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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. 5
       Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the
       Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea
       and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time


Author: Robert Kerr

Release Date: February 8, 2005 [EBook #14984]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

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[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original have
been retained in this etext.]

A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.

       *       *       *       *       *

BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

       *       *       *       *       *

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. V.

MDCCCXXIV.

CONTENTS

OF

VOL. V.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.

CHAP. VII. _Continued_. Continuation of the early history of Peru, after
the death of Francisco Pizarro to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the
reestablishment of tranquillity in the country; written by Augustino
Zarate,

SECT. III. Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his
deposition and expulsion from Peru,

SECT. IV. History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the
expulsion of the Viceroy to his defeat and death,

V. Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of
Gasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order,

VI. History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the death of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity,

VII. Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and
their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma,

CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, from the
restoration of tranquillity by Gasca in 1549, to the death of the Inca
Tupac Amaru; extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega,

SECT. I. Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca,
to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy,

II. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza,

III. Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the
Viceroy Mendoza,

IV. Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the
Marquis de Cannete,

V. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete,

VI. Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments
of the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de
Toledo,

CHAP IX. History of the Discovery and Conquest of Chili,

SECT. I. Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili,

II. Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese,

III. State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the
Peruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards,

IV. First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro,

V. Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the
commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians,

VI. Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from
the year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of
December 1553,

SECT. VII. Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and
Araucanians, from the death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican,

VIII. Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican,
to the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards,

IX. Continuation of the Araucanian War to the Destruction of all the
Spanish Settlements in the territories of that Nation,

X. Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with the
Araucanians,

XI. Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of
the History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787,

XII. State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century,

XIII. Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe,

XIV. Account of the native tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of
South America,

CHAP. X. Discovery of Florida, and Account of several ineffectual
Attempts to Conquer and Settle that Country by the Spaniards,

SECT. I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon,

II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer
Florida; together with some account of that Country,

III. Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss
of Narvaez,

Sect. IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand
de Soto,

V. Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida,

VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto,

[Illustration: VICEROYALTY OF NEW GRANADA]

A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER VII _Continued_.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO
PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF
TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.


SECTION III.


_Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his
deposition and expulsion front Peru_.


The viceroy received immediate intelligence of the revolt of Puelles, as
mentioned in the foregoing section, which; was brought to him by a
Peruvian captain named Yllatopa; and, though he considered it as a very
unfortunate incident, he took immediate measures to counteract their
intentions of joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy the
passes of the valley of Jauja, through which they must necessarily march
on their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. For this purpose, he
immediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to march in all haste with
a detachment of forty light armed cavalry, and thirty musqueteers under
the command of Gonzalo Diaz, besides whom ten of the friends and
relations of Nunnez went as volunteers on this expedition. On purpose to
expedite the march of this detachment as much as possible, the viceroy
caused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost 12,000 ducats, the
money being taken from the royal treasury. Being thus excellently
equipped, they set out from Lima, and marched to Guadachili[1], about
twenty leagues from Lima on their way to the valley of Jauja. At this
place a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez and
deserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by the following
incident. Certain scouts who preceded the detachment about four leagues
beyond Guadachili in the district of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas de
San Martino, provincial of the Dominicans, who had been sent by the
viceroy to Cuzco to try if it were possible to come to some agreement
with Gonzalo; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly informed the
provincial of the particulars of the conspiracy, begging him to take
immediate means of prevention, as it was to be executed on the following
night. The provincial accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili,
taking all the scouts he could meet with along with him, as he told them
their present expedition was entirely useless, as Puelles and his troops
had passed through Jauja two days before, and it was now impossible to
intercept them. On his arrival in Guadachili, the provincial immediately
informed Vela Nunnez of the danger to which he was exposed, who
accordingly consulted with some of his friends and relations on the
means of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as if
for the purpose of sending them to water, and mounting them immediately,
they saved themselves by flight under the cloud of night, being guided
on their way by the provincial.

[Footnote 1: The place mentioned in the text is probably what is now
named Guarochiri, which is in the direction of the march, and nearly at
the distance indicated.--E.]

When the flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known, Juan de la
Torre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other soldiers who had formed
the conspiracy, went immediately to the main guard, where they compelled
all the other soldiers, under threats of instant death, to promise going
off along with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the whole of the detachment
promised compliance, and even the captain Gonzalo Diaz was of the
number; but he was apparently more harshly treated by the conspirators
than the others. They tied his hands as if fearing he might use measures
against them; yet he was not only believed to have been a participator
in the plot, but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of the
inhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did, as he was
son-in-law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and it was not to be
supposed he would give his aid to arrest his father-in-law. The whole
party therefore, immediately set out in search of Gonzalo, mounted on
the mules which had cost so high a price, and joined him near the city
of Guamanga, where Puelles had arrived, two days before them. At that
time of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so much
discouraged by the lukewarmness of Gaspard Rodriguez and his friends,
that in all probability the whole army under Gonzalo would have
dispersed if they had been three days later in arriving. But the arrival
of Puelles gave the insurgents great encouragement, both by the
reinforcement which he brought of forty horse and twenty musketeers, and
by his exhortations; as he declared himself ready to proceed against the
viceroy even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able to take
him prisoner or to drive him out of the country, he was so universally
hated. The encouragements derived by the insurgents from the junction of
Puelles, was still farther strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and his
companions.

Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the viceroy of the
unfortunate result of his expedition, who was very much cast down on the
occasion, as his affairs seemed to assume a very unpromising aspect.
Next day Rodrigo Ninno, and three or four others who refused to follow
the example of Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, having
suffered a thousand insults from the conspirators, who deprived them of
their horses and arms, and even stripped them of their clothes. Ninno
was dressed in an old doublet and breeches, without stockings, having
only a pair of miserable pack-thread sandals, and had walked all the way
with a stick in his hand. The viceroy received him very graciously,
praising his loyalty, and told him that he appeared more nobly in his
rags than if clothed in the most costly attire.

When Balthasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct from the viceroy
for his employers, he set out without loss of time for the army of
Gonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and the nature of his dispatches were
soon known in Lima, it was universally believed there that the troops
under Pizarro would soon disperse of their own accord, leaving the
viceroy in peaceable and absolute command of the whole colony, upon
which he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmost
rigour to the utter ruin of every one: For this reason, several of the
inhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy,
came to the resolution of following Loyasa and taking his dispatches
from him. Loyasa left Lima in the evening of a Saturday, in the month of
September 1545, accompanied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They were
mounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no baggage to delay
their journey. Next night, twenty-five persons set out from Lima on
horseback in pursuit of them, determined to use every possible
expedition to get up with Loyasa that they might take away his
dispatches. The chiefs in this enterprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro,
son of the Conde de la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diego
de Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo, Jerom de
Carvajal, and Pedro Martin de Cecilia, with eighteen others in their
company. Using every effort to expedite their journey, they got up with
Loyasa and Zavallos about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleep
in a _tambo_ of palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters and
dispatches with which they were entrusted, they forwarded these
immediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a soldier, who used the
utmost diligence in travelling through bye ways and short cuts through
the mountains, with all of which he was well acquainted. After this, de
Castro and the rest of the malecontents continued their journey towards
the camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with them under
strict custody.

Upon receiving the intercepted dispatches which were brought to him by
the soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro secretly communicated them to Captain
Carvajal, whom he had recently appointed his lieutenant-general, or
maestre de campo, in consequence of the sickness of Alfonzo de Toro, who
held that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco. After
consulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole matter to the
captains and those other chiefs of the insurgent-army who had shewn no
intentions of abandoning him, as they had not participated in applying
for the safe conduct from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives of
enmity against individuals, others from envy, and others again from the
hope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and Indians belonging
to the accused, advised Gonzalo to punish these persons with rigor, as a
warning to others not to venture upon similar conduct. In this secret
consultation, it was determined to select the following from among those
who were clearly implicated in taking part with the viceroy, by their
names being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa: Captain
Gaspard Rodriguez; Philip Gutierrez, the son of Alfonso Gutierrez of
Madrid who was treasurer to his majesty; and Arias Maldonado, a
gentleman of Galicia, who had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamanga,
two or three days march in the rear of the army, under pretence of
having some preparations to make for the journey. Accordingly, Gonzalo
sent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamanga accompanied by an escort of
cavalry, who arrested these two latter gentlemen and caused them to be
beheaded.

Gaspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded a body of near two
hundred pikemen; and as Gonzalo and his advisers dared not to put him to
death openly, as he was a very rich man of considerable influence and
much beloved, they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzalo
ordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company commanded by
Ceremeno to hold themselves in readiness around his tent, near which
likewise he caused his train of artillery to be drawn up ready for
service, and then convened all the captains belonging to his troops in
his tent, under pretence of communicating some dispatches which he had
received from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and Rodriguez among
them, he became alarmed on seeing that the tent was surrounded by armed
men and artillery, and wished to have retired under pretext of urgent
business. At this time, and in presence of the whole assembled officers,
the lieutenant-general Carvajal, came up to Rodriguez as if without any
premeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of his sword, and drew
it from the scabbard. Carvajal then desired him to make confession of
his sins to a priest, who was in attendance for that express purpose, as
he was to be immediately put to death. Rodriguez used every effort to
avoid this sudden and unlooked for catastrophe, and offered to justify
himself from every accusation which could be brought against him; but
every thing he could allege was of no avail, as his death was resolved
upon, and he was accordingly beheaded.

The execution of these three leaders astonished every one, being the
first which were ventured upon since the usurpation of Gonzalo; but they
more especially terrified those other persons who were conscious of
having participated in the same plot for which their chiefs were now put
to death. A few days afterwards, De Castro and his companions arrived at
the camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa and Zavallos. It
has been reported that, on the very day of their arrival, Gonzalo sent
off his lieutenant-general Carvajal to meet them on the road by which
they were expected, with orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled:
But, fortunately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road,
taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal did not fall
in with them; and, when they were brought before Gonzalo, so many of his
friends and accomplices interceded for their pardon, that he agreed to
spare their lives. Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, on
foot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in the camp as a
prisoner; and, rather more than a year afterwards, was appointed
superintendent of those who were employed in digging for gold in the
province of Quito. While in that employment, it was represented to
Gonzalo that Zavallos had become so exceedingly rich, that he must have
purloined a great proportion of the gold which was drawn from the mines.
Being predisposed against him by his former conduct in the service of
the viceroy, Gonzalo was easily persuaded to believe him guilty, and
ordered him to be hanged.

The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima, as already
mentioned, though conducted in great secrecy, was soon discovered. On
the same night, as Diego de Urbina, the major general of the army
belonging to the viceroy, was going the rounds of the city, he happened
to visit the dwellings of several of those who had accompanied De
Castro; and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms,
servants, and Indians were all removed, he immediately suspected that
they were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina went directly to the viceroy,
who was already in bed, and assured him that most of the inhabitants had
fled from the city, as he believed that the defection was more general
than it turned out to be. The viceroy was very justly alarmed by this
intelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms. When, in
consequence of this measure, all the captains and other officers in his
service were assembled, he gave them orders to visit the whole houses of
the city, by which means it was soon known who had deserted. As Diego
and Jerom de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews of the commissary
Yllan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees, the viceroy
immediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a partisan of Gonzalo
Pizarro, believing that his nephews had acted by his orders, more
especially as they dwelt in his house, and could not therefore have gone
away without his knowledge; though assuredly they might easily have
escaped by a different door at a distance from the principal entrance.
Actuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brother, Vela Nunnez,
with a detachment of musqueteers, to bring Suarez immediately to the
palace for examination. On arriving at his house, Suarez was in bed, but
was brought immediately before the viceroy, who was now dressed is his
armour, and reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who were
present, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering the following
words. "Traitor! you have sent off your nephews to join Gonzalo
Pizarro." "Call me not traitor, my lord," replied Suarez, "I am as
faithful a subject to his majesty as you are." The viceroy was so much
irritated by the insolent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his sword
and advanced towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him in
the breast. The viceroy, however, constantly asserted that he did not
use his sword against Suarez; but that the servants and halberdiers who
were in attendance, on noticing the insolent behaviour of the commissary
to their master, had put him to death, without allowing him time for
confession, or even for speaking a single word in his own defence. The
body was immediately carried away for interment; and as the commissary
was very universally beloved, it was thought dangerous to take his dead
body through the great court of the viceregal palace, where there were
always a hundred soldiers on guard during the night, lest it might
occasion some disturbance. For this reason, it was let down from a
gallery which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians and
negroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it without any
ceremony in his ordinary scarlet cloak.

Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of the royal
audience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be presently related,
among their first transactions, they made a judicial examination
respecting the circumstances attendant upon the death of Suarez. It was
ascertained in the first place, that he had disappeared since the time
when he was carried before the viceroy at midnight; after which, the
body was dug up, and the wounds examined[2]. When the intelligence of
the death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave occasion to much
dissatisfaction, as every one knew that he had been always, favourable
to the interest and authority of the viceroy, and had even exerted his
whole influence in procuring him to be received at Lima, in opposition
to the sentiments of the majority of the magistrates of that city. His
death happened on the night of Sunday the 13th of September 1544. Early
next morning, Don Alfonzo de Montemayor was sent by the viceroy with a
party of thirty horse, in pursuit of De Castro and the others who had
gone after Loyasa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two or
three days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his companions
were already so far advanced in their journey that it would be utterly
impossible to get up with them. He accordingly turned back, and
receiving information on his return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajal
had lost his companions during the night, and, being unable to discover
the road by which they were gone, had concealed himself in a marsh among
some tall reeds, where Montemayor found him out, and carried him
prisoner to Lima, on purpose to give him up to the viceroy. Fortunately
for Carvajal, the viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayor
returned to Lima.

[Footnote 2: This judicial examination, so formally announced, is left
quite inconclusive by Zarate.--E.]

When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he used great pains
to justify himself, in regard to the death of Suarez, explaining the
reasons of his conduct in that affair to all who visited him, and
endeavouring to convince them that he had just reasons of suspicion,
giving a detailed account of all the circumstances respecting the arrest
and death of Suarez. He even procured some judicial informations to be
drawn up by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laid
to the charge of the commissary, of which the following is an abstract.

"It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have been privy to
the desertion of his nephews, as they lived in his house and could not
have gone off without his knowledge. He alleged that Suaraz had not
exerted all the care and diligence that were necessary and proper, in
several affairs connected with the present troubles which had been
confided to him. It was objected to him, that he was particularly
interested in opposing the execution of the obnoxious regulations;
since he would have been obliged, along with the rest, to give up the
lands and Indians he then held as an officer of the crown, which he had
not done hitherto on account of the subsisting disturbances in the
country. Lastly, the viceroy charged against him, that having entrusted
Suarez at the very beginning of the troubles with certain dispatches for
his brother, the licentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, intended
for procuring intelligence by his means of what was going on in that
city, he had never given or procured any answer on that subject;
although it must certainly have been easy for him to have procured
intelligence from his brother, by means of the Indian vassals of both,
and by those belonging to the king who were at his disposal officially,
all of whom dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco." Besides that all
these allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as evidences
of the presumptive guilt of Suarez, none of them were ever
satisfactorily established by legal proof.

As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out unfortunate,
and that every person seemed much discontented in consequence of the
death of Suarez, he changed his intention of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarro
at Lima, which he had caused fortify in that view with ramparts and
bastions. He now resolved to retire to the city of Truxillo, about
eighty leagues from Lima, and entirely to abandon and even to dispeople
the city of Lima; in the execution of this project he meant to send the
invalids, old persons, women, children, and all the valuable effects and
baggage belonging to the inhabitants by sea to Truxillo, for which
purpose he had sufficient shipping, and to march all who were able to
carry arms by land, taking along with him all the European inhabitants
of every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo; and sending
off all the Indian population of the plain to the mountainous region. By
these decisive measures, he hoped to reduce the adherents of Gonzalo
Pizarro to such straits, by depriving them of every possible succour and
refreshment, after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumbered
with baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to disband their
army, when they might find the whole way between Lima and Truxillo
reduced to a desert entirely devoid of provisions. The viceroy
considered himself under the necessity of employing these strong
measures, as some of his people deserted from him almost daily to the
enemy, in proportion as the insurgents approached towards Lima.

In pursuance of this resolution, on Tuesday the 15th of September, two
days after the slaughter of the commissary Suarez, the viceroy gave
orders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a party of horse, to convey the
children of the late Marquis Pizarro on board ship, and to remain in
charge of them and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, he
gave the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don Antonio de
Ribera and his wife, who then had the charge of young Don Gonzalo and
his brothers, children of the late marquis, might conceal them and give
them up to their uncle. This measure occasioned much emotion among the
inhabitants of Lima, and gave great offence to the oydors or judges of
the royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate, who
made strong remonstrances to the viceroy against sending Donna Francisco
Pizarro among the sailors and soldiers, where she could not reside in
decent comfort. This young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, was
now almost grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy towards her on
this occasion was considered as harsh, tyrannical, and unnecessary.
Ortiz was unable to prevail on the viceroy to recall his orders
respecting the children of the late marquis; and he even openly declared
that he had come to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the way already
mentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps as highly
improper and ruinous to the colony; and declared, that as they had been
ordered by his majesty to take up their residence in Lima, they were
determined not to quit that place without a new royal order for the
express purpose. As the viceroy found that every thing he could say was
quite ineffectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, he
resolved to gain possession of the _royal seal_, and to carry it off
with himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be reduced
to the state of private persons in Lima, and unable to hold any sitting
of the royal audience, unless they chose to accompany him to Truxillo.
When this resolution of the viceroy was communicated to the oydors, they
called the chancellor before them, from whom they took the seal, which
they committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senior
oydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda, Texada, and
Alvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time.

On the same evening, all the four oydors assembled in the house of
Cepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition to the viceroy to
bring back the family of the late marquis from the fleet in which he had
embarked them. After this resolution had been engrossed in the register,
the licentiate Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. The
other three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which were
proper to be adopted, for defending themselves against the power of the
viceroy, in case he should persist in his plans, and endeavour to make
them embark by force, which they publickly asserted was his intention.
On this occasion, they drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, in
the name and authority of the king "they commanded all the inhabitants
of the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil and military,
in case the viceroy should give orders to remove them, the oydors of the
royal audience, by force and violence from Lima, that they should aid,
assist, and defend them, in opposition to such a measure, as illegal and
unjust, and contrary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed in
the new regulations, and in the commission granted to them as oydors of
the royal audience."

Having formally extended and authenticated this _act_, they communicated
it in secret to Captain Martin de Robles, whom they desired to hold
himself and his soldiers in readiness to defend them in case of need. De
Robles engaged to stand by them; for though one of the captains in the
troops, he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other persons
of importance in the city, to whom the oydors communicated the
resolutions which they had formed, promised likewise to stand by them
against the tyranny of the viceroy. That same evening, all who were in
concert with the oydors held themselves in readiness, anxiously waiting
the event of an open breach between the viceroy and the judges of the
royal audience. However secret the steps taken by the oydors might have
been, they became known to the viceroy, or at least he entertained
violent suspicions of their nature and tendency. At night-fall, Martin
de Robles went privately to the house of the oydor Cepeda, to whom he
communicated his opinion that the viceroy was already informed of all
their proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for their
security, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent immediately for
Alvarez and Texada, two others of the oydors; and these three came
immediately to the determination of openly defending themselves against
the viceroy, if he should attempt their arrest. For this purpose,
several of their friends, and some of the soldiers of the company,
commanded by De Robles, assembled in arms at their residence. While this
was going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-general, when going
his rounds met several of these soldiers in the street, and immediately
suspected the truth. He went, therefore, straight to the viceroy, to
whom he communicated the suspicious circumstances he had observed, that
some prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting the
machinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear nothing, as
they had only civilians to deal with, who had not sufficient courage to
concert any enterprize against his authority. Urbina went away
accordingly to continue his round; but as he still continued to meet
several armed horsemen in the streets, all of whom were going towards
the house of Cepeda, he returned again to the palace, and remonstrated
with the viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures of
defence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour and ordered to sound
an alarm, after which he went out into the great square before the
palace, accompanied by his nightly guard of a hundred soldiers and all
his domestic establishment, meaning to have proceeded to the house of
Cepeda, to arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and to
re-establish order in the city. While in the great square near the gate
of the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the soldiers
from going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who filled all the
streets constrained them to take that direction. If, however, the
viceroy had persisted in his first design, he could hardly have found
much difficulty or considerable resistance, as he then had a greatly
superior force to what had assembled with Cepeda and the other judges.
He was disuaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino,
alcalde or police-judge of Lima, who asserted that a great majority of
the troops were assembled at the house of Cepeda, and were about to
attack him; for which reason, the best measure was to fortify himself in
the palace, which could easily be defended; whereas he had not a
sufficient force to assail the oydors and their adherents. Influenced by
this advice, the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by his
brother Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso de
Caceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and followers, with
all his relations and servants. The hundred soldiers of the nightly
guard were posted at the great gate of the palace, with orders to
prevent any one from going in.

While these vacillatory measures were going on at the viceregal palace,
information was brought to the oydors, that the viceroy had drawn out
his troops in the great square, with the intention of attacking them.
Having as yet collected only a small force for their protection, they
resolved to go out into the street; believing, if the viceroy should
come to blockade them, and should occupy the streets leading to the
house of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would be
intercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which led towards
the great square, and were soon joined by others of their adherents, to
the number of about two hundred men. To justify their conduct on this
occasion, they caused the act which they had drawn up to be publickly
read; but so great was the noise and confusion, that very few of those
present were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the judges and
their partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At this time,
the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few musket-shots, from the
corridore of the palace, and began to extend themselves in front of the
main gate. The soldiers who accompanied the oydors were much displeased
at this procedure, and proposed to assault the palace, and to slay all
that resisted them; but the oydors restrained and appeased them. The
oydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior of the Dominicans,
and Antonio de Robles, to inform the viceroy, that their only demand
from him was an assurance that they should not be compelled to embark
against their will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty,
which fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, that,
without proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to the great
church, where they proposed, going to meet him, and where all their
differences might be amicably settled; as otherwise he would put both
himself and all who were with him in extreme danger. While these envoys
were in the palace in the execution of their commission, the hundred
soldiers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a body to the
oydors; by which, as the entrance to the palace was left entirely
unguarded, several of the malecontents got admission to the chambers
belonging to the officers of the viceroy in the outer court, which they
pillaged. At this time, the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate went from his
house towards the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy; but
meeting the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossible
for him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied them to the
church.

When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from Carvajal and
Antonio de Robles, considering at the same time that his palace was
already in possession of the insurgents, and that his own troops had
abandoned him, he determined to proceed to the church, and to give
himself up to the oydors who there waited for him. They carried him
directly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Cepeda;
where, seeing Ortiz along with the other judges, he exclaimed: "Is it
possible that you, in whom I had so much confidence as one of my best
friends, have joined with the rest in making me a prisoner." To this the
licentiate replied, "Whoever has told you so spoke falsely, as it is
known to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrested,
and that I have no share in the matter." The three other judges gave
immediate orders to convey the viceroy on board ship, that he might be
sent to Spain; justly fearing, if Gonzalo Pizarro should find him in
custody on his arrival at Limn, that he would put him to death, or that
the relations and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him in
revenge for the murder of that officer; as in either of which cases the
blame might be imputed to them, the judges were much embarrassed how
best to act in this delicate emergency, considering that if they merely
sent the viceroy on board the fleet which lay at anchor off the harbour
of Calao, he might be soon in condition to return in force against them.
In this dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act as
captain-general of the colony; who, with a strong guard, conducted the
deposed viceroy to the sea side on purpose to put him on board one of
the ships. They found some difficulty in executing this measure, as
Diego Alvarez de Cueto, who commanded the fleet, on seeing the
assemblage of people on the shore, and learning that they had the
viceroy among them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one of his
captains in an armed boat to collect all the boats of the fleet, with
which, accompaniment he approached the shore and demanded the liberation
of the viceroy from the judges. This measure was altogether ineffectual,
as the judges refused to listen to the demands of Cueto; who, after
exchanging a few shots with those on shore, went back to his ships.

After this, the judges sent off a message to Cueto, by means of Friar
Gaspard de Carvajal, in which the deposed viceroy concurred, ordering
him to surrender the command of the fleet, and to give up the children
of the late marquis, in return for which they would place the viceroy
under his charge, who would otherwise be in great peril of his life. On
getting aboard ship, Friar Gaspard presented his commission to Cueto and
gave him a full account of the state of affairs, in presence of the
licentiate Vaca de Castro, who still remained a prisoner in that vessel.
In consideration of the danger to which the viceroy was exposed, Cueto
sent the children of the marquis on shore together with Don Antonio de
Ribera and his wife who had the care of them. The judges still insisted
that Cueto should surrender the fleet to their command, threatening to
behead the viceroy if he refused; and though Vela Nunnez, brother to the
viceroy, went several times with messages to induce compliance, the
captains of the ships would not consent to that measure, so that the
judges were constrained to return to Lima with the viceroy still in
custody.

Two days afterwards, the commanders of the ships were informed that the
judges and their partizans had come to the resolution of sending a
strong force of musqueteers in boats to make themselves masters of the
ships by force. They might perhaps have easily persuaded Cueto to give
up the fleet, of which in reality Jerom de Zurbano had more the command
than he, as all the soldiers and sailors who were attached to the
deposed viceroy were at his disposal; but Zurbano, to whom the judges
made great offers, was quite inflexible. The captains of the fleet came
even to the resolution of quitting the port of Lima, to cruise upon the
coast of Peru, till such time as they might receive orders from his
majesty how to conduct themselves in the present crisis. They believed
that the viceroy had many friends and adherents in Lima and other parts
of Peru; as many persons who had not taken any share in the deposition
and imprisonment of the viceroy, and several of those who were best
disposed to the royal service continued almost daily to make their
escape on board the fleet. The ships were tolerably well armed and
appointed, having ten or twelve iron cannon, and three or four of brass,
besides forty quintals of powder. As to provisions, they had above four
hundred quintals of biscuit, five hundred bags of maize, and a large
store of salt meat; so that they were victualled sufficiently for a
considerable time, and they could easily procure water on any part of
the coast. Their force however was very small, as they had only twenty
five soldiers, and by no means a sufficient number of mariners for the
ten ships which composed their fleet. They resolved therefore to abandon
four of the smallest vessels, which they were unable to man; and not
thinking it right to leave these behind, lest they might have been
employed against themselves by the partizans of the judges, they set
these small vessels on fire the day after the imprisonment of the
viceroy, as likewise two fishing barks which were in the harbour, and
then set sail. The four small ships were entirely destroyed, but the two
fishing vessels were saved after sustaining very little damage.

The fleet went into the harbour of Guavra, which is eighteen leagues
_below_[3] the port of Lima, where they took in a supply of wood and
water. They carried the licentiate Vaca de Castro along with them, and
resolved to wait at Guavra to see what consequences might follow from
the imprisonment of the viceroy. When this came to the knowledge of the
judges, who believed the ships might not go to any considerable distance
from Guavra, on account of the attachment of their commanders to the
viceroy whose life was in danger, they determined to send a force both
by sea and land to attempt acquiring possession of the ships almost at
any risk. For this purpose, they gave orders to Diego Garcias de Alfaro,
an inhabitant of Lima who was versant in maritime affairs, to repair and
fit out the two barks which had drifted on shore. When that was done,
Alfaro embarked in them with thirty musqueteers, and set sail towards
Guavra. At the same time, Don Juan de Mendoza and Ventura Beltran,[4]
were sent off by land with a party of soldiers in the same direction. On
coming to Guavra in the night, Garcias de Alfaro concealed his two barks
behind a light house[5], in the harbour very near the ships, where he
could not be seen. At the same time, the party which went by land began
to fire off their muskets, and the people in the ships believed they
were some friends of the viceroy who wished to embark. Vela Nunnez was
sent accordingly in a boat to the shore, to learn what was meant by the
firing, on which Diego Garcias pushed on his barks between Vela Nunnez
and the ships, firing upon him and obliged him to surrender.
Intelligence of this event was immediately sent to Cueto, with a message
assuring him that both the viceroy and his brother would be immediately
put to death unless he surrendered his ships to the judges. Cueto[6]
accordingly submitted, being afraid lest the threat might be executed;
but had certainly not been allowed to do so if Zurbano had been present,
who had sailed from Guavra with his ships, two days before the arrival
of Diego Garcias, with the intention of going all along the coast
between Lima and Tierra Firma to take possession of every ship he might
fall in with, to prevent them from being employed by the oydors.

[Footnote 3: The expression in the text _below_, is probably an error in
the French translator in rendering _barlovento_ which signifies to
leeward. Accordingly, to the north of Lima, and about the indicated
distance, there is a sea-port or coast town named Huaura, certainly the
place meant by Zarate. _Hua_ and _Gua_ are often inchanged by the
Spaniards in the names of places in America, probably from the g having
a guttural sound, or strong aspiration.--E.]

[Footnote 4: Garcilasso names this person Ventura Veltran.--E.]

[Footnote 5: In Garcilasso de la Vega, obviously copying this part of
the story from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barks
behind a rock.--E.]

[Footnote 6: This person is always named Cuero, by Garcilasso; who
likewise informs us that he was brother-in-law to the viceroy.--E.]

Immediately after the departure of the fleet under Cueto from the port
of Lima, the judges became apprehensive lest the relations of the
commissary might put the viceroy to death, which they actually
threatened; on which account they came to a resolution, to transport him
to an island about two leagues from the coast. For this purpose he was
embarked along with a guard of twenty men in one of those barks or
floats made of dried reeds which the Indians call _henea_. When the
judges learnt the surrender of the fleet under Cueto, they determined
upon sending him as a prisoner to Spain, with a formal memorial of all
that had passed, and deputed the licenciate Alvarez, one of their number
to take charge of him thither, and to support their memorial at the
court of Spain, giving him 8000 crowns to defray the expences of the
voyage. For this purpose all the necessary dispatches were prepared,
which were signed by all the judges of the royal audience, excepting
Ortiz de Zarate, who refused his concurrence. Alvarez went by land to
Guavra, to which place the viceroy was transported in one of the barks
fitted out by Diego Garcias, and given into the custody of Alvarez, who
immediately set sail with three ships that had been placed at his
disposal, without waiting even for the dispatches from his brother
judges. At this time, Vaca de Castro was carried back to the port of
Lima, still a prisoner.


SECTION IV.

_History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the expulsion of the
Viceroy to his defeat and death_.


While the viceroy remained in the small island, as formerly mentioned,
Alfonso de Montemayor and those who had gone along with him to succour
Loyasa and Zavallos, returned to Lima, upon which the judges caused them
to be arrested and disarmed, ordering them, and several of the captains
who were attached to the viceroy, to be detained as prisoners in the
house of Martin de Robles, and in the houses of several of the citizens
of Lima. These prisoners were persuaded, if the viceroy could regain his
liberty, that he would still be able to prevent the arrival of Gonzalo
Pizarro at Lima, and to avert the disorders and evils which must flow
from his successful usurpation, prejudicial to the rights of the crown
and the interest of the colony. With this view, therefore, they
concerted to unite together under arms, to bring back the viceroy from
the place of his confinement, and to reinstate him in his authority;
resolving in the execution of this project, to make the judges
prisoners, or even to kill them if necessary, and to take possession of
the city in the name of his majesty. They had assuredly executed their
project, had they not been betrayed by a soldier, who discovered the
whole plot to Cepeda. Immediately on receiving notice of this
conspiracy, Cepeda in concert with the other judges apprehended all the
leaders, namely Alfonso de Montemayor, Paolo de Meneses, Alfonso de
Caceres, Alfonso de Barrionuevo, and some others. Several of these when
put to the torture, had sufficient resolution to refuse confession; but
Barrionuevo confessed partly, in hopes of satisfying the judges, and
that they might not continue his torments. Upon his confession, he was
at first condemned to lose his head; but in the sequel the judges
satisfied themselves with causing his right hand to be cut off; and all
the other leaders of the conspiracy, who persisted in refusing to
confess, were banished from Peru.

After all these revolutionary events, information of every thing that
had occurred in Lima, was transmitted to Gonzalo Pizarro, the judges and
their friends being in hopes that, he would now be induced to dismiss
his army. They were however quite mistaken in this expectation; for he
believed that every thing, even the imprisonment of the viceroy, was a
false rumour, or a mere concerted trick to force him to lay down his
arms, and that they would put him to death when left without support.

In the mean time the licentiate Alvarez, as already mentioned, set sail
from Guavra having charge of the viceroy and his brothers.
Notwithstanding that this judge had been the chief promoter of every
thing that had been done against the viceroy, having even especially
contributed to make him a prisoner, and been most active in punishing
those who had conspired to restore him to the government; yet, on the
very first day of the voyage, he went into the cabin which had been
appointed for the captive viceroy, declaring his repentance for all that
he had done against him, and his earnest desire for a reconcilement. He
assured him, that, in accepting the charge of his conveyance as a
prisoner, he had been entirely actuated by the desire of serving him,
that he might get him from under the power of Cepeda, and prevent him
from falling into the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro, who was expected to
arrive shortly at Lima. To satisfy the viceroy of his sincerity, Alvarez
assured him that he was from that moment at full and perfect liberty,
and that he now surrendered the command of the vessel into his hands;
humbly beseeching him to forgive all that was passed, and declaring
himself ready to obey his commands in all things. Alvarez then gave
orders to the ten men who had been given him as guards over the viceroy,
that they were now to obey the viceroy and not him. The viceroy
expressed his entire satisfaction at this conduct in Alvarez, and took
the command accordingly; yet in a very short time he treated Alvarez
very ill, often calling him villain, traitor, mutineer, and other
opprobrious names, and threatening that, though he spared his life for
the present because he had occasion for his service, he would certainly
have him hanged in the sequel. Yet they continued together till their
arrival at Truxillo, as shall be related in the sequel.

It was soon suspected at Lima that Alvarez had entered into terms with
the viceroy, from certain circumstances which had transpired before he
embarked, but more especially from his having set sail without waiting
for the dispatches of the royal court of audience, which had been
delayed a day in waiting for the consent of Ortiz. While they were still
in some degree of uncertainty on this subject, and waiting anxiously to
know the whole truth, they judged proper to send a representation on
the state of affairs to Gonzalo Pizarro, of which the following was the
tenor. "That, in consequence of their commissions, and of the express
powers confided to them by his majesty of doing every thing which might
be necessary for the due administration of justice, and to place the
country in good order, they had suspended the execution of the obnoxious
regulations, as demanded by the colonists, and had even sent off the
viceroy to Spain, which was more than had been required or could have
been reasonably asked. As, therefore, there now remained no call or
pretence for the military preparations which he had set on foot, they
commanded him immediately to dismiss his troops: But, if he were
inclined to come to Lima, he must come there as a man of peace, without
warlike array; yet, if he considered it necessary to his safety to have
an escort, they granted him permission to bring fifteen or twenty
horsemen along with him."

When these orders were prepared, the judges were desirous of sending
some of the inhabitants of Lima to carry them to Gonzalo Pizarro; but no
one would undertake the commission, which they considered as extremely
hazardous. They represented to the judges, that Gonzalo and his officers
would reproach them for opposing the just measures in which they were
engaged; as they had associated for the general interest of the colony.
On this refusal of the inhabitants, the judges gave orders to Augustino,
the royal treasurer of Peru[7], and Don Antonio de Ribeta, one of the
citizens of Lima, to carry this order to Gonzalo. To these messengers
they gave formal letters of credence, with which they set out upon their
journey for the valley of Jauja, in which Gonzalo Pizarro was then
encamped with his army. Gonzalo had already received notice of this
intended embassy; and was afraid, if the envoys should give a public
notification of the message with which they were entrusted, that his
troops might mutiny; as he knew they were exceedingly desirous of
marching to Lima in full force, that they might be in condition to
pillage that city on the first pretext that offered. To prevent this, he
sent Jerom de Villegas with thirty mounted musqueteers to intercept the
two messengers now on their way to the army. According to his
instructions, Villegas allowed Ribera to continue his journey to the
camp; but made Augustino de Zarate a prisoner, and deprived him of his
dispatches. Zarate was carried back by Villegas to the province of
Pariacaca[8], where he was detained a prisoner for ten days, and every
means were employed to intimidate him that he might not execute the
commission with which he was entrusted.

[Footnote 7: The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest of
Peru, which forms the subject of the present article; who accordingly,
might justly say of these events, _quorum pars magna fui_. His associate
on this occasion was the person who had charge of the family of the late
marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and had married the widow of Francisco
Martin de Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso.--E.]

[Footnote 8: No such province is now to be found in the best maps of
Peru; but seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is a
district called the valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the
_Chinchay Cocha_, or lake of Chinchay, which may then have been called
Pari-cocha, or Pari on the lake. From this circumstance, it appears the
messengers had been obliged to make a great circuit towards the north,
on purpose to get a passage across the main western ridge of the
Andes.--E.]

At the end of that period Gonzalo Pizarro arrived with his army at
Pariacaca, and called Zarate into his presence to give an account of the
subject of his mission: Zarate had been already made to understand that
his life would be in danger if he attempted to execute the orders he had
received literally: For which reason, after having explained the whole
distinctly to Gonzalo in private, on being taken into the tent where all
the insurgent captains were assembled, he proceeded, as instructed by
Gonzalo, to discharge his commission with prudent reserve. Gonzalo
desired him to repeat all that he had already communicated to him, but
Zarate, understanding distinctly what was expected of him by Gonzalo, in
addressing the assembled officers in the name of the judges of the royal
audience, used considerable address, and availed himself of the full
powers contained in his credentials. He was silent therefore regarding
the dismissal of the troops, which was the point of delicacy, and
confined himself to such other matters as seemed proper for the service
of his majesty and the good of the colony. In this view, he represented
to them, "that, since the viceroy was deported, and their demand for
suspending the obnoxious ordinances was granted, it seemed just that
they should repay the sums which Blasco Nunnez Vela had taken from the
royal treasury, as they had promised. That they should forgive those
inhabitants of Cuzco who had deserted from their camp to join the late
viceroy, since it could not be denied that these men had substantial
reasons for what they had done; and that they ought to send a humble
deputation to his majesty, to excuse and exculpate themselves from the
measures in which they had been engaged." Zarate added several things of
a similar nature; to all of which the only answer given by the council
of officers, which he was directed to carry back to the judges was,
"that it was indispensably necessary for the well being of the colony,
that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro governor of Peru. After which
every thing that was required should be done: But if this were refused,
the military council was determined to give up Lima to be plundered by
the soldiers."

