his retiring below for the purpose of having it dressed, two of whom seized him in their arms for that purpose, so that he could scarcely extricate[314] himself from them; but finding he was determined to remain on the deck, one of them stript off his shirt, tore it into strips, and almost by force tied it tightly about Captain Biddle’s neck to prevent his bleeding. Captain Biddle would not have his own wound dressed until after all his men had theirs dressed.

Captain Biddle received his wound in the neck after the enemy had surrendered. He was standing upon the tafferel, and had ordered the musketry not to fire, when one of his officers called out to him that there was a man taking aim at him. Captain Biddle’s back being towards the officer, he did not hear this, but two of the marines perceiving the fellow taking aim at their commander, fired at him, and he fell dead the instant after he had discharged his piece. He was not more than ten or twelve yards from Captain Biddle when he shot him; the ball struck the chin directly in front with much force, and passing along the neck, tearing the flesh, went off behind through his cravat, waistcoat and coat collar. The Penguin being so completely riddled, her fore-mast and bowsprit gone, and her main-mast so crippled as to be incapable of being secured, she was accordingly scuttled and destroyed. Shortly after, peace with Great Britain was restored, and Captain Biddle returned to New York, much indisposed and debilitated by his wound. During his absence he had been promoted to the rank of post-captain. On his return, a public dinner was given to him by the citizens of New York, and a service of plate presented to him by the citizens of Philadelphia. It has been the distinguishing character of this gentleman, to exert in the public service an unwearied activity and an ardent enterprise, which surmounted every obstacle and commanded the events of his life. He was a party to two of the most decisive actions of the war, in which his persevering spirit led him forward in spite of every untoward[315] event in the path of glory, and crowned his exertions with success. The capture of the Frolic by the Wasp, not only broke the charm of British naval superiority, but showed a decided superiority in favor of America. The capture of the Penguin was not less decisive; and if, at the commencement of the war, the British navy was surprised, from habits of security and contempt for their enemies, they had, before the victory of the Hornet, learned their error and corrected their conduct. In this instance, even the enemy was utterly unable to frame an apology for his defeat, since he had come out prepared, and with unusual means to pursue and capture an American ship-of-war. Congress voted a gold medal (see Plate XIV.) and the thanks of that body to Captain James Biddle, commander of the sloop-of-war Hornet, for the capture of the brig Penguin, Captain Dickinson, in twenty-two minutes, March 23, 1815.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

Legend.—The Congress of the U. S. to Capt. James Biddle for his gallantry, good conduct and services.

	PAGE	FIGURE; PLATE
GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON,	9	1; 1
GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE,	17	4; 2
MAJ. JOHN STEWART,	40	3; 2
LIEUT. COLONEL DE FLEURY,	42	5; 2
MAJ. ANDRE, CAPTURE OF,	48	10; 4
GEN. NATHANIEL GREENE,	52	6; 3
GEN. HORATIO GATES,	59	8; 3
GEN. DANIEL MORGAN,	63	7; 3
COL. EAGER HOWARD,	70	9; 4
COL. WILLIAM A. WASHINGTON,	79	2; 1
MAJ. HENRY LEE,	84	11; 4
GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT,	89	12; 5
GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES,	101	14; 5
GEN. JAMES MILLER,	113	13; 5
MAJ.-GENERAL JACOB BROWN,	129	16; 6
MAJ.-GENERAL RIPLEY,	135	17; 6
GEN. PETER B. PORTER,	147	15; 6
GEN. ALEXANDER MACOMB,	151	18; 7
GEN. ANDREW JACKSON,	160	19; 7
GEN. ISAAC SHELBY,	164	20; 7
[viii]GEN. WM. HENRY HARRISON,	175	21; 8
LIEUT.-COLONEL CROGHAN,	181	22; 8
PAUL JONES,	186	23; 8
CAPT. THOMAS TRUXTUN,	193	24; 9
COM. EDWARD PREBLE,	202	25; 9
CAPT. ISAAC HULL,	206	26; 9
CAPT. JACOB JONES,	214	27; 10
CAPT. STEPHEN DECATUR,	222	28; 10
COM. BAINBRIDGE,	229	29; 10
OLIVER HAZARD PERRY,	236	30; 11
COM. ELLIOTT,	241	31; 11
LIEUT. WILLIAM BURROWS,	249	32; 11
LIEUT. EDWARD R. McCALL,	257	33; 12
CAPT. JAMES LAWRENCE,	261	34; 12
CAPT. THOMAS MACDONOUGH,	270	35; 12
CAPT. ROBERT HENLEY,	278	36; 13
CAPT. STEPHEN CASSIN,	281	37; 13
COM. WARRINGTON,	285	38; 13
CAPT. JOHNSTON BLAKELEY,	289	39; 14
CAPT. CHARLES STEWART,	297	40; 14
CAPT. JAMES BIDDLE,	307	41; 14

	Guns.	Men.
Alfred	30	300
Columbus	28	300
Andrew Doria	16	200
[189]Cabot	14	200
Providence	12	150
Hornet	10	120
Wasp	8	100
Fly, dispatch vessel.

MEMOIRS OF THE GENERALS, COMMODORES, AND OTHER COMMANDERS, WHO DISTINGUISHED THEMSELVES IN THE AMERICAN ARMY AND NAVY DURING THE WARS OF THE REVOLUTION AND 1812, AND WHO WERE PRESENTED WITH MEDALS BY CONGRESS, FOR THEIR GALLANT SERVICES.

PREFACE.

CONTENTS.

GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE.

MAJ. JOHN STEWART.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

LIEUT.-COL. DE FLEURY.

CERTIFICATE.

MEDAL.

CAPTURE OF MAJ. ANDRE.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDALS.

GEN. NATHANIEL GREENE.

MEDAL.

GEN. HORATIO GATES.

MEDAL.

GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

JOHN EAGER HOWARD.

MEDAL.

COL. WILLIAM A. WASHINGTON.

MAJOR HENRY LEE.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL SCOTT.

GEN. E. P. GAINES.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

GEN. JAMES MILLER.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

MAJOR-GEN. JACOB BROWN.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL BROWN.

MAJOR-GEN. RIPLEY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

GEN. PETER B. PORTER.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

ALEXANDER MACOMB.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

GEN. ISAAC SHELBY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

LIEUT.-COLONEL CROGHAN.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

PAUL JONES.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. THOMAS TRUXTUN.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

COM. EDWARD PREBLE.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. ISAAC HULL.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPTAIN JACOB JONES.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. STEPHEN DECATUR.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

COMMODORE BAINBRIDGE.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

COMMODORE ELLIOTT.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

LIEUT. WILLIAM BURROWS.

MONUMENT OF BURROWS.

THE TOMB OF BURROWS.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

LIEUT. EDWARD R. M’CALL.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. JAMES LAWRENCE.

Description of the gold medal presented by Congress to the nearest male relative of Captain James Lawrence.

CAPTAIN THOMAS MACDONOUGH.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPT. ROBERT HENLEY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPTAIN STEPHEN CASSIN.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

COMMODORE WARRINGTON.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL.

CAPTAIN JOHNSTON BLAKELEY.

MEMOIRS
OF THE
GENERALS, COMMODORES, AND OTHER COMMANDERS,

WHO DISTINGUISHED THEMSELVES IN THE
AMERICAN ARMY AND NAVY
DURING THE
WARS OF THE REVOLUTION AND 1812,

AND

WHO WERE PRESENTED WITH MEDALS BY CONGRESS,
FOR THEIR GALLANT SERVICES.