Zarate would willingly have excused himself from bearing this answer;
but as no other could be procured, he was obliged to return to Lima,
where he reported it to the judges, to whom it gave much uneasiness and
dissatisfaction. Gonzalo Pizarro had not hitherto carried his
pretensions so high, having only insisted for the departure of the
viceroy from Peru, and the suspension of the obnoxious regulations, and
the judges were much at a loss how to conduct themselves under this new
and unexpected demand. After mature deliberation, they sent to inform
the insurgent officers, "that they were unable to grant their demand, or
even to take it into consideration, unless some person should appear
before them authorised to present the request according to the
accustomed forms." Upon this message, all the procurators or deputies of
the cities who were in the insurgent army repaired to Lima; where, in
conjunction with such other deputies of the cities as were resident in
that place, they presented a formal request in writing, demanding the
same thing which had been formerly done by a verbal message. The
auditors, considering this affair as exceedingly delicate, and that they
neither had any right to grant what was now demanded, nor sufficient
power to refuse it, as Gonzalo was now very near Lima which he held
strictly blockaded; they resolved to submit the whole to the
consideration of the principal persons of the city, that they might
receive their sentiments and advice in the present crisis. For this
purpose, they drew up a formal instrument of the whole matter, which was
communicated to Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Don Juan Solano
archbishop of Cuzco, Don Garcia Diaz bishop of Quito, Fray Thomas de San
Martino provincial of the Dominicans, Augustino de Zarate the treasurer,
and to the royal accountant and controller general[9]. This
extraordinary council was desired to consider maturely the demands of
the deputies, and to give their opinion freely on what was proper to be
done in consequence. In this instrument, the judges explained at full
length the reasons which induced them to require advice on this
important subject, openly avowing that this measure was not resorted to
in the view of following what the council might judge best, since
neither the judges nor the council had any power in the present
situation of affairs to act otherwise than as prescribed by Gonzalo
Pizarro and his officers; but that the judges had called in this manner
on the members of this extraordinary council, as recorded witnesses of
the constraint and oppression under which they all now acted.

[Footnote 9: By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all the
three offices, Treasurer, accountant, and controller.--E.]

While these deliberations were going on in Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro drew
nigh with his army and encamped about a quarter of a league from the
city, drawing up his numerous train of artillery in readiness for
service. As a whole day elapsed without the formal appointment as
governor being transmitted to him, he became impatient; and dispatched
thirty musqueteers into the city under the command of his
lieutenant-general, who made prisoners of twenty-eight persons, among
whom were those who had formerly deserted him at Cuzco, and others who
were most obnoxious for having taken part with the viceroy. Among these
were Gabriel de Roias, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, the
licentiate Carvajal, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, Alfonso de
Caceres, Pedro de Manjares, Luis de Leon, Antonio Ruys de Guevara, and
some others of highest consideration in the colony. These were committed
to the common prison, of which the lieutenant-general took possession,
taking away the keys from the alcalde or keeper. The judges were utterly
unable to make the smallest opposition to this strong measure, and dared
not even to express their disapprobation, as there did not now remain
fifty soldiers in the city; all those who had been formerly attached to
them or to the viceroy having gone over to the camp of Gonzalo, who had
now a force of twelve hundred men completely armed, including his
original troops and those who deserted to him on this occasion.

Next morning, several of the insurgent officers came into the city, and
required the judges to make out the commission for Gonzalo, and to
proclaim him governor-general of Peru without delay, otherways
threatening to give up the city to plunder, and to massacre the
inhabitants, in which case they would begin by putting the judges to
death. The judges endeavoured to excuse themselves, alleging that they
had neither right nor authority to do what was desired. Whereupon
Carvajal, the lieutenant-general under Pizarro, caused four of his
prisoners to be brought from the prison, and ordered three of them to be
hanged on a tree near the city. These unfortunate men were Pedro de
Barco, Martin de Florencia, and Juan de Saavedra. Carvajal only allowed
them a short half hour to confess their sins and to prepare for death,
adding insult and mockery to his cruelty. He particularly indulged in
raillery against Pedro de Barco, who was last executed; saying, as he
was a brave commander who had made several conquests, and was one of the
most considerable and richest men in Peru, he was inclined to allow him
some distinction in his death, and that he therefore granted him the
high and honourable privilege of choosing which branch of the tree he
preferred for being hanged upon. Luis de Leon escaped at the
intercession of his brother who served under Gonzalo.

On seeing these arbitrary proceedings, and being threatened by Carvajal
with a similar treatment of all the other prisoners, and that the city
should be given up to pillage if they did not execute the required
commission without delay, the judges sent to the members of the
extraordinary council formerly mentioned, desiring them to give their
undisguised sentiments: upon what was proper to be done. They
accordingly agreed unanimously that it was necessary to comply with the
demands of Gonzalo; and the judges immediately made out a commission
appointing Gonzalo Pizarro governor-general of Peru, until his majesty
might give orders to the contrary, and without prejudice to the rights
and authority of the royal audience, to which Gonzalo was required to
make oath that he would renounce his authority whenever it might please
his majesty or the audience to demand it from him, and likewise engaging
to submit to their authority in the event of any complaints against him,
either as an individual, or in the execution of his high office.

On receiving his commission, Gonzalo Pizarro made his public entry into
Lima, with all his troops in martial order. Captain Bachicao marched at
the head of the vanguard with the artillery, consisting of twenty field
pieces, which with all their ammunition, carriages, and other
equipments, were carried on the shoulders of six thousand Indians, who
completely filled all the streets through which they had to pass. The
artillery was accompanied by a guard of thirty musqueteers and fifty
canoneers. The company of two hundred pikemen commanded by Diego de
Gumiel followed next. Then two companies of musqueteers, commanded by
the Captains Guevara and Pedro Cermeno, the former consisting of 150,
and the latter of 200 men. After these followed three companies of
infantry who preceded Gonzalo Pizarro as his body guards, who followed
on horseback in his coat of mail, over which he wore a robe of cloth of
gold. He was followed by three captains of cavalry: Don Pedro de Porto
Carrero in the middle carrying the royal standard belonging to his
troop, having Antonio de Altamirano on his right with the standard of
Cuzco, and Pedro de Puelles on his left with a standard of the arms of
Gonzalo Pizarro. The whole cavalry of the army brought up the rear in
regular order. In this array, the whole column of march moved towards
the house of the oydor Ortiz de Zarate, where the other judges were
assembled. Ortiz had feigned sickness, on purpose to avoid attending the
royal court of audience at the reception of Gonzalo, but his brethren
adjourned the sitting to his house on the occasion.

Leaving his cavalry drawn up in the great square, Gonzalo made his
appearance before the assembled judges, who received him in form, and
administered to him the oath as governor. From thence he proceeded to
the town house, where all the magistrates of the city were assembled,
and where he was received with all the usual solemnities. Having gone
through all the ceremonies, he retired to his own house, and the
lieutenant-general Carvajal dismissed the army to its quarters upon the
citizens, who were ordered to entertain them at free quarters. Gonzalo
Pizarro continued to reside in Lima, exercising his authority as
governor in all things pertaining to military affairs, without
interfering in the administration of justice, which he confided entirely
to the oydors, who held their sittings for that purpose in the house of
the treasurer Alfonso Riquelme. Immediately after assuming the office of
governor, Gonzalo sent Alfonso de Toro as his lieutenant to Cuzco, Pedro
de Fuentes to Arequipa, Francisco de Almendras to La Plata, and others
in the same quality to the other cities of Peru[10].

[Footnote 10: According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro into
Lima was in October 1544, forty days after the deposition and
imprisonment of the viceroy. In the History of America, II. 373, this
event is dated on the 28th October.--E.]

As in the sequel of this history we shall have much to say respecting
Gonzalo Pizarro and his lieutenant-general Francisco de Carvajal, it may
be proper in this place to give a short account of the age, qualities,
and characters of these two men. At this period, Gonzalo Pizarro was
about forty years of age, large made and tall, well proportioned, of a
dark brown complexion, with a long black beard. He was well versant in
military affairs and took great delight in war, of which he endured the
labours and privations with much patient fortitude. He was an excellent
horseman; and though his genius was rather confined, and his language
vulgar, he could express his sentiments with sufficient clearness. He
was exceedingly remiss in keeping his secrets to himself, by which
weakness he often suffered much prejudice in his affairs and military
transactions. He was rather avaricious, and disliked much to give away
money; owing to which want of liberality his affairs frequently suffered
material injury. He was exceedingly amorous, not confining himself like
his brother the marquis to the native women, but gave much offence by
his intrigues among the Spanish ladies in Peru.

Francisco de Carvajal was a man of low descent, the son of a person
employed in collecting the tax on salt, and was born in the village of
Ragama near Arevala. He had served long in the wars of Italy under Count
Pedro de Navarre, having been in the battle of Pavia, where the king of
France was taken prisoner. On his return to Spain he was accompanied by
a lady of a good family, Donna Catalina de Leyton, to whom he was said
to be married; though most people believed otherwise, and some even
alleged she had been a nun. After his return to Spain, he lived for some
time at the commandry of Heliche, in the capacity of a steward; and went
afterwards into New Spain with the lady who passed for his wife. He was
for some time employed in Mexico, where he held some office; whence he
was sent by the viceroy of that kingdom to Peru, along with
reinforcements to the marquis Pizarro, at the time when the Indians
revolted, as formerly related. On this occasion, the marquis gave him
some lands and Indians at Cuzco, where he resided till the arrival of
the viceroy; when he was about to have returned into Spain with a
considerable sum which he had amassed from the Indians of his
repartimiento; but not being able to procure an opportunity, he had
remained in the country. When Gonzalo Pizarro assumed the government of
Peru, Carvajal was said to be eighty years of age. He was of the middle
stature, but very gross, full-faced, and high-complexioned. He was
skilled in warlike affairs, having had long experience, and was able to
undergo fatigue infinitely better than could have been expected at his
advanced age. He hardly ever quitted his armour, either by day or night;
and scarcely ever slept, except on a chair, leaning his head on his
hand. He was so much addicted to wine, that when he could not procure
such as was brought from Spain, he used to content himself with the
strong liquors made by the Indians, of which he drank more freely than
any other Spaniard. His disposition was addicted to cruelty, insomuch
that he frequently put people to death upon very slight grounds,
sometimes even without any reason at all, except merely under pretence
of keeping up proper military discipline. Even when ordering any
unfortunate persons to condign punishment, he was wont to crack his
jokes, and to pay them ironical compliments. He was a bad Christian, and
much addicted to impiety, as was manifest in all his words and actions;
and was prodigiously avaricious in the acquisition of money, for which
purpose he pillaged many of their wealth, by threatening to put them to
death, and then letting them free for a good round sum. He ended his
days in a miserable manner, with small hope of salvation, as will appear
in the sequel.

To return to the incidents of our history: Our readers may recollect
that Luis de Ribera, lieutenant governor in La Plata, and Antonio
Alvares alcalde or judge ordinary of that city, with most of its
inhabitants, had taken the field with the purpose of joining the
viceroy. After journeying a long way in the deserts without receiving
any intelligence of the events which were passing at Lima, they at
length learnt that the viceroy was deposed and that Gonzalo Pizarro had
usurped the government of Peru. As Ribera and Alvarez were the chief
leaders and instigators of the citizens of La Plata, they did not dare
to return to that city in the present situation of affairs, and took
therefore the resolution of seeking refuge among the Indians in the
inaccessible mountains. Some of their associates, however, ventured to
return to their city, while others went to Lima, where they obtained
pardon from Gonzalo; but he forfeited their lands and Indians, and sent
Francisco de Almendras to take possession of their repartimientos in his
name, as funds for reimbursing the expences of the war.

We must now advert to the deposed viceroy. After he had been set at
liberty by the oydor Alvarez, as has been already related, and the two
other vessels which carried his brother, friends, and servants, had
likewise submitted to his authority, he continued his voyage with all
the three ships to the port of Tumbez, where he and Alvarez landed,
leaving proper persons to take charge of the ships. Immediately on
landing, the viceroy and oydor began to exercise their respective
authorities, by constituting a royal audience, and proclamations were
dispersed through every part of the country, giving an account of the
illegal deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy and the usurpation of
Gonzalo, and commanding all faithful subjects of his majesty to join the
standard of the viceroy. He issued these orders to the cities of Quito,
San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and Truxillo; and commissioned captains to go
to different places to raise troops; sending, among others, Jerom de
Pereira on this errand into the province of Bracamoras. In consequence
of these proceedings, many persons came to Tumbez to join his standard.
He applied himself likewise to collect provisions and ammunition,
strengthening his party as much as possible; and issued orders to
transmit to him all the money which was contained in the royal coffers,
which was obeyed in many places. Some of the inhabitants however, fled
into the mountains, being unwilling to attach themselves to either of
the parties which now divided the unhappy colony, while others went to
join Gonzalo Pizarro. Intelligence was soon carried to Gonzalo of the
arrival of the viceroy at Tumbez, and of his preparations for recovering
his authority, and some even of the proclamations and orders of the
viceroy were brought to him at Lima. Gonzalo was by no means negligent
in endeavouring to counteract the proceedings of the viceroy; for which
purpose he sent orders to Ferdinand de Alvarado, his lieutenant at
Truxillo, and the captains. Gonzalo Diaz and Jerom Villegas, to collect
as many soldiers as possible in that part of the country, lest they
might have gone to Tumbez to join the party of the viceroy. He commanded
these officers to give every possible interruption to the preparations
of the viceroy, yet ordered them on no account to risk coming to a
battle with the royalists, however powerful and numerous they might
conceive their troops to be in comparison with those of the viceroy.

It had been long proposed to send a deputation from Gonzalo and the
communities of Peru into Spain, to lay an account before his majesty of
all that had occurred in the colony; and many of the principal
insurgents insisted on the necessity of this measure, to justify their
conduct. Others again, among whom the principal persons were the
lieutenant-general Carvajal and Captain Bachicao, were of an opposite
opinion; insisting that it were better to wait till his majesty might
think proper to send out persons to inquire into the cause of his
revenues being detained. They alleged that the viceroy must have already
fully informed his majesty upon all the late transactions, and would
doubtless be listened to in preference to any thing which they could say
in defence of their conduct. On this account, the leaders of the
insurgents regretted that they had not at the first sent over the judges
of the royal audience into Spain, to give an account of their reasons
for having made the viceroy a prisoner. And, after many deliberations on
this subject, it was at length determined to send home the Doctor
Texada, one of the oydors, in the name of the royal audience, to lay an
account of the whole before the king. It was at the same time resolved,
that Francisco Maldonado, who was master of the household of Gonzalo
Pizarro, should accompany Texada, carrying justificatory letters from
his master; but without any title, credence, or powers whatever. By
these measures, two purposes were served at the same time, both of which
were deemed useful: In sending a deputation to the king to justify their
proceeding, those of their party who pressed that measure were
satisfied; and by employing Texada on this errand, the court of royal
audience was virtually broken up, as Ortiz de Zarate could not then hold
sittings by himself[11]. When this proposal was communicated to Texada,
he readily consented to undertake the office, on condition that he were
furnished with 6000 crowns to defray the expences of his voyage.
Accordingly, Cepeda and he composed all the memorials and dispatches
which were deemed necessary, which were signed by these two judges only,
as Ortiz refused his concurrence.

[Footnote 11: Zarate seems to forget the existence of Cepeda, one of the
judges; but he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party of
the usurper, while Ortiz affected at least to retain a sense of
loyalty.--E.]

When all was in readiness for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado, a
ship which lay in the harbour of Lima was ordered to be fitted out for
their reception, of which Captain Bachicao was to have taken the
command, with a sufficient number of cannon, and twenty soldiers; having
orders to take possession of all the ships he might fall in with along
the coast. At this time, Vaca de Castro, the ex-president, who still
remained a prisoner in this ship, contrived to gain over a majority of
the seamen belonging to the vessel, with the assistance of his friend
Garcia de Montalva who occasionally visited him. By these means he
acquired the command of the vessel, which was already provided with
every thing needful for the voyage, and immediately set sail. This
untoward incident gave much uneasiness to Gonzalo Pizarro, both because
it delayed the departure of Texada, and because he judged that it could
not have happened without the concurrence of several concealed enemies
to the present state of affairs. On this the troops were ordered under
arms, and all the principal persons who were suspected of disaffection
to the party of Pizarro were taken into custody and committed to the
common prison of the city, both those who had fled from Cuzco, and those
belonging to other cities who had not joined his party. One of the
persons committed to prison on this occasion was the licentiate
Carvajal, to whom the lieutenant-general Carvajal sent a message,
desiring him to confess and make his will, as he was immediately to be
put to death. The licentiate did accordingly what he was desired, and
prepared himself to die with much firmness and resolution; yet he was
urged to be more expeditious, and the executioner was present, provided
with cords for tying his hands and strangling him. Every one believed
the last hour of the licentiate was come; more especially as,
considering his rank and quality, it was not thought possible that he
could be treated in this manner merely to frighten him. It was likewise
universally believed, that the execution of the licentiate would be
speedily followed by that of all the other prisoners; which it was
conceived would prove of material detriment to the colony, as they
consisted of the very principal people of the country, and of those who
had always evinced the most zealous loyalty to the service of his
majesty.

While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several of the most
judicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and requested of him to
reflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one of the principal persons in
the country, and that his brother had been already unjustly put to
death by the viceroy, under pretence of the licentiate having joined the
party of Pizarro. They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at this
time to put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew the
discontents which had formerly taken place on the death of his brother
the commissary. They even added, that much good service might be
expected from the licentiate, were it only in pursuit of revenge for the
death of his brother. They insisted that neither the licentiate nor any
of the other prisoners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro; but
that it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resorted
to on purpose to accuse them, who were already under suspicion as
disaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued by these
solicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to on the subject;
so that the licentiate and his friends were induced to try another
expedient for his release. They conveyed to the lieutenant-general an
ingot of gold weighing forty marks[12], with a promise of a much larger
present if he would save the life of the licentiate. The
lieutenant-general accepted their offers, delayed the execution of the
licentiate, and prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all the
other suspected persons at liberty.

[Footnote 12: The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ounce
comes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient
value.--E]

After the conclusion of this business, measures were taken for the
dispatch of Texada and Maldonado; and at this time there happened to
arrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which was fitted out along with some
other vessels, and armed with a part of the artillery which had been
brought down from Cuzco. In these vessels Bachicao embarked along with
the deputies, accompanied by sixty musqueteers, who were all that could
be prevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They proceeded on their
voyage along the coast to the northwards, and arrived one morning early
at Tumbez, where they understood the viceroy then resided. Immediately
on their being perceived making for the coast, the adherents of the
viceroy gave the alarm and stood on their defence: But as the viceroy
believed that Gonzalo Pizarro was on board in person accompanied by a
formidable body of troops, he retired in all haste from Tumbez
accompanied by an hundred and fifty men, taking the road for Quito.
Several of his people however did not think fit to accompany his flight,
and preferred giving themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise took
possession of two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez. From
thence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places, where he drew
together about an hundred and fifty men, all of whom he took along with
him in the ships of his squadron. Among these were Bartholomew Perez,
and Juan Delmos, respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo.

Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put in at the Isle of
Pearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to procure refreshments. While
at that place, the inhabitants of Panama received notice of his arrival,
and sent two deputies to learn his intentions, requesting at the same
time that he would not come into their boundaries with his troops.
Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be accompanied by
armed men, it was merely on purpose to defend himself against the
viceroy, and that he had not the most distant intention of injuring or
even displeasing the inhabitants of Panama. He informed them, that he
was entrusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the royal
judges, who was charged with a commission from the court of audience to
give an account to his majesty of the events which had occurred in Peru.
He farther declared that he should only land in Panama to provide
necessaries for his voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark without
delay. Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants of
Panama took no measures for defence. On coming into the port, two ships
which happened to be there, made sail to go away; one of which was taken
possession of by one of the brigantines belonging to Bachicao, and
brought back to the harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging from
the yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to the
inhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the purposes of
Bachicao were very different from his words and promises. But it was not
now time to think of defence, and they were constrained to submit,
though filled with terror and dismay, leaving their lives and properties
entirely at the discretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than the
lieutenant-general Carvajal, or even more so if possible; being at the
same time exceedingly addicted to cursing and blasphemy, and among all
his vices not a single spark of virtue could be found to relieve the
picture.

At this time Captain Juan de Gusman was in Panama raising soldiers for
the service of the viceroy; but he found it advisable to retire on the
arrival of Bachicao, with whom all these soldiers now inlisted. Bachicao
likewise got possession of the artillery which had belonged to the
vessel in which Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima. Seeing himself master
of Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow, exercised the
command there in a cruel and tyrannical manner, disposing at his will of
the goods and properties of every one, violating every rule of law and
justice, oppressing the liberties of the community, and holding every
individual under such slavish constraint, that no one dared to act
otherwise than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that two
of his captains had formed the design of putting him to death, he
ordered them both to be beheaded without any form of trial; and in
similar acts of injustice, and in every transaction, he used no other
formality than ordering it to be intimated by the public crier, "That
Captain Ferdinand Bachicao had ordained such and such to be done." He
thus usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the smallest
regard to the laws, or even to the external forms of justice.

The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when Bachicao arrived,
fled immediately across the isthmus to Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic,
where he embarked accompanied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and Jerom
Zurbano. Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise to the
same port, where they all embarked together for Spain. Texada died on
the voyage while passing the Bahamas. On their arrival in Spain,
Moldonado and Cueto went directly to Germany, where the emperor Don
Carlos then was, where each gave an account of the business with which
they were entrusted. Vaca de Castro remained for some time at Tercera in
the Azores; whence he went to Lisbon, and afterwards to the court of
Spain; alleging that he did not dare to go by way of Seville, on account
of the influence in that place of the brothers relations and friends of
Juan Tello, whom he had put to death after the defeat of the younger
Almagro. On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in his
own house by order of the council of the Indies. He was afterwards
brought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the course of which he
was kept prisoner for five years in the citadel of Arevalo. He was
afterwards removed to a private house in Simanca, from which he was not
permitted to go out: And in consequence of a subsequent revolution in
the court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large in the
city and territory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally adjuged
[13].

[Footnote 13: We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the
end honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso was
at Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. His
son, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of lands
and Indians in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly.--E.]

On the flight of the viceroy from Tumbez with an hundred and fifty men,
as before related, in consequence of the arrival of Bachicao, he retired
to Quito, where he was honourably received. In this place he increased
his force to two hundred men, and finding the country fertile and
abounding in provisions, he determined to remain there till he might
receive ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to the informations
he had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto. In the mean time he
appointed strong guards to defend the passes in the mountains, and
stationed spies on the different roads, that he might have early
intimation of the procedure of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which is three
hundred leagues from Quito. About this time four soldiers belonging to
Gonzalo deserted on account of some injurious treatment, and seized a
small bark in the port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to a
place where they landed, and whence they travelled by land to Quito. On
their arrival, they represented to the viceroy, that the inhabitants of
Lima and other places were exceedingly discontented by the conduct of
Gonzalo, who subjected them to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny,
driving them from their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, so
that many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other persons for
their subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such burthensome contributions
on the whole inhabitants, that they were unable to endure them; and that
all were so weary of his tyranny, that they would gladly join any person
who might come among them in the name of the king, to relieve them from
the cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the usurper. In
consequence of this statement, the viceroy was induced to march from
Quito towards San Miguel, appointing to the command of his troops one
Diego de Occampo, an inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on his
arrival at Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from his
own private fortune.

The licentiate Alvarez always accompanied the viceroy, and these two
established themselves as the court of royal audience, in virtue of a
commission from his majesty which the viceroy still held. By this royal
order, the viceroy was authorised after his arrival at Lima, to hold
audience in conjunction with two or one of the oydors who might first
arrive, or even in case that any two or three of them should chance to
die. In pursuance of this authority, the viceroy ordered a new seal to
be made, which he committed to the custody of Juan de Leon, alcalde or
police judge of Lima, who had been nominated by the Marquis of Camarosa,
grand-chancellor of the Indies, as his deputy or chancellor of the
audience of Lima. De Leon had fled from Gonzalo Pizarro, and had joined
the viceroy at Quito. In consequence of this arrangement, the viceroy
issued such orders and proclamations as seemed needful or expedient, in
the name of the emperor Don Carlos; authenticating them with the royal
seal, and by the signatures of himself and the licentiate Alvarez. By
these means there were two royal audiences in Peru, one at the city of
Lima, and the other wherever the viceroy happened to reside; so that it
frequently happened that two opposite and contradictory decrees were
pronounced and promulgated, in one and the same cause.

On taking the resolution of marching from Quito, the viceroy sent his
brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto, to inform his majesty of the
state of affairs, and to solicit such reinforcements as might enable him
to re-establish his authority in Peru, by waging war against Gonzalo
Pizarro. Cueto went accordingly to Spain in the same fleet with Vaca de
Castro and Texada, as already related. The viceroy advanced southwards
to San Miguel, which is an hundred and fifty leagues from Quito,
determining to remain at that place till he might receive farther orders
from his majesty. The inhabitants of San Miguel gave him the best
reception in their power, and furnished him as far as they were able
with every thing he was in want of. He continually kept his small army
on foot, to preserve the honour and reputation of his character as
viceroy, and that he might be in a convenient situation for receiving
such reinforcements as might come from Spain or from any of the American
colonies; as every one coming by land from these quarters must
necessarily pass by the way of San Miguel, especially if accompanied by
horses or beasts of burthen. He expected therefore to be able in this
place to collect reinforcements to his army, so as to be in condition to
renew the war, and employed himself to collect men, horses, and arms, so
that he was soon at the head of five hundred men, tolerably equipped.
Some of these indeed were in want of defensive armour, which they
endeavoured to supply by fabricating cuirasses of iron, and of hard
leather.

At the time when Gonzalo Pizarro sent Bachicao with the brigantines to
get possession of the ships belonging to the viceroy, he dispatched
Gonzalo Diaz de Pinera and Jerom de Villegas to collect the soldiers who
dwelt in Truxillo and San Miguel, that they might make head against the
viceroy in the north of Peru. These officers remained in San Miguel with
about eighty men whom they had drawn to their party, till they heard of
the approach of the viceroy; on which, not being in sufficient force to
oppose him, they retreated towards Truxillo, and established themselves
in the province of _Collique_, about forty leagues[14] from San Miguel.
From thence they sent intimation to Gonzalo of the advance of the
viceroy, and that his army increased daily in numbers, insomuch that it
behoved him to think of some appropriate measures to avert the
threatened danger. Diaz and Villegas were likewise informed that the
viceroy had sent Juan de Pereira, one of his officers, into the province
of Chachapoyas, in which there were very few Spanish settlers, to
endeavour to collect reinforcements. As they believed that Pereira and
his followers entertained no suspicions of their being in the
neighbourhood, Diaz and Villegas determined on attempting to surprize
them, which they did so effectually one night, that they made the whole
party prisoners without resistance. Having beheaded Pereira and two of
his principal followers, they obliged the rest of the party, about sixty
horsemen, to enter into the service of Gonzalo, by threats of putting
them all to death if they refused; after which they returned to their
post.

[Footnote 14: The distance in the text is probably a mistake for
_fourteen_ leagues, as about that distance to the S.E. of San Miguel
there is a river named _Chola_, which may have given name to the
district or valley in which it runs.--E.]

The viceroy was greatly incensed by this untoward event, and determined
to seek an opportunity of revenge. With this view he departed secretly
from San Miguel with a body of an hundred and fifty horse, and took such
judicious measures that he arrived one night undiscovered at _Collique,_
where he surprized the enemy, and obliged them to fly in all directions.
Diaz made his escape almost alone into a district inhabited by hostile
Indians, who assailed him and put him to death. Villegas and Ferdinand
Alvarado were more fortunate in their escape, as they were able to
collect some of their dispersed troops, with whom they took up a new and
more secure position not far from Truxillo, and at a safer distance from
San Miguel.

As Gonzalo Pizarro was informed that the viceroy augmented his army
from time to time, more especially after this successful enterprize, he
resolved to march against him without delay; as hardly a day passed in
which the viceroy was not joined by soldiers, horses, and arms from
Spain, or some of the American colonies, all of which were landed at the
port of Tumbez. He was likewise in dread lest some dispatch might arrive
from the emperor, favourable to the viceroy, by which his own adherents
might be intimidated, and numbers might be induced to change sides. With
this view he assembled his army, determined to march in person against
the viceroy, and if possible to bring him to action. He issued therefore
the proper orders to all his officers, reviewed and mustered his troops,
advanced them the necessary funds for taking the field, and sent off the
baggage, artillery, ammunition and provisions, with the main body of the
army towards Truxillo, remaining behind at Lima with some of his
principal officers, to follow in proper time. About this time a vessel
arrived from Arequipa with a very seasonable supply of 100,000 crowns;
and another vessel from Tierra Firma, belonging to Gonzalo Martel, sent
by his wife to enable him to return home. The arrival of these two
vessels was very opportune for Gonzalo Pizarro, as they served to
transport great quantities of musquets, pikes, ammunition, and other
implements of war, together with a guard of an hundred and fifty men,
and greatly facilitated the intended expedition against the viceroy.

On quitting Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro thought proper to take the oydor
Cepeda and Juan de Caceres the accountant-general along with him, both
to give the more eclat and appearance of legal authority to his
measures, and on purpose to break up the court of royal audience, as
Ortiz de Zarate would then be the only judge remaining at Lima, who was
not thought of much importance, as he was in bad health. Besides, Blas
de Soto, his brother, had married the daughter of that judge; and
although that marriage had been effected contrary to the wish of Ortiz,
it was considered as some tie upon his conduct. For greater security,
however, Gonzalo used the precaution of carrying the royal seal along
with him. Gonzalo Pizarro chose to go by sea; and on leaving Lima, he
appointed Lorenzo de Aldana as lieutenant-governor of that city, with a
garrison of eighty soldiers, to preserve tranquillity during his
absence. This small number was considered sufficient to prevent any
attempt towards a revolutionary movement, as most of the inhabitants of
Lima accompanied the expedition. Gonzalo embarked in March 1545, and
landed at the port of Santa, fifteen leagues south from Truxillo, at
which city he arrived on Palm Sunday. He remained at this place for some
time, waiting the junction of his troops, sending messages in various
directions to expedite their march. After some time, he marched from
Truxillo into the province of Collique, where the whole of his army
assembled. At this place he reviewed his army, which amounted to above
six hundred horse and foot. The troops under the viceroy were nearly as
numerous; but those under Gonzalo were much better armed, and better
supplied with every thing requisite for war, as well as being all
veteran soldiers, accustomed to war and discipline, and well acquainted
with all the difficult passes of the country. The troops of the viceroy
on the contrary, had for the most part come recently from Spain, were
quite unaccustomed to war, and ill armed; besides which their powder was
bad in quality.

Gonzalo used every effort to collect provisions and all kinds of
necessaries for his army, more especially as he had to pass through a
desert country which intervened between the province of Motupe[15] and
the city of San Miguel, a distance of twenty-two leagues without any
inhabitants, and entirely destitute of water or other means of
refreshment, consisting every where of burning sands without shelter
from the heat of the sun and almost under the equinoctial line. As this
march was necessarily attended with much inconvenience and difficulty,
Gonzalo used every proper precaution that his troops might be supplied
abundantly with water and other necessaries. For this purpose all the
neighbouring Indians were ordered to bring a prodigious quantity of jars
and other vessels calculated to contain water. The soldiers were ordered
to leave at Motupe all their clothes and baggage of which they were not
in immediate want, which were to be brought forward by the Indians.
Above all things, it was taken care that a sufficiency of water should
accompany the army, both for the troops, and for the horses and other
animals. Every thing being in readiness, Gonzalo sent forwards a party
of twenty-five horsemen by the ordinary road through the desert, that
they might be observed by the scouts belonging to the viceroy, and that
he might be led to believe the army came in that direction. He then took
a different route through the same desert with the army, marching as
expeditiously as possible, every soldier being ordered to carry his
provisions along with him on his horse. By these precautions, and the
rapidity of the march, the viceroy was not informed of the approach of
Gonzalo and his army, till they were very near San Miguel. Immediately
on learning their approach, he sounded the alarm, giving out that he
intended to meet and give battle to the insurgents; but as soon as his
army was drawn out from the city, he took a quite opposite course,
directing his march with all possible expedition towards the mountain of
Caxas.

[Footnote 15: Named Morrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is of
great extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance of
above eighty English miles.]

Gonzalo Pizarro got notice of the retreat of the viceroy about four
hours afterwards, in consequence of which he made no halt at San Miguel,
except to procure guides to direct him in the road which the viceroy had
taken. In the first night of this pursuit, the army of Gonzalo marched
eight Spanish leagues, or near thirty English miles, and several of the
royalists who had lagged behind the rest, together with the whole
baggage belonging to the retreating army fell into his hands. Gonzalo
hanged such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, and
continued the pursuit of the flying royalists with the utmost diligence,
through difficult and almost impracticable roads, where no provisions
could be procured, always coming up with some of the hindmost of the
enemy. Gonzalo likewise sent on several Indians with letters to the
principal officers who served under the viceroy, urging them to put him
to death, and offering them their pardons for the past and to give them
high rewards. He continued the pursuit above fifty leagues or two
hundred miles, till at length the horses were no longer able to carry
their riders, and the men were incapable of proceeding, both from
excessive fatigue and by the failure of provisions. The insurgent army
at length arrived at Ayabaca[16], where the hot pursuit of the viceroy
was discontinued, and the troops of Gonzalo halted for rest and
refreshment. Besides the difficulty of overtaking the royalists, Gonzalo
had received assurances from some of the principal followers of the
viceroy that they would either put him to death, or deliver him up as a
prisoner; and, as this came afterwards to the knowledge of the viceroy,
he put several of these officers and gentlemen of his army to death.
After Gonzalo had supplied his army with such provisions as could be
furnished at Ayabaca, he resumed the pursuit, but with less rapidity
than before, and keeping his army always in compact order; yet at this
time some of his troops remained behind, partly owing to extreme
fatigue, and partly from discontent. Leaving the viceroy to continue
his retreat to Quito, and Gonzalo in pursuit, it is proper to mention
some events that occurred at this time in other parts of Peru.

[Footnote 16: Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text,
Ayabaca is only about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straight
line N.N.E. from San Miguel.--E.]

In this march, Gonzalo did not think proper to carry along with his army
any of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy whom he had taken during
the pursuit, both because he could not confide in them, because he had
already a sufficient force in proportion to the enemy, and because
provisions were very difficult to be procured, as the viceroy had
stripped every place through which he passed as much as possible. For
this reason, Gonzalo Pizarro sent back all his prisoners to Truxillo,
Lima, or such other places as they thought proper, having in the first
place put to death such of their chiefs as he considered most strongly
attached to the viceroy. As these soldiers were dispersed over several
parts of the country, they began to declaim in favour of the viceroy and
against the tyrannical conduct of Gonzalo, and found many persons
abundantly disposed to listen to their harangues; both because what they
alleged was true in itself, and because most of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru were much inclined to revolution and change of party, especially
the soldiery and those who were lazy and unoccupied. The real settlers
and principal inhabitants of the cities were quite of an opposite
description, being friends of peace and order, as most conducive to
their interest and happiness, and necessary to the preservation of their
properties, and being more exposed in time of civil war than even the
soldiers to be harassed and tormented in many ways, as the ruling party
was apt on the slightest pretexts to put them to death on purpose to
seize their effects, with which to gratify and reward the partizans of
their tyranny and injustice. These seditious discourses were so openly
indulged in, that they reached the knowledge of the lieutenants of
Gonzalo; who, each in his peculiar jurisdiction, punished the authors as
they deemed right. At Lima, to which most of these prisoners had gone,
Pedro Martin de Cecilia the provost marshal was a violent partizan of
Gonzalo, and caused several of these malecontents to be hanged. Lorenzo
de Aldana, who had been left by Gonzalo as lieutenant-governor of Lima,
was a prudent man, and conducted himself in a quite different manner,
being disinclined from acting with such violence as might occasion
displeasure to either party in the sequel; for which reason he used all
his influence to prevent putting any one to death, or from injuring any
person in any manner. Although he held his office from Gonzalo, he never
exerted himself zealously in his service, so that the partizans of that
usurper considered him as secretly gained by the other party, more
especially as he always behaved well to the known friends of the
viceroy. On this account, all these men flocked to Lima, where they
believed themselves in greater security than anywhere else. The
partizans of Gonzalo, on the other hand, made loud complaints against
the favourable behaviour of Aldana to the royalists; and in particular
one of the alcaldes of Lima, named Christopher de Burgos, spoke of it so
openly that Aldana thought it necessary to give him a public reprimand,
and even committed him to prison for some time. Several even went so far
as to communicate their suspicions of the fidelity of Aldana to Gonzalo
Pizarro by letters, and even persuaded him of the truth of their
allegations: But he refrained from manifesting his want of confidence in
the lieutenant-governor, considering it dangerous to deprive him of his
office while the army was at so great a distance, more especially as
Aldana had a respectable military force, and was much esteemed by the
citizens of Lima.

We have formerly mentioned that several inhabitants of the city of La
Plata in the province of Las Charcas, on receiving orders to that effect
from the viceroy, had set out from that city on purpose to offer him
their services against Gonzalo; but having learnt his imprisonment while
on their way to Lima, they returned to their habitations. Gonzalo
Pizarro was particularly displeased with these men, as he expected to
have been especially favoured by the inhabitants of his own peculiar
district, and sent therefore a person named Francisco de Almendras as
lieutenant-governor to La Plata, a coarse brutal fellow without feeling
or humanity, and one of the most cruel satellites of his tyrannical
usurpation; whom he instructed to be peculiarly watchful of the
behaviour of those who had shewn an intention of joining the viceroy,
and to make them feel on every opportunity how much he was dissatisfied
with their conduct on that occasion. In pursuance of his instructions,
Almendras deprived the principal persons among these loyalists of their
lands and Indians, and exacted heavy contributions from them towards
defraying the expences of the war. He likewise affronted and used them
ill on all occasions, and even on very frivolous pretences. One Don
Gomez de Luna, a principal person among the loyalists of La Plata,
happened one day to observe in conversation at his own house, that the
emperor Don Carlos must assuredly at length recover the command over
Peru. This loyal sentiment was reported to Almendras, who immediately
ordered De Luna to be arrested and thrown into the common prison. The
magistrates of the city went in a body to supplicate Almendras either to
liberate De Luna, or at least to confine him in a place more conformable
to his rank; and as Almendras refused to give a satisfactory answer to
their representation, one of the magistrates declared publicly, that, if
he would not liberate de Luna, they would do so in spite of him.
Almendras dissembled his sentiments at the time, but went next night to
the prison, whence he caused De Luna to be taken out to the public
square and beheaded.

The inhabitants of the city were exceedingly disgusted by this cruel act
of tyranny, which they considered as an outrage against the whole
community; and particularly one Diego Centeno was most sensibly
affected, as he and De Luna had been extremely intimate. At the
commencement of the troubles respecting the obnoxious regulations,
Centeno had attached himself to Gonzalo Pizarro, whom he had accompanied
to Cuzco, in the capacity of procurator from the province of Las
Charcas, being one of the principal persons of his party. Having noticed
the bad intentions of Pizarro, and that he did not limit his designs to
those objects which he at first proposed, Centeno abandoned the party of
Gonzalo and returned to his own house. He now determined to use his
utmost endeavours to revenge the cruel death of his friend De Luna, that
he might save himself and others from the tyrannous rule of Almendras,
and on purpose to restore the country to obedience to its legitimate
sovereign. With this view, he communicated his sentiments to some of the
principal settlers, among whom were Lopez de Mendoza, Alfonso Perez de
Esquivel, Alfonzo de Camargo, Fernando Nunnez de Segura, Lopez de
Mendiera, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and several others whom he believed to
have loyal intentions, all of whom he found disposed to second him in
executing the enterprize which he had in view. In the prosecution of
this purpose, they all assembled one Sunday morning, according to
custom, at the house of Almendras, under pretence of accompanying him
to church. When all were assembled, although Almendras had a
considerable guard, Ceuteno went up to him as if to converse on some
affair of moment, and stabbed him repeatedly with his dagger. The
conspirators then dragged him out to the public square and cut off his
head, declaring him a traitor, and proclaiming that they had done so for
the service of the king.

Considering that Almendras was universally detested, the conspirators
had not thought it necessary to use any precautions for conciliating the
people; yet all the inhabitants declared for the king, and took
immediate measures to support his authority and to defend themselves
against the resentment of Gonzalo and the insurgents. For this purpose,
they elected Centeno as commander in chief of the province; in which
capacity he appointed proper persons to be captains of cavalry and
infantry under his authority, and used every effort to inlist a body of
troops, which he paid out of his own funds, being one of the richest men
in the country; but in this he was assisted by the other inhabitants of
the province, who contributed towards the expence. Centeno was of an
honourable family, being descended from Hernan Centeno who had made
himself illustrious in the wars of Castillo. He was about thirty-five
years of age, of very agreeable manners, of a liberal disposition,
personally brave, of an excellent character and universally respected.
At this time he enjoyed a revenue exceeding 80,000 crowns; but about two
years afterwards, on the discovery of the famous mines of Potosi, he
became possessed of above 100,000 crowns of annual rent by means of his
Indians, as his estate lay very near these mines.

Having assembled a body of troops, Centeno used every effort to provide
them with arms and all other necessary equipments. He placed guards at
all the passes, to prevent any intelligence from being conveyed to the
enemy till his affairs were in proper order. He sent likewise Lopez de
Mendoza one of his captains, first to Porco and thence to Arequipa to
collect as many men as possible, and to endeavour to arrest Pedro do
Puentes the lieutenant of Gonzalo at Arequipa. But Puentes fled
immediately from Arequipa on receiving intelligence of the events which
had occurred at Las Charcas. Mendoza therefore took possession of
Arequipa without resistance; whence he reinforced himself with all the
men, arms, and horses, he could procure, and carried off all the money
he could find, with which and his reinforcement he returned to Centeno
at La Plata.

On the return of Mendoza, Centeno found himself at the head of two
hundred and fifty men well equipped for war, to whom he explained his
sentiments and views, and gave an account of the criminal usurpation of
Gonzalo Pizarro, in the following terms. "You know that Gonzalo, on
leaving Cuzco, pretended merely to present the humble remonstrances of
the colonists respecting the obnoxious regulations; and you have been
informed that, even at the outset, he put to death Gaspard de Roias,
Philip Gutierrez, and Arias Maldonado. You have learnt how he conspired
with the judges of the royal audience and other inhabitants of Lima, to
arrest and depose the viceroy, both of which were done accordingly.
After this, while at the very gates of Lima, and before his public entry
into that city, he sent in his lieutenant-general, who arrested many of
the most considerable and richest inhabitants of the country, under the
eyes of the judges, merely because these men had joined the viceroy, and
even hanged three of them without any form of trial, Pedro de Barco,
Martin de Florencia, and Juan Saavedra. He in the next place has broken
up the royal court of audience, sending off its judges to different
places, having in the first place obliged them to appoint him to the
government. He has since, as you well know, caused many others to be put
to death, merely on suspicion that they were favourable to the viceroy,
and intended to join his party. Not satisfied with all this, he has
seized all the treasure belonging to his majesty in the different
receipts of the colony, and has imposed excessive contributions on the
inhabitants, from whom he has exacted above 150,000 ducats by means of
taxes imposed at his own pleasure. Adding crime to crime, he has again
levied forces against the authority of his majesty, with which he has
marched against the viceroy, and has carried insubordination and
confusion into every part of the country; permitting and encouraging
many to hold public discourse contrary to the respect and obedience
which is due to his majesty. They were likewise aware, that Gonzalo had
token away the repartimientos, or allotments of lands and Indians from
many persons, and had converted them to his own emolument. Finally, he
laid before them the strong obligations by which they were all bound, as
faithful subjects, to exert their utmost endeavours in the service of
their sovereign, lest they should draw upon themselves the imputation of
being rebels and traitors." By these representations, and others which
it were tedious to repeat, he disposed his auditors to concur in his
loyal sentiments, and willingly to obey his orders. After this, Centeno
sent one of his captains with a detachment to Chicuito, a place
belonging particularly to the king, between Orcaza and Las Charcas, with
orders to guard the passes with the utmost vigilance, till he and the
royalists were in full readiness to execute their principal enterprize,
as will be related in the sequel.

Notwithstanding every precaution employed by Centeno to conceal his
operations and intentions, it was impossible to prevent intelligence
from spreading in various directions, more especially after the
expedition of Mendoza to Arequipa. Every thing he had already done, even
the number of his troops, and of the musquets and horses he had
collected, was fully known, by means of Indians and Spaniards who had
escaped from La Plata, in spite of the guards which had been set, to
watch the passes of the mountains. Alfonso de Toro, who acted as
lieutenant governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, happened at this
time to be a hundred leagues to the northward of that city, keeping
guard in one of the passes of the mountains, as by letters from Gonzalo
the viceroy was reported to have gone into the mountainous country, and
was supposed to have directed his march by that road toward the south of
Peru. On receiving notice of the late revolution at La Plata, De Toro
returned in all diligence to Cuzco, where he levied forces to oppose
Centeno; and, having assembled the magistrates and principal inhabitants
of Cuzco, he informed them of what had occurred at Las Charcas, and as
there was a sufficient force in Cuzco to suppress the royalists, he
thought it incumbent on him to march to La Plata for that purpose. To
gain them over to his purpose, he represented that Centeno had revolted
without any just cause, and had usurped authority in Las Charcas for his
own private ends, under pretence of serving the king; whereas Gonzalo
Pizarro, being actual governor of the kingdom of Peru, ought to be
obeyed as such till his majesty sent orders to the contrary. That the
revolt of Centeno, being both criminal in itself and contrary to the
law, every one was bound to resist him, and to punish his temerity. He
recalled to their remembrance, that Gonzalo Pizarro was engaged in
serving the general interest of the colonists, to procure the revocation
of the obnoxious ordinances, in which common cause he had exposed his
fortune and personal safety to every hazard, as it was well known that
every inhabitant of Peru would be stripped of his property if the
regulations were put in force. That besides the general advantage
procured by Gonzalo in setting aside the obnoxious regulations, for
which all were infinitely indebted to him, it was obvious that he had
not in any respect conducted himself contrary to the royal orders, and
had not in any manner set himself against the authority of the
sovereign; since, on his arrival at Lima for the purpose of presenting
their remonstrances, the judges of the royal audience had already
arrested the viceroy and sent him out of the kingdom, of which these
judges had appointed Gonzalo interim governor; and that in marching in a
warlike manner against the viceroy, he had acted at the request and by
the orders of the royal audience; as was manifest by his being
accompanied by Cepeda, one of the royal judges and chairman of the
audience. He asserted that no person in Peru could take upon him to
determine whether the audience had acted right or otherwise in
conferring the government on Gonzalo; and that it was the duty of all to
support him in that office, till they received the ulterior orders of
the sovereign.

At the close of this discourse, every one acknowledged the justice of
what he had represented, and voluntarily offered to support Gonzalo with
their lives and fortunes; although in reality most of them did so more
from fear than good will, as they stood in great awe of De Toro, who had
hanged several persons in a summary manner, and had made himself
universally dreaded by his cruel and ferocious disposition and conduct,
so that no one dared to oppose or contradict him in any thing. After a
short deliberation, a set of resolutions were entered into, in which the
transactions of Centeno in Las Charcas were recited as seditious and
unlawful, and he was declared to have assassinated Francisco de
Almendras, the lieutenant governor, to have levied forces in rebellion
against the legitimate government, and to have passed the boundaries of
the province of Las Charcas in hostile manner; for all which reasons it
was just and proper to make war upon him, and to reduce him to
obedience. All this was done principally to satisfy or to amuse the
people, and to make them believe that the partizans of Gonzalo acted
reasonably and lawfully, as all those who signed these resolutions were
perfectly aware of the real state of affairs. In reality, although
matters were thus represented in the popular assemblages, in
justification of the measures of the insurgent party, or at least to
excuse their actions under specious pretences, those who took an active
part on the present occasion, used often to declare, both in the
presence and absence of Gonzalo, that the king would certainly give, or
ought to give him the government of Peru, as they were resolved not to
receive any other person in that capacity, such being the resolution of
Gonzalo in which they all concurred.

Alfonso de Toro now proceeded to levy an army, of which he declared
himself captain general and commander in chief, and appointed captains
and other officers to command under his authority. In all his
proceedings he carried himself with a high hand, employing force and
violence, instead of persuasion and good treatment. He protested
publickly and with many oaths, that he would hang up every one who did
not assist and contribute to the cause; and even had several persons
carried to the foot of the gallows, whose lives he was induced to spare
by dint of solicitations. He abused and maltreated others, using
everyone in the most outrageous manner who did not give way to him in
all things. By this violent procedure he completed his warlike
preparations at very small expence; insomuch that it appeared afterwards
by his accounts, that he had not expended above twenty thousand crowns
in this expedition, as he took away gratuitously all the horses that
were to be found in Cuzco, and constrained all the inhabitants who were
able to carry arms to accompany him in the expedition against Centeno.
By these means De Toro collected three hundred men, tolerably armed and
equipped, with which he marched from Cuzco to a place named Urcos, about
six leagues from that city, where he remained three weeks in anxious
expectation of intelligence from Las Charcas: But all the roads and
passes between and La Plata, were so well guarded by the Indians, who
were entirely disposed to favour Centeno, that he was unable to learn
any thing of the movements or intentions of the royalists in Las
Charcas, so that he was constrained to remain continually on the alert
lest he might have been surprized. Besides these military precautions,
he rigorously punished all who presumed to show the slightest
disinclination towards the interest of the Pizarrian faction, or to
express their sentiments in any respect in disapprobation of his own
designs; insomuch that all were constrained from dread of punishment to
appear heartily attached to the cause in which he was engaged.

After remaining three weeks encamped at Urcos, he determined to march in
search of Centeno, and advanced for that purpose to the village named
Del Rey. As the troops of Centeno happened to be a good deal scattered
at this time, he was under the necessity of retreating on the approach
of De Toro. These hostile chiefs being encamped at the distance of about
twelve leagues, entered into a negotiation to endeavour to form an
accommodation; but, as they were unable to agree upon any terms, De Toro
advanced for the purpose of attacking Centeno; who, on the other hand,
was unwilling to risk the chance of an engagement, owing to the
inferiority of his force, and because a defeat might have dispirited his
own party and have been of great advantage to the cause of the
insurgents. On this account he retired in proportion as De Toro
advanced, accompanied by a great number of large Peruvian sheep loaded
with provisions and ammunition, and carrying along with him all the
principal _curacas_ or native chiefs, to prevent De Toro from being able
to avail himself of the assistance of the Indians. In this manner
Centeno continued to retreat across a desert and uninhabited country of
forty leagues extent, till he arrived at a place named _Casabindo_,
through which Diego de Roias had formerly descended from the elevated
region of Peru into the eastern plain of the Rio de la Plata. Alfonso de
Toro continued the pursuit as far as the city of La Plata, which is an
hundred and eighty leagues to the south of Cuzca. Finding that place
abandoned and entirely stript of every thing which might contribute to
the subsistence of his troops, and being unable to procure provisions on
account of the absence of all the curacas or caciques, he was under the
necessity to discontinue his pursuit of Centeno, and even found himself
compelled to return towards Cuzco. In this retreat, De Toro took the
command of the advanced guard of fifty men, ordering the main body to
march at leisure, and left a rear-guard of thirty of his best mounted
cavalry under Alfonso de Mendoza, with orders to use every possible
means of procuring intelligence of the motions of Centeno; that, in case
of his following, the troops might be collected together in good order
to rejoin the van.

The departure of De Toro from La-Plata on his return to Cuzco was soon
communicated to Centeno by means of the Indians. He was astonished at
this sudden alteration of affairs; and, as he understood that De Toro
marched in great hast, without keeping his troops in close array, he
supposed that circumstance to have been occasioned by De Toro
entertaining suspicions of the fidelity of his followers, and that he
had found them ill-disposed towards the party of the Pizarrians. On
these considerations, Centeno resolved to pursue in his turn, in hope of
drawing some advantage to the cause in which he was engaged from this
measure, and even expecting that several of the followers of Toro might
come over to his side. He sent off therefore the captain Lope de Mendoza
with fifty light armed cavalry in pursuit of the enemy. Mendoza got in a
short time to Collao; and, although de Toro and most of his troops had
already passed beyond that place, he made prisoners of about fifty who
remained behind, whom at first he deprived of their horses and arms.
Soon afterwards, however, he returned these to his prisoners, and even
distributed some money among them, receiving their engagements upon oath
to join him when required; but he hanged a few of them who were
suspected of being particulary attached to De Toro. After this
successful exploit, Lope returned in great haste to La Plata, in hope of
being able to cut off Alfonzo de Mendoza and his small party, who still
occupied that place. But Alfonzo had received intelligence of what had
happened at Collao, and had already quitted La Plata in great haste,
taking a different road from that pursued by Lope, by which means he got
safe to Cuzco.

Centeno arrived soon afterwards at La Plata with the remainder of his
troops, where he assembled all the force under his command, and where he
made every possible preparation for continuing the war to advantage, and
in particular caused a number of musquets to be made. De Toro continued
his retreat to Cuzco, dreading much to be pursued, and lest Centeno
might have acquired possession of Cuzco, which he might easily have
accomplished in the present situation of affairs; but Centeno thought it
more prudent to remain at La Plata, where he augmented the number of his
troops and collected treasure which was found in great plenty in the
province of Las Charcas.

The events which had taken place in Las Charcas were soon known at
Lima; and as several of the soldiers in that city were attached to the
party of the viceroy, they spoke almost openly of going away to join
Centeno; and, from the small attention paid by Lorenzo de Aldana to
repress these men, he was even suspected of favouring the same cause.
Antonio de Ribera likewise, although the brother-in-law of Pizarro, was
strongly suspected of being secretly devoted to the royal interest, as
indeed his conduct in the sequel evinced; and several other persons of
consideration lay under suspicions of the same nature. All this gave
much uneasiness to the friends of Pizarro: Yet those persons at Lima who
wished well to the interests of his majesty, did not think it prudent at
this time to make any open attempt, being satisfied that it was better
to wait a more favourable opportunity, and that De Aldana would prepare
matters for that purpose, as he seemed clearly favourable to the same
cause. His abilities were universally acknowledged, and his good
intentions were not doubted, so that all were satisfied that he would
conduct matters with much prudence to a favourable issue.

At this time it became known at Lima that the viceroy had retreated with
a small body of troops into the province of Popayan; and that during his
retreat he had put to death several of the officers and other persons of
consideration in his army; among whom were Rodrigo de Ocampo, Jerom de
la Cerna, Gaspard Gil Olivarez and Gomez Estacio; some of these because
they were inclined to abandon him, and others for corresponding with
Gonzalo Pizarro, and conspiring to put the viceroy to death. On the
communication of this intelligence at Lima, it produced different
effects according to the different inclinations and views of the
inhabitants. It occasioned more reserve among those who were of loyal
dispositions; whereas the partizans of the Pizarrian tyranny considered
themselves more at liberty to avow their sentiments to Aldana. They went
therefore to him in a body, and represented that there were many persons
in Lima who were strongly suspected of being hostile to Gonzalo Pizarro,
and only waited a favourable opportunity to take up arms against him;
and that it was incumbent therefore on the lieutenant governor to punish
these men for the scandalous freedoms in which they had indulged, or at
least to banish them from the city. They offered to furnish sufficient
proof of these facts, and urged him to exert his authority on the
occasion. Aldana assured them that none of these things had ever come
to his knowledge; and that if he knew who those were against whom they
complained, he would take such measures as were necessary on the
occasion.

The partizans of Pizarro became at length so bold that they arrested
fifteen of those whom they most strongly suspected of attachment to the
deposed viceroy, among whom was Diego Lopez de Zuniga. Having thrown
these men into prison, the Pizarrians were inclined to have given them
the torture to extort confession, and afterwards to have procured their
condemnation by Pedro Martin the provost marshal of the city; so that
they were in imminent danger of being put to death, if Lorenzo de Aldana
had not exerted himself promptly and effectually to take them out of the
hands of the Pizarrians. For this purpose, he caused them all to be
brought to his own residence, on pretence that they would be there in
more safe custody, and provided them with every thing of which they
stood in need, even secretly furnishing them with a vessel in which they
embarked and saved themselves from their enemies. This transaction gave
much dissatisfaction to the friends of Pizarro, both on account of the
escape of the prisoners, and because Aldana refused to allow of any
formal investigation into the circumstances of their escape; on which
account the Pizarrians firmly believed that Aldana was in secret league
with the opposite party. They wrote therefore to Gonzalo Pizarro, giving
him an account of all these events, and urging him to give proper orders
on the occasion. But Gonzalo did not think it prudent at this time to
make any change in affairs at Lima, or to attempt any thing against
Aldana; because, as it has been reported, he was afraid of matters
taking an unfavourable issue while he was at so great a distance.

When Gonzalo Pizarro was informed of what had been done by Centeno in
the province of Las Charcas against his interest and authority, he
believed it necessary to use prompt measures for reducing that country
to subjection, and not to give his enemies time and opportunity for
strengthening themselves and increasing the number of their partizans;
as he flattered himself that he would become absolute master of the
whole kingdom of Peru, if he were able to get rid of Centeno. After
several consultations with the principal officers of his army, on the
measures necessary to be pursued on this emergency, in which Gonzalo
could not act in person as he had still to oppose the viceroy in the
north, it was determined to confide the care of an expedition against
Centeno to the lieutenant-general Carvajal. For this purpose all the
necessary orders and commissions were made out immediately in the name
of Gonzalo Pizarro, by which Carvajal was authorized to levy what men
and money he might deem necessary. This employment was very acceptable
to Carvajal, as he believed he might derive considerable profit to
himself in its execution; and he set out from Quito accompanied only by
twenty persons, in whom he had great confidence. The council of Gonzalo
Pizarro had other and secret motives for recommending the employment of
Carvajal on this occasion, besides those which they publickly avowed.
Some were desirous of acquiring by his absence a greater share in the
management of affairs; while others were anxious to send him to a
distance, from the terror inspired by his cruel and ferocious conduct,
and his passionate temper, owing to which he used often to put people to
death on the most trifling offences or the slightest suspicions. But all
the leaders in the army disguised their real sentiments on this
occasion, pretending that the importance of the affair required the
talents and experience of Carvajal to bring it to a successful issue.

Leaving Quito, Carvajal went, directly to San Miguel, where the
principal inhabitants went out to meet him, and conducted him with much
respect to the house which was prepared for his reception. On arriving
there, he desired six of the most considerable persons belonging to the
city to dismount and accompany him into the house, under pretence that
he had something of importance to communicate to them from the governor.
Having caused the doors to be shut, and posted centinels to prevent any
communication with the rest of the inhabitants, he represented to these
men, that Gonzalo was much incensed against them for having always taken
part with his enemies, and more especially on account of having received
and favoured the deposed viceroy, and of having readily supplied his
army with every thing of which they stood in need. On this account it
had been his first intention to have destroyed the city with fire and
sword, without sparing a single inhabitant. But, on reflecting that the
magistrates and principal inhabitants only were to blame, the people at
large having been constrained by force or fear, he was now determined to
punish only the most guilty and to pardon the rest. Yet, having certain
private reasons for dissembling for the present with some of the
principal persons of the place, he had selected the six who were now
present, as principal inhabitants, to punish them as they richly
deserved, that they might serve as a warning to all Peru. For this
reason, therefore, he desired them to confess their sins in preparation
for death, as he was resolved to have them all executed immediately.

They used every argument to exculpate themselves from the crimes kid to
their charge, but all they could say was without avail; and Carvajal
even caused one of them to be strangled, against whom he was
particularly incensed, as he had been principally instrumental in
constructing the royal seal which the viceroy employed in his
dispatches. In the mean time, a rumour of what was going forward at the
residence of Carvajal spread over the city, and came to the knowledge of
the wives of the prisoners. These ladies immediately implored the
priests and monks who dwelt in San Miguel to accompany them to the place
where their husbands were in so great danger. They all went there
accordingly, and got in by a private door which had not been noticed by
the people belonging to Carvajal, and which had consequently been
omitted to be guarded. Coming into the presence of Carvajal, the wives
of the prisoners threw themselves at his feet, and implored mercy for
their husbands. He pretended to be softened, and granted pardon to the
prisoners, so far as their lives; yet reserving to himself to punish
them in such other manner as he might see fit. Accordingly, he banished
them from the province, depriving them of their lands and Indians, and
condemned them in the payment of heavy fines towards defraying the
expences of the war.

From San Miguel Carvajal went to Truxillo, collecting every where on his
route all the soldiers, horses, arms, and money he could find. Carvajal
had resolved to have put one Melchior Verdugo to death, who dwelt in
Truxillo; but as Verdugo got intimation of this intention, he fled to
the province of Caxamarca, where his repartimiento of Indians was
situated. The bussiness on which Carvajal was engaged was of too great
importance to admit of pursuing Verdugo; wherefore, after having got
possession of as much money as possible under pretence of a loan, he
went on to Lima, always collecting all the soldiers he could procure. He
gave no money to his recruits, only supplying them with horses and arms,
which he took wherever they could be found. He kept all the money he
could find for his own use, every where pillaging the royal coffers and
public funds, and even searching for treasure among the ancient tombs.
After arriving at Lima, he completed his military preparations, and
departed for Cuzco by way of the mountain and the city of Guamanga, at
the head of two hundred men well equipped, and carrying with him a great
sum of money which he had collected during his march; and at Guamanga he
conducted himself in the same rapacious manner as in other places.

Seven or eight days after the departure of Carvajal from Lima, a
conspiracy was detected among those who were well affected to the royal
cause, in consequence of which fifteen of the principal persons of that
city were committed to prison. Among these were, Juan Velasquez, Vela
Nunnez nephew to the viceroy, Francisco Giron another gentlemen of his
household, and Francisco Rodriguez. By means of the torture, these
unhappy persons were made to confess that they had concerted with Pedro
Manxarres, an inhabitant of Las Charcas, to kill the lieutenant-governor
Aldana, the provost marshall Pedro Martin, and other friends and
partizans of Gonzalo Pizarro, after which they proposed to induce the
citizens of Lima to declare for his majesty, confidently expecting that
all those who now followed Carvajal by constraint would join their
party; and they intended finally to have gone off with all the strength
they could muster to join Centeno. Upon this forced confession, Giron
and one other of these prisoners were strangled. By the intercession of
several respectable persons the life of Juan Velasquez was spared, but
his right hand was cut off. All the rest of these prisoners were so
severely tortured that they continued lame for the rest of their lives.
Manxarres saved himself by flight, and continued to conceal himself
among the mountains for more than a year; but fell at last into the
hands of one of the officers in the interest of Gonzalo, who caused him
to be hanged.

As Pedro Martin, the provost-marshal, strongly suspected that some of
those who accompanied Carvajal had participated in this plot; he
endeavoured to discover this by torturing Francisco de Guzman, one of
the prisoners. Finding that Guzman made no confession on this head, he
interrogated him particularly respecting a soldier along with Carvajal
named Perucho de Aguira, and some of his friends, demanding to know
whether these men were in the secret. On purpose to free himself from
the torture, Guzman said they were. After this confession, Guzman was
formally condemned to become a monk in the convent belonging to the
order of mercy, in which he accordingly assumed the habit. After this,
Martin demanded from the registrar a certificate of the confession of
Guzman, by which Aguira and others were implicated in the plot, and
Martin immediately sent off this writing by an Indian messenger to
Carvajal who was then at Guamanga. On the receipt of this paper,
Carvajal ordered Aguira and five others to be hanged, without any
further proof or examination. A short time afterwards, the registrar
being sensible of the error he had committed in supplying the
certificate, sent off a full copy of the confession made by Guzman, in
which was an ample revocation of all he had said under torture,
declaring that he had falsely charged Aguira and the others, merely to
get free from torture. This was however of no avail, as it arrived too
late, Aguira and the others having been already executed, although they
asserted their innocence to the last moment of their lives, as was
certified by the confessors who attended them at their execution; but
Carvajal was inexorable.

Learning while at Guamanga, that Centeno had retired through the desert
to Casabindo as he was unable to cope with Toro, Carvajal was satisfied
that the affaire of the insurgent party were in a fair train in Las
Charcas, where his presence was not now needed, and determined therefore
to return to Lima. He was besides induced to take this step in
consequence of a difference which subsisted between Toro and himself,
occasioned by the charge of lieutenant general under Gonzalo having
originally belonged to Toro, of which he had been deprived in favour of
Carvajal. He feared therefore, lest Toro, on his victorious return from
Las Charcas, being at the head of a much stronger force, might renew
their former quarrel. Carvajal had likewise received letters from some
inhabitants of Lima, remarking the lukewarmness of Aldana to the cause
of Gonzalo Pizarro, and requesting his presence to place affairs at that
city on a more secure footing. He returned therefore to Lima; but
learning shortly afterwards the successful return of Centeno against De
Toro, he again collected his troops and prepared to march against
Centeno. With this view, he had his standards solemnly consecrated, not
forgetting to impose fresh exactions on the inhabitants of Lima. On this
occasion, he designated his army, _The happy army of Liberty, against
the Tyrant Centeno._

Before leaving Lima, he sent off messengers to Cuzco by way of the
mountain, but chose to march by the route of the plain or low country of
Peru to Arequipa, exacting money from the inhabitants wherever he
passed. At Arequipa he received letters from the magistrates of Cuzco
and De Toro, earnestly requesting his immediate presence in that city;
whence, as being the capital of the kingdom, it was proper that the army
should march against the rebels. They assured him of being there
provided with considerable reinforcements of men arms and horses, and
that all the principal persons of the city were ready to accompany him
on the expedition: adding, that being himself a citizen of Cuzco it
seemed reasonable he should honour that city by his presence. By these
and other considerations he was induced to march for Cuzco, though still
entertaining some distrust and even fear of Toro, who he was informed
had often spoken against him in his absence. When De Toro was informed
of the approach of Carvajal to Cuzco, he made every necessary
preparation for reinforcing the army, and providing for the intended
expedition against Centeno; yet could not conceal his dissatisfaction,
that he who had begun the war, and had already suffered great fatigues,
and even had gained material advantages, should be superseded by another
commander whom he must now obey, and more especially that it should be
Carvajal who was put over him, with whom he had been already engaged in
disputes. He dissembled however as much as possible, and concealed his
resentment, saying publickly that his only wish was for the fortunate
management of affairs, whoever might command. Yet with all his caution,
he could not so carefully conceal his sentiments, but that he
occasionally dropped expressions of resentment.

The discontent of De Toro was well known to the inhabitants of Cuzco,
yet they were in hopes that Carvajal would set every thing to rights on
his arrival. Carvajal having arrived in the neighbourhood of the city,
which he was to enter next day at the head of two hundred men, part
cavalry and part musqueteers, De Toro was very anxious to muster all
that were able to carry arms; and from this measure, and the precautions
he took that every one should be in the most perfect equipment, and the
troops steady in their ranks, it was suspected that he entertained some
evil design. De Toro was thus posted with his troops, as if in ambush,
in the way by which Carvajal had to march into the city. As these
circumstances were made known to Carvajal, he ordered his troops to
march in close array, and even ordered their arms to be loaded with
ball, prepared for whatever might happen. On entering the city, De Toro
and his troops were seen on one side, as if ready to dispute the
passage. Carvajal halted his men, and the two parties remained for some
time observing each other with mutual distrust. At length, as neither
side seemed inclined to commence hostilities, both parties broke their
ranks, and intermingled as friends.

Carvajal was exceedingly irritated against De Toro for his conduct on
this occasion, but dissembled till he had entered into Cuzco, where he
was received in the most honourable manner. A few days afterwards, he
caused four of the principal inhabitants to be arrested, and ordered
them to instant execution, without consulting De Toro, or even assigning
any reason for this cruel and arbitrary proceeding. Some of those whom
he put to death were among the most intimate friends of De Toro, who
deemed it prudent and necessary to be silent on the occasion. The
unexpected cruelty of Carvajal occasioned much astonishment and
consternation among the inhabitants of Cuzco, insomuch that none of them
dared to refuse accompanying him on the expedition, and he was enabled
to leave Cuzco at the head of three hundred well appointed soldiers with
which he marched by Collao in the way towards the province of Las
Charcas in search of Centeno. As the latter had a considerably stronger
force, it was believed by many that Carvajal would be unsuccessful in
this expedition, more especially as most of his followers acted more
from force than good will, because he allowed them no pay and treated
them with much severity. In his whole conduct and deportment Carvajal
acted in a brutal and passionate manner, evincing himself on all
occasions the enemy of good men; for he was a bad Christian, constantly
addicted to blasphemy, and of a cruel and tyrannical disposition,
insomuch that it was generally expected his own people would put him to
death to rid themselves of his tyrannous and oppressive conduct. Besides
all this, it was obvious to many, that right and justice were on the
side of Centeno, who was a man of honour and probity, and, being
exceedingly rich, had both the power and inclination to reward his
followers. It is necessary to quit Carvajal and his expedition for the
present, that we may relate the events which took place at Quito.

We have already mentioned that Gonzalo Pizarro pursued the viceroy from
San Miguel to Quito, a distance of 150 leagues or 600 miles, with much
perseverance and rapidity, insomuch that almost every day the light
armed men belonging to the two armies had opportunities of speaking with
each other. During the whole of that long march, neither party had an
opportunity to unsaddle their horses. Those belonging to the viceroy,
owing to the necessity they were under of escaping from a force so much
superior, were even more alert than their pursuers. When at any time
they stopped to take a short rest during the night, they slept on the
ground in their clothes, holding their horses by the halters, without
wasting time in fixing up piquets, or making any of the usual
preparations for accommodating themselves and horses during the night.
It is true that piquets are seldom used in the sands of Peru for the
horses, as it would be necessary to drive these very deep to take
sufficient hold; and as there are no trees to be met with in many parts
of that country for making piquets, necessity has introduced a
substitute in some measure equivalent: For this purpose each horseman
has a small bag, which he fills with sand and burries in a hole of
sufficient depth, having one end of the halter fixed to the bag, the
hole being afterwards filled up and pressed well down to prevent the bag
from being drawn up by the efforts of the horse. But on this urgent
occasion, the troops of the viceroy did not take time for this measure,
but held the halters in their hands, that they might be ready to mount
and set out the moment it was necessary by the approach of their
pursuers.

In this long march, both the pursuers and the pursued suffered
exceedingly from want of provisions; more especially the Pizarrians, as
the viceroy used the precaution of removing the curacas and Indians from
all the country through which he passed, that his enemy might find every
part of the country deserted and unprovided with any means of
subsistence. During this precipitate retreat, the viceroy carried along
with him eight or ten of the best horses he had been able to procure,
which were led by Indians for his own particular use; and when any of
these became so tired as to be unable to proceed, he ordered them to be
hamstrung, to prevent them from being useful to the enemy. While on this
march in pursuit of the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro was joined by Captain
Bachicao, who now returned from Tierra Firma with a reinforcement of
three hundred and fifty men and a large quantity of artillery, having
disembarked, from twenty vessels which he had procured, on a part of
the coast as near as possible to Quito, and had made his way in such a
manner across the mountains that he got to Quito rather before Gonzalo.
On the junction of Bachicao, Gonzalo found himself at the head of more
than eight hundred men, among whom were many of the principal people in
South America, both townsmen or burgesses, planters, and soldiers. Owing
to this large reinforcement, Gonzalo Pizarro found himself in such a
state of tranquil security at Quito as hardly any usurper or tyrant had
ever before enjoyed; as besides that this province abounded in
provisions of every kind, several rich mines of gold had been recently
discovered; and as most of the principal people of the province were
either now along with the viceroy, or had attached themselves to him
while at Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro appropriated all their Indians to
himself, employing them in the collection of gold. From the Indians
belonging to the treasurer, Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla, he procured about
800 marks [17] of gold in the course of eight months; besides that there
were other repartimientos of greater value, and that he appropriated all
the revenues and rights belonging to the crown, and even pillaged the
tombs of the ancient sovereigns of Quito in search of treasure.

[Footnote 17: Eight hundred marks of gold, or 6400 ounces, at L.4 an
ounce; are worth L.25,600: and at six for one, the value put upon
bullion in those days by the Historian of America, are now worth at
least L.153,600, perhaps a quarter of a million. As there were other
repartimientos of more value than those of the treasurer, besides others
not so valuable, it is not beyond bounds to suppose that Gonzalo may
have acquired as much treasure at Quito as was equal to a million of our
present money: A prodigious sum, considering that his army did not
exceed 800 men; being equal to L.1250 for each soldier.--E.]

After a short stay at Quito, Gonzalo learnt that the viceroy had halted
at the city of Parto, about forty leagues from thence, at the frontiers
of the government of Benalcazar. Resolving to follow him, Gonzalo pushed
on as he had done from San Miguel, and the light troops of the hostile
parties had some interference at a place called Rio Caliente. When the
viceroy was informed of the approach of Gonzalo, he hastily quitted
Parto and retired to the city of Popayan at a greater distance from
Quito, and was pursued by Gonzalo for twenty leagues beyond Parto. As
Gonzalo found that he would have to march through a desert country,
altogether destitute of provisions, he here discontinued the pursuit,
and returned to Quito. Perhaps this was the longest and hottest pursuit
ever made in war; as, counting from La Plata whence Gonzalo first set
out, to Parto where the pursuit was discontinued, the distance is not
less than 700 large Spanish leagues, or 2800 miles.

On his return to Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro was so puffed up with the
success which had hitherto attended him, that he frequently spoke of his
majesty with much disrespect; alleging that the king would be reduced to
the necessity of granting him the government of Peru, and even went so
far as to say, if this favour were denied him, he would throw off his
allegiance. For the most part indeed, he concealed these ambitious
sentiments, pretending that he was always ready to submit to the orders
of his majesty; but all his officers were satisfied that he meant to
assert an independent dominion, and publickly avowed these absurd and
criminal pretensions. On returning from Parto, he remained a long while
at Quito, continually feasting and rejoicing; he and his adherents
abandoning themselves to every degree of licence and debauchery,
particularly in regard to the sex. It is even asserted that Gonzalo
caused a citizen of Quito to be assassinated, whose wife he publickly
lived with, and that he hired a Hungarian soldier, named Vincente Pablo
to execute this infamous deed. This man was afterwards hanged at
Valladolid, in the year 1551, by a sentence of the royal council of the
Indies.

As Pizarro found himself in the command of a strong body of excellent
troops, which appeared entirely attached to his service, some of their
own accord and others by constraint, he persuaded himself that no one
could oppose him, or prevent him from enjoying his present elevation in
peace and tranquillity. He was even convinced that the emperor would be
obliged to treat him with cautious respect, and must find himself under
the necessity of entering into a compromise. It was at this time, when
Gonzalo considered himself as unresisted master of all Peru, that
Centeno revolted from his tyrannical usurpation in the province of Las
Charcas, and that he dispatched Carvajal for the reduction of that loyal
officer, as has been already mentioned.

Having continued a long time at Quito without receiving any intelligence
of the measures which were taken by the viceroy, Gonzalo became anxious
to learn what was become of him. Some alleged that he would return to
Spain by way of Carthagena, while others gave it as their opinion that
he would retire to Tierra Firma, to keep possession of the isthmus, to
assemble troops, arms, ammunition, and provisions, and to wait for
orders from his majesty; and a third opinion was that he would wait for
these orders in Popayan, where he now was. No one suspected that he
would be able to collect a sufficient number of troops in that place to
enable him to undertake any enterprise for recovering his authority in
Peru; yet it seemed advisable to Gonzalo and his officers to take
possession of the Tierra Firma, on purpose to occupy the only direct
passage between Spain and Peru. For this purpose, Gonzalo Pizarro
appointed Pedro Alfonzo De Hinojosa to command the fleet which Bachicao
had collected, giving him a detachment of two hundred and fifty men to
enable him to occupy the isthmus, and directed him while on his voyage
to Panama to coast along the province of Buenaventura and the mouth of
the river of San Juan.

Hinojosa set out immediately on this expedition, dispatching a single
vessel, commanded by Captain Rodrigo de Carvajal direct for Panama, with
letters from Gonzalo to some of the principal inhabitants of that city
urging them to favour his designs. In these letters, he pretended that
he was exceedingly displeased on hearing of the violence and rapacity
with which Bachicao had conducted himself towards the inhabitants of
Panama, in direct contradiction to his orders, which were to land the
Doctor Texada without doing injury to any one. He informed them that
Hinojosa was now on his way to their city, for the express purpose of
indemnifying all those who had been injured by Bachicao; and desired
them not to be under any apprehension of Hinojosa, although accompanied
by a considerable force, as it was necessary for him to be on his guard
against the viceroy and some of his officers, who were understood to be
then in the Tierra Firma levying soldiers for their master. On the
arrival of Rodrigo Carvajal at a place named Ancona about three leagues
from Panama, he learnt that two officers belonging to the viceroy, Juan
de Guzman and Juan Yllanez, were then in Panama, having been sent to
that place to procure recruits and to purchase arms, with which they
were to have gone to Popayan. They had already enrolled above an hundred
soldiers, and had procured a considerable quantity of arms, among which
were five or six small field-pieces; but, instead of going with these to
join the viceroy, they remained to defend Panama against Gonzalo
Pizarro, who they expected might send a force to occupy that important
station.

As Rodrigo Carvajal had only fifteen men along with him, he did not
think it prudent to land in person; but sent secretly by night one of
his soldiers to deliver the letters with which he was entrusted. The
soldier accordingly delivered them to the inhabitants for whom they were
addressed, who immediately communicated them to the magistrates and the
officers of the viceroy. The soldier was taken into custody, from whom
they learnt the coming of Hinojosa, and the orders with which he was
entrusted. Upon this intelligence, they armed the whole population of
Panama, and fitted out two brigantines which were sent off on purpose to
capture Rodrigo Carvajal; but, as his messenger did not return, Carvajal
suspected what had actually taken place, and set sail for the Pearl
Islands to wait the arrival of Hinojosa, by which means he escaped from
the brigantines. Pedro de Casaos was then governor of the Tierra Firma;
and to be in readiness to defend his province against Hinojosa, he went
immediately to Nombre de Dios, where he collected all the musquets and
other arms he could procure, arming all the inhabitants of that place
who were fit for service, whom he carried along with him to Panama,
making every preparation in his power for defence. The two captains
belonging to the viceroy, Guzman and Yllanez, likewise put their troops
in order for resistance, and at first there was some jealousy between
them and Casaos as to the supreme command; but it was at length agreed
that Casaos should command in chief, as governor of the province, while
they retained the immediate authority over their own men, and bore their
own standards. Differences had subsisted for some time between these
officers and the governor, because he had repressed some disorderly
conduct in which they had indulged, and had advised them to set off with
their men to the assistance of the viceroy for whom they were employed
to levy troops; while they were averse from that measure, and finding
themselves at the head of a respectable force, they made light of the
orders of Casaos, and refused to obey him: But the necessity they were
now under of providing for their mutual defence, occasioned them to
enter into an accommodation of their disputes.

After the dispatch of Carvajal to Panama, as already mentioned, Hinojosa
set sail with ten vessels, and continued along the coast to the north
till he arrived at Buenaventura, a small sea port at the mouth of the
river San Juan which forms the southern boundary of Popayan, the
government of Benalcazar. He proposed to learn at this place the
situation and intentions of the viceroy, and to have seized any vessels
that might be at this harbour, to prevent them from being employed by
the viceroy for returning to Peru. On arriving at Buenaventura, Hinojosa
sent some soldiers on shore, who brought off eight or ten of the
inhabitants, from whom he learnt that the viceroy remained at Popayan,
engaged in assembling troops and military stores for attempting to
return into Peru; and that finding Yllanez and Guzman delayed their
return from Panama, he had sent off his brother Vela Nunnez with several
corporals on their way to Panama, to expedite the transmission of such
reinforcements as could be procured, and had supplied him for that
purpose with all the money belonging to the king at Popayan. Hinojosa
was likewise informed that Vela Nunnez had the charge of a bastard son
of Gonzalo Pizarro of twelve years old, who was found by the viceroy at
Quito, and was now sent away to Panama, in the hope that the merchants
of Panama might ransom him at a high price to acquire the good will of
Gonzalo. The individual who communicated all this information added that
the viceroy had employed a number of Indians to cut down a quantity of
timber, which was to be conveyed to Buenaventura, on purpose to build a
small vessel for the accommodation of Vela Nunnez; who must now be
within a short distance of Buenaventura, and had sent this person before
to inquire if he might come in safety to that place.

On receiving this intelligence, Hinojosa landed two confidential
officers with a party of soldiers, giving them orders to take two
several routes into the interior, as pointed out by the informant, on
purpose to take Vela Nunnez. Accordingly, one of these officers came up
with Vela Nunnez, and the other got hold of Rodrigo Mexia and Saavedra
with the son of Gonzalo Pizarro [18]. Both of these parties carried
considerable sums of money, which was pillaged by the soldiers of
Hinojosa; and the prisoners were brought on board the vessels, where
great rejoicings were made for the happy success of this enterprize, by
which their acquisition of Panama must be facilitated, and because they
had done especial good service to Gonzalo by the liberation of his son.

[Footnote 18: By Garcilasso de la Vega, this son of Gonzalo Pizarro is
named Rodrigo Mexia; but Zarate could hardly be mistaken in giving that
name to one of his conductors.--E.].

Hinojosa now resumed his voyage, in the course of which he fell in with
Rodrigo de Carvajal, who gave him an account of the situation of affairs
at Panama, and recommended the propriety of using judicious measures
against that place, as it was provided for defence. Hinojosa accordingly
appeared before Panama with eleven ships and two hundred and fifty
soldiers. At this time there were more than five hundred men in Panama,
all tolerably well armed, who were drawn, out under the command of
Casaos to oppose the landing of the Pizarrians. But among these there
were many merchants and tradesmen, little adapted for war, who hardly
knew how to use their weapons, and many of whom were even unable to fire
off a musquet. Many among them had no intention of fighting or of
opposing the descent of the insurgents of Peru, whose arrival they were
disposed to consider as more advantageous than prejudicial. The
merchants expected to be able to sell their commodities, and the
tradesmen were in hope of procuring profitable employment, each
according to his occupation. Besides, the rich merchants had partners or
factors who resided in Peru, and had charge of their most valuable
effects; and were afraid, if they concurred in opposing Hinojosa, that
Gonzalo Pizarro might revenge himself by seizing their goods and
maltreating their partners and factors. Those who were principally
inclined to oppose the landing of Hinojosa, were Pedro Casaos the
governor, Guzman and Yllanez the captains belonging to the viceroy,
Arias de Azevedo, Juan Fernandez de Rebollido, Andrew de Arayza, Juan de
Zabala, Juan Vendrel, and some other considerable inhabitants of Panama;
some from principles of loyalty, others from fear of future evils, lest
Hinojosa might act with the same violence as had been done by Bachicao.

Finding himself resisted, Hinojosa landed with two hundred men about two
leagues from Panama, towards which place he marched close along the
shore, being, protected on one flank by a range of rocks from the attack
of cavalry, and on the other by the boats of his squadron armed with
some pieces of artillery. Fifty of his soldiers were left on board for
the defence of the ships, and orders were given to hang up Vela Nunnez
and the other prisoners whenever the enemy were seen to attack him.
Casaos marched with all his troops from Panama to meet Hinojosa, with
the determination of giving battle: But when the hostile parties were
almost within musquet shot and ready to engage, the whole priests and
monks of Panama interposed between in procession, having their
crucifixes veiled and every other demonstration of mourning, and
prevailed on both sides to agree to a truce for that day, that
endeavours might be used to bring about an accommodation. For this
purpose negotiators were appointed on both sides; Don Balthasar de
Castilia, son of the Conde de Gomera, was named by Hinojosa, and Don
Pedro de Cabrera on the part of Casaos, and hostages were mutually
interchanged.

The deputy of Hinojosa affected to be astonished at the opposition of
the governor and inhabitants of Panama, since he not only meant no harm
to any one, but had come expressly to repair the injuries which had
formerly been done by Bachicao, to purchase such provisions and clothing
as they wanted, and to repair their ships; declaring that their only
object was to oblige the deposed viceroy to return to Spain, pursuant to
the orders of the royal audience, as his continuance in the country
occasioned perpetual discord in Peru. But, as the viceroy was not there,
Hinojosa intended to make only a short stay in the place, having orders
from Gonzalo to offer no injury to any one unless attacked, in which
case he must defend himself as he best could. The opposite party alleged
that the presence of Hinojosa in warlike guise was sufficient to excite
suspicion; since, even allowing the government of Gonzalo in Peru to be
legitimate as they pretended, he had no jurisdiction in Panama, and had
no right to direct the proceedings of any one at that place. That
Bachicao had formerly come among them under pretence of peace, yet had
committed all those violences and injuries, which Hinojosa now pretended
he was come to repair. After a long conference, it was at length agreed
that Hinojosa should be permitted to take up his residence in Panama for
thirty days, accompanied by fifty soldiers to serve as a guard for his
personal safety; but that the fleet and all the other soldiers of his
party should repair to the Pearl Islands, where workmen and all
necessaries for the reparation of the ships could be procured; and that
at the expiry of these thirty days, Hinojosa and his armament were to
return to Peru.

On the conclusion of this convention, which was confirmed by mutual
oaths and the interchange of hostages, Hinojosa took up his residence in
Panama with a guard of fifty picked men, and hired a house in which he
kept open table for every one who pleased to visit him, all of whom he
allowed to divert themselves in play or otherwise as they pleased. By
this procedure, he gained over most of the soldiers of Yllanez in a few
days, and many other idle fellows joined themselves secretly to his
party. It was even said that all these men had previously engaged by
letter to have gone over to him if he and the governor had come to a
battle on the former occasion. Indeed the governor and other principal
persons of Panama had been chiefly induced to agree to the present
accommodation by distrust of their soldiers, who were all eager for an
opportunity of getting to Peru. By the above-mentioned means, Hinojosa
soon saw himself at the head of a considerable body of troops, while the
captains Yllanez and Guzman were almost deserted by all their men. As
they saw likewise that the convention was in other respects ill
observed, they secretly withdrew with fifteen men who yet remained, and
endeavoured to get to Carthagena. Yllanez was taken soon afterwards by
one of Hinojosas officers; on which he entered into the service of
Gonzalo Pizarro, and was afterwards engaged on that side in the
engagement at Nombre de Dios against Verdugo, to be afterwards related.
Hinojosa continued to reside in Panama, where no one dared to oppose
him. He increased the number of his troops from day to day, and kept
them under excellent discipline, without allowing them to do injury to
any of the inhabitants; neither did he intermeddle in any thing whatever
except what concerned his troops. At this time Don Pedro de Cabrera and
his son-in-law Hernan Mexia de Guzman, who had been banished from Peru
by the viceroy, resided in Panama; and these two gentlemen were sent by
Hinojosa, with a party of soldiers, to keep possession of the port of
Nombre de Dios, which was of great importance to his security, and
whence he might receive early intelligence from Spain and other places.

Melchior Verdugo, an inhabitant of the city of Truxillo, was one of the
richest men in Peru, being proprietor of the entire province of
Caxamarca. On the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela, Verdugo,
who was originally from the same city in Spain, engaged heartily in his
service, and continued in his suite at Lima, till the time when the
viceroy proposed to dismantle that city and retire to Truxillo. At that
period he commanded Verdugo to go before, that he might secure
possession of Truxillo, with orders to levy soldiers and provide arms;
and Verdugo accordingly embarked all his baggage and effects, intending
to have set sail on the very day when the viceroy was imprisoned. As all
the vessels at the port of Lima were then detained, Verdugo was unable
to proceed; and, as Verdugo was particularly obnoxious to Gonzalo and
his partizans, on account of his known attachment to the viceroy, he was
one of the twenty-five who were committed to prison by Carvajal on his
arrival at Lima, when De Baro and several others were hanged, as
formerly related. For a long while afterwards he was in continual danger
of being put to death; but at length Gonzalo granted him a pardon,
though he still entertained suspicions of his conduct, but had no
convenient opportunity of getting rid of him, till the departure of
Carvajal against Centeno, when it was proposed by the lieutenant-general
to have surprised him while at Truxillo, as formerly mentioned: But
having some suspicions of his intention, Verdugo saved himself by
flight, and concealed himself among his Indians in the province of
Caxamarca.

After Carvajal quitted Truxillo, Verdugo returned to that city; but as
he expected Gonzalo might soon become master of that place, and would
make him feel the effects of his displeasure, he resolved to abandon the
country, yet wished to do it in such a manner as might distress Gonzalo
as much as possible. While waiting a favourable opportunity for this, he
made every preparation in his power for his intended enterprize,
collecting as many men in his service as he possibly could, and employed
workmen secretly to construct musquets, iron chains, fetters, and
manacles. At this time a vessel arrived from Lima in the harbour of
Truxillo, on which Verdugo sent for the master and pilot, under pretence
of purchasing some of their commodities; and on their arrival at his
house he confined them in a deep dungeon which he had previously
prepared. After this, he returned to his chamber, causing his legs to be
swathed with bandages, under pretence of certain malignant warts or
ulcers to which he was subject, and sat down at one of his windows which
looked towards the public square in which the magistrates and principal
inhabitants used to assemble every day. When the magistrates came as
usual to the square, he requested them to come into his house, as he
wished to execute certain deeds in their presence, and the disorder in
his legs rendered him unable to go out. Immediately on entering, he
caused them to be carried into the dungeon, where they were deprived of
their badges of office and put in chains. Leaving them under the guard
of six musqueteers, he returned to the window of his chamber, whence he
gradually enticed about twenty of the principal citizens into his house,
all of whom he put in chains and fetters. He then went out into the city
accompanied by a guard of soldiers, and proclaimed the king with much
loyal solemnity, making prisoners of all who presumed to oppose him;
which were very few, as Gonzalo had carried off most of the inhabitants
on his expedition to Quito. Having thus made himself master of the city,
and returned to his house, he addressed his prisoners, whom he reviled
for having embraced the party of Gonzalo, and declared that he was
resolved to withdraw from under the usurpation of the tyrant to join the
viceroy, and meant to take along with him all the men and arms he was
able to procure. For this purpose, he demanded that all his prisoners
should contribute in proportion to their abilities, as it was quite
reasonable they should give assistance to the royal cause, having
frequently made large contributions to the usurper. He insisted
therefore that every one of them should instantly subscribe for such
sums as they were able to furnish, all of which were to be paid
immediately, as he was otherwise resolved to carry them all along with
him as prisoners. Every one of them accordingly agreed to advance such
sums of money as they were able to procure, which were all instantly
paid.

Having brought this contrivance to a favourable issue, Verdugo made an
agreement with the master and pilot of the vessel, and had every thing
that could be useful or necessary carried on board. He then carried all
his prisoners in irons in carts or waggons to the shore, and embarked
with about twenty soldiers, and a considerable sum of money, partly
exacted from the inhabitant, partly from the royal funds belonging to
the city, and partly, from his own extensive revenues. Leaving his
prisoners still in fetters on the carriages, to be liberated as they
best might, he set sail along the coast to the northwards. In the course
of his voyage he fell in with and captured a vessel belonging to
Bachicao, containing a great deal of valuable articles which that
officer had acquired by plunder in Tierra Firma, all of which Verdugo
divided among his soldiers. He at first inclined to have landed at
Buenaventura, on purpose to join the viceroy; but considering the small
amount of his force, and the danger of falling in with the fleet of
Gonzalo Pizarro, he directed his course for the province of Nicaragua,
where he landed and applied to the principal persons there for
assistance against the usurper. Finding small encouragement in that
quarter, he addressed himself to the royal audience, which was
established on the frontiers of Nicaragua, who promised him protection
and aid, and sent for that purpose one of their number, the oydor
Ramirez de Alarcon to Nicaragua, with orders to the inhabitants of that
city to hold themselves in readiness to march with their arms and
horses.

Intelligence was soon received at Panama of the exploit of Verdugo at
Truxillo, and his having gone to Nicaragua; and as Hinojosa suspected he
might increase his force in that province so as to be enabled to disturb
him in the possession of the Tierra Firma, he sent Alfonso Palamino with
two ships and an hundred and eighty musqueteers to endeavour to dislodge
Verdugo. Palamino easily took possession of the ship belonging to
Verdugo; but as the inhabitants of Grenada and Leon, the two principal
cities in the province of Nicaragua assembled in arms, under Verdugo and
the licentiate Ramirez, to oppose his landing, and were much superior in
number to his troops and provided with cavalry, he found himself unable
to land with any prospect of success. After waiting some time in vain,
he was obliged to sail back to Panama, taking several vessels along with
him which he had captured on the coast, and burning several others which
he could not carry away.

On the departure of Palomino, Verdugo levied about an hundred well armed
men, with whom he resolved to give as much interruption as possible to
the schemes of the insurgents in the Tierra Firma. With this view he
determined to make an attempt on Nombre de Dios, which he learnt was
occupied only by a small detachment, which had no suspicion of being
attacked. For this purpose, he fitted out three or four small vessels,
in which he embarked his troops on the lake of Nicaragua, whence he
descended into the gulf of Mexico by the river Chagre, which discharges
the waters of that lake into the Atlantic. Finding some trading vessels
at the mouth of that river, he received accurate information from their
commanders of the state of affairs in Nombre de Dios, the number of the
soldiers which occupied that place, and the different quarters in which
they were lodged. Taking some of these mariners along with him as
guides, he contrived to arrive at Nombre de Dios undiscovered about
midnight, and went immediately to the house of Juan de Zabala, in which
the captains Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia were quartered with some
soldiers; who, roused by the noise, put themselves in a state of
defence. Verdugo and his people set the house on fire, so that Mexia and
his soldiers, who defended the staircase, were constrained to rush from
the house to save themselves from the flames; and as the night was
exceedingly dark, they escaped unseen, and saved themselves in the woods
near Nombre de Dios, whence they escaped across the isthmus to Panama.

Hinojosa was much chagrined at this exploit, and determined on revenge;
but as he wished to give his conduct on the occasion some appearance of
justice, he directed some of the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios to enter
a regular accusation before the Doctor Ribera, the governor of that
place, giving an exaggerated account of the insolent invasion of his
government by Verdugo, who without any just pretence, had levied
contributions, imprisoned the magistrates, and invaded the town of
Nombre de Dios on his own private authority. They were likewise
instructed to request Ribera to march in person to chastise the
insolence of Verdugo, and Hinojosa offered to accompany him on this
expedition with his troops. Ribera, who appears to have been then
resident in Panama, agreed to all that was desired, and, accepted the
proffered military aid to drive Verdugo from his government; on which
Hinojosa and his officers swore to obey his orders as their commander on
this expedition, and the troops were put in motion to march across the
isthmus. On receiving notice of the approach of Hinojosa, Verdugo
disposed his troops to defend the place, and caused the inhabitants of
Nombre de Dios to take up arms, in addition to his own men. But as it
was obvious that the inhabitants shewed no inclination for fighting,
Verdugo suspected they might abandon him while engaged, and came
therefore to the resolution of abandoning the town, and took post on the
shore near his small barks. He waited for Hinojosa in that situation,
having some boats in his rear, which he had seized to enable him to
secure his retreat in case of necessity. Immediately on his arrival,
Hinojosa attacked Verdugo, and several persons were killed at the first
brunt. As the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios who were along with Verdugo,
observed their governor acting as commander of the adverse party, they
withdrew on one side from the engagement into an adjoining wood; by
which the soldiers belonging to Verdugo were thrown into disorder, and
they were forced to take to their boats and retreat on board their
barks.

After this repulse, Verdugo took possession of several ships that lay at
anchor near Nombre de Dios, the largest of which he armed with some
pieces of artillery and endeavoured to cannonade the town. But finding
that he could do very little injury to the place, which was situated in
a bottom, and as he was in want of provisions, and most of his soldiers
had been left on shore, he retired with his small vessels and the ship
he had seized to Carthagena, to await a more favourable opportunity of
annoying the insurgents. Having restored Nombre de Dios to order, Ribera
and Hinojosa left a sufficient garrison in the place, under the command
of Don Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia, and returned to Panama, where
they proposed to wait for such orders as might be sent from Spain
respecting the troubles in Peru.

On arriving at Popayan, as formerly related, the viceroy collected all
the iron which could be procured in the province, erected forges, and
procured workmen, so that in a short time he got two hundred musquets
constructed, besides other arms both offensive and defensive, and
provided every other species of warlike stores. Learning that the
governor, Benalcazar, had detached a brave and experienced officer,
named Juan Cabrera, to reduce some refractory Indians, with an hundred
and fifty soldiers; the viceroy wrote a letter to Cabrera, in which he
gave a detailed account of the insurrection and usurpation of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and of his own determination to restore the kingdom of Peru to
allegiance whenever he could collect a sufficient number of troops for
that purpose. He earnestly intreated therefore, that Cabrera would
immediately join him at Popayan with all his men, that they might
commence their march together for Quito, to punish the rebellious
usurper. To induce compliance, he represented in strong colours to
Cabrera, the great and signal service which he had in his power to
perform for the sovereign on this occasion; which likewise would be far
more advantageous to his own personal interests, than any which could
accrue from the expedition in which he was now engaged; as, on the
defeat of Pizarro, he would be entitled to partake in the distribution
of the lands belonging to Gonzalo and his partizans, and he might
depend on being gratified with ample possessions for himself and his
followers in the best districts of Peru. Farther to encourage Cabrera,
the viceroy informed him of the events which had lately occurred in the
south of Peru, where Centeno had erected the royal standard at the head
of a respectable force; so that the present conjuncture was extremely
favourable for an attack on Gonzalo, who could hardly resist when
pressed from both extremities of the kingdom at once; and besides, that
the inhabitants of Peru were now quite weary of the tyrannical violence
and extortion of Gonzalo, and would doubtless revolt against him on the
first favourable opportunity. As an additional inducement to Cabrera to
join him, the viceroy sent him an order by which he was authorized to
take from the royal coffers at Carthagena, Encelme, Cali, Antiochia, and
other places, to the extent of 30,000 pesos for the pay and equipment of
his troops; and as Cabrera acted under the orders of Benalcazar, he
procured letters to him from that governor by which he was commanded
immediately to obey the requisition of the viceroy. On receiving these
dispatches, Cabrera immediately secured the funds which he was
authorized to take, which he divided among his men, and set out with all
possible expedition to join the viceroy at Popayan with an hundred well
appointed soldiers. The viceroy had likewise sent orders for
reinforcements from the new kingdom of Grenada, the province of
Carthagena, and other places, so that his troops daily increased; and
having learnt the capture of his brother Vela Nunnez, and the loss of
Yllanez and his troops, he had no expectation of procuring any
additional reinforcements.

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was very anxious to devise some stratagem
for inveigling the viceroy into his hands, as he considered his
usurpation unsafe so long as that officer remained alive and at the head
of a military force. With this view, that the viceroy might return into
Peru where he might have it in his power to bring him to action, Gonzalo
gave out that he intended to proceed to Las Charcas at the southern
extremity of Peru, to repress the disorders occasioned by Centeno,
leaving Captain Pedro de Puelles at Quito with three hundred men to
oppose the viceroy. He proceeded even ostensibly to take such measures
as were proper for executing this design; selecting such troops as were
to accompany himself to the south, and those who were to remain at
Quito; even distributing money to both divisions, and set off on his
march for the south after a general muster and review of his army.
Gonzalo contrived that intelligence of these proceedings should be
conveyed to the viceroy, by means of a spy in the employment of that
officer, who had betrayed his trust, and had even communicated to
Gonzalo the cypher which he used in corresponding with his employer.
Gonzalo made this person send intelligence to the viceroy of these
pretended motions; and Puelles wrote likewise to some friends in
Popayan, as if privately to inform them that he was left in the command
at Quito with three hundred men, with which he believed himself able to
resist all the force the viceroy might be able to bring against him; and
these letters were sent purposely in such a manner that they might fall
into the hands of the viceroy. Gonzalo likewise took care to spread
these reports among the Indians who were present at the review, and who,
having seen Gonzalo set off on his march to the south, were perfectly
acquainted with the number of troops which accompanied him on the march,
and of those which remained under Puelles at Quito. To give the greater
appearance of truth to these reports, Gonzalo actually set out on his
march; but halted at two or three days journey from Quito, under
pretence of falling sick.

On receiving intelligence of these circumstances, which he implicitly
believed, the viceroy determined to march from Popayan to Quito,
satisfied that he should be easily able to overpower the small force
left there under Puelles, who had no means of being reinforced. He
accordingly began his march, during which he was unable to procure any
intelligence whatever respecting Gonzalo and his troops, so carefully
were all the passes guarded to prevent either Christians or Indians from
conveying advices on the road towards Popayan. While, on the contrary,
Gonzalo procured regular notice of every step taken by the viceroy, by
means of the Indians called _Cagnares_, a cunning and intelligent race.
Accordingly, when the viceroy was arrived within a few days march of
Quito, Gonzalo returned thither with his troops to join Puelles, and
they marched together to meet the viceroy, who was then at Oravalo about
twelve leagues from Quito. Although the viceroy was at the head of eight
hundred men, and his force increased daily on his approach to Quito,
Gonzalo confided in the valour and experience of his troops, among
which were many of the principal persons in Peru, his soldiers being
inured to war, accustomed to hardships and fatigue, and full of
confidence in themselves from the many victories they had gained.
Gonzalo did every thing in his power to satisfy his troops of the
justice of the cause in which he and they were engaged; representing to
them that Peru had been conquered by him and his brothers; recalling to
their remembrance the cruelties which had been exercised by the viceroy,
particularly in putting to death the commissary Yllan Suarez and several
of his own captains. In the next place, he gave an exaggerated picture
of the tyrannical conduct of the viceroy during the whole period of his
government, owing to which he had been deposed by the royal audience,
and sent out of the country to give an account to the king of his
conduct: Instead of which, he now endeavoured to disturb the colony by
sowing dissensions and encouraging insurrections, and had even levied an
army in other provinces, with which he intended to reduce the country
under his tyrannous rule, and to ruin all its inhabitants. After a long
speech, by which he endeavoured to animate his troops with resentment
against the viceroy, they all declared their readiness to march against
him and bring him to battle. Some were actuated by interested motives,
to prevent the enforcement of the obnoxious regulations; others by a
desire of avenging private injuries; and others again by the fear of
punishment for having taken up arms. But it is not to be concealed, that
the majority acted from dread of the severity of Gonzalo and his
officers, who had already put several persons to death, merely for
having shewn some degree of coldness or disinclination towards the cause
of the insurgents.

On reviewing and mustering his force, Gonzalo found himself at the head
of 130 well mounted cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and 350 armed with pikes,
or near 700 in all, with abundance of excellent gun-powder[19]. Learning
that the viceroy had encamped on the banks of the river about two
leagues from Quito, Gonzalo advanced to meet him. Juan de Acosta and
Juan Velez de Guevara were his captains of musqueteers, Hernando
Bachicao commanded the pikemen, and the horse were led by Pedro de
Puelles and Gomez de Alvarado. On this occasion there was no person
appointed to the office of major-general, the duties of which Gonzalo
chose to execute in person. He detached seventy of his cavalry to occupy
a ford of the river, by which he meant to cross over towards the camp
of the viceroy, over whom he expected to gain an easy victory. It was
now Saturday the 15th of January 1546, and the two armies remained all
night so near each other that the advanced posts were able to converse,
each calling the other rebels and traitors, those on each side
pretending that they only were loyal subjects to the king.

[Footnote 19: According to Garcilasso, the army of Gonzalo on this
occasion amounted to 700 men, 200 of whom were armed with firelocks, 350
with pikes, and 150 were cavalry. In the History of America, II. 375,
the force under the viceroy is only stated at 400; but both in Zarate
and Garcilasso the royalists are mentioned as 800 strong.--E.]

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was accompanied by the licentiate Benedict
Suarez de Carvajal brother to the commissary Yllan Suarez de Carvajal
who had formerly been put to death at Lima in presence of the viceroy.
At that former period Benedict was on his journey from Cuzco to Lima,
intending to have joined the viceroy against Gonzalo, and had arrived
within twenty leagues of Lima when he learnt the murder of his brother,
after which he dared not to trust himself in that city until the viceroy
had been deposed and sent on board ship. He was afterwards made prisoner
by Gonzalo, who was even on the point of putting him to death; but on
setting out for Quito, Gonzalo took him into favour. Carvajal now
followed him with good will against the viceroy, upon whom he was eager
to take signal vengeance for the unmerited death of his brother; and was
even followed on this occasion by about thirty of his friends and
relations, who formed a separate company under his immediate command.

The viceroy had arrived at a village called Tuza, about twenty leagues
from Quito, when he learnt that Gonzalo Pizarro was returned to that
city, and was now at the head of about seven hundred men. Believing
himself however in sufficient force to attempt the recovery of his
authority in Peru, the viceroy communicated this intelligence to his
principal officers, whom he commanded to have every thing in readiness
for battle. On his arrival at the river within two leagues of Quito, and
in presence of the enemy who occupied the slope of a hill on the other
side, he determined to endeavour to get into their rear, for which
purpose he advanced with his troops by a road in a different direction
from that on which the insurgents were posted, expecting to derive great
advantages from this measure, as the whole infantry of Gonzalo, which
formed his principal force, were posted on the slope of the hill
directly in front, and his rear-guard of cavalry could have no
suspicion of being liable to attack. The viceroy accordingly began his
march on the night of the 15th January, leaving his camp standing with
all his Indians and dogs, and with fires burning in many places, to
deceive the enemy into a belief that he still remained in the camp.
Marching therefore in perfect silence by the road which had been pointed
out to him for gaining the rear of the insurgents, he expected to have
attained his object before day: But as the road, had not been frequented
for a long time, he encountered so many obstructions and difficulties,
in consequence of the road being broken up in many places, that when day
broke he was still a league from the enemy, by which all hope or
opportunity of surprizing them was entirely lost. In this dilemma, he
came to the resolution of marching straight upon Quito, in which there
were very few to oppose him, and which was in no situation to give any
resistance. He was in hopes of finding several loyal subjects in that
place, who might have contrived to elude following the usurper to the
field, and might now join his army, and he expected to find some arms
and military stores left there by Gonzalo. On arriving at Quito, the
soldiers of the viceroy learnt that Gonzalo was present with all his
troops, which circumstance had hitherto been carefully concealed from
their knowledge.

In the morning of the 16th, the scouts of Gonzalo were surprised to hear
so little noise in the camp of the viceroy; and having cautiously
advanced, they learnt from the Indian followers of the royalist army in
what manner the viceroy had passed the insurgents during the night. The
scouts therefore made haste to apprize Gonzalo of this event, who learnt
soon afterwards by messengers from Quito that the viceroy had taken
possession of that city. Gonzalo therefore immediately marched for
Quito, determined to give battle to the viceroy without delay; and
although the viceroy was perfectly aware of the advantages possessed by
Pizarro in the superior discipline and equipment of his troops, he
courageously resolved to run the risk of battle, and even to expose
himself personally to all its dangers. In this determination, he boldly
marched from the city of Quito directly towards the enemy, as if assured
of gaining a victory. To Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, who commanded his
first company with the royal standard, he assigned the office of
lieutenant-general, commanding every one to obey him in that capacity.
Cepeda and Bazan led the cavalry, and Ahumada carried the great
standard. Sancho Sanchez de Avila, Hernandez Giron, Pedro Heredia, and
Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla were captains of infantry, over which Juan de
Cabrera commanded as major-general. The viceroy was earnestly requested
by all his officers not to engage in the front of battle as he intended,
but to take post in the rear with fifteen horsemen, whence he might send
succours to wherever they might be required; yet, when the engagement
was about to commence, the viceroy rode up to the vanguard, and took his
place beside the lieutenant-general, Don Alfonzo, in front of the royal
standard. On this occasion the viceroy was mounted on a grey horse,
dressed in an upper garment of white muslin, with large slashes, shewing
an under vest of crimson satin fringed with gold. Just before beginning
the engagement, he addressed his troops to the following effect: "I do
not pretend, my loyal friends, to encourage you by my words and example,
as I rather look for an example of bravery from your courageous efforts,
and am fully convinced you will do your duty as brave and faithful
subjects of our gracious sovereign. Knowing therefore your inviolable
fidelity to the king our common master, I have only to say that we are
engaged in the cause of God." These last words he repeated several
times, exclaiming, "It is the cause of God! It is the cause of God!"

After this short exhortation, the viceroy with Don Alfonzo and Bazan
advanced to the charge, being opposed on the other side by the
licentiate Carvajal. Gonzalo Pizarro had likewise intended to have taken
post in the front of battle, but his officers insisted upon his
remaining in the rear with eight or ten horsemen. In the first charge
the cavalry shivered their lances, after which they continued to fight
obstinately with swords, battle-axes and war-clubs or maces. In this
part of the battle the cavalry of the viceroy were much galled by a line
of musqueteers of the adverse army which plied them in flank. While
fighting bravely, the viceroy beat down one of the insurgents named
Montalva; but immediately afterwards received so severe a blow on the
head with a battle-axe from Ferdinand de Torres, that he fell stunned
from his horse. Indeed, both he and his horse had been so excessively
fatigued by the difficult march of the preceding night, in which they
had neither been able to take food or rest, that they were both easily
overthrown. While this was passing with the cavalry of the van, the
infantry on both sides advanced to engage, setting up such loud shouts,
that one would have believed them much more numerous than they were in
reality. Juan de Cabrera was slain at the very commencement of this part
of the battle. Sancho de Avilla, advanced boldly at the head of his
company to attack the enemy, brandishing a two-handed sword, which he
employed with so much strength and address that he soon broke through
and defeated half of the company by which he was opposed. But as the
soldiers of Pizarro were more numerous in this part of the field than
those who followed Avilla, he was surrounded on all sides, and he and
most of his men slain. Until the death of the viceroy was known, the
battle was very bravely contested by his infantry; but as soon as the
knowledge of that unfortunate event had spread through their ranks, they
lost heart and relaxed in their efforts, and were soon entirely defeated
with considerable slaughter. At this time, the licentiate Carvajal
observed Pedro de Puelles about to end the life of the unfortunate
viceroy, already insensible and almost dead in consequence of the blow
he had received from De Torres and a wound from a musquet ball: Carvajal
immediately dismounted and cut off his head, saying, "That his only
object in joining the party of Gonzalo was to take vengeance for the
death of his brother."

When the victory was completely decided, Gonzalo Pizarro ordered a
retreat to be sounded to recal his troops who were engaged in pursuit of
the enemy. In this battle, the royalists lost about two hundred men,
while only seven were slain on the side of the victors. Pizarro ordered
the slain to be buried on the field of battle, and caused the bodies of
the viceroy and Sancho de Avilla to be carried to Quito, where they were
buried with much solemn pomp, attending himself at the funeral and in
mourning[20]. He soon afterwards ordered ten or twelve of the principal
royalists to be hanged, who had taken shelter in the churches of Quito,
or had concealed themselves in other places. The oydor Alvarez,
Benalcazar governor of Popayan, and Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, were
wounded and made prisoners in the battle. Gonzalo intended to have
ordered Don Alfonzo to be beheaded; but as he had many friends among the
insurgents who interceded for his life, and who assured Gonzalo that he
could not possibly recover from his wounds, he was spared. Some time
afterwards, Gomez de Alvarado sent notice to Benalcazar that it was
intended to administer poison to these three prisoners in the dressings
applied to their wounds or in their food; and accordingly he and Don
Alfonzo took great precautions to avoid this treachery. As the oydor
Alvarez was lodged in the same house with his brother judge Cepeda, he
had not in his power to use similar precautions, and died soon after;
and every one believed that he was poisoned in some almond soup.

[Footnote 20: This authentic circumstance by no means agrees with the
assertion in the History of America, II. 376, that the head of the
viceroy was affixed on the public gibbet in Quito. From the text of
Zarate, this battle appears to have been fought on the 16th January
1546. In the History of America, it is dated on the 18th; but the
difference is quite immaterial.--E.]

Finding that he could not get secretly rid of Don Alfonzo as he wished,
and having no hope of gaining him over to his party, Pizarro resolved to
banish him into Chili, above a thousand leagues from Quito, and to send
to the same place Rodrigo de Bonilla the treasurer of Quito, and seven
or eight other persons of importance, who had always faithfully
accompanied the viceroy under every change of fortune. Gonzalo did not
put these men to death, as several of his own partizans interceded for
their lives; and he did not deem it prudent to keep them near his
person, or to permit them to remain in Peru. These exiles were
accordingly sent off for Chili, under the charge of Antonio de Ulloa
with a party of soldiers. After a march of more than four hundred
leagues, mostly on foot, although their wounds were not entirely healed,
these prisoners determined to make an effort to recover their liberty,
or to lose their lives in the attempt. They accordingly rose against
Ulloa and his men with so much courage and resolution that they
succeeded in making him and most of his men prisoners. Being near a
sea-port, they contrived by great address to gain possession of a
vessel, in which were several soldiers and others of the insurgent party
whom they overpowered; and leaving all their prisoners, they embarked
without either sailors or pilot, and though none of them were in the
least acquainted with navigation, they had the good fortune to reach New
Spain.

Not satisfied with wreaking his vengeance on those of his enemies who
had fallen into his hands in consequence of the victory of Quito,
Gonzalo sent Guevara to the city of Parto to apprehend some of his
enemies who resided in that place, one of whom only was put to death,
and all the rest sent into exile. He pardoned Benalcazar, who promised
faithfully to become attached to his party, and sent him back to his
government of Popayan, with part of the troops he had brought from
thence in the service of the viceroy. He likewise assembled all the
fugitive troops of the viceroy, to whom he in the first place urged the
many causes of displeasure which he had for their past conduct, yet
pardoned them as he knew they had either been misled or forced to act
against him, and promised, if they served him faithfully in the sequel,
that he would treat them as well as those who had been on his side from
the beginning, and would reward them equally when the country was
restored to peace. He sent off messengers in every direction, to
announce the victory he had obtained, and to encourage his partizans, so
that his usurpation seemed established in greater security than ever.
Captain Alarcon was sent to Panama, to communicate the intelligence to
Hinojosa, with orders to bring back along with him Vela Nunnez and the
others who had been made prisoners in that quarter.


SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of
Gasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order._


At this period, some of Gonzalo's adherents advised him to send his
fleet to scour the coasts of Nicaragua and New Spain, on purpose to take
or burn all the vessels which might be found in these parts, by which he
would effectually secure himself from any attack by sea. By this means,
they alleged, when the dispatches and orders from his majesty should
arrive in the Tierra Firma, finding no means of sending these into Peru,
the ministers of the crown would be under the necessity of granting him
favourable terms of accommodation almost equal to his wishes. Pizarro
however had great confidence in the fidelity and attachment of Hinojosa
and those who were with him, believing that he might trust implicitly to
their vigilance, and refused to follow the measures proposed, as tending
to evince too much weakness and want of confidence in the goodness of
the cause in which he was engaged. He was besides so puffed up by the
victory which he had gained over the viceroy, that he believed himself
able to resist any power which could now be brought against him.

Alarcon went accordingly to Panama, whence he brought back to Peru the
prisoners who had been taken at that place by Hinojosa, and was
accompanied on his return by the son of Gonzalo. When near Puerto Viejo
on his voyage back, Alarcon ordered Saavedra and Lerma, two of his chief
prisoners, to be hanged on account of some words they were said to have
spoken against the insurgents. He was disposed to have put Rodrigo
Mexia, another of these prisoners, to death at the same time; but the
son of Gonzalo pleaded strongly to save his life, by representing how
kindly he had been used by Mexia while in his custody. Vela Nunnez was
conducted to Quito, where he was pardoned by Gonzalo, yet admonished to
behave very carefully for the future, as the slightest suspicion would
be fatal. Cepeda, one of the oydors of the royal audience, always
continued to accompany Gonzalo, so that Ortiz de Zarate, the only judge
who remained in Lima was unable to act in the absence of all the other
judges. Indeed he was now less feared, ever since Gonzalo Pizarro had
almost by force procured a marriage between one of the daughters of that
judge and his brother Blas Soto[21]. Still however this judge retained
every proper sentiment of loyalty to the king, although constrained by
the exigency of the times to conceal his principles, and to seem in some
measure reconciled to the usurper.

[Footnote 21: Of this brother of the Pizarro family, no other notice
occurs in Zarate.--E.]

While these transactions were going on in the north of Peru, the
lieutenant-general Carvajal continued his operations in the south
against Centeno. As formerly related, he departed from Cuzeo with three
hundred men, well provided with horses, musquets and other arms,
marching by way of the Collao for the province of Paria, in which
Centeno then was with about two hundred and fifty men, determined to
await the arrival of the enemy and to run the chance of battle. When
Carvajal was come within about two leagues of that place, Centeno
retired a short space to the other side of the city, taking post on the
side of a river in what appeared to him strong ground, and Carvajal took
possession of the _tambo_ of Paria, about a league from the camp of
Centeno. Next day, Centeno sent fifteen well mounted musqueteers to bid
defiance to Carvajal, and to challenge him to battle. On arriving within
a stones throw of the tambo, they required a conference with Carvajal,
to whom they delivered the following message: "That Centeno was ready to
give battle in the cause of his majesty; but if Carvajal, who had grown
old in the royal service, would return to his duty and abandon the
service of the usurper, Centeno and all his followers would be happy to
serve under his command." To this message Carvajal only returned abusive
language, and the two parties mutually reproached each other as rebels
and traitors. After some time spent in this manner, the fifteen
royalists discharged their musquets and returned to Centeno, to whom
they gave an account of the number and disposition of the enemy. This
occurrence took place on Holy Friday in the year 1546.

Immediately after this defiance, Carvajal put his troops in motion to
attack the royalists, but Centeno thought proper to retire to a more
advantageous post, not deeming it prudent to run the risk of a pitched
battle, and meaning rather to harass the enemy by means of skirmishes
and night attacks. He was likewise in hopes that a good many of those
who followed Carvajal might come over to his side as opportunity
offered, as he understood many of them were much discontented with the
harsh and brutal behaviour of the lieutenant-general, whom they served
from fear and constraint, not from attachment. Besides, Centeno was
unwilling to run the risk of battle, as Carvajal though inferior in
cavalry to the royalist party was greatly superior in point of fire
arms. In fact this resolution of retreating was much against the
inclination of Centeno, who wished to have given battle to Carvajal; but
as all the inhabitants of La Plata on his side opposed that measure, he
was obliged to conform to their wishes, yet always determined to give
battle on the first favourable opportunity. Centeno accordingly
retreated fifteen leagues that day, and was followed by Carvajal with
great diligence, insomuch that the hostile parties encamped at night
very near each other, on which occasion Carvajal confided the guard of
his camp to such of his followers as he could most surely depend upon.
Towards midnight, Centeno detached eighty horsemen to assault the camp
of the insurgents, which they did accordingly with much spirit, making
several discharges of their fire arms, but without any favourable
impression; as Carvajal drew up his troops in order of battle, and kept
them all night in their ranks, strictly forbidding any one to quit their
post on any pretence, lest some might desert over to the enemy. At break
of day, Centeno decamped and resumed his march, and was followed by
Carvajal with equal diligence always very near. In this second day of
the retreat the two parties marched ten leagues, or near forty miles;
and towards evening Camijal came up with one of the soldiers belonging
to Centeno, who had lagged behind owing to extreme fatigue. Carvajal
ordered him immediately to be hanged, swearing that he would treat every
one of the enemy who fell into his hands in the same manner.

Centeno continued always to retreat, and Carvajal to pursue close in his
rear, both parties using the utmost possible diligence, insomuch that
they every day marched twelve or fifteen long leagues, almost always
within sight of each other. After some days, Centeno made a countermarch
upon Paria by taking a different road, and even directed his march,
towards the Collao, always followed by Carvajal. At Hayohayo[22]
Carvajal came up with twelve soldiers belonging to Centeno, who had
fallen behind, all of whom he ordered to be hanged. In consequence of
these continued rapid marches, several of the soldiers of both sides
used daily to lag behind from excessive fatigue, all of whom endeavoured
to hide themselves as well as they could to avoid being made prisoners.
Finding his force daily diminishing, Centeno complained loudly of his
officers and followers for having prevented him from fighting; and as he
found the whole country through which he now marched attached to the
enemy, he determined to direct his march towards the coast intending to
escape if possible by sea. For this purpose he took the direction of
Arequipa, and sent off one of his officers named Ribadeneyra to
endeavour to procure a ship somewhere on the coast, which he was to
bring to Arequipa, that it might be in readiness to embark the whole
remnant of the retreating party immediately on their arrival[23].
Ribadeneyra fell in with a ship on the coast which was ready to sail for
Chili, of which he easily took possession, and found it well adapted for
his purpose.

[Footnote 22: The Callao is a district at the north end of the great
lake of Titicaca. Paria and Hayohayo are two towns on the east side of
the Rio Desaguadero, which flows from the south into the lake of
Titicaca.--E.]

[Footnote 23: Arequipa is not less than twenty-five miles from the
nearest coast, at which place there is a bay or port named La
Guata.--E.]

"In the course of this pursuit, it happened, one day that Centeno had to
pass a deep dell or narrow valley between two mountains, as often
happens in that country, the descent to which was about a league from
the top to a stream of water in the bottom, yet the hills were so
precipitous and close together that their tops hardly exceeded a musquet
shot. As Carvajal was well acquainted with this pass, he was confident
of catching his enemy at this place as in a trap; believing that while
Centeno was descending to the bottom, he should be able to gain the top
of the hill, whence he might greatly annoy Centeno and his men while
clambering up the opposite hill. Centeno was however fully aware of his
danger, and was accordingly very careful to provide against the mischief
which he foresaw might occur. He therefore placed six of his best
mounted cavalry in ambush near the top of the first mountain, with
directions to assail the rear of Carvajal's troops after the van and
main body were past, so as to make a diversion and oblige Carvajal to
return to succour his people, by which he and his men would be enabled,
to get beyond the pass in safety. The ambush accordingly remained
concealed until Carvajal and the best part of his troops were gone past;
after which they sallied forth, and fell with great resolution on the
rear which was marching on in disorder, consisting of a mixed multitude
of Indians, Negroes, and straggling Spaniards, with horses mules and
other beasts of burden, all in confusion and disorder, among whom they
did great execution. Although he heard the noise occasioned by this
unexpected assault, Carvajal continued his march for some time,
believing it only a false alarm. The six horsemen therefore continued
their assault almost unopposed, carrying all before them, and doing
incredible mischief. Among the rest they overthrew a loaded mule which
carried several quintals of gun-powder, which they blew up with so
violent a noise that Carvajal was convinced of the serious nature of the
assault, and found it necessary to desist from the pursuit of Centeno,
and to return for the protection of his rear. When the six horsemen
belonging to Centeno observed the approach of the troops of Carvajal,
they immediately fled by cross ways and bye paths, under the guidance of
some friendly Indians, and rejoined Centeno six or seven days
afterwards. By this successful stratagem Centeno was enabled to escape
across the dangerous pass, and even gained considerably in the retreat,
as Carvajal was obliged to remain on the top of the first mountain all
the rest of that day and the following night. Carvajal was much
displeased at being thus foiled by one so much less experienced than he
in the art of war, and observed to his officers, that during forty years
service in the wars of Italy, where he had seen many fine retreats,
accomplished by the king of France, by Antonio de Leyva, Count Pedro de
Navarro, Mark Antony Colona, and other famous captains, he had never
seen one so excellently contrived as this by Centeno[24]."

[Footnote 24: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is inserted
from Garcilasso de la Vega in the text, as too long for a note.--E.]

Centeno arrived soon afterwards at Arequipa, and in less than two days
Carvajal arrived there in pursuit. As the vessel procured by Ribadeneyra
was not come to that part of the coast, and Centeno had not even
received notice of its capture, he determined to dismiss his followers,
now reduced to eighty men, that they might endeavour to escape
separately, being utterly unable to make head against the enemy who was
fast approaching. Centeno, accompanied only by two friends, withdrew,
into the mountains, where he remained concealed in a cave till the
arrival of the licentiate Gasca, being all the time supplied with
provisions by a friendly cacique. On arriving at the coast of Arequipa,
Carvajal was informed that Centeno and his people were dispersed; and
hearing that Lope de Mendoza was at no great distance with eight or ten
of the royalists, he detached one of his officers with twenty mounted
musqueteers in pursuit. Mendoza however fled with so much diligence,
that although followed for more than eighty leagues, his pursuers were
unable to overtake him, and were at last obliged to return. Mendoza
continued his retreat beyond the ridge of the Andes, into the eastern
plain of the Rio Plata, where we must leave him for the present to
continue the narrative of events in Peru.

Soon after the arrival of Carvajal in Arequipa, the ship which, had been
seized by Ribadeneyra appeared on the coast, and Carvajal was informed
by some of the soldiers of Centeno who remained at Arequipa of the
intention of this vessel, and of the signal which had been agreed, upon
between Centeno and Ribadeneyra. Wishing to gain possession of the
vessel, Carvajal concealed twenty musqueteers near the coast, and made
the appointed signal. Ribadeneyra at first believed that the signal was
made by order of Centeno and sent the boat on shore; but having some
suspicions of the actual state of affairs, he directed the people in the
boat to be extremely cautious against surprize before venturing on
shore. They accordingly, refused to land, unless Centeno himself made
his appearance; and as this of course could not be complied with, they
returned to the ship, with which Ribadeneyra immediately set sail for
Nicaragua. As no part of the late force under Centeno remained in the
field, Carvajal resolved to take up his residence for some time in the
city of La Plata, as he was informed that Centeno and his friends had
concealed a large quantity of treasure at that place, and that he might
both endeavour to discover that deposit, and might draw as large a sum
as possible from the rich mines in that neighbourhood. Carvajal was
willing to communicate to Gonzalo a portion of the wealth he expected to
acquire in that district, for defraying the expences of the war; but he
proposed especially to enrich himself on this occasion, being
exceedingly covetous, as has been already remarked. He accordingly went
to La Plata, which submitted without resistance, and remained there for
a considerable time amassing wealth, till obliged to take the field
against Mendoza.

Lope de Mendoza, as already mentioned, made his escape from Arequipa
with a small number of followers, and was pursued for a long way. He for
some time followed the line of the coast, and after he had eluded the
pursuit of the party sent after him by Carvajal, he and his companions
resolved so endeavour to penetrate into the government of Diego de Roias
on the Rio Plata, as all the country of Peru had universally submitted
to the domination of Gonzalo. For this purpose Mendoza followed the same
route which Centeno had formerly taken when retreating from Alfonso de
Toro; both because he thought his enemies would not pursue him by that
road and because the Indians belonging to Centeno and himself dwelt in
that part of the country, and he expected to procure provisions and
other assistance from them. While travelling across these deserts,
Mendoza met with Gabriel Bermudez, who had accompanied Diego de Roias on
his expedition into the country on the Rio Plata. From this person
Mendoza was informed of the events which had occurred to the expedition
under De Roias, of which the following is an abstract:

Diego de Roias, Philip Gutierrez and Pedro de Heredia, who went upon
this expedition, had to fight their way among hostile Indians, in the
course of which De Roias was slain. After his death, violent disputes
arose between Francisco de Mendoza who succeeded in the command and the
other officers engaged in the expedition, in the course of which
Gutierrez was cashiered and banished. They continued after this to
prosecute their discoveries all the way to the Rio Plata, receiving
information that great riches were to be found in some districts in the
neighbourhood, in which there were certain Spaniards who had penetrated
into the country by ascending the Rio Plata from the Atlantic, and had
formed establishments in the interior. In prosecuting the exploration,
of that great river, they had fallen in with some forts which were built
by Sebastian Gabota; and reported many other surprizing and wonderful
things which they had seen in that country. In the course of their
proceedings, Francisco de Mendoza was assassinated by Pedro Heredia,
owing to which violent disputes had taken place among them, by which and
the smallness of their force they had been rendered unable to proceed in
conquering the country, so that at length they had come to the
resolution of returning into Peru, that his majesty or the viceroy of
that kingdom might nominate a new commander. They were likewise
persuaded, when the riches of the country in which they had been came to
be known, that they would be able to procure a considerable accession of
new adventurers, so as to enable them to atchieve the conquest.

In the course of their expedition they asserted that they had penetrated
six hundred leagues to the eastwards of La Plata, through a champaign
country of very easy access, and tolerably abounding in provisions and
water. Bermudez added, that within a very few days they had learnt, from
some Indians who occasionally traded into the province of Las Charcas,
of the revolt which had taken place in Peru, but had been unable to
procure information respecting the causes of this insurrection or as to
who were chiefly engaged in it; for which reason he had been sent on
before to inquire into these circumstances, and had received orders from
the captains and other principal persons in the expedition, to offer
their services to the party that acted for the royal interests, in which
cause they might be of material importance, as they had a considerable
number of excellent horses and plenty of arms. After the conclusion of
this narrative, Mendoza gave Bermudez an account of all the late events
in Peru; on which, in, virtue of the commission with which he had been
entrusted, Bermudez promised in the name of all his companions to march
against the lieutenant-general.

Lope Mendoza and Bermudez went after this to meet the troops which were
returning from the Rio Plata, which were at no great distance. When they
were informed of the situation of affairs in Peru, they received Lope
with every demonstration of respect, and confirmed the offers of
assistance which Bermudez had already made in their name, declaring
their resolution to devote themselves heartily to the service of the
king. Lope de Mendoza gave them hearty commendations for their loyalty,
and represented to them how honourable and praiseworthy it was to exert
their utmost endeavours in the cause of their lawful sovereign; assuring
them that they might all depend upon being amply provided for, when the
country was restored to obedience. Lope de Mendoza was unanimously
received as their chief, and conducted them to the village of Pocona,
about forty leagues to the north-east of La Plata; whence he sent some
confidential persons to certain secret places where he and Centeno had
hidden above a thousand marks of silver under ground. On recovering this
treasure, he proposed to divide it among those persons who had so nobly
offered to follow his orders; but most of them refused his preferred
bounty, either because they were already sufficiently rich, or because
hitherto the soldiers who had been engaged in the wars of Peru had been
unused to any regular pay, and only accepted money to answer their
immediate wants, and to provide themselves with horses and arms. Even
the lowest soldier, in those days expected, when the enterprizes of
their leaders succeeded, to be rewarded for his services in repartitions
or advantageous establishments in the country, by which they flattered
themselves to acquire riches, so great was the reputation of the
richness of Peru. By means of these men from the Rio Plata, Lope Mendoza
found himself unexpectedly at the head of an hundred and fifty well
mounted cavalry; all excellently armed and equipped for service. It was
a great misfortune to the royal cause, that Centeno was now concealed,
instead of having retreated into the interior along with Mendoza as he
had done formerly; as if he had now been at the head of the royalists,
with this important reinforcement, affairs might have taken a better
turn than they actually did.

While Carvajal was on his way from Arequipa for the city of La Plata, he
received intelligence of the success of Gonzalo Pizarro at Quito, and
that all Peru was entirely reduced under his command. He resolved
therefore to repair to La Plata, as formerly mentioned, intending to
regulate the affairs of the province of Las Charcas, and to collect
treasure. On his arrival however at Paria on his way to La Plata he
received intelligence of the arrival of the troops from the Rio Plata
and of their junction with Lope Mendoza. Being informed at the same time
that these unexpected opponents were by no means united among
themselves, and that they marched very carelessly in separate and
unconnected detachments, most of which refused to acknowledge any one as
their commander, he determined to set out against them with the utmost
diligence, that he might fall upon them in their present divided state.
Being rejoined by the detachment which had pursued Lope Mendoza, and
having put his men in order for a fresh expedition, Carvajal set out
from La Plata and marched towards the enemy with the utmost possible
speed, encouraging his troops by the assurance of an easy and bloodless
victory, even asserting that he had received letters from the principal
officers among the enemy in which they offered their services to him, so
that they would only have the trouble of marching, without any danger of
fighting.

During this march Carvajal was joined by thirty men in addition to his
former force, so that he was now at the head of two hundred and fifty
men. At length he came in sight of Pocona, which is eighty leagues from
Paria, about four o'clock of an afternoon, and made his appearance in
good order, on the top of a rising ground within view of Lope de
Mendoza, who was then making a distribution of money among such of his
new companions as were willing to accept his bounty: Mendoza had already
got some intimation of the approach of Carvajal; and as his own force
consisted entirely of cavalry, most of whom were persons of some
consideration, remarkably well mounted and armed, he drew up his men in
good order in a plain at some distance from the village, in which he
left the baggage and his money; saying, that he trusted through their
bravery to be soon able to recover both, and even to increase their
store by that belonging to their enemies. Carvajal immediately descended
from the hill he had first taken possession of, and took post in the
place which Mendoza had just quitted, which was an inclosare of
considerable extent surrounded with walls, in which there were openings
in several places. Carvajal chose this as a convenient post for the
night, in which the enemy would not be able to attack with their
cavalry. On learning that Lope de Mendoza and his men had left their
baggage in the town of Pocona, the troops of Carvajal immediately
quitted their ranks to go in search of plunder, insomuch that Carvajal
was left in his camp with hardly eight men. If Mendoza had availed
himself of this opportunity to attack Carvajal, he might have gained an
easy victory, and might have boasted of having left his baggage exposed
to plunder as a stratagem of war, which on similar occasions had often
been the cause of signal victories. On purpose to recall his troops to
their duty, Carvajal ordered a false alarm to be sounded, which
occasioned the return of the greater part of his men; but so strong was
their avidity for spoil that most part of the night was spent before
they all returned to the camp.

At this time there was a secret conspiracy entered into by many of
Carvajal's followers, with the intention of putting him to death out of
revenge for his harsh and tyrannical conduct towards them, and one Pedro
de Avendano, his secretary, in whom he reposed entire confidence was the
principal ringleader of the conspirators. To facilitate the execution of
this enterprize, Avendano, sent a message by a clever fellow of an
Indian to give Mendoza notice of the intentions of the conspirators, and
to request he would make an attack upon Carvajal's camp in the course of
the night, in the confusion attendant upon which he and the other
conspirators might have an opportunity of executing their intended plot.
Mendoza had previously determined upon withdrawing about four or five
leagues from Pocona, to a level plain in which his cavalry would be able
to act with much advantage. But on receiving the message of Avendano, he
ordered his men to hold themselves in readiness to attack the camp of
Carvajal at the going down of the moon, preferring the obscurity of
night in order to avoid the danger of the more numerous firearms of the
enemy. At that time he advanced in good order towards the enemy, sending
some scouts in advance, who made prisoner of one of Carvajal's soldiers.
After interrogating this man, they advanced to the openings of the wall
which surrounded the camp, which they found guarded by some musqueteers
and pikemen. Mendoza made a brisk attack, but was bravely resisted by
the enemy, and so great was the confusion and noise that it was
impossible to enter upon any parley, as no one could be heard by reason
of the continual firing and the shouts of the combatants.

Immediately on the alarm, Carvajal used his utmost efforts to get his
troops into order and to animate and encourage them to exert themselves
against the enemy. At this period, Avendano pointed out Carvajal to a
musqueteer who was one of the conspirators, and encouraged him to take a
steady aim at the lieutenant-general; but owing to the darkness, the
shot missed of its intended effect; and only wounded him in one of his
thighs. Finding himself wounded, and being satisfied it had been done by
one of his own people, Carvajal deemed it prudent to conceal the
circumstance for the present; and retired along with Avendano, of whose
fidelity he had no suspicion, on purpose to disguise himself in an old
brown coat-and a shabby hat, that he might not be conspicuous, after
which he returned to animate his men to defend the camp. Avendano again
pointed him out to another conspirator, who fired a second time at
Carvajal, but entirely missed his aim. In the meantime the assailants
frequently called out to know if Carvajal were dead; but receiving no
answer, and finding that all the avenues to the camp were bravely
defended, Lope de Mendoza drew off his men. In this night engagement
about fourteen were slain on both sides, and several wounded. Carvajal
got his wound secretly dressed, so that none of his people knew that
such a thing had happened.

After the cessation of the engagement, one Placentia deserted from
Carvajal's camp, and informed Mendoza that all the baggage belonging to
Carvajal and his troops had been left at a place which he described
about five or six leagues from Pocona, among which was a large quantity
of gold and silver, several horses, and some musquets and powder. On
this information, Meodoza set off immediately with his troops for that
place, guided by the deserter; and marching diligently all the remainder
of the night, he arrived quite unexpectedly at the place where Carvajal
had secured his baggage; but as the night was exceedingly dark, above
seventy of his men lost their way and fell behind. Yet, with such of his
people as had kept up with him, Mendoza took possession of the whole
without any resistance. After this, being sensible that he was not in
sufficient force to cope with Carvajal, Mendoza resolved to retreat by
way of the desert in which Centeno had formerly taken shelter, which he
did accordingly with about fifty men, all the rest of his troops having
fallen behind during the night, as already mentioned. In the prosecution
of this plan of retreat, Mendoza and his people reached a certain river
about two leagues and a half from Pocona, where they halted to take some
rest and refreshment after the excessive fatigues of the past night.
Carvajal was soon apprised of the capture of his baggage and the route
which Mendoza had taken, and immediately set off in pursuit with about
fifty of his best mounted troops; and, using every possible diligence,
he came to the place where Mendoza had halted, about noon of the next
day, and immediately attacked the royalists, some of whom were asleep,
while others were taking food. Thus unexpectedly assailed, and believing
that Carvajal was followed by his whole force, the royalists made a
feeble resistance, and very soon took to flight, dispersing themselves
in every direction. Lope de Mendoza and Pedro de Heredia, with a good
many others, were made prisoners and Carvajal immediately ordered these
two chiefs, and six or seven other principal persons among the royalists
to be beheaded.

On this occasion Carvajal recovered the whole of his own baggage, and
got possession of all that had belonged to the enemy, with all of which
and the prisoners he had made, he returned to Pocona, engaging to do no
injury to those who had escaped from the soldiers in the late attack,
and even restored their horses arms and baggage to his prisoners, most
of whom he sent off to join Gonzalo Pizarro. On leaving Pocona, he took
Alfonso de Camargo and Luis Pardamo along with him, who had formerly
fled along with Mendoza, and whose lives he now spared, as they gave him
information respecting a considerable treasure which Centeno had
concealed under ground near Paria, and where in fact he discovered above
50,000 crowns. After this, he went with his troops to the city of La
Plata, where he proposed to reside for some time. At this place he
appointed persons in whom he could confide to the offices of judges and
magistrates, and dispatched intelligence of the success of his arms over
the whole kingdom of Peru. He remained for some time at La Plata, where
he collected treasure from all the surrounding country, under pretence
of supplying Gonzalo Pizarro, but in reality he retained much the larger
share for himself.

Having thus succeeded, in all his enterprizes and established his
authority in the south of Peru on such firm foundations that no
opposition remained in the whole country, fortune seemed to determine to
exalt him to the summit of his desires by the discovery of the richest
mines which had ever been known. Some Indians who belonged to Juan de
Villareal, an inhabitant of La Plata, happening to pass over a very high
isolated mountain in the middle of a plain, about eighteen leagues from
that city, named Potosi, noticed by some indications that it contained
mines of silver. They accordingly took away some specimens of the ore
for trial, from which they found that the mineral was exceedingly rich
in pure silver; insomuch that the poorest of the ore produced eighty
marks of pure silver from the quintal of native mineral[25], being a
more abundant production than any that ever had been heard of before.
When this discovery became known in the city of La Plata, the
magistrates went to the mountain of Potosi, which they divided among the
inhabitants of their city, setting up boundary marks to distinguish the
allotments or each person in those places which appeared eligible for
workings. So great was the resort to these new mines, that in a short
time there were above seven thousand _Yanaconas_, or Indian labourers,
established in the neighbourhood, who were employed by their Christian
masters in the various operations of these mines. These men laboured
with so much industry, that each Indian, by agreement, furnished two
marks or sixteen ounces of silver weekly to their respective masters;
and so rich was the mine, that they were able to do this and to retain
an equal quantity to themselves[26]. Such is the nature of the ore
extracted from the mineral veins of this mountain, that it cannot be
reduced in the ordinary manner by means of bellows, as is customary in
other places. It is here smelted in certain small furnaces, called
_guairas_ by the Indians, which are supplied with a mixed fuel of
charcoal and sheeps dung, and are blown up by the wind only, without the
use of any mechanical contrivance.

[Footnote 25: This produce is most extraordinarily large, being equal to
_four_ parts of pure silver from _ten_ of ore, or 640 ounces of silver
from the quintal or 1600 ounces of ore. At the present time, the silver
mines in Mexico, which are the most productive of any that have ever
been known, are remarkable for the poverty of the mineral they contain.
A quintal or 1600 ounces of ore affording only at an average 3 or 4
ounces of pure silver. The profit therefore of these must depend upon
the abundance of ore, and the facility with which it is procured and
smelted.--E.]

[Footnote 26: The gross amount of this production of silver, on the data
in the text, is 11,648,000 ounces yearly; worth, at 5s. 6d. per ounce,
L. 3,203,200 sterling; and, estimating silver in those days, at six
times its present efficacy, worth L. 19,219,200 of modern value. In the
present day before the revolutionary troubles, Humboldt estimates the
entire production of gold and silver from Spanish and Portuguese America
at L. 9,787,500; only about three times the quantity said to have been
at first extracted from Potosi alone, and only about half the effective
value.--E.]

These rich mines are known by the name of Potosi, which is that of the
district, or province in which the mountain is situated. Owing to the
easy labour and great profit experienced by the Indians at these mines,
when any of the Yanaconas was once established at this place it was
found almost impossible to induce them to leave it or to work elsewhere;
and indeed, they were here so entirely concealed from all dangers, and
so much exempted from their usual severe drudgery and the unwholesome
vapours they had been subjected to in other mines, that they preferred
working at Potosi to any other situation. So great was the concourse of
inhabitants to Potosi, and the consequent demand for provisions, _that
the sack of maize was sold for twenty crowns, the sack of wheat for
forty, and a small bag of _coca_ for thirty dollars; and these articles
rose afterwards to a higher price. Owing to the astonishing
productiveness of these new mines, all the others in that part of Peru
were speedily abandoned. Even those of Porco, whence Ferdinand Pizarro
had formerly procured great riches, were left unwrought. All the
Yanaconas who had been employed in searching for gold in the province of
Carabaya, and in the auriferous rivers in different parts of southern
Peru, flocked to Potosi, where they were able to make vastly more profit
by their labour than in any other place. From various indications, those
who are most experienced in mining believe that Potosi will always
continue productive and cannot be easily exhausted[27].

[Footnote 27: It has however become very much exhausted, and has been in
a great measure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different part
of Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato and
Zacatecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their ore, have been
long the most productive of the American mines.--E.]

Carvajal did not fail to take advantage of this favourable discovery,
and immediately set about the acquisition of treasure for himself by
every means which his present uncontroulable power afforded. In the
first place, he appropriated to his own use all the Yanaconas, or Indian
labourers in the mines, which had belonged, to such of the inhabitants
as had opposed him, or to those who had died or fled from the province.
He likewise appropriated to his own use above 10,000 Peruvian sheep,
belonging to the Yanaconas of the crown or to individuals, which were
employed in transporting provisions for the miners. By these means, he
amassed in a short time near 200,000 crowns, all of which he retained to
his own use. His soldiers were so much dissatisfied with his conduct, as
he gave them no share of his exactions, that they plotted together
against him. Luis Pardamo, Alfonso de Comargo, Diego de Balsameda, and
Diego de Luxan, with thirty others, who had entered into this
conspiracy, had determined to put him to death about a month after his
arrival in La Plata from his expedition against Mendoza; but, owing to
some obstacles, they had been induced to deter the execution of their
enterprize to a future period. By some unknown means the circumstances
of this plot came to the knowledge of Carvajal, who put to death the
before-mentioned leaders of the conspiracy, and ten or twelve others,
and banished all the rest. By these merciless executions, in which he
indulged on all occasions, Carvajal inspired so much terror that no one
dared in future to make any similar attempt; as he not only punished in
the severest manner all who evinced any intention of revolt, but put
people to death on the slightest suspicion. Owing to this the loyal
servants of his majesty may assuredly be exculpated from the blame which
has been imputed to them, for not putting Carvajal to death: In reality,
there were many persons sufficiently anxious to have done so, on purpose
to escape from the cruel tyranny under which they groaned in secret; and
four or five conspiracies were entered into for the purpose, which were
all discovered, and occasioned the destruction of at least fifty
individuals. By these means every one was terrified from attempting any
thing against him, more especially as he gave high rewards to all who
communicated any intelligence of the kind, so that all were forced to
temporize and to wait in anxious hope of some favourable opportunity to
deliver them from his cruel tyranny. Carvajal continued to remain at La
Plata, frequently publishing accounts of the successes of Gonzalo
Pizarro, to whom he often sent large remittances; derived from his own
resources, from the royal fifths which he appropriated, and from the
confiscated estates of those whom he put to death, all of which he
seized upon, under pretence of supplying funds for prosecuting the war.

From the 18th of January 1546, the day on which he defeated the viceroy,
Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside at Quito till the middle of July of
that year, accompanied by a force of about five hundred men, occupied in
almost continual feastings and revelry. Various reasons were assigned
for his long residence in that place; some alleging that it was on
purpose to be more at hand for receiving early intelligence from Spain;
while others attribute it to the great profits he derived from the gold
mines which had been recently discovered in that neighbourhood; and
others again alleged that he was detained by attachment to the lady
formerly mentioned, whose husband he had procured to be assassinated by
Vincente Pablo. That woman was delivered, after the death of her
husband, of a child which was put to death by her father; for which
inhuman action he was ordered to be hanged by Pedro de Puelles.

During his residence in Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro sent off several
detachments of soldiers to different places, giving commissions and
instructions to their commanders in his own name as governor of Peru.
Among these, the lieutenant Benalcazar was sent back to his former
government; having been pardoned and even taken into favour by Gonzalo.
A reinforcement was also sent to Pedro de Valdivia who commanded in
Chili, under the command of Captain Ulloa, whom he had sent to ask
assistance to enable him to continue and maintain his conquests in that
country. Other officers and soldiers were sent to other parts, which are
unnecessary to be particularized. At length Gonzalo determined to leave
Quito, and to establish his residence in Lima; and it has been alleged
that he was principally induced to take this step from suspicion of the
fidelity of Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant at Lima, who was so much
beloved by all the inhabitants of that city as to be almost in condition
to have revolted to the royal cause. Gonzalo is said likewise to have
been somewhat suspicious of his lieutenant-general Carvajal, being
afraid lest he might be so puffed up by the many victories he had
gained, and by his immense distance, as to be induced to set up for
himself. He accordingly left Quito under the command of Pedro de
Puelles, whom he appointed his lieutenant and captain-general in that
province, with a force of three hundred men, having great confidence in
his attachment ever since he had succoured him when in straits on his
march from Cuzco to Lima, and when his army was on the point of
abandoning him. He reposed so entirely on Puelles, that he believed, if
the king were to send any force against him by the route of the province
in which Benalcazar commanded, that Puelles would prevent them from
being able to penetrate into Peru.

While on his progress from Quito towards Lima, Gonzalo assumed in
everything the deportment and authority of governor of Peru, and was
treated in every respect as such by all the inhabitants of the country.
He seemed to believe that his authority was so well and firmly
established that he had nothing to fear from the attempts of his
enemies, and that even the king would be obliged to grant him any terms
he might require. All his officers soldiers and dependents obeyed and
respected him entirely, as if satisfied that they were always to be
subject to his authority, and to depend upon him alone for advancement
and reward. In the exercise of his usurped authority, he made many
grants or repartitions of lands and Indians, all of them for long
periods, which every one considered as secure of being continued. He and
his principal officers pretended that they frequently received letters
from some of the highest of the nobles in Spain, praising his conduct
and approving of every thing he had done, which these pretended letters
justified on account of the infringements which had been made on the
rights and privileges of the colonists. In these letters likewise, the
pretended Spanish grandees were made to engage their favour and credit
at court to support his interest and authority with the sovereign. The
well informed among the followers of Gonzalo Pizarro saw clearly that
these letters were mere fabrications to impose upon the vulgar, and had
no foundation whatever in truth.

On his arrival at the city of San Miguel, Gonzalo learned that there
were a considerable number of Indians in that neighbourhood who had not
been reduced under subjection; for which reason he gave orders to
establish a military post in the province of _Garrochamba[28]_, the
command of which he conferred on Captain Mercadillo, with a force of an
hundred and thirty men, and gave him instructions for completing the
conquest of that district, and for dividing the lands and Indians into
repartitions like the rest of the country. At this time likewise, he
detached Captain Porcel with sixty soldiers to complete the conquest of
the Bracamoros. In these proceedings, he wished it to be believed that
his sole object was for the advantage of the colony; but his real
purpose was to keep his troops on foot and in employ, in case of needing
them at a future period for his own defence in support of his
usurpation. Before leaving Quito, Gonzalo sent off the licentiate
Carvajal by sea with a party of soldiers, in the ships which Juan Alonzo
Palomino had brought from Nicaragua after his pursuit of Verdugo.
Carvajal was ordered to proceed along the coast towards Lima, and to
settle all the maritime towns in his way in good order.

[Footnote 28: No such province or district is now found in the maps of
Peru; but it appears to have been on the confines between the northern
part of Peru Proper and the southern extremity of Quito, where
Valladolid now stands.--E.]

The licentiate Carvajal after executing the before-mentioned orders,
came to Truxillo to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, whence they went together to
Lima, accompanied by a force of two hundred men. On approaching Lima,
there was a diversity of opinions among the followers of Pizarro,
respecting the ceremonies with which he should be received into the
capital of Peru. Some of his officers were desirous that the magistracy
should come out to meet him with a canopy, under which he should make
his entry after the manner usually practised with kings. Some even
proposed that a breach should be made in the walls, and some of the
houses of the city thrown down, so as to make a new entrance on purpose
in memory of his victory over the viceroy, as used to be done anciently
in Rome for the reception of triumphant generals. In this, as in all
other important affairs, Gonzalo was guided by the advice of the
licentiate Carvajal, and entered the city on horseback, preceded by all
his captains on foot leading their horses by the bridles. On this
occasion he was accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of
Cuzco and Quito, and the bishop of Bogota, who had come into Peru by way
of Carthagena on purpose to receive consecration. He was likewise
accompanied by Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant-governor of Lima, and
by all the magistrates and inhabitants of the city; no one daring to
remain at home lest they might be suspected of disaffection. The streets
were all ornamented with green herbs and flowers; all the bells of the
churches and monasteries were kept ringing; and the cavalcade was
preceded by a numerous band of trumpets kettle-drums and other warlike
instruments of music. In this pompous manner, Pizarro was conducted in
the first place to the great church, and thence to his own residence.

From this time, Gonzalo Pizarro conducted himself with much more pride
and haughtiness than formerly, conceiving high ideas of his own
importance from these public ceremonials of respect, as usually happens
to men of feeble minds on any sudden elevation. He had a guard for his
person of eighty halberdiers, besides several horsemen, who acompanied
him wherever he went. No person whatever was permitted to be seated in
his presence; and there were very few persons whom he designed to honour
so far as to return their salute. By these haughty manners, and still
more by his frequent disobliging and even abusive manner of speaking, he
displeased every one and became universally disliked. It must likewise
be mentioned, that the soldiery, to whom he owed everything, became
exceedingly discontented with him, as he gave them no pay. All this had
a powerful influence on his downfall in the sequel; though for the
present every one concealed their real sentiments, waiting for a more
favourable opportunity.

       *       *       *       *       *

"Following Garcilasso de la Vega and other authors, the Historian of
America[29] alleges that Gonzalo Pizarro was urged by several of his
adherents, and in particular by Carvajal, to assume the sovereignty of
Peru; to attach the Spaniards to his interest by liberal grants of lands
and Indians, and by the creation of titles of nobility similar to those
in Europe; to establish military orders of knighthood, with privileges
distinctions and pensions, resembling those in Spain, as gratifications
to the officers in his service; and to gain the whole body of natives to
his service, by marrying the Coya, or Peruvian princess next in relation
to the reigning Inca. Thus at the head of the ancient inhabitants of the
country and of the colonists, he might set the power of Spain at
defiance, and could easily repel any force that might be sent from Spain
to such a distance. These counsellors who urged Pizarro to adopt this
plan, insisted that he had already gone too far to expect pardon from
the emperor; and endeavoured to convince him that all the founders of
great monarchies had risen by their personal merit and their own valour,
without any pretensions to ancient lineage or valid rights of
sovereignty; and that, besides, his family had a strong title to the
dominion of Peru, founded on the rights of discovery and conquest. But
the inferior talents of Gonzalo circumscribed his ambition within more
narrow bounds, and confined his views to the obtaining a confirmation of
the authority which he now possessed from the emperor; for which purpose
he sent an officer of distinction to Spain, to give such a
representation of his conduct and the state of the country, as might
induce the court, from inclination or necessity, to continue him as
governor of Peru for life. Although Garcilasso de la Vega gives full
warrant for this account of the proposals of the insurgents, Zarate, who
was then resident in a public character in Peru, makes no mention of any
such plan having been agitated, which could hardly have happened
without his knowledge: It is probable therefore that these additional
circumstances were invented by the enemies of Gonzalo after his fall, on
purpose to blacken his memory by the imputation of even deeper crimes
than those he was actually guilty of."--E.

[Footnote 29: History of America, II. 378.]


SECTION VI.

_History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the Death of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity._


While these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor Charles V. was
residing in Germany, where he had gone on purpose to overthrow the party
of the Lutherans and others who had separated from the church of Rome.
The emperor was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances in
that distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto, the
brother-in-law of the late viceroy, and Francisco Maldonado the
messenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whom went into Germany for that
purpose. At this time, however, though acquainted with the revolt of
Peru, the imprisonment of the viceroy, and the usurpation of the
government by Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of the
death of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devising
proper remedies to restore tranquillity to Peru; but the matter lay over
for some considerable time, in consequence of the absence of the emperor
from Spain, and because he was at this time frequently attacked by
illness. At length it was determined to send over into Peru the
licentiate Pedro de la Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition.
The prudent and intelligent character of this man was already well
known, from the skill and success with which he had already conducted
several affairs of consequence with which he had been entrusted, and
particularly by the excellent dispositions and preparations which he had
made, only a few years before, to defend the kingdom of Valencia against
an expected invasion of the Turks and Moors, and in various matters
respecting the new converts in that kingdom, which he took the
management of while occupied in some of the affairs of the holy office
on which he had been sent thither by the emperor.

The title granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru, was only that
of president of the royal court of audience. But, by his commision, he
was invested with full powers in every thing respecting the government
of the country; to pacify the troubles and restore peace; and to pardon
as he might see proper all crimes, whether committed before his arrival
or during his residence in the country. Along with Gasca, the
licentiates Ganas and Renteria went out to Peru, as judges or oydors of
the supreme tribunal or royal court of audience. Gasca was likewise
furnished with full powers to raise troops in case of necessity, and to
do every thing that the exigency of affairs might require, without
waiting for orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and orders
however were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the restoration of
order by gentle means; for which reason nothing was spoken of but pardon
and indemnity, and he was desired to endeavour to restore the colony to
peace and tranquillity by means of clemency if possible.

Gasca embarked from Spain in the month of May 1546, on purpose to quell
the formidable rebellion which had long subsisted in Peru, without
either money or troops, and merely accompanied by such servants and
officers of his household as were requisite to support the dignity of
his office as president of the high court of audience. On arriving at St
Martha, he received information of the defeat of Melchior Verdugo,
formerly mentioned, and that Verdugo waited for him at Carthagena with
the small remnant of his men who had escaped on that occasion. Knowing
that Hinojosa and his people were exceedingly irritated against Verdugo,
Gasca resolved to go by way of Nombre de Dios, to prevent the insurgents
from entertaining any suspicions of his pacific intentions, as he
believed they would prevent him from having any access into the country
if he held any intercourse with Verdugo, and still more if he were
joined by that obnoxious person. Gasca cast anchor in the harbour of
Nombre de Dios on the 27th of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had been
posted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to protect that place
and neighbourhood against Melchior Verdugo. The president sent on shore
Alfonzo de Alvarado, who had accompanied him from Spain, to notify his
arrival and the purposes of his mission to Mexia. After some conference,
they separated without communicating their real sentiments to each
other, as both were suspicious and kept up much reserve. On the return
of Alvarado to the ship, Mexia sent to request the president to
disembark, which he did accordingly. On this occasion Mexia went to meet
him, in a barge attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of his
troops drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own barge, and
accompanied the president in his boat to the shore, where he caused him
to be received with every mark of respect, under a salute from the
troops.

After landing, the president, in a private conference, gave Mexia an
account of the object of his voyage to Peru; on which Mexia expressed
his determined resolution to yield implicit obedience to the royal
orders, and to devote his services accordingly to the president. He
declared, that he had long and anxiously waited the arrival of some
person possessing authority to put an end to the troubles; and that,
fortunately, circumstances were now extremely favourable for this
purpose, without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander of
most of the troops belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro in that neighbourhood,
the greater part of which were now in Nombre de Dios. Mexia said farther
that, Hinojosa and the other captains having gone to Panama, he found
himself at liberty to declare himself openly for his majesty, if that
were judged proper by the president; and that they might then go in
company to Panama, where they would easily become masters of the fleet
in that port, by means which he explained; and that he was likewise
convinced that, when Hinojosa and the other captains were informed of
the powers and intentions of the president, they would receive him with
all submission. The president thanked Mexia for his good intentions,
observing that it was necessary to use lenient measures on this
occasion, as his majesty was very desirous to restore the country to
peace and good order, without having recourse to warlike measures, if it
could possibly be accomplished. As it was obvious to every one, that the
chief cause of the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour of
the late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known by all,
that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances in the most gracious
manner; and he trusted, therefore, when it was publickly known that all
might expect safety and pardon by returning to their duty, that all the
colonists would evince their respectful loyalty by tendering their
services, rather than continue in rebellion against the sovereign. The
president concluded by declaring his resolution to refrain from any
endeavour to use force, till all the colonists were apprized of his
intentions as now expressed.

Mexia assured the president, that he was ready to obey his orders in
all things; yet considered it proper for him to observe, that although
he was now able to command the soldiers then at Nombre de Dios; matters
might assume a very different aspect on proceeding to Panama, where the
soldiers would be under the orders of Hinojosa. The president expressed
his determination, however, to proceed in his enterprize, to which Mexia
consented; and they mutually agreed to keep their intentions secret till
affairs should take a favourable turn, as will be seen in the sequel.

When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in the Tierra Firma,
learnt the reception which the president had met with from Mexia, he was
much dissatisfied, both because he was ignorant of the orders and
instructions under which the president acted, and because Mexia had not
communicated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia in a
harsh and peremptory manner, reflecting bitterly on his conduct, and, at
the same time, some friends of Mexia, who were then resident in Panama,
wrote to dissuade him from coming to that place, as Hinojosa was much
irritated against him for the friendly reception he had given to the
president. Notwithstanding this, it was agreed upon in a conference
between the president and Mexia, that the latter should go immediately
to Panama to confer with Hinojosa, lest the minds of the soldiery should
take any adverse turn by delay. Despising the dangers with which he was
threatened, and the suspicions that had been endeavoured to be instilled
into his mind, Mexia set out for Panama, confiding in the friendship
which subsisted between him and Hinojosa, and in his knowledge of the
character and dispositions of that officer. In an interview with
Hinojosa, he fully explained the reasons of his conduct in receiving the
president; adding, that whatever party they might choose ultimately to
favour, all that had hitherto been done could do no harm. Hinojosa was
entirely satisfied with this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return to
Nombre de Dios.

After the return of Mexia, the president went across the isthmus to
Panama, where he held separate conferences with Hinojosa and the
different captains, which he conducted with so much prudence and
secrecy, that he gained them all over to the royal cause, without any of
them having any communication with the others on the subject, so that he
was soon in condition to speak with them publickly on the objects of
his mission, having brought them all over to his sentiments and engaged
them to second his intentions. By supplying the soldiers with every
thing of which they were in need, he brought them all easily into his
measures, believing that the most effectual means of succeeding in his
mission, was by acting gently and in a conciliating manner with every
one: yet in all this he acted without meanness or servility, constantly
preserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In all his
negociations, the president was ably and faithfully seconded by his
major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was exceedingly serviceable on
every occasion, both in consequence of having many friends among the
officers, and because those even who were not among the number were much
influenced by his authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitated
about declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival to
Gonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other principal persons at
Panama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even before the arrival of the
president at Panama, giving it as their advice that he ought not to be
allowed to enter Peru; but in the sequel these persons changed their
opinion by the persuasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, the
president contrived to manage so judiciously with Hinojosa, whom he
frequently visited, that he procured his consent to send Pedro Hernandez
Paniagua, a gentleman who had accompanied him from Spain, with letters
to Gonzalo Pizarro apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, and the
object of his mission. Among these letters was one from the king, to the
following effect:


THE KING, TO GONZALO PIZARRO.

"Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of other
persons, we have been informed of the commotions and disorders which
have arisen in all the provinces of Peru, since the arrival of the
viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judges of the royal audience. We are
convinced that these troubles have been produced by endeavouring to
establish and enforce, in their utmost rigour, the new laws and
regulations which we had judged proper for the government of that
country, and for insuring good treatment to the native inhabitants. We
are satisfied that you, and those who have acted along with you during
these troubles, have not been actuated by any disinclination to your
obedience and loyalty towards us, but merely in opposition to the
extreme rigour and inexorable obstinacy of the viceroy, who refused to
listen to the supplications and remonstrances which were made to him on
the new regulations."

"Being well informed in regard to all these affairs, and having heard
every thing that Francisco Maldonado had in charge to say on the subject
from you and the inhabitants of these provinces, we have thought proper
to send over as our president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member of
our council of the holy inquisition, to whom we have given full power
and authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and necessary
for restoring tranquillity and good order in the country, to replace its
affairs on a proper footing, and to introduce such regulations as may
tend to the good of our service and the glory of God, and the advantage
of the country and its inhabitants, both such as are our natural
subjects and the original inhabitants. For this reason we will and
command, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedient to
every thing which the said Gasca shall order you in our name, in the
same manner as if his commands were from ourselves; and that you give
him every assistance in your power in every thing which he may require,
and which may be necessary for executing the orders which we have given
him, according as he may inform you, or shall require in our name,
conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity. On our part, we
assure you that we entertain a just estimation of the services which you
and your brother the marquis have done, and that we shall reward the
same in time and place convenient to his children and brothers by
effective marks of our good will. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth of
February in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and forty-six."

I THE KING. _By order of his Majesty,_ FRANCISCO DE ERASO.

Along with this letter from the emperor, the president wrote to Gonzalo
Pizarro, dated on the 26th of September 1546 from Panama, and addressed
to the illustrious senior Gonzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima, of which
the following is the substance.

"I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty, which
accompanies this present communication, till now, in the hope of being
able to set out for Peru immediately after my arrival in this country,
and because it appeared more conformable to the respect and obedience
which I owe to his majesty to have delivered his royal letter in person
than to allow it to be preceded by any writing from myself. Finding,
however, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being informed that
you have called a meeting of the colonists at Lima to consult upon the
past transactions, and on what may be proper in the present situation of
affairs, I have thought it improper any longer to delay sending his
majestys letter, together with this from myself which I transmit by
Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who professes to
be your friend and servant."

"After the most mature and careful deliberations respecting all that has
occurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late viceroy in that country,
his majesty is satisfied that the commotions have not been excited by a
spirit of rebellion and disobedience in the Spanish inhabitants, but
through the inflexible rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured to
enforce the regulations, in spite of the supplications of the colonists
and their appeal to his majesty, by which they were justified in
defending themselves against so great severity, at least until they
should learn the royal will on the subject in answer to their
remonstrances. All this appears from the letter which you addressed to
his majesty, in which you declared that the principal reason which had
induced you to accept the situation of governor of Peru, was that it had
been given to you by the royal audience, in the name and under the seal
of his majesty; by the acceptance of which employment you were enabled
to do good service to the royal interests, which might otherwise have
suffered much prejudice; and as you have declared these to be your
motives for assuming the government, until his majesty might think
proper to issue his commands, which you were ready to obey like a good
and loyal subject."

"Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered all these
things, and heard the opinions of his councillors thereupon, has sent me
for the express purpose of restoring peace, tranquillity, and good order
to the country, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, with
full power to extend his royal pardon for all that has already
occurred, and to take the opinion and advice of the colonists upon those
measures that may be most proper and advantageous for the royal service,
the glory of God, the good of the country, and the benefit of its
inhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as cannot be provided in the
country with repartitions of lands and Indians, I have orders to employ
them in new discoveries, where they may acquire honour and riches, as
has already been done by so many other persons. I earnestly entreat you
therefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman of honour,
to reflect seriously on all these things. As you have hitherto always
evinced much affection and attachment to the welfare of the country and
its inhabitants, you certainly have great reason of thankfulness to the
Almighty, that in so important and delicate an affair, neither his
majesty nor his councillors have been disposed to consider your past
conduct in the light of revolt and rebellion against the legitimate
authority of the sovereign, but have rather been pleased to view it in
the light of a just and necessary defence of your own rights, and those
of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, until the decision of his majesty
upon your supplications and remonstrances might be made manifest.
Therefore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant to you
and the other colonists all that you required by your supplications, by
abrogating the obnoxious regulations, it is incumbent upon you, as an
obedient and loyal subject, to evince a respectful and prompt obedience
to the royal orders[30]."

[Footnote 30: In translating this letter the substance has been
materially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatory
argumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of the
emperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission.
Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of a
Spaniard who had assassinated his brother in the midst of the German
Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens him
with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist in
rebellion against his sovereign.--E.]

"I have represented all these things to you, that you may not flatter
yourself by a false confidence of being able to resist the power of his
majesty, who is able if it should so please him to employ irresistible
force in repressing the commotions and disorders of Peru, instead of
those measures of clemency, which it has pleased God that he should now
resort to; and that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it will
be necessary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country by
sending too great a number of troops, instead of being under any
difficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome all possibility
of resistance. You ought likewise to reflect that matters will
necessarily take a quite different turn than they have hitherto done.
Hitherto your followers have been influenced by their own self-interest,
not only considering the late viceroy as your enemy and your cause as
good, but all of them looked upon him as their personal enemy, who
wished to deprive them of their properties, and to put to death every
one who opposed his designs. Under these circumstances your followers
were necessarily impelled to adhere to your party in the defence of
their own lives and properties. But as both are now secured, by the
revocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the amnesty granted by his
majesty, the Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now their legitimate
sovereign as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the most
entire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect seriously on
these things, and to consider that, in the present situation of affairs,
and the turn which they must assuredly take in the sequel, you cannot
count upon the adherence of any one, if you unfortunately choose to
follow wrong measures. By contributing your assistance to put an end to
the commotions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the whole
inhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your exertions for
the maintenance of their rights and privileges, in having opposed the
execution of the obnoxious regulations, and having procured a favourable
attention to their supplications and remonstrances; insomuch that his
majesty has been pleased to send me with an express commission to listen
to and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve upon
refusing submission to the royal authority, you will obliterate all the
merit you derive from your past conduct; as by endeavouring to continue
the troubles and commotions, you will shew yourself actuated by motives
of personal interest and ambition, instead of any regard for the good of
the public. Instead of serving the interests of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru, you will become the cause of infinite injury to all, and will
be considered as the enemy of the kingdom, by perpetuating the troubles,
and occasioning the destruction of the lives and fortunes of your
friends and adherents. You ought likewise to consider that, by
continuing the war, you will render it necessary to bring over a
numerous army into Peru, so that you will become accountable to God and
man for all the miseries and disorders which may follow, and for the
entire ruin of the country and its inhabitants, by which you will incur
the hatred of all the principal colonists, merchants, and other rich
persons."

"To conclude, I pray God to take you and all your followers under his
most holy protection, and that he may inspire you with proper sentiments
on this occasion, for the good service of his majesty, the eternal
welfare of your souls, and the preservation of your lives, honours, and
estates; and I remain; illustrious Sir, yours, &c.

PEDRO DE LA GASCA."

Gonzalo had only been a few days in Lima on his return from Quito, when
he received letters from Hinojosa informing him of the arrival of the
president. He was much disturbed by this intelligence, which he
immediately communicated to the captains and other principal persons of
his party, and with whom he consulted upon the steps necessary to be
taken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion that it was
necessary to get rid of the president, either openly or by secret
assassination; while others recommended that he should be invited into
Peru, where it would be easy to oblige him to agree to all their
demands; or where at least they could draw their negociations with him
to a great length, by insisting on convening an assembly of deputies and
procurators from all the cities of the kingdom at Lima, to deliberate on
the subject of his reception, and to determine whether he should be
received or not; and, as Peru was of vast extent, it would be easy to
put off the meeting of that assembly for two years, during which period
the president might be kept in the isle of Puna under a confidential
guard, by which he might be prevented from writing to Spain that the
country was in rebellion; more especially as they could keep him in
continual suspense, by representing that the general assembly could not
meet sooner on account of the vast distance of some of the cities. Even
the most moderate were for obliging the president to return into Spain.

In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewise
proposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, to
explain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; and
particularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quito
in which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him as
the aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies should
humbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the government
of Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed and
empowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, during
their residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learn
what were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavour
to prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informed
his majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders might
be issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if the
president persisted in coming into the country, to take him into
custody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey,
while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to put
Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar nature
and tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all these
transactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of the
insurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precise
nature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that the
messengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged to
deliver him letters from the principal inhabitants of Lima, strongly
urging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolence
and implied threatening.

After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent into
Spain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom de
Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de San
Martino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for
that purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents of
being inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion,
both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thought
proper to employ him and the others in this commission, although they
were almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to their
representations through the respectability of their messengers, and
because no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to
appear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishment
for the share they had taken in the past commotions. They considered
likewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain,
as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of the
country; as, if matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo
and his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury by
remaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of their
rank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to Gonzalo
Pizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposed
confidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended to
proceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa and
his troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the other
deputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha was
likewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were all
supplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage.

Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while the
other deputies were making preparations for their voyage, being
commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possible
as to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out
from the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to
receive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or
early in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set of
couriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to the
northward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches as
quickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a few
days after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama.

Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained a
prisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and to
ride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of his
conduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with a
soldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. De
la Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo,
along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedro
de Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the good
fortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in the
valley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to their
idols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000
crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of emeralds and
turquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of the
father guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed in
confession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy his
riches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, and
consequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be
able to perform some acceptable service to the king before his
departure, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For this
purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Lima
for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and to
fit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along the
coast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, and
pillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he had
not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such an
enterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act as
commander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce Vela
Nunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentleman
experienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seek
an opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of his
brother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With
this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and his
treasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult on
this subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima,
that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize.
De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on the
subject with Vela Nunnez.

At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a false
confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts in
presence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecrated
altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize,
immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the late
viceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to be
divulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela
Nunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebel
against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was a
brave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and was
exceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru.[31]

[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre
escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same
name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.--E]

About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governor
of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was assassinated by his own
father-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grieved
by the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derived
important services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo de
Hinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in fact
been elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Under
his administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez de
Valenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa and
Pedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela and
Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who had
been particularly active on the occasion were banished.

It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentioned
as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzalo
and the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in very
disrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troubles
from becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyed
these letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival at
Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremely
intimate, there being likewise some relationship between them. He went
likewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at this
first visit they both confined themselves to conversation on general
topics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days,
wishing, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what were
the sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided at
Panama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service of
his majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offering
his best services in any manner that might be most conducive to the
royal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it was
at length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto the
president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexia
represented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such a
situation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which might
easily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithful
subjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if the
present favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another
might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirely
disposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, if
his majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he was
ready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of the
sovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a
rebellious subject.

In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced in
every thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant in
political matters. He had always believed that every thing which had
been done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authors
of the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmost
efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having even
been so assured by several learned men. Yet in all the past
transactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudent
reserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of the
remonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated the
wealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgent
commanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he was
deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of his
majesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission and
instructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait for
any new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers and
soldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, and
that Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose to
embrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled by
these ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosa
requested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should give
to these representations; and accordingly the very next day he
determined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompanied
to the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable to
the royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and other
principal persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged their
obedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profound
secret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the real
situation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders on
every affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officers
visited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as
their superior.

As president considered that any farther delay might be prejudicial to
the royal cause, he resolved to dispatch Aldana with the command of
about three hundred men in three or four vessels, with orders to proceed
to the port of Lima, to assemble at that place all who were well
affected to his majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalo
from having time to learn the actual situation of matters in the Tierra
Firma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect order; and was in
hopes likewise by these means to prevent him from putting several of the
principal loyalists to death, as had been often threatened by the
insurgents. Accordingly, four vessels were fitted out with all
expedition, of which the command was given to Aldana, having under his
orders the captains Mexia, Palomino, and Yllanez. On this occasion, in a
general review of the troops, all the colours were publickly resigned
into the hands of the president; who immediately restored them to the
respective officers, in his majestys name, and reappointed Hinojosa as
general of the army. After this, the three hundred men above mentioned
were embarked under Aldana, pay and equipments, being advanced to such
of the soldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately set sail on his
expedition, being accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, a
person of merit and influence, whose authority and example were expected
to confirm those who might be indetermined to follow the party which he
espoused. Aidaria carried along with him several copies of the amnesty
and of the royal orders for restoring peace and order to Peru; and was
expressly enjoined not to land on any part of the coast if possible,
till he got to the port of Lima, that he might endeavour to surprise
Gonzalo.

About this time, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de Solis arrived at
Panama; both of whom expressed their satisfaction on learning the turn
which affairs had taken at that place, and openly declared themselves
for the royal party, offering their best services to the president. At
this, time likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico,
with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom, Don Antonio de Mendoza,
requiring the aid of all the soldiers that could be spared from that
country. Don Balthazar de Castille was sent at the same time to
Guatimala and Nicaragua on a similar mission; and other persons were
dispatched to San Domingo, to procure every possible assistance for
prosecuting the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately be
necessary.

It has been already mentioned that Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was
dispatched by the president with letters for Gonzalo Pizarro. Paniagua
arrived at Tumbez about the middle of January 1547, whence he went to
San Miguel, where Villalobos then commanded for Gonzalo. Paniagua was
immediately arrested by Villalobos, who took from him his dispatches and
forwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima, by means of Diego de
Mora the commandant of Truxillo. On learning the arrest of Paniagua,
Gonzalo sent a confidential person to conduct him to Lima, with strict
orders not to permit any person to converse with him by the way. On his
arrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence of all his confederate officers,
restored to Paniagua his credentials and dispatches, desiring him to
declare every thing that had been confided to him by his employer, and
assuring him of entire personal safety in regard to every thing
connected with his commission: But, if he should presume to converse
either publickly or privately with any other person on any subject
connected with the president, he might rest assured of losing his head.
Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the subject of his mission. When
he had withdrawn from the council of officers, some were for putting him
to death, alleging that he had previously communicated his sentiments to
some confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizarro did not communicate to his
officers either of the two letters formerly mentioned, which were
addressed to himself, by the king and the president. In this
consultation, it was the universal opinion of the insurgent leaders,
that they ought on no account to admit the president into Peru; many of
the officers, in expressing their sentiments on this occasion, spoke of
the president in a very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majesty
with very little respect, at which Gonzalo seemed well pleased.

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-general Carvajal,
who still remained in La Plata, directing him to come immediately to
Lima, and bring thither along with him all the treasure he could
procure, and all the musquets and other arms that were in that place.
These orders did not proceed from any idea that these were necessary for
defence, as the transactions at Panama were still unknown in Peru; but
on account of the many complaints which had been made of the continual
murders and confiscations which were perpetrated by Carvajal. Some
alleged that he was summoned to the capital to receive deserved
punishment for his cruel and tyrannical conduct; while others said it
was on purpose to strip him of more than 150,000 crowns which he had
amassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entirely occupied with
suspicions, that no one dared to confide in any other, or to speak a
single word respecting the present state of affairs; as the slightest
misplaced word, or the most trifling pretext or suspicion, was
sufficient to place the life of any one in imminent danger. Gonzalo took
the greatest possible precautions for his safety, of which the following
is a remarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions that the
oydor Zarate was by no means attached to his interests, although his
daughter was married to the brother of Pizarro: And though Zarate was
sick, it was confidently asserted that Gonzalo procured him to be
poisoned, by means of certain powders which he sent him under pretence
of a remedy. In the sequel this rumour was confirmed by the testimony of
several persons who were in the service of Pizarro at the time. Whether
Pizarro were really guilty of this crime or innocent, it is a certain
fact that he expressed much satisfaction on learning the death of
Zarate.

In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, through the
intermediation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to Panama, though
contrary to the opinion of the other insurgent officers, who were clear
for detaining him; and he may assuredly be reckoned fortunate in having
got away from Lima before intelligence arrived there that the fleet and
army at Panama had submitted to the president. Although this
circumstance had not reached the knowledge of the insurgents, it began
to be vehemently suspected, in consequence of receiving no reports from
that place for so long a time; insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders to
Pedro de Puelles, who commanded in Quito, and all his other captains, to
keep themselves vigilantly on their guard, and to hold all their troops
in continual readiness for taking the field.

At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal arrived at Lima from Las
Charcas accompanied by an hundred and fifty soldiers, and bringing with
him three hundred musquets and treasure to the value of more than
800,000 crowns. He was received at Lima with extraordinary pomp, Gonzalo
going out to meet him with all the inhabitants of the city, accompanied
with bands of music and every demonstration of rejoicing. Just at this
time intelligence was received from Puerto Viejo, that four ships had
been seen near the coast, as if reconnoitering, which had stood out
again to sea without coming to anchor or sending on shore for water or
provisions, as was usual with ships navigating in these seas. This was
looked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was a considerable time
after this, before Gonzalo was entirely certified of the intention of
these four ships, which in fact were those under Aldana, both because
they were exceedingly cautious of coming near the land, and because
Diego de Mora, his lieutenant at Truxillo, detained certain letters
which had been sent through his hands on the subject. Yet their
suspicious appearance on the coast gave great uneasiness to Gonzalo, and
occasioned him to take every means of precaution for his security;
ordering continual watch to be kept up day and night, both by the
soldiers and the inhabitants, all of whom appeared to do so with much
care and satisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships off
Puerto Viego, they arrived at the harbour of Malabrigo, five or six
leagues to the northwards of Truxillo, and Diego de Mora learnt their
arrival by the same messenger who was charged with the news of their
appearance at Puerto Viejo. As he was quite ignorant of the persons who
were embarked in these ships, and of their intentions, he went on board
a vessel in the harbour of Truxillo, accompanied by several inhabitants
of that city, intending to seek for these four vessels wherever they
might happen to be, and carried along with him a considerable supply of
provisions and warlike stores. He considered it quite safe to board
these strange vessels; as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo,
it was easy for him to allege that he came in quest of news, and to
supply them with refreshments; whereas if they should be of the royal
party, so much the better, as he was resolved to join them with all his
followers. He fortunately came up with Aldana on the very day in which
he left the harbour of Truxillo; and, having entered into mutual
explanations, joined company to the reciprocal satisfaction of both,
supplying Aldana with such refreshments as were needed for his ships.

Next night, Aldana and De Mora with all the ships came to anchor in the
harbour of Truxillo, where it was not deemed proper to land the troops;
but it was agreed that De Mora and all the inhabitants of Truxillo
should retire into the province of Caxamarca, in which place they could
remain in safety till their assistance might be required, and where they
might endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the royal cause.
At the same time messengers were dispatched with letters and orders from
the president in the kings name, to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Quito, and
to the frontier posts commanded by Mercadillo and Porcel, inviting all
who were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves.
Intelligence of these proceedings at Truxillo were speedily carried to
Gonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had always favoured the
Pizarrian faction; but who could only relate the departure of De Mora
and the inhabitants of Truxillo, without being able to give any distinct
account of their intercourse and agreement with those on board the
fleet. Accordingly, Gonzalo concluded, from the information brought by
the monk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo had gone off for
Panama to join the president. Gonzalo therefore sent off the licentiate
Garcias de Leon, who had always accompanied him hitherto, with the
commission of lieutenant-governor of Truxillo, accompanied by fifteen or
twenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and Indians which
had belonged to the citizens of Truxillo who had gone off with De Mora.
Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent the superior of the order of Mercy,
with orders to embark the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo who
had gone off, and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither he
supposed they were gone; and he sent at the same time proper persons to
be married to the widows who remained in Truxillo, commanding that such
of these widows as refused compliance should be deported along with the
married women to Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged for
this procedure; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to be
entire master of the country, and to dispose at his pleasure of the
lands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had fled from his
usurped power.

As Garcias de Leon was sent on this expedition by sea, he fell in, a few
days after his departure, with the four ships commanded by Aldana, and
joined himself to them with all his followers, embracing the party of
his majesty. On this occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy was
sent by land to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what had
happened, and the purpose of these four ships making their appearance on
the coast. He was likewise desired to communicate the intelligence to
several of the loyal inhabitants of Lima; and to tell them, if they were
at any time able to go to the port belonging to that city, they would
find boats ready to carry them on board the ships. On receiving this
news, Gonzalo sent orders to the superior to keep out of the way, and on
no account to have intercourse with any person whatever, either
publickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gonzalo complained
loudly against Aldana for deserting him; saying that if he had followed
the advice of his principal officers, he would have put him to death
long before.

When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly known and
understood, by which it appeared necessary to prepare for war, Gonzalo
began immediately to put every thing in proper order, and to assemble
his troops; having hitherto believed himself in perfect security against
any hostile attack. He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda to
be captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he could confide,
considering the weighty obligations they had received from him. Juan de
Acosta, Juan Velez de Guevara, and Juan de la Torre were made captains
of musqueteers; and Ferdinand Bachicao, Martin de Robles, and Martin de
Almendras captains of pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who had hitherto
enjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-general, having an hundred
of the musqueteers he had brought with him from Las Charcas appointed
for his guard. It was proclaimed by beat of drum, that all the
inhabitants of Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whatever
quality or condition, were to enrol themselves among the troops under
pain of death; and money was issued to the several captains for the pay
and equipment of their companies. The two captains of horse received
50,000 crowns, with which they were each ordered to levy and equip fifty
horsemen; besides which, several merchants and others, very unfit for
warfare, enrolled themselves. It was well known that these men were
quite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained to enlist on
purpose to exact money from them for their discharge, which in fact they
purchased by furnishing horses, arms, and money to such as were in want.
Martin de Robles received 25,000 crowns with which he was to enlist and
equip a company of 130 pikemen. Ferdinand Bachicao had 20,000 to raise
120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a similar sum for an equal number. Martin
de Almendras had 12,000 crowns to raise 45 pikemen; and Juan de la Torre
12,000, to levy 50 musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard of
Gonzalo. Antonio Altamirano, one of the principal inhabitants of Cuzco
was appointed to carry the grand standard, with a troop of 80 horse; and
he received 12,000 crowns for some particular purpose, as his men had no
need of pay or equipments, being all chosen from among the rich
inhabitants of the country.

On this occasion the several captains had standards or colours painted
according to their respective fancies, the grand standard alone carrying
the royal arms. Among these, Bachicao had the letters G.P. or the cypher
of Gonzalo Pizarro, interlaced upon his colours, surmounted by a royal
crown. Every thing being in order, posts were assigned to each officer,
of which they were to take especial care by day and night. Gonzalo
Pizarro made liberal donations to several soldiers who were unfit for
service, as well as to those who took the field; giving them, besides
what they were entitled to for their equipment, considerable sums
according to their respective merits and occasions. In a general review,
he mustered a thousand men, as well armed and equipped and furnished
with all necessaries, as any that had been seen in the most prosperous
campaigns in the Italian war. Besides their arms, which were all
excellent, most of the soldiers were clothed in silken hose and
doublets, and many had theirs of cloth of gold, or embroidery of gold
silver or silk, with gold embroidery on their hats, their ammunition
pouches, and the covers of their musquets. The army was well supplied
with excellent powder; and Gonzalo gave orders that every soldier should
have either a horse or a mule to ride upon during a march. In the
equipment of this army, Gonzalo expended above half a million of crowns.

Besides these preparations, Gonzalo sent Martin Silveira to the city of
La Plata, to bring from thence all the men and money that could be
procured in that quarter. Antonio de Robles was sent to Cuzco, to
conduct to Lima all the troops that were there under the charge of
Alfonzo de Hinojosa, the lieutenant-governor of that city. He wrote to
Lucas Martinez, his lieutenant at Arequipa, desiring him to join him
immediately with all the soldiers he could raise. He sent orders to
Pedro de Puelles, his lieutenant at Quito, to join him as soon as
possible with all the troops from that province; and likewise ordered
Mercadillo and Percel to abandon the passes of which they had the
charge, bringing all their men along with them to Lima, and sent similar
orders to Saavedra the lieutenant-governor of Guamanga. By these means
Gonzalo exerted himself to the uttermost to collect a respectable force;
and he particularly enjoined all his officers not to leave behind them
any horses or arms, or any other conveniencies for those who remained to
enable them to join the president. He endeavoured to justify his present
conduct, by representing that Aldana, whom he had sent to give an
account to the king of all that had occurred in Peru, had leagued with
the president, and now employed against himself and the colony those
vessels which had been confided to his charge, and which had cost more
than 80,000 crowns in their equipment. He alleged that the president,
who had been sent expressly by his majesty to restore peace and
tranquillity to the kingdom, had raised troops of his own authority, and
now proposed to come in arms into Peru, to punish all who had taken part
in the late commotions, so that all were equally interested in opposing
him. That no one ought therefore to reckon upon the pardon and amnesty
with which the president was said to be entrusted, and which it was
reported he was to extend to all who joined him; but rather that this
ought to be considered as a fraudulent contrivance to divide and ruin
the colonists. Even admitting the truth of the reported amnesty; it
could only refer to the original opposition to the obnoxious regulations
and tyrannical conduct of the viceroy, and could have no reference to
those who were engaged in the battle of Quito, and the consequent death
of the viceroy; as these transactions could only be known in Spain after
the departure of the president, and nothing respecting them could
therefore be included in his instructions and powers. Therefore, until
his majesty were fully informed of the whole series of events, and had
issued new orders on the subject, it became necessary to prevent the
president from coming into Peru, more especially as Gonzalo Pizarro was
informed by letters from Spain, that the president was not authorized by
his majesty to deprive Gonzalo of the government, but merely to preside
in the royal court of audience. He pretended to be perfectly assured of
this circumstance, by letters from Francisco Maldonado, whom he had sent
to the king, and that the president had even in some measure
acknowledged this in the letter which was brought from him by Paniagua.
He alleged farther, that the captains in his own employment, who had
been sent into the Tierra Firma for the defence of Peru, having revolted
to the president, had now persuaded him to change his tone and to invade
Peru by force of arms; at which procedure his majesty would be assuredly
much displeased, when informed. By these and other arguments of a
similar nature, Gonzalo endeavoured to demonstrate that the president
was highly to blame in detaining those persons whom he, Gonzalo, had
sent to Spain, and that it was justifiable on these grounds to oppose
him by force of arms.

Gonzalo, by the advice of his lieutenant-general and other confidential
officers, took additional measures to justify their conduct, and to
satisfy the soldiers and inhabitants in the goodness of their cause. In
an assembly of all the men learned in the law who were then in Lima,
they arraigned the president as having acted criminally, in taking
possession of the ships belonging to the colony, and by invading the
country in a warlike manner, contrary to the tenor of the commission and
instructions he had received from the king; endeavouring at the same
time to convince the assembly, that it was just and proper to proceed
judicially against the president, and those captains and others who
adhered to him and abetted him in these proceedings, and that they ought
to be proceeded against in a formal manner, by legal process. The
persons composing this assembly of men of learning, dared not to
contradict Gonzalo on this occasion or to oppose his will in any
respect: A process was accordingly instituted in due form, informations
taken and recorded, and judgment pronounced in the following tenor:
"Considering the crimes established by the judicial informations given
against the licentiate De la Gasca and those captains who adhere to him;
they are found guilty and deserving of condemnation; wherefore, the said
licentiate De la Gasca is hereby adjudged to be beheaded, and the
captains Aldana and Hinojosa to be quartered." The other captains and
officers serving under the president, were at the same time condemned to
various punishments, according to the measure of guilt which Gonzalo and
the leaders of his faction were pleased to charge against them; and the
sentences were ordered to be signed in due form by the oydor Cepeda, and
other men of letters at Lima.

Among these persons of the law who were desired to sign on the present
occasion, was a licentiate from Valladolid named Polo Hondegardo, who
had the boldness to wait upon Gonzalo, and to represent to him, that the
promulgation of such a sentence was by no means advisable or politic; as
it might possibly happen hereafter that those officers who were now in
the service of the president might incline to revert to his party, which
they would not dare to do when once this cruel sentence was pronounced
against them. He represented farther, that it was necessary to keep in
mind the sacred character of the president as a priest; in consequence
of which circumstance all who might sign a sentence of death against
him would incur the pains and penalties of the greater excommunication.
By this remonstrance, these strong measures were arrested in their
progress, and the intended sentence was not promulgated.

About this time, intelligence was brought to Pizarro, that the squadron
under Lorenzo de Aldana had quitted the port of Truxillo and was
approaching along the coast towards Lima. On this intelligence, Gonzalo
sent off Juan d'Acosta with fifty mounted musqueteers, with orders to
keep in view of the ships, to prevent the royalists from being able to
land for provisions or water. On arriving at Truxillo, Acosta only
ventured to remain one day at that place, being afraid that Diego de
Mora might bring a superior force against him from Caxamarca. He learnt
likewise, that the royalists squadron had gone to the port of Santa, to
which place he accordingly marched. Aldana got notice of his coming from
some Spanish inhabitants of that place, and laid an ambuscade for him,
consisting of an hundred and fifty musqueteers, in a place overgrown
with tall reeds on the side of the road by which Acosta had to march in
his way to Santa. Acosta had certainly fallen into the snare, if he had
not fortunately made prisoners of some spies who had been sent on shore
from the squadron, whom he was about to have hanged, when they prevailed
on him to save their lives by giving him notice of the ambushment, and
by farther informing him that he might make prisoners of some sailors
who were taking in fresh water for the ships, by quitting the common
road and going nearer the shore. He accordingly took that road and made
the sailors prisoners, whom he sent to Gonzalo at Lima. Those belonging
to Aldana, who were in ambush, learnt this transaction; but, being all
on foot, and the insurgent party all horsemen, they could not attempt to
rescue the prisoners from Acosta, as that part of the country consisted
of very deep sands. Acosta returned to the port of Guavera, where he
waited fresh orders from Lima.

Gonzalo treated the prisoners sent to him by Acosta with much kindness,
supplying them with clothes and arms, and gave them their choice of any
of the companies of his troops in which they might think proper to
serve. From these men, he received exact information of all the late
events which had occurred at Panama, of the succours which the president
expected to receive from different parts of America, and of the force
which accompanied Aldana on the present expedition. They informed him
likewise that Aldana had set on shore Pedro de Ulloa, a Dominican friar,
disguised in a secular habit, who had orders to distribute copies of the
amnesty in every direction. In consequence of this information, he was
sought for and soon found; and Gonzalo had him confined in a dungeon
near the fish-ponds in his garden, which was infested with toads and
vipers, where he remained till he recovered his liberty on the arrival
of the fleet some time afterwards.

About this time, it was determined to dispatch the licentiate Carvajal
with three hundred mounted musqueteers, together with the detachment
under Juan d'Acosta, to scour the coast to the northwards, and to attack
Diego de Mora who had withdrawn into the province of Caxamarca. When
every thing was in readiness for this expedition, the lieutenant-general
Carvajal went one morning early to Gonzalo, and represented to him, that
it was by no means safe to entrust so important a command to the
licentiate, as a person in whom they could not repose implicit
confidence. That although he had hitherto attached himself to their
party, it was obviously for the sole purpose of being revenged of the
late viceroy; and, as that purpose was now accomplished, it did not
appear that his fidelity could be depended upon. It was proper to
recollect, he added, that all the brothers of the licentiate were
greatly attached to his majesty, particularly the bishop of Lugo who
enjoyed several high employments; so that it was not to be imagined the
licentiate would act cordially in the interest of a party which was
diametrically opposed to that in which all his nearest relations were
engaged. Besides all which, this person had formerly been made a
prisoner by themselves, without any just foundation, and had even been
so nearly punished capitally, that he had been ordered to make his
testament and to confess himself in preparation for death, which
injurious treatment he could not be supposed to have forgotten. Gonzalo
was so much convinced by these arguments, that he countermanded the
order given to the licentiate Carvajal, and sent off Juan d'Acosta on
the expedition to Caxamarca, with a force of two hundred and eighty men.
D'Acosta accordingly set out on this intended service, taking the road
for Truxillo; but on arriving at Baranza, about twenty four leagues from
Lima, he halted at that place for reasons which will appear in the
sequel.

At this period, the Captain Saavedra, who was lieutenant-governor of
Guanuco for Gonzalo, received letters from Aldana urging him to quit the
insurgent party and to declare for his majesty. He accordingly
determined to do so; and under pretence of obeying the orders he had
received from Gonzalo of joining his army at Lima, along with Hernando
Alonzo, he assembled all the soldiers he could procure in that province,
with whose assistance he fortified the city of Guanuco, and informed
them of his resolution to exert his best endeavours in the service of
the king. All his soldiers agreed to follow his example, except three or
four who fled and informed Gonzalo of the defection of their governor.
Saavedra retired immediately to Caxamarca, with forty horsemen, where he
joined Diego de Mora and those who had withdrawn along with him from
Truxillo, where both declared themselves for the royalist party. On
learning the defection of Saavedra and the principal inhabitants of
Guanuco, Gonzalo sent an officer to that place at the head of thirty
soldiers; with orders to pillage and destroy the city: But the Indians
of the neighbourhood, having armed themselves and taken possession of
the place by the orders of their masters, made so resolute a defence
that the insurgent detachment was beaten off, and constrained to return
to Lima, being unable to procure any other plunder except some mares
cattle and other animals belonging to the settlers.

On the arrival of Antonio de Robles at Cuzco, whom Gonzalo had sent to
take the command in that city and province, Alfonso de Hinojosa, who had
hitherto been lieutenant-governor there, resigned the command of the
city and troops, but as was believed with much dissatisfaction. De
Robles immediately collected as much money as he could procure, and
enlisted all the soldiers that were to be found in that neighbourhood,
with whom he marched to Xaquixaguana, about four leagues from Cuzco. At
that place he learned that Diego Centeno; who had concealed himself for
more than a year in a cave among the mountains, had recently left his
concealment, on learning the arrival of the president, and had collected
several of his former partisans, who had hidden themselves from the fury
of Gonzalo in various parts of the woods and mountains. By this time
Centeno had collected about forty men, mostly on foot, though some of
them still had the horses with which they had made their escape.
Although these men were neither so well armed or equipped as they could
have wished, Centeno resolved to make an attempt upon Cuzco, shewing as
much confidence as if he had been at the head of five hundred well armed
troops. His principal followers were Luis de Ribera, Alfonso Perez de
Esquival, Diego Alvarez, Francisco Negral, Pedro Ortiz de Zarate, and
Friar Dominic Ruiz, commonly called Father Viscayno. With this small
band of followers, Centeno drew nigh to Cuzco, being doubtless invited
to that step by some of the principal inhabitants, for the purpose of
freeing them from the tyranny of De Robles, a young man of low origin
and little ability. It was even said that Alfonso de Hinojosa, from
resentment against Gonzalo for superseding him in the government, had
sent privately to offer his assistance to Centeno. Both of these reports
are highly probable; as otherwise it would have been a most inexcusable
rashness in Centeno, to call it no worse, to have presumed upon
attacking Cuzco with the small number of men he had collected; as,
besides the inhabitants of the city, there were more than five hundred
soldiers there and in the environs, while he had only forty ill armed
men, most of whom had swords or daggers fastened to poles, instead of
pikes or lances.

On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned to Cuzco, where
he made such preparations as seemed necessary; and, on hearing that
Centeno was within a days march, he took the field with three hundred
men, sending forwards Francisco de Aguira to procure intelligence. This
person was brother to one Peruchio de Aguira who had formerly been put
to death by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, and was consequently a
secret enemy to the insurgent party. Instead therefore of executing the
commission confided to him by De Robles, he went immediately to join
Centeno, whom he informed of every thing that was going on at Cuzco and
of the state of affairs in that city. In the night before the festival
of Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Centeno advanced toward the city of
Cuzco, by a different road from that in which De Robles and his troops
were posted; and, having turned one of his flanks, made an unexpected
assault with great resolution, as resolved to conquer or die. Completely
surprised and thrown into confusion, the troops of De Robles were unable
to get into any order for defence, and even in several instances turned
their arms against each other, insomuch that a good many of them were
slain by their own comrades. On this occasion Centeno used the
following stratagem, which succeeded admirably: Having taken off the
saddles and bridles from the horses belonging to his small band of
followers, he ordered them to be driven by his attendant Indians along
the road which led to the front of the enemies camp, to call off their
attention from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this means,
as the horses were urged on by the Indians behind, they threw the troops
of De Robles into confusion, and enabled Centeno to penetrate into the
camp unperceived and unopposed, where he and his men exerted themselves
so courageously that the insurgents were completely defeated and put to
flight.

[Illustration: Map: VICEROYALTY OF PERU]

By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour; it having been
seldom seen that so small a number had defeated so disproportioned a
force of infinitely better armed troops. It has been reported that, on
this occasion, some men belonging to Alfonso de Hinojosa were the first
to fly, in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these men
never acknowledged the truth of this allegation, as disgraceful to
themselves; and Centeno denied the story, as detracting from the glory
of his victory.

After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession of Cuzco, where
he was immediately elected captain-general of that city and province for
his majesty. Next day, he caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, and
distributed 100,000 crowns, which he found in that city belonging to
Gonzalo, among his followers. He in the next place took measures for
raising a respectable force; appointing Pedro de Rios and Juan de
Vargas, the brother of Garcilasso de la Vega, captains of infantry, and
Francisco Negral captain of Cavalry; Luis de Ribera being named
major-general. Having armed and equipped about four hundred men, he set
out for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de Mendoza,
who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, to declare for the king, or
otherwise to take possession of that place by force.

About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct
the troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out from Arequipa with 130 men for
that purpose; but when he had proceeded about four leagues on his march,
his people mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de Villegas
as their commander, and immediately marched off to join Centeno, who
was then in the Collao waiting the issue of some negotiations in which
he had employed Pedro Gonzalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco. While in
the Collao, Centeno was informed that Juan de Silveira, the Serjeant
major of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct
the troops of that province to Lima, and had made prisoners of five or
six of the royalists whom he met with on his march. Silveira had
collected about three hundred men on this occasion, and we shall relate
what befel them in the sequel.

On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death of De Robles,
and being likewise informed that the people of San Miguel had declared
for his majesty, and that the captains Mercadillo and Porcel had joined
Diego de Mora at Caxamarca; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only to
depend on the force which was along with himself at Lima, and those
under Pedro de Puelles, on whose fidelity he reposed entire confidence.
In this predicament, he determined to alter the destination of Juan
d'Acosta and to send him against Centeno with a respectable force,
resolving to follow d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary,
then amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many of the
principal inhabitants of Peru. In forming this new resolution, his
object was in the first place to reduce all the upper or mountainous
provinces to subjection, and afterwards to make war on every other part
of the country which had withdrawn from his authority. It has likewise
been conjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in case of any
reverse, to endeavour to make some new discovery and conquest, towards
the Rio Plata, or Chili, or in some other place to the south and east of
Peru. He certainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it alleged
that he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this would have
indicated a want of confidence in his cause; so that this idea rests
only on conjecture. In consequence of this new plan, Gonzalo recalled
D'Acosta to Lima with all his troops, to the great mortification of that
person and his followers; insomuch that seven or eight of them deserted,
choosing Jerome de Soria as their commander. Many others would certainly
have followed this example, if it had not been for the severe
precautions exercised by D'Acosta on the occasion, who put to death
Lorenza Mexia, son-in-law to the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier,
whom he suspected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested several
others who were suspected of similar intentions, whom he carried
prisoners to Lima.

A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonzalo took some
suspicion of the fidelity of Antonio Altamarino, his standard bearer,
who appeared to conduct himself with a degree of coldness in the present
emergency; and, without any direct proof or even any strong suspicious
circumstances being alleged against him, he caused him to be arrested
and put in irons as a criminal, had him strangled in prison during the
night, and ordered his dead body to be suspended upon the public gibbet.
Altamarino was one of the richest colonists in Peru, and Gonzalo, having
confiscated all his wealth, distributed it among his most attached
followers. After this, he gave the charge of the royal standard to Don
Antonio de Ribera, who had just joined with thirty men from Guamanga,
whence also he had brought some arms and cattle which he had taken from
the inhabitants of that place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairs
much embarrassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he could
only count upon the force which accompanied him in Lima; whereas a short
time before he seemed absolute master of the whole kingdom of Peru. He
was in great fear, if the new royal orders, the general amnesty, and the
revocation of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been brought
out from Spain by the president, should come to the knowledge of his
remaining followers, that they would all abandon him. In this state of
uncertainty and dread, he assembled all the principal inhabitants and
citizens of Lima at his house, to whom he represented, "That he had
brought himself into a very embarrassing and even dangerous situation by
his exertions in their service, during which he had endured much labour
and danger in the wars he had carried on for their benefit, and for the
protection of their property and rights, for all which they were
indebted to the genius and valour of his brother the marquis. That, in
the present situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to consider
their honour and interests as identified with his own, the conduct of
both being sufficiently justified in sending deputies to inform the king
of all that had occurred during the troubles and commotions. That the
president had arrested these deputies at Panama, had seduced his
officers, and had taken possession of his ships. That the president
certainly had done all these things to advance his own private interest;
as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war against the
kingdom, he would assuredly have given intelligence of this circumstance
through Paniagua. That not satisfied with these outrages, the president
now invaded the government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfully
appointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him throughout the
kingdom, as was well known to them all. That consequently, he was
determined to use his utmost efforts to oppose the president, who
treated him as an enemy without any legitimate cause. That the general
interests of all the colonists and his own were obviously identified;
as, should the president carry matters to extremity as every thing
seemed to indicate, they would all be brought to a severe account for
the consequences of the late wars and disorders, and would be held
responsible for the murders and plunders which had been perpetrated
during their continuance. He requested them therefore to reflect
maturely on all these things; and, as he had hitherto exerted his utmost
efforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not only to
continue to defend the same, but even to preserve their lives and
honours. For these purposes, therefore, he had now assembled them, and
to lay before them a clear state of the present situation of affairs;
and he requested of them to declare freely and openly their undisguised
sentiments; engaging, on the faith and honour of a gentleman and a
knight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn oath, that he would
not injure any one in person or estate for the opinion or advice they
might now give; but should leave every one at full liberty to declare
for either party in the present troubles, and even to retire wherever
they might judge proper. Therefore, he expected that all who were
disposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should declare
themselves without reserve, as he would demand of them to confirm their
promise by a written and signed engagement. He advised them accordingly
to look well to their promises when once made; as if any one should
violate the same, or should appear lukewarm or feeble in their efforts
in the approaching crisis, he would immediately order them to be put to
death even upon very slight circumstances of suspicion."

Every person in the assembly answered unhesitatingly, that they were
ready to obey his orders in every thing to the utmost of their power and
abilities, and to devote their lives and fortunes in his cause. Some
even went so far in their pretended attachment, as to say that they
would willingly risk their eternal salvation in his service. Many of
them emulously strove to find out arguments for justifying the war
which was now about to commence, and to enhance the obligations which
the whole country lay under to Gonzalo for undertaking the management of
the enterprize. Some even carried their base and scandalous flattery to
such a pitch of extravagance, to conciliate the tyrant, that it were
improper to contaminate our pages with a repetition of their words.
After they had all expressed their attachment to the cause, Gonzalo drew
out a paper in which the proposed engagement was already engrossed at
full length; at the bottom of which he caused the licentiate Cepeda to
write a solemn promise of executing all which that paper contained, and
to obey Gonzalo in every thing he should command; after which, he made
Cepeda sign that promise, and take a solemn oath to observe all its
conditions. After Cepeda, all who were present in the assembly were made
to sign and swear to the engagement in a similar manner.

After the conclusion of this affair, Juan d'Acosta was ordered to
prepare for marching to Cuzco by way of the mountain, at the head of
three hundred men. Paez de Sotomayor was appointed his major-general on
this expedition, Martin d'Olmos captain of cavalry, Diego de Gumiel
captain of musqueteers, Martin de Almendras captain of pikemen, and
Martin de Alarzon standard-bearer. The whole of this detachment being
well provided with arms and all necessary equipments, left Lima taking
the mountain road for Cuzco, on purpose to recover that important city
from Centeno. At the same time Gonzalo received notice that the squadron
commanded by Lorenzo de Aldana had been seen at the distance of about
fifteen leagues from the port of Lima. It was determined therefore in a
council of war, to encamp the whole insurgent army between Lima and the
sea; as it was feared, if the ships got possession of the port, it might
occasion great confusion and disturbance in the city, especially as in
that case the necessary orders would have to be hastily issued and
executed; by which means the malcontents might have an opportunity of
withdrawing during the battle, and might even escape on board the ships
to join the enemy; while, at the same time, there would be no leisure to
watch the behaviour of the wavering, and to compel them to join the
army. Orders were issued accordingly for the army to take the field, and
it was publickly proclaimed throughout the city, that every one fit to
carry arms, of every age and condition, was to join the troops, on pain
of death. Pizarro gave notice that he would behead every person who
acted contrary to these orders; and, while he marched in person at the
head of the troops, he should leave the lieutenant-general in charge of
the city, to execute rigorous punishment on all who lagged behind. All
the inhabitants were so confounded and terrified by these threats, that
no one dared to converse with another, and none had the courage either
to fly or to determine what was best to be done in this emergency. Some
however contrived to conceal themselves in places overgrown with tall
reeds, or in caves, and many concealed their valuable effects under
ground.

On the day preceding that which had been fixed upon by Gonzalo for
marching from Lima, news was brought that three ships had entered the
port of Lima, which occasioned universal consternation. The alarm was
sounded, and Gonzalo marched out with all the men who could be collected
on a sudden, taking up his encampment about midway between the city and
the port, at the distance of about a league or four miles from each,
that he might at the same time make head against his enemies if they
attempted to land, and might prevent the inhabitants of Lima from having
any communication with the vessels. He was at the same time unwilling to
abandon the city, and wished to know exactly the intentions of Aldana,
before going to a greater distance, and if possible to gain possession
of the vessels by some contrivance or negociation, having no means of
preventing them from gaining possession of the port, as one of his own
captains, contrary to the opinion of the other officers, had lately sunk
five vessels in the harbour. On this occasion Gonzalo mustered five
hundred and fifty men, cavalry and infantry included; and, after
encamping in the situation already mentioned, he placed eight horsemen
in ambush close to the sea, with orders to prevent any person landing
from the vessels to deliver or to receive letters, or to converse with
any one. Next day, Gonzalo sent Juan Hernandez, an inhabitant of Lima,
in a boat on board the ships, with orders to say in his name, if Aldana
chose to send any of his people on shore to explain the object of his
coming into Peru, that Hernandez would remain on board as an hostage for
the safety of his messenger. Hernandez was conducted on board the
admiral where Aldana retained him as proposed, and sent on shore the
captain Penna to wait upon Gonzalo.

Penna was not conducted to camp till night, that he might have no
opportunity of conversing with any one; and on being introduced to
Gonzalo in his tent, he delivered to him a writing, containing the
orders and instructions which the president had received from his
majesty, the general amnesty granted by his majesty to all the colonists
of Peru, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations. He then
expatiated, as instructed by Aldana, on the universal and great
advantages which would accrue to all by giving a prompt and entire
obedience to the commands of his majesty, who had not judged it
convenient to continue Gonzalo in the government of Peru. That his
majesty, being fully informed of all that had occurred in that country,
had sent out De la Gasca as president, with instructions and full powers
to provide a remedy for all the existing evils. Gonzalo proudly
answered, that he would severely punish all who were on board the fleet,
and would chastise the audacity of the president for the outrage he had
committed in detaining his envoys and seizing his ships. He complained
loudly against Aldana, for coming now against him as an enemy, after
receiving his money, and accepting his commission to go into Spain on
purpose to give an account of his conduct to the king.

After some farther discourse, all the officers belonging to Gonzalo left
the tent, leaving him and Penna alone together. Gonzalo made him a long
discourse, endeavouring to justify his conduct in regard to his past and
present conduct; and concluded by making him an offer of 100,000 crowns,
if he would contrive to put him in possession of the galleon commanded
by Aldana, which composed the principal force of the hostile fleet.
Penna rejected his proposal with disdain, declaring himself dishonoured
by the offer, and that nothing whatever would induce him to be guilty of
such treacherous conduct. At the conclusion of this conference, Penna
was committed to the custody of Antonio de Ribeira, with strict
injunctions that he should not be allowed to have the smallest
intercourse with any individual whomsoever; and was sent back next day
to the fleet, when Juan Fernandez returned to camp, having in the
interval promised and resolved to use his utmost efforts in the service
of his majesty on every favourable opportunity.

Aldana had rightly judged, that the surest means for succeeding in the
mission on which he had been entrusted by the president, was to
communicate the knowledge of the general pardon among the soldiers. For
this purpose, therefore, he devised exceedingly proper measures to
diffuse the intelligence among the troops, but which were at the same
time exceedingly dangerous for Juan Hernandez. Aldana gave him copies of
all his dispatches in duplicate, and entrusted him with letters for
several principal persons in the camp of Gonzalo. Fernandez concealed
such of these papers as he judged necessary in his boots, giving all the
rest to Pizarro. Taking Gonzalo afterwards aside, he told him secretly
that Aldana had endeavoured to prevail upon him to publish the royal
pardon in the camp; and that accordingly he had thought it prudent to
pretend compliance, and had taken charge of that general amnesty among
his other dispatches, both to blind Aldana by the expectation of, doing
what he wished, and on purpose to get these from him for the information
of Gonzalo; pretending to be ignorant that Gonzalo knew of any such
thing existing. Gonzalo thanked him for his prudent conduct, and
considered him as a person worthy of entire confidence and much attached
to the cause. He then received the papers which Fernandez offered,
threatening the severest punishment against Aldana. Having thus craftily
deceived Gonzalo, Fernandez contrived to deliver some of the letters he
had in charge, and allowed some of them to fall on the ground, as if
lost, yet so as they might be found by those to whom they were
addressed.

When Gonzalo quitted Lima to encamp on the road towards the sea-port of
Calao, he left Pedro Martin de Cicilia in charge of the city as
provost-marshal. This man, who had attached himself to Gonzalo with much
zeal from the very commencement of the troubles, was now about seventy
years of age, yet healthy and vigorous, of a rough and cruel
disposition, and entirely destitute of piety towards God or of loyalty
to the sovereign. Gonzalo had given him orders to hang up every person
he might find loitering in the city with out a written permission, or
who might return thither from camp without a pass. Martin executed these
rigorous orders with so much exactitude, that, meeting a person who came
under the foregoing predicament, he had not sufficient patience to have
him hanged, but dispatched him directly with his poignard. He generally
went about the streets followed by the hangman, carrying a parcel of
ropes, and loudly declared that he would hang up every one whom he found
in the city without permission from Ganzalo.

One day several of the citizens came from the camp to the city, under
the authority of a pass, to procure such provisions and other articles
as they stood in need of, the principal persons among whom were Nicolas
de Ribeira, who was alcalde or police judge of the city, Vasco de
Guevara, Hernando Bravo de Lagunas, Francisco de Ampuero, Diego Tinoco,
Alfonzo Ramirez de Sosa, Francisco de Barrionueva, Alfonzo de
Barrionuevo, Martin de Menezes, Diego d'Escobar, and some others. After
they had collected the articles of which they were in want, they left
the city with their horses arms and servants; but, instead of returning
towards the camp, they went off in the road for Truxillo. Being noticed
by some spies, who gave immediate notice to Gonzalo, he caused them to
be pursued by Juan de la Torre with a party of mounted musqueteers. At
the distance of eight leagues from Lima, De la Torre came up with Vasco
de Guevara and Francisco Ampuero, who had fallen behind with the
intention of acting as a kind of rear guard, to give notice to the rest
in case of a pursuit. They defended themselves courageously, and as
their enemies could not take any certain aim, it being under night, they
contrived to make their escape unwounded. De la Torre and his men found
themselves unable to continue the pursuit with any chance of success, as
their horses were already completely tired with their rapid march from
camp. They returned, therefore, believing that, even if they were to get
up with the fugitives, they would be unable to take them by force, as
they were all men of quality, who would rather be slain than surrender.
On their way back to camp, they fell in with Hernando Bravo, who had
fallen behind his companions, and on bringing him a prisoner to Gonzalo
he was ordered to immediate execution. Donna Ynez Bravo, who was sister
to the prisoner and wife to Nicolas de Ribeira, one of the fugitives, on
hearing the situation of her brother, hastened to the camp accompanied
by her father, and threw herself at the feet of Gonzalo, whom she
earnestly implored to spare the life of her brother. Being one of the
most beautiful women of the country, and of the highest rank, and being
seconded by most of the officers who served under Gonzalo, he at length
allowed himself to be prevailed on to pardon her brother, who was the
only person, during the whole subsistence of his usurpation, whom he
forgave for a similar offence. On granting this pardon, Alfonzo de
Caceres, one of the captains under Gonzalo, kissed his hand saying:
"Illustrious prince! accursed be he who abandons you, or hesitates to
sacrifice his life in your service." Yet, within three hours afterwards,
Hernando Bravo and several others made their escape from the camp. Among
these who now deserted were several persons of consideration who had
attached themselves to Gonzalo from the very commencement of the
troubles, so that their defection gave him infinite vexation and alarm,
insomuch that hardly any one dared to speak to him, and he issued
peremptory orders to put to death every person who might be found beyond
the precincts of the camp.

On the same night, Captain Martin de Robles sent a message to Diego
Maldonado, who had been alcalde of Cuzco, usually called the rich,
intimating that Gonzalo had resolved in a consultation with his officers
to put him to death. Maldonado very readily believed this information,
as he had formerly been one of the inhabitants of Cuzco who made offer
of their services to the late viceroy. Likewise, although then pardoned
by Gonzalo, whom he accompanied in the march to Quito against the
viceroy, he had fallen under new suspicions, and had even been put to
the torture, on account of a letter which was dropt near Gonzalo,
containing some very unpleasant truths; and although the real authors of
that letter had been afterwards discovered, Maldonado could never forget
the treatment he had suffered at that time. Besides this, he was the
intimate friend of Antonio Altamirano, whom Gonzalo had recently put to
death. Considering all these circumstances, Maldonado was so thoroughly
convinced of the imminent danger in which he stood, that he immediately
quitted his tent with only his sword and cloak, not even taking time to
saddle a horse, though he had several good ones, or speaking to any of
his servants. Though a very old man, he walked as fast as possible all
night in a direction towards the sea, and concealed himself in the
morning among some tall reeds near the shore about three leagues from
where the ships of Aldana lay at anchor. As he was much afraid of being
pursued, he revealed his situation to an Indian who happened to be near;
and whom he prevailed upon to construct a float of reeds and straw, on
which the Indian carried him on board one of the ships.

In the morning, Martin de Robles went to the tent of Maldonado; and
finding him withdrawn as he expected, he immediately waited on Gonzalo,
whom he informed of the circumstance, adding, "As the army was
diminishing daily by the number and quality of the fugitives, he begged
leave to advise that they should quit the present camp, and march into
the interior provinces, as formerly agreed upon, without granting
permission to any one to go into the city of Lima, lest many more might
use that pretence for an opportunity to desert. Several of his own
company, he said, had applied for leave to go into the city, to procure
provisions; but he considered it better for himself to go therewith a
detachment of soldiers to collect the provisions and necessaries
required, that he might keep all his men in sight, and that he proposed
on this occasion to take Maldonado from the Dominican convent, where he
understood he had taken refuge, and to bring him a prisoner to the camp,
where he ought to undergo condign punishment, as a warning to others."
Gonzalo approved all that was said on this occasion by De Robles, in
whom he had great confidence as a person who had taken part with him in
all the past troubles, and desired him to act in the way he proposed. De
Robles accordingly, taking all his own horses and attendants and those
belonging to Maldonado, took along with him to Lima all the soldiers of
his company in whom he could confide. After collecting such provisions
and other necessaries as might serve his purpose, he set off for
Truxillo with thirty armed horsemen, declaring publickly that Gonzalo
was a tyrant and usurper, that all good subjects were bound to obey the
orders of his majesty, and that he was resolved to join the president.

When this serious defection became known in the camp, it was universally
believed that the army would soon disperse, and that Gonzalo would be
massacred. Gonzalo endeavoured to restore order and confidence among his
troops, pretending to care little for those who had deserted him; yet
resolved to decamp next morning. That very night, Lope Martin, an
inhabitant of Cuzco, deserted almost in sight of the whole army. Next
morning Gonzalo quitted his present camp, and marched about two leagues
to a new camp near an aqueduct, taking every precaution to prevent his
people from deserting; believing that his principal danger on that
account would be got over if he were once ten or twelve leagues from
Lima. The licentiate Carvajal was appointed to take charge of the night
guard, with strict injunctions to prevent desertion: But even he, in the
middle of the night, quitted the camp accompanied by Paulo Hondegardo,
Marco de Retamoso, Pedro Suarez d'Escovedo, Francisco de Miranda,
Hernando de Vargas, and several others belonging to his company. These
men went in the first place to Lima, whence they took the road towards
Truxillo. A few hours afterwards, Gabriel de Roias left the camp,
accompanied by his nephews Gabriel Bermudez and Gomez de Roias and
several other persons of quality. These men left the camp unseen by any
one, as they went through the quarter which had been confided to the
charge of the licentiate Carvajal.

In the morning, Gonzalo was much distressed on learning the events of
the past night, and more especially by the desertion of the licentiate
Carvajal, whom he had disobliged by superseding him in the command which
had been conferred on Juan d'Acosta, and by refusing him his niece Donna
Francisca in marriage. The departure of the licentiate had a very bad
effect on the minds of the troops; as they knew he was entrusted with
all Gonzalos secrets, and had been greatly in his confidence ever since
the death of the viceroy whom he had slain in the battle of Quito.
Carvajal left to the value of more than 15,000 crowns in the camp, in
gold silver and horses, all of which was immediately confiscated and
divided among the soldiers: But the army was convinced he would not have
abandoned so much valuable property, unless he had been satisfied that
the affairs of Gonzalo were in a very bad condition, both in regard to
power of resisting the president, and in respect of the right and
justice of his pretensions. So great was the defection in the camp, that
the greater part of the troops had resolved to disperse; and next
morning, when the army had begun its march, two cavaliers, named Lopez
and Villadente, quitting the ranks and causing their horses to vault in
sight of the whole army, they cried, out aloud, "Long live the king, and
let the tyrant die!" These men trusted, to the speed of their horses;
and Gonzalo was so exceedingly suspicious of every one, that he
expressly forbid these men to be pursued, being afraid that many might
use that pretence for joining them. He continued his march accordingly,
in all haste by the road of the plain country, leading towards Arequipa;
in which march several of his musqueteers and others deserted, although
he hanged ten or twelve persons of consideration in the course of three
or four days. At length his force was reduced to two hundred men, and he
was in continual dread that in some false alarm all his remaining men
might disperse. Continuing his march, he at length came to the province
of Nasca, about fifty leagues from Lima.

After Gonzalo had gone to a considerable distance from Lima, Don Antonio
de Ribeira, Martin Pizarro, Antonio de Leon, and some other inhabitants
of Lima, who as old and infirm had been allowed by Gonzalo to remain
behind the army on giving up all their horses and arms, erected the
standard of the city, and, assembling the small number of inhabitants
that remained in the great square, they publickly declared for his
majesty in their own names and in the names of all the loyal citizens of
the city. After proclaiming the new regulations and orders of the
president, the general amnesty granted by the king, and the abrogation
of the obnoxious regulations, they sent notice of all the recent events
to Aldana, who still remained on the coast to receive and protect all
who were inclined to quit the party of the insurgents. At the same time,
and for the same purpose, Juan Alfonso Palamino had landed with fifty
men, yet keeping his boats always in readiness to reimbark, in case of
the return of Gonzalo. Aldana likewise placed an advanced picket of
twelve horsemen, of those who had deserted from the insurgents, on the
road towards Arequipa, to bring him timely notice of any thing that
might occur in that quarter, with orders to return with all speed in
case of the enemy making a countermarch, or of any important event.
Aldana likewise gave orders to Captain Alfonzo de Caceres to remain at
Lima, to collect any of the deserters from Pizarro that might come
there; and he dispatched Juan Yllanez in one of his vessels along the
coast, with orders to land a monk and a soldier in some secure place, to
carry dispatches to Centeno, announcing the events that had occurred at
lima, and to furnish him with copies of the royal orders and general
amnesty, and to communicate similar intelligence at Arequipa. He sent
likewise several intelligent persons by land to Arequipa, with letters
to different persons of consideration, and to carry orders and
instructions to the captains Alfonzo de Mendoza and Juan de Silveira at
La Plata. By means of the Indians of Jauja, who belonged to him, Aldana
transmitted letters and copies of the amnesty to several of those
persons who accompanied Juan d'Acosta, that the royal clemency might be
made known in all parts of Peru. Most of these measures succeeded, and
produced material advantages as will appear in the sequel. In the mean
time, Lorenzo de Aldana remained on board ship, with about an hundred
and fifty men, issuing such orders as seemed necessary in the present
state of affairs.

It was soon learnt that Gonzalo received regular advices of ever thing
that occurred, and great care was likewise taken by Aldana to procure
intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the insurgents; so that
every day messengers went and came between both parties, and both were
continually endeavouring to mislead each other by false reports.
Accordingly it was reported one day that Gonzalo and his troops Were in
full march for Lima, which occasioned much confusion and dismay in that
city; but it was known afterwards that this rumour had been purposely
spread by Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, on purpose to prevent
Aldana from pursuing them, a measure of which they were much afraid. In
this unpromising state of his affairs, great numbers of the adherents of
Gonzalo abandoned him, believing that he could not resist the power of
his enemies. Such of them as had horses took the road to Truxillo; and
all the rest endeavoured to reach the ships of Aldana, concealing
themselves as well as they could in retired places till they might
ascertain that Gonzalo had proceeded farther on his march, which indeed
he continued to do with much precipitation. When he had proceeded to a
considerable distance from Lima, all those who had abandoned him flocked
to that city, and every day some fresh deserters came there, by which
means Aldana got accurate intelligence of the proceedings of Gonzalo,
who was reported to be in continual dread of being put to death by his
own men. After the flight of the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de
Roias, Gonzalo made no farther use of the royal standard, only
displaying that which contained his own arms. His cruelty increased with
his disappointment, insomuch that not a day passed in which he did not
put some one to death. He took extraordinary precautions for his own
personal safety, which were so far effectual, but every effort to
prevent desertion was unavailing.

Lorenzo de Aldana sent intelligence of all these matters to the
president, by means of messengers dispatched both by sea and land,
earnestly urging him to come into Peru as quickly as possible, as the
insurgent party seemed at so low an ebb that nothing was wanting but his
presence to make it fall entirely in pieces and submit without a
struggle. On the 9th. of September 1547, when assured that Gonzalo had
retreated eighty leagues from Lima, Aldana landed with all his officers
and all the inhabitants of Lima that had taken shelter on board his
ships. He was received on shore with every demonstration of joy and
respect, every one who was able appearing in arms to do him honour.
Having appointed Juan Fernandez to the command of the ships, he took
charge of the vacant government of Lima, where he made every possible
preparation for carrying on the war, collecting arms ammunition and all
other necessaries.

Some time after the departure of Juan d'Acosta from Lima for Cuzco by
the mountain road, as already mentioned, at the head of three hundred
men well armed and equipped, he got notice that Gonzalo Pizarro had
abandoned that city; on which he sent Fra Pedro, a monk of the order of
Mercy, to Gonzalo, to demand instructions for his ulterior proceedings.
Pizarro sent back the monk with directions for Acosta to join him at a
certain place. On his return to Acosta, accompanied by a person named
Gonzalo Muquos, after delivering his dispatches, Friar Pedro gave him an
account of all that had happened in the army of Gonzalo, and in
particular of the great number of men that had deserted from him; which
Acosta had not before learnt, though several of his soldiers had
received the intelligence by letters brought to them by the Indians who
frequented the camp, but which they dared not to communicate to each
other. On the present occasion, the messengers from Gonzalo recommended
to Acosta to keep this matter as secret as possible till such time as he
should join Gonzalo. Acosta therefore, gave out that he had received
favourable intelligence from the monk, and that Gonzalo had been
successful on several occasions, being daily joined by many additional
soldiers; and, as he had found it convenient and necessary to send off
many confidential persons in various directions, these persons pretended
to have deserted from Gonzalo by way of stratagem, on purpose, to gain
possession of the ships commanded by Aldana. All this however was
insufficient to disguise the truth from many of the followers of Aldana,
particularly Paez de Sotomayor, his major-general, and Martin d'Olmos
one of his captains; who, coming to a knowledge of the real state of
affairs, entered into a resolution of putting D'Acosta to death. They
formed this resolution unknown to each other, as no one at this time
dared to avow his sentiments to any other person, for fear of being put
to death; yet, from certain indications, they began to suspect each
other of entertaining similar sentiments, and at length opened
themselves reciprocally, and communicated their purposes to several
soldiers in whom they confided. Just when they were about to have put
their enterprize into execution, Sotomayor got notice that D'Acosta was
holding a secret conference in his tent with two of his captains, and
that he had doubled his ordinary guard. From these circumstances,
Sotomayor concluded that their conspiracy, having been revealed to
several persons, had been betrayed to Acosta. He took therefore prompt
measures to inform all his confederates, and both he and they took horse
without delay, and left the camp in sight of all the army, to the number
of thirty-five in all; among whom, besides Sotomayor and D'Olmos, the
principal persons were Martin d'Alarzon who carried the grand standard,
Hernando de Alvarado, Alfonzo Regel, Antonio de Avila, Garcias Gutierrez
d'Escovedo, and Martin Monje; who, with all who went off on this
occasion, were men of consideration and of much experience in the
affairs of Peru. These men took immediately the road for Guamanga, and
used such expedition that, though Acosta sent off sixty mounted
musqueteers to pursue them, they made their escape in safety.

Acosta caused immediate investigations to be made in regard to such as
had participated in this plot, and ordered several persons to be hanged
who were proved to have known its circumstances: some others in the same
predicament he detained prisoners, and dissembled with the rest who had
been implicated, pretending not to know that they had participated in
the conspiracy: Yet, during his march towards Cuzco, he put to death
several of those of whom he was suspicious, and others who endeavoured
to desert. On his arrival at Cuzco, he displaced all the magistrates who
had been appointed by Centeno, nominating others in their stead in whom
he thought he could confide, and appointed Juan Velasquez de Tapia to
take the chief direction of affairs in that city and province; and
having regulated every thing to his mind, he resumed his march for
Arequipa to join Gonzalo, according to his directions. In this latter
part of his march, about thirty of his men deserted from him, by two or
three at a time, all of whom went directly to Lima where they joined
Lorenzo de Aldana. Besides these, when Acosta had got about ten leagues
beyond Cuzco, Martin de Almandras abandoned him with twenty of the best
soldiers of his small army, and returned to Cuzco, where he found a
sufficient number of the inhabitants disposed to join him in returning
to their duty, and in concurrence with whom he deposed the magistracy
appointed by Acosta, one of whom he sent away prisoner to Lima, and
established a new set in the name of his majesty. Finding that the
number of his followers diminished from day to day, Acosta accelerated
his march as much as possible, both for his own security and to serve
the insurgent cause in which he was engaged. Out of three hundred well
armed and excellently equipped men, with whom he had set out from Lima,
only one hundred remained with him on his arrival at Arequipa. He found
Gonzalo Pizarro at that place, with only about three hundred and fifty
men, who a very short while before had a fine army of fifteen hundred,
besides all those who were dispersed in different parts of Peru under
various captains, all of whom were then under his orders. Gonzalo was
now exceedingly irresolute as to his future proceedings; being too weak
to wait the attack of the royalists, who continually augmented in their
numbers, and yet deeming it dishonourable to fly or to endeavour to
conceal himself.

In the mean time Centeno remained in the Collao, waiting an answer from
Captain Mendoza to the message he had sent by Gonzalo de Zarate as
formerly mentioned. While there he received dispatches from the
president, which were forwarded by Aldana, and accounts of the events
which had occurred at Lima, particularly the flight of Gonzalo Pizarro
to Arequipa, and the junction of Acosta with the insurgents at that
place. On receiving this intelligence he sent a new message to Mendoza
by means of Luis Garcias, giving him an account of all these events, and
particularly informing him of the orders and instructions given to the
president, the general amnesty, the revocation of the obnoxious
regulations, and the determination of his majesty that Gonzalo Pizarro
was not to continue in the government of Peru. He apprized him likewise,
that most of the gentlemen and persons of consideration, who had
hitherto followed Gonzalo, had now abandoned him on account of his
tyrannical conduct, in murdering and plundering all the principal
colonists, and more especially because of his rebellion against the
sovereign, and refusal to submit to his royal orders, and to the
authority of him who had been appointed to regulate the affairs of the
kingdom. Wherefore, although all that had been done hitherto might in
some measure be excused, he urged Mendoza to consider that in continuing
to obey Gonzalo he could no longer avoid the reproach of acting as a
rebel against the king. It was now necessary and proper therefore, to
forget all individual interests or past disputes, and to devote himself
entirely to his majesty, to whom he was enabled by his present situation
to render important service.

Alfonzo de Mendoza was already well disposed to act the part of a loyal
subject in the present situation of affairs, yet uncertain how best to
conduct himself for that purpose; but by this message from Centeno, he
was completely determined as to the regulation of his conduct on the
present emergency, and immediately declared for his majesty. By
agreement between him and Centeno, each was to retain the chief command
of the troops now under their orders, and Mendoza departed from La Plata
with his men to join Centeno in the Collao. The union of these leaders
and their troops occasioned great joy to all their followers, now
exceeding a thousand men; and they resolved to march immediately against
Gonzalo, taking up a position at a certain pass to prevent him from
escaping, and were likewise induced to remain at that place for the
convenience of procuring provisions.

At this time the whole extent of Peru from Quito to Lima had declared
for his majesty. Juan d'Olmos, who commanded under Gonzalo at Puerto
Viejo, on observing the vessels under Aldana passing the port of Manta
in that province, had sent an express to Gonzalo giving his opinion that
these vessels seemed hostile, as they had not called at the port for
refreshments. He at the same time sent some Indians on board, in their
ordinary rafts or flat boats, to inquire the purpose of their voyage; by
means of which Indians Aldana transmitted letters to D'Olmos, urging him
to quit the insurgent party, with copies of all the papers connected
with the mission of the president. After perusing these papers, D'Olmos
transmitted them to Gomez Estacio who was lieutenant-governor of the
province for Gonzalo at St Jago de Guyaquil, usually called Culata. On
learning that his majesty did not approve of continuing Gonzalo in the
government, and had sent out Gasca as president, Gomez wrote back to
D'Olmos, that when the president arrived in the country he should know
better how to act, and might probably join him; but in the present
situation of affairs, he thought it best for both to remain quiet. Juan
d'Olmos went immediately to visit Gomez, accompanied by seven or eight
friends, under pretence of communing with him on the state of affairs;
but, taking his opportunity, one day when Gomez was off his guard, he
stabbed him with his poniard, and immediately got the people to declare
for his majesty, after which he did the same at his own government of
Puerto Viejo.

When Pedro de Puelles, the governor of Quito, became acquainted with
these proceedings of D'Olmos, and that the fleet and army at Panama had
declared for the president, he became exceedingly anxious as to the
measures proper for him to pursue. At this time D'Olmos sent Diego de
Urbina to Quito to endeavour to prevail on Puelles to declare for the
royal party. Puelles declared he was ready to receive and obey the
person sent out by the king, when once he was satisfied that his majesty
had no intention of continuing Gonzalo in the government, but would make
no alteration in the mean time; and with this indecisive answer Urbina
returned to D'Olmos. A few days afterwards, Rodrigo de Salazar, in whom
Puelles reposed entire confidence, entered into a conspiracy with
several soldiers at Quito, assassinated Puelles, and declared for his
majesty. After this exploit, Salazar set out from Quito for Tumbez with
three hundred men, with the intention of joining the president. By these
several events, and others which have been formerly related, almost the
whole of Peru had already returned to obedience before the arrival of
the president in the kingdom.

While these favourable events were going on in Peru, the president
embarked at Panama with about five hundred men, and arrived safely at
the port of Tumbez; one of his ships, commanded by Don Pedro de Cabrera,
being under the necessity of stopping at Buenaventura, whence Cabrera
and his men marched by land to Tumbez. On his arrival in Peru, the
president received letters from all parts of the kingdom, by which the
writers offered him their services and assistance, besides communicating
their sentiments on the situation of the colony, and giving their advice
how best to proceed in reducing it to order; to all of which letters he
replied with great condescension. So many flocked to his standard from
all quarters, that he considered himself sufficiently strong to overcome
all resistance from the remnant of the insurgents, without drawing any
reinforcements from the other Spanish colonies in America; on which
account he sent off messengers to New Spain, Guatimala, Nicaragua, and
St Domingo, informing the governors of these colonies of the favourable
turn of affairs in Peru, and that he should now have no occasion for
the reinforcements which he had formerly thought necessary. Soon after
his arrival, he gave orders to his lieutenant-general, Pedro Alfonzo de
Hinojosa, to march with the troops to form a junction with the royalists
in Caxamarca. In the mean time Polo de Menzes remained in charge of the
fleet, with which he advanced along the coast to the southwards, while
the president, with a sufficient escort, went by the road of the plain
to Truxillo, at which place he received intelligence from all parts of
the country, stating that every thing went on well.

The president had resolved that he would not go to Lima till he had
completed the purposes of his mission, by the final conquest of Gonzalo
and his adherents, and the restoration of peace and order in the kingdom
of Peru; on which account he transmitted orders to all quarters, that
all who had declared for his majesty should meet him in the valley of
Jauja, which he considered to be a convenient situation in which to
assemble the whole loyal force of the kingdom, as in that place
abundance of provisions could easily be procured. For this purpose, he
sent orders to Lorenzo de Aldana, then at Lima, to march with all his
force for Jauja; and joining the army under Hinojosa, now exceeding a
thousand men, he marched for Jauja, all the army expressing the utmost
satisfaction at the prospect of being freed from the tyranny of Gonzalo.
Many of the principal persons who had joined with Gonzalo at the
beginning of the troubles, were now exceedingly offended and displeased
by the cruel murders of so many of their friends and neighbours; above
five hundred men having been put to death, many of whom were persons of
consideration and importance; insomuch that those who still remained
along with him were continually in fear of their lives.

On his arrival at Arequipa, Gonzalo found that city entirely deserted,
as most of the inhabitants had gone to join Diego Centeno after that
officer got possession of Cuzco. Hearing that Centeno was in the Collao,
near the lake of Titicaca, where after his junction with Mendoza, he had
an army of near a thousand men, composed of the troops of Cuzco Las
Charcas and Arequipa, and with which they occupied all the passes
towards the interior, Gonzalo believed it almost impossible to attack
these officers with any probability of success. He waited therefore at
Arequipa about three weeks, expecting the junction of D'Acosta, who at
length arrived, but with very diminished numbers, as already related,
many having abandoned him, and having put many of his followers to death
on suspicion that they intended to desert. After the junction of
D'Acosta, Gonzalo found himself at the head of five hundred men. He now
wrote to Centeno, giving a recital of all the events which had occurred
during the troubles, and dwelt particularly on the favour he had always
shewn him, and particularly instanced the pardon he had granted him when
Gaspard Rodriguez and Philip Guttierrez were executed, though equally
guilty with them, and although all his officers had urged him to put
Centeno to death. In addition, Gonzalo made high offers to Centeno,
promising to accede to every demand he might choose to make, if he would
now join him. He sent this letter to Centeno by a person named Francisco
Vaso, who immediately offered his services to Centeno, to whom he
intimated that Diego Alvarez his standard-bearer was in correspondence
with Gonzalo. Centeno was already informed of this circumstance by
Alvarez himself, who assured him he had entered into this correspondence
for a quite different purpose than that of betraying him or the royal
cause.

Centeno thought proper to send a civil answer to Gonzalo, giving him
many thanks for his offers, and freely acknowledging the favour he had
formerly experienced. That as a mark of his gratitude, therefore, he now
earnestly entreated him to reflect seriously on the present situation of
affairs, to consider the gracious clemency of the king, who had granted
a free pardon to him and all those who had taken any part in the past
troubles. He assured Gonzalo, if he would abandon the insurrection, now
evidently hopeless, and submit to the royal orders, that he would use
his utmost endeavours to procure him an honourable and advantageous
situation, and at the same time endeavoured to convince him that he
would run no risk either in his person or property by following the
present advice. On his return to Gonzalo with this letter, Vaso was met
by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, who made minute inquiry respecting
every thing he had seen and learnt, and gave him strict injunctions not
to let it be known to the followers of Gonzalo that the force of Centeno
exceeded seven hundred men. On being informed that Centeno refused to
join him, Gonzalo disdained to read his letter, and ordered it
immediately to be burnt in presence of several of his officers.

Immediately after this, Gonzalo determined to march into the province
of Las Charcas, and accordingly took the direct road towards the pass
occupied by Centeno and Mendoza. In this march the van-guard was
commanded by the lieutenant-general, who took and hanged more than
twenty persons whom he fell in with during the march. Among these was a
priest named Pantaleon, who carried some letters for Centeno, and whom
Carvajal ordered to be hung up, with his breviary and ink-horn suspended
from his neck. Continuing this march, the scouts of the two armies fell
in with each other on Thursday the 19th of October 1547. Gonzalo
immediately sent one of his chaplains with a message to Centeno,
demanding leave to continue his march through the pass, without being
obliged to give battle[32]. The chaplain was conducted by the bishop of
Cuzco, who happened to be in the army of Centeno, to his tent; and
Centeno gave strict charges to his troops to be on their guard and
always in good order to receive the enemy in case of an attack. For
above a month Centeno had been afflicted by an obstinate fever, for
which he had been six times blooded without any relief, and was not
expected to recover; so that he was quite incapable of acting on the
present emergency, being confined constantly to bed.

[Footnote 32: No consequences seem to have followed from this demand,
which does not appear to have been acceded or even listened to.--E.]

The illness of Centeno was known in the army of Gonzalo, and that his
tent was pitched at some distance from the rest, to avoid the noise and
bustle of the camp. Founding on this intelligence, Juan d'Acosta was
detached with twenty picked men, with orders to approach silently in the
night to the camp of the royalists, and to endeavour to carry off
Centeno. Acosta accordingly drew near with so much caution that he
surprised the centinels that were on guard over Centeno, and had very
near reached his tent when the alarm was given by some negro servants.
Being thus discovered, Acosta ordered his men to fire off their
musquets, and immediately retreated back to the camp of Gonzalo without
losing a man. In the confusion occasioned by this exploit, great numbers
of the royalists hastened towards the tent occupied by Centeno; but on
this occasion several of the soldiers belonging to Valdivia threw away
their arms and fled. Next morning the scouts of both armies approached
each other, followed by the respective armies, which at length came in
sight. The army of Centeno consisted of about a thousand men, two
hundred of whom were cavalry, an hundred and fifty armed with musquets,
and all the rest with pikes. Of this army, Luis de Ribera was
major-general, Pedro de Rios, Jerom Villegas, and Pedro de Ulloa,
captains of cavalry, and Diego Alvarez carried the grand-standard. The
captains of infantry were Juan de Vargas, Francisco Retamoso, Negral,
Pantoia, and Diego Lopez de Zuniga; Luis Garcias being sergeant-major,
or adjutant-general[33]. The army of Gonzalo consisted only of five
hundred men, of which three hundred were musqueteers, and eighty
cavalry, the remainder being armed with pikes. Of this army Carvajal was
lieutenant-general; the licentiate Cepeda and Juan Velez de Guevara were
captains of horse; and Juan d'Acosta, Ferdinand Bachicao, and Juan de la
Torre captains of foot.

[Footnote 33: It is not easy to understand how Mendoza, who had joined
Centeno some time before, happens to be omitted in this enumeration--E.]

Both armies being drawn up in good order, the insurgents advanced, to
the sound of trumpets and other musical instruments, till within six
hundred paces of the enemy, when Carvajal ordered them to halt. The
royalists continued to advance till within a hundred paces less, and
then halted likewise. At this time, forty musqueteers were detached from
the army of Gonzalo, with orders to begin the engagement; and two other
parties of musqueteers, of forty men each, were posted on the wings,
Pizarro taking his station between his cavalry and infantry. Thirty
musqueteers were likewise advanced from the army of Centeno, to skirmish
with those of the insurgents. As Carvajal observed that the royalists
waited the attack in good order, he ordered his troops to advance a few
steps very slowly, in hopes of inducing the enemy to make some movement
or evolution which might occasion confusion in their ranks. This had the
desired, effect, as the royalists, believing that their enemies, though
interior in number, wished to have the honour of making the attack, they
began immediately to advance, and the insurgents by order of Carvajal
stood firm to receive them. When tolerably near, Carvajal gave orders
for a small number of his troops to fire their musquets, on which the
royalists made a general discharge, and marched forwards at a quick step
with levelled pikes, during which the royalist musqueteers made a second
discharge without occasioning any loss to the enemy, as they were still
three hundred paces distant. Carvajal made his men reserve their fire
till the enemy was within about an hundred paces; when, with a few
pieces of artillery, and the whole of his musqueteers, he threw in so
destructive a volley that above an hundred and fifty of the royalists
were slain, among whom were two of their captains. By this terrible
slaughter, the whole infantry of the royalist army was thrown into
disorder, entirely defeated, and took to flight, in spite of every
effort of Captain Retimoso to rally them, who lay wounded in the field.
Notwithstanding the defeat of the infantry, the royalist cavalry made a
brave charge against the insurgents, of whom they killed and wounded a
considerable number. On this occasion Gonzalo had his horse killed and
was thrown to the ground, yet escaped unhurt. Pedro de Rios and Pedro de
Ulloa, captains of cavalry belonging to Centeno, wheeled with their
squadrons round the wing of the insurgent infantry, intending to charge
their flank; but were opposed by the detachments of musqueteers which
were posted on the wings, on which occasion De Rios and several others
were slain. Being thus repulsed, and seeing their own infantry entirely
defeated, the cavalry took likewise to flight and dispersed, every one
endeavouring to save himself as he best could.

Gonzalo Pizarro, having thus gained an easy victory, marched on with his
army in good order to the camp of Centeno, putting every person to death
that came in the way. A considerable number of the dispersed royalists
happened to seek safety in passing by the camp of Pizarro, which they
found entirely deserted, insomuch that they were able to make use of the
horses and mules belonging to the insurgent infantry to facilitate their
flight, and even made a considerable booty in gold and silver. While the
royalist cavalry were engaged vigorously with the insurgents, Bachicao,
one of Gonzalos captains, believing that the royalists would be
victorious, went over to them. After the victory was decided in favour
of Gonzalo, Bachicao, imagining that his conduct had not been observed,
and would remain unknown, or that he would be able to justify himself
under some colourable pretence, returned to his post. But as his
defection was known to Carvajal, he caused him to be instantly hung up,
adding insulting raillery to his cruelty, calling him his dear comrade
and using many other bantering expressions.

During this unfortunate battle, Centeno was so ill that he was carried
on a kind of litter by six Indians, almost in a state of insensibility;
yet, by the care and attention of some of his friends, he was saved
after the defeat of his army. In this bloody engagement, which was
fought near a place called Guarina, above three hundred and fifty men
were slain on the side of the royalists, besides thirty more who were
put to death in the pursuit by the insurgent cavalry. Among these were,
the major-general Luis de Ribera, the captains Retamoso, Diego Lopez de
Zuniga, Negral, Pantoia, and Diego Alvarez, with Friar Gonzalo of the
order of Mercy, and several other persons of condition. The insurgents
lost about an hundred men. After the battle, Carvajal pursued the
fugitives at the head of the insurgent cavalry for several days, on the
road towards Cuzco. He was very anxious to take the bishop of Cuzco,
against whom he was much incensed for having joined Centeno and being
present in the battle. The bishop however made his escape; but Carvajal
gratified his revenge on several royalists whom he got up with, all of
whom he hung up without mercy, among whom were a brother of the bishop
and a Dominican friar. After the return of Carvajal from the pursuit,
Gonzalo made a distribution of lands and Indians among his troops,
engaging to put them into possession at a convenient opportunity. He
likewise took great care of his wounded men, and caused the slain to be
buried. He then sent Bovadilla with a detachment to the city of La Plata
and the mines, to collect all the gold and silver that could be
procured, and dispatched Diego de Carvajal, usually called the _Beau_,
on a similar mission to Arequipa. Juan de la Torre was sent to take
possession of Cuzco, where he put to death Vasquez de Tapia and the
licentiate Martel.

After this favourable turn of affairs, Pizarro issued a proclamation by
which all the soldiers who had served under Centeno were commanded to
join his standard, under pain of death; granting an amnesty for all that
passed, with the exception only of those principal leaders who had
particularly exerted themselves for the royal cause. He then sent Pedro
de Bustincia with a detachment, to oblige the curacas of Andaguaylas and
the neighbouring districts to furnish provisions for his army. A few
days afterwards Gonzalo repaired to Cuzco with about four hundred men,
and used every effort to put himself into a situation for opposing the
president; being so elated by the victory he had gained at Guarina over
such superior numbers, that he and his followers believed themselves
almost invincible.

While these things were going on in the south of Peru, the president
marched by the mountain road for the valley of Jauja, accompanied by
the troops which he had brought from the Tierra Firma, and those of the
captains Diego de Mora, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de Saavedra, Porcel, and
the others that had assembled in Caxamarca. He sent orders likewise to
Salazar, who now commanded at Quito, to join him with all his men; and
ordered Lorenzo de Aldana to join him from Lima with all the soldiers
from the fleet and those he had drawn together after the flight of
Gonzalo to Arequipa. The president arrived first of all at Jauja with an
escort of an hundred men, where he immediately took the proper measures
for collecting arms and military stores, and provisions. On the same day
he was joined by the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de Royas; and soon
afterwards Ferdinand Mexia de Guzman, and Juan Alphonzo Palamino arrived
with their companies. Lorenzo de Aldana remained at Lima with his own
company, it being of great importance to keep possession of that city
and its post. In a short time the president had collected an army of
above fifteen hundred men in Jauja, and employed all the forges and
artists he could procure to fabricate new musquets, to put all the old
ones into good repair, and to provide abundance of pikes and all other
arms, both offensive and defensive. In these preparations he not only
exerted the utmost diligence, but shewed a great deal of intelligence
and knowledge, far beyond what could tare been expected from a person
who had hitherto been entirely occupied in civil and religious pursuits.
He carefully visited his camps, and inspected the workmen who were
employed by his orders, taking at the same time every possible care of
such of his soldiers as were sick, exerting himself to the utmost in
every thing relative to the good of the service, beyond what could have
been expected from any single person, by which means he acquired the
entire confidence and affection of all who were under his command. His
army had always been in hope that their services would not be required,
and even at one time believed that the president would not have had
occasion to assemble an army, as they thought that Centeno was strong
enough to have conquered Gonzalo.

Immediately on receiving intelligence of the victory which Gonzalo had
gained at Guarina, the president sent the captains Lope Martin and
Mercadillo, with a detachment of fifty men, to occupy the passes of
Guamanga, about thirty leagues from Jauja on the way to Cuzco, to learn
the motions of the enemy, and to collect all who might have been able
to escape from Cuzco. While at Guamanga, Lope Martin got notice that
Pedro de Bustincia was in the district of Andahuaylas collecting
provisions for the army of Gonzalo, as formerly mentioned. Accompanied
by fifteen mounted musqueteers, Martin went into that district, where he
unexpectedly attacked Bustincia during the night, and made him and all
his people prisoners. After hanging some of these men, he returned to
Guamanga, bringing all the curacas of the neighbourhood along with him,
by whose means intelligence was conveyed to all parts of the country,
giving notice of the arrival of the president in the valley of Jauja,
and the great preparations he was making in that place.

From Jauja the president sent his lieutenant-general, Alfonzo de
Alvarado, to bring up from Lima all the soldiers that could be spared
from that place, together with some pieces of artillery from the ships,
and clothes and money for the supply of such of the soldiers as were in
want; all of which services were performed by Alvarado in a short time.
The president now mustered his army, of which Pedro Alfonzo de Hinojosa
was lieutenant-general, and the licenciate Bendicto de Carvajal carried
the royal standard, Don Pedro de Cabrera, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de
Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Francisco Hernandez, Rodrigo de Salazar, and
Alfonzo de Mendoza were captains of cavalry; Don Balthazar de Castillo,
Pablo de Menezes, Hernando Mexia de Guzman, Juan Alfonzo Palomino, Gomez
de Solis, Francisco Mosquera, Don Ferdinand de Cardinas, the adelantado
Andagoya, Francisco d'Olmos, Gomez d'Arias, and three other captains,
Porcel, Pardaval, and Serna, commanded the infantry. Gabriel de Royas
was appointed to command the artillery. Besides the military officers
already mentioned, the president was attended by the archbishop of Lima,
the bishops of Cuzco and Quito, the provincials of the Dominicans and of
the order of Mercy, and by several other ecclesiastics, both priests and
friars. On a general muster and review of the army, it was found to
consist of seven hundred musqueteers, five hundred pikemen, and four
hundred cavalry. Afterwards, on arriving at Xaquixaguana on the march
towards Cuzco, it was augmented to nineteen hundred men, by the junction
of several other detachments, forming the largest and best appointed
array hitherto seen in Peru.

The president, having completed his preparations, began his march from
Jauja in good order on the 19th of December 1547, taking the route of
Cuzco, and especially desirous of crossing the river Abancay[34] in some
safe place. In this part of his march he was joined by Pedro de
Valdivia, the governor of Chili. Valdivia had come by sea to Lima, on
purpose to raise men, and to procure various stores of which he was in
want, with clothing and ammunition, on purpose to enable him to proceed
in the conquest of Chili. On his arrival at Lima, and learning the
situation of affairs in Peru, he determined upon joining the president.
His arrival was considered as an indication of good fortune; for,
although the president had already in his army many officers of merit
and capacity, and of eminent rank and fortune, there was not any one in
Peru who possessed so much experience in the manner of conducting
warlike operations in that country as Valdivia, on which account he was
considered as a fit person to be opposed to the experience and
stratagems of Carvajal, who was much dreaded by every one in the
presidents army, more especially since the late defeat of Centeno, which
was entirely attributed to the talents of Carvajal. About the same time
Centeno joined the president with more than thirty horse, who had
accompanied him ever since the defeat of Guarina. Continuing his march
amid considerable difficulties, owing to the scarcity of provisions, the
president at length reached the province of Andahuaylas, where he judged
it proper to remain during the winter, on account of the violent rains
which fell night and day almost without ceasing, by which the tents were
all rotted. The maize which they procured as food for the troops was all
wet and spoiled, by which a considerable number of the soldiers were
afflicted with dysentery, of which some died, notwithstanding the care
taken of the sick by Francisco de la Rocha, a Trinitarian monk, who
acted as physician to the army. Although there were above four hundred
sick at one time, so great was the care bestowed, that they were as well
attended and as plentifully supplied with medicines as if in a populous
city, insomuch that they almost all recovered.

[Footnote 34: Rather the Pachacamac, near which the town or city of
Abancay is situated, and where probably the president proposed to pass
that river.--E.]

The arrival of Valdivia and Centeno diffused much joy through the army,
which was expressed in frequent feasts and entertainments, with concerts
of music, running at the ring, and similar amusements. During the
continuance of the army in winter quarters at Andahuaylas, the general
Hinojosa with Alfonzo de Alvarado and Valdivia applied themselves
indefatigably to have every thing in the best possible order for taking
the field. On the commencement of spring, and when the rains began
sensibly to diminish, the army broke up from Andahuaylas and marched to
the bridge of Abancay, about twenty leagues from Cuzco, where it halted
until bridges were constructed across the Apurimac at the distance of
twelve leagues from Cuzco[35], as the enemy had broken down all the
bridges over that river, and it was necessary either to construct new
ones, or to make a circuit of more than seventy leagues to get to Cuzco.
On purpose to distract the enemy, the president caused materials for the
construction of bridges to be carried to three different points on the
Apurimac; one on the great road of the Incas[36], a second in the valley
of Cotabamba, about twelve leagues farther up the river, and a third
still farther up the Apurimac, at a village belonging to Don Pedro de
Puertocarrero, where that officer was posted with a hundred men to guard
the passage. For the construction of these bridges cables and ropes were
prepared, after the manner of the native Peruvians as formerly described
in our general account of the country; and beams and pillars were got
ready on which to fix the cables when the army should be collected at
the intended place of passing the river. Had Gonzalo been able to
ascertain the place at which it was intended to pass, he had assuredly
opposed the royalists, and would at least have made it exceedingly
difficult for them to construct a bridge; but as he could not ascertain
the actual point fixed on, he did not consider it safe to divide his
force so as to oppose the royalists at the three points of
demonstration, and satisfied himself therefore by posting spies at the
different places, to bring him immediate notice of the place where the
royalists might begin their operations, that he might know where to
march to oppose them. But the secret was confined to the knowledge of
the president, and the members of his council of war.

[Footnote 35: Abancay on the Pachacamac is not above 14 Spanish leagues
from Cuzco in a straight line. The other bridges mentioned in the text
must have been thrown over the Apurimac Proper, somewhere near the town
or village of Limatambo.--E.]

[Footnote 36: This was probably by Limatambo, as on the great road the
Incas had palaces for lodging in with their attendants, called
_tambos_.--E.]

When all the materials were in readiness, the army began its march for
Cotabamba, at which place it was determined to pass the river. In this
march the army had to encounter very considerable difficulties in
passing through mountains covered with snow. Several of the captains
were of opinion that this was an improper route, and proposed another
place almost fifty[37], leagues higher up; but Lope Martin, who guarded
the pass of Cotabamba, always insisted that the securest passage was to
be had at that place. In consequence of this difference of opinion, the
president sent Valdivia and three other captains to examine the
different places; and on their report that Cotabamba was attended by the
least difficulty and danger, that place was fixed upon. When Lope Martin
got information that the army approached to Cotabamba, he set to work
with the Spaniards and Indians of his detachment, to extend and tighten
the cables and ropes across the river, of which the main support of the
bridge was to be composed. Three of the cables were already fixed, when
the spies employed by Gonzalo came to the place, and cut two of them
without resistance. On this intelligence being communicated to the army,
it gave much concern to the president and his officers, lest Gonzalo
might bring up his forces to dispute the passage before the army could
be able to get over. The president, therefore, accompanied by his
principal officers, Hinojosa Alvarado and Valdivia, hastened to the scite
of the bridge, where he immediately gave orders for some companies of
infantry to pass the river on Peruvian flat boats or rafts, which was
deemed a very hazardous enterprize, both on account of the rapidity of
the current, and because it was believed the enemy might be in some force
on the other side. Among the first who got over was Hondegardo with a
few soldiers, after whom several other captains of infantry got across
with their men, so that before night above four hundred men were got
over, some of whom swam over their horses along with the flat boats,
holding them by the bridles, and having their musquets and other arms
tied to the saddles. Yet so rapid was the current, that above sixty
horses were lost on this occasion, either drowned or dashed against
the rocks.

[Footnote 37: This may probably be an error of the press in the original
for _fifteen_ leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would have
carried the army almost to Arequipa, to turn the head of the Apurimac,
and among the highest mountains of Peru.--E.]

On receiving notice from his spies that a part of the royalists had got
across the river, Gonzalo sent off Juan d'Acosta with two hundred
mounted musqueteers, with orders to give no quarter to any of those who
had passed the river, excepting such as had newly come from Spain. On
the approach of Acosta, as the royalists then on that side of the river
were not numerous, they mounted a considerable number of Indians and
negroes on the horses which had been got over, arming them with lances,
and by that means presented the appearance of a formidable squadron
drawn up on a height, the few Spanish troops who were on that side of
the river being placed in the front rank; insomuch that, when Acosta
went to reconnoitre, they appeared so numerous that he did not venture
to attack; and returned for a reinforcement. In the mean time, the
bridge being got ready with the utmost possible diligence, most of the
royalists passed the river, every one expressing the utmost astonishment
at the negligence of Gonzalo in not being at hand to dispute the
passage, as a hundred men at each of the three places where preparations
had been made for passing, might have rendered the attempt exceedingly
hazardous.

Next day, when all the army with its stores and followers had passed the
river, Don Juan de Sandoval was sent out upon discovery, who reported on
his return that he had advanced three leagues into the country without
seeing any thing of the insurgents. Hinojosa and Valdivia were then
ordered to advance with several companies of infantry to occupy the
passes in the neighbouring mountain, as Gonzalo might have given them
much trouble if he had taken possession of these heights, which were
above a league and a half in ascent; and this order was happily executed
without meeting with any resistance. When Acosta retreated from the
river, in consequence of believing himself too weak to attack those who
had passed, he sent to demand a reinforcement from Gonzalo of a hundred
musqueteers, with the aid of whom he alleged he would be enabled to
defeat the royalist party which had crossed. At this time one Juan
Nunnez de Prado deserted from him to the president, and gave him notice
of the succours which were expected by Acosta. Believing therefore that
Gonzalo would advance with all his forces, the president took post on
the ridge of the mountain with above nine hundred men, both cavalry and
infantry, and remained under arms all night. Next morning, Acosta
advanced with the reinforcement he had demanded, and the scouts of the
president brought notice of his approach. On this intelligence,
believing the whole army of the insurgents at hand, the president sent
his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado back to the river, to bring up
the artillery and the rest of the army: And as the colours of Pizarro
came in sight, before the return of Alvarado, the president drew up his
nine hundred men in order of battle, giving all the necessary orders in
case of being attacked. But in a short time, it was discovered that
these precautions were unnecessary, as Acosta soon retreated with his
three hundred men, on seeing the greatly superior force of the
royalists.

The president remained two or three days in the position he had taken on
the summit of the mountain, waiting for his artillery and the rest of
his army. While at that place, Gonzalo sent him a message by a priest,
demanding that he should dismiss his army, and refrain from making war
against him till he should receive new orders from his majesty. On this
occasion, the bishop of Cuzco, who was along with the president, ordered
the priest into confinement. A little time before this, Gonzalo had
dispatched another priest, to endeavour to gain over Hinojosa and
Alvarado to his party, But that messenger, being resolved to desert the
party of the insurgents, had taken measures in concert with his brother
to go off in company with all their effects, in which they succeeded. At
this time likewise the president wrote to Gonzalo, as he had repeatedly
done during his march, earnestly entreating him to submit to the orders
of his majesty, and sending him at the same time a copy of the amnesty.
The usual manner in which these dispatches was forwarded to Gonzalo, was
by means of the scouts of the army, who had orders to give them to those
belonging to Gonzalo when they chanced to meet.

When it was known at Cuzco that the president had crossed the river
Apurimac with all his army, and had taken possession of the pass in the
high mountain, Gonzalo Pizarro immediately marched out from that city
with his army and encamped at Xaquixaguana, about five leagues from
Cuzco, in a plain through which the road passed by which the royalists
would have to march on their way from the mountain towards Cuzco. His
army at this time consisted of five hundred and fifty musqueteers, with
six pieces of cannon, and three hundred and fifty cavalry and pikemen.
Gonzalo established his camp in a very strong position, as it was only
accessible in front by means of a very narrow defile, one flank being
secured by a river and morass, the other flank by the mountain, and the
rear by precipitous rocks. During two or three days, that the two
armies remained near each other before the battle, Gonzalo sometimes
detached a hundred and sometimes two hundred men to skirmish with
similar parties of the enemy. As the royalist army was now encamped only
at a short distance from the insurgents, Gonzalo was afraid his troops
might lose courage by noticing the vast superiority of the enemy in
number, and that many of his men might abandon him; for which reason he
always drew up his men under cover of a rising ground near his camp,
pretending that he did so to induce the president to attack him in his
present advantageous post, confiding in his numbers and believing the
insurgents much fewer than they really were.

After the president had passed the mountains and pitched his camp on the
descent towards the plain, within view of the insurgents, Gonzalo drew
up his army in order of battle, and caused some discharges to be made
from his cannon and musquetry. On that day there arose so thick a mist,
that the scouts and spies of the two armies often came against each
other unexpectedly. Seeing that the insurgents were disposed to await
his attack, or even to give battle, the president was inclined to defer
bringing matters to that extremity for some time, in the hope that a
considerable number of the enemy might come over to him if they could
find an opportunity. Yet, as the season was exceedingly cold, even
accompanied with strong frost, and as wood could not be procured for
making fires, and provisions were scarce, it was impossible to remain
long in a state of inaction. The army of Gonzalo was not subject to any
of these inconveniencies, having plenty of provisions brought regularly
from Cuzco, and being encamped in a comfortable and temperate situation
in comparison with the position of the president, whose camp was on the
slope of the mountain, while that of the insurgents was in the plain or
valley below. Such is the difference in the temperature of Peru at very
inconsiderable distances, that on the mountains a severe cold is
experienced, accompanied by frost and snow, while only at eight or ten
miles distance in the valley the inhabitants are obliged to use
precautions to relieve them from excessive heat.

Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, Carvajal, had formed an arrangement
for a night attack upon the president, intending to have assailed his
camp in three points at the same time; but they were induced to abandon
this project, in consequence of the desertion of one of their soldiers
named Nava, who communicated their intentions to the president. By this
person and some others who had joined him from the army of Gonzalo, the
president was advised to delay coming to battle as long as possible; as
they were certain that many of the followers of Gonzalo would take the
first favourable opportunity of returning to their duty, more especially
those soldiers who had served under Centeno, and who had been
constrained after his defeat to enter into the ranks of the insurgents
to save their lives. In expectation of the proposed attack, the
president kept his army the whole of that night under arms, by which
they suffered, much distress from the extreme coldness of the weather on
the mountain, so that many of the soldiers were hardly able to keep hold
of their arms, and waited impatiently for day. At daylight, a party of
musqueteers belonging to Gonzalo was observed in march to gain
possession of a height in the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Mexia and
Palomino were immediately detached, with three hundred musqueteers, to
dislodge them, and Valdivia and Alvarado advanced in the same direction,
so that the enemy were soon forced to retire. During this skirmish, the
president marched down from the mountain with the main body of his army,
in the direction of Cuzco, under cover of the hill on which the skirmish
had taken place; and, to distract the attention of the enemy, a small
detachment of cavalry and infantry was ordered to advance in view of the
insurgent camp from that hill. On the arrival of Valdivia and Alvarado
at the top of the hill, observing that it was possible to cannonade the
camp of the enemy from that place, they sent orders to Gabriel de Royas
to bring up the artillery. On this occasion, De Royas promised a reward
of five hundred crowns for each ball that should reach the enemy: In
fact he paid that sum about a year afterwards to one of his gunners, who
sent a ball through the tent of Gonzalo, which was exceedingly
conspicuous, by which one of his pages was slain. In consequence of this
incident, Gonzalo ordered all the tents to be struck, that they might
not serve as marks for the cannoneers of the president. He likewise
ordered his own artillery to commence firing, and drew up his army in
order of battle, taking his own station at the head of his cavalry,
which was commanded by the licentiate Cepeda and Juan d'Acosta. Carvajal
was at the head of the infantry, having under him the captains Juan de
la Torre, Diego Guillen, Juan Velasquez de Guevara, Francisco
Maldonado, and Sebastian de Vergara. Pedro de Soria commanded his
artillery. When the insurgent army was drawn up in order of battle, the
numerous Indians that were attached to it quitted the camp, and posted
themselves in view of both armies on the slope of a neighbouring hill.

While the artillery on both sides kept up a constant fire, the royalist
army descended from the mountain without keeping any regular order, and
in all possible haste, the cavalry all on foot leading their horses,
both on account of the ruggedness of the ground and the better to avoid
the cannonade from the enemy, as they had no shelter from the balls.
Immediately on getting down to the plain, the troops were drawn up in
order of battle; the infantry in two battalions in the centre, and the
cavalry on the two wings. The cavalry of the left wing was commanded by
the captains Juan Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Rodrigo Salazar, and
Francisco Hernandez de Aldana. The royal standard was displayed by the
licentiate Carvajal in the right wing, in which likewise were posted the
captains Don Pedro de Cabrera, Alfonso Mercadillo, and Gomez de
Alvarado. The infantry marched between the wings of horse, but a little
farther in advance, under the captains Ramirez, De Castro, De Solis,
Cardenas, Menezes, Mosquera, De la Cerna, Urbina, Aliaga, De Robles, De
Arias, and De Olmos. A little in advance of the infantry, Alfonso de
Mendoza marched with his troop of horse to commence the attack,
accompanied by Centeno, who was determined to exert himself on this
occasion in revenge for his defeat at Guarina. Pedro de Villavicentio
acted as serjeant-major or adjutant-general of the army. The president,
accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, was a little on one side, on the
slope of the mountain, by which the major-general Alvarado and Valdivia
brought down the artillery and the three hundred musqueteers commanded
by Mexia and Palomino. On getting into the plain, this body of
musqueteers divided in two, Mexia marching to the right along the river,
and Palomino keeping to the left along the skirts of the mountain.

While the royalist artillery was coming down the mountain, the
licentiate Cepeda, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Alfonso de Piedra, with
several other persons of rank and some private soldiers, abandoned
Gonzalo to surrender themselves to the president. They were closely
pursued by Pedro Martin de Cicilia and some others of the insurgents,
who wounded several of these deserters. The horse of Cepeda was killed
under him by the thrust of a lance, and himself wounded, and he had
assuredly been either taken or killed unless promptly succoured by order
of the president. In the mean time Gonzalo kept his troops in firm
array, waiting for the enemy, and in expectation that they might attack
him in confusion and be easily defeated, as had happened in the battle
of Guarina. Hinojosa on his side, advanced with the royalists in the
best order and at a slow pace, to within musquet-shot of the insurgents,
where he halted in some low ground, in such a situation that his men
were secure from the cannon-balls of the enemy, which all flew over
their heads, although the gunners used every effort to depress their
guns so as to fire low. At this time the platoons of musquetry on the
wings of both armies kept up a close fire, Alvarado and Valdivia using
every effort to cause their men take good aim, while the president and
archbishop encouraged their gunners to fire quickly and to purpose;
making them often change the direction of their guns, as circumstances
appeared to require.

Observing that several of the soldiers of Gonzalo were endeavouring to
abandon him and were hotly pursued, Centeno and Mendoza advanced with
the cavalry under their command, on purpose to protect all who wished to
come over. All those who quitted the insurgents, urged the commanders of
the royal army not to advance to the charge, as they were certain the
far greater part of the army of Gonzalo would abandon him, so that he
would be easily defeated without any danger to the royalists, and with
little effusion of blood. At this time, a platoon of thirty musqueteers,
finding themselves near the royal army, came over in a body and
surrendered themselves. Gonzalo wished to have these men pursued and
brought back; but the attempt threw his troops into confusion, and his
whole army began instantly to break up, some fleeing towards Cuzco,
while others went over to the president and surrendered themselves. Some
of the insurgent officers were so confounded by this sudden and
universal derout, that they neither had presence of mind to flee or to
fight. On seeing this hopeless turn of his affairs, Gonzalo lost all
courage, and exclaimed in despair, "Since all surrender to the king, so
must I also." It is reported, that Juan d'Acosta endeavoured to
encourage him, saying, "let us rush upon the thickest of the enemy, and
die like Romans;" to which Gonzalo is reported to have answered, "It is
better to die like Christians."

At this time, Gonzalo observing the serjeant-major of the royalists near
him, surrendered to him, giving up a long small sword which he had used
instead of a lance, as he had previously broken his lance upon some of
his own men who were running away. He was immediately conducted to the
president, to whom he used some very imprudent expressions, and by whom
he was committed to the custody of Centeno. About the same time with
Gonzalo, most of his officers were made prisoners. The lieutenant-general
Carvajal endeavoured to save himself by flight, meaning to hide himself
among some tall reeds in a marsh during the night; but his horse stuck
fast in the morass, and he was brought prisoner to the president by some
of his own men. In the pursuit, some of the insurgents were killed,
but most of their officers were made prisoners.

After the entire derout of the enemy, the soldiers of the royal army
pillaged the camp of the insurgents, where they made a prodigious
plunder in gold, silver, horses, mules, and rich baggage, by which many
of them acquired considerable riches, some individuals having acquired
so much as five or six thousand ducats. One of the soldiers happened to
fall in with a fine mule having a load on his back, which seemed to
consist only of clothes, he therefore cut the cords and threw off the
load, carrying off the mule alone; immediately after which three other
soldiers, more experienced in such matters, opened up the pack, which
they found to contain a considerable quantity of gold and silver wrapped
up in Indian cloaks for better concealment, worth five or six thousand
ducats.

As the army was much fatigued by the operations of that day; besides
being under arms all night, the president allowed the men to rest one
day, yet thought it necessary to dispatch the two Captains Mexia and De
Robles with their companies to Cuzco, to prevent those soldiers who had
pursued the fugitives towards that place from entering and plundering
the city and killing a number of the inhabitants; more especially as
many might now feel inclined to act from particular enmity towards such
as had given them offence during the late troubles, under pretence of
following up the victory. Those captains were likewise directed to
secure such of the officers and soldiers of the defeated army as had
fled in that direction. Next day, the president gave orders to the
licentiate Cianca, one of the new oydors, and Alfonzo de Alvarado, his
major-general, to bring the prisoners to trial. No other proof was
requisite against Gonzalo Pizarro than his own acknowledgment and the
notoriety of his having been in open rebellion against the sovereign. He
was condemned to be beheaded, and that his head should be fixed in a
niche or recess on the gibbet at Lima, secured by a trellis or net-work
of iron through which it might be visible, with this inscription above.
"The head of Gonzalo Pizarro, a traitor and rebel, who revolted against
the royal authority in Peru, and presumed to give battle to the army
under the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana." His whole
estates and property of every kind were confiscated; and his house in
Cuzco was ordered to be rased, and salt sown upon its scite, on which a
pillar or monument was to be erected with a suitable inscription to
perpetuate the remembrance of his crime and condign punishment. Gonzalo
was executed on the day of his trial, dying like a good Christian.

While in prison and till his death, Centeno, to whose custody he had
been committed, treated him with much civility, and would not allow any
one to insult his fallen greatness. When about to be put to death,
Gonzalo made a gift of the magnificent dress which he then wore to the
executioner; but Centeno paid its full value to the executioner, that
the body might not be stripped and exposed till carried away for
interment; and next day he had it carried to Cuzco and respectfully
buried. But the head, pursuant to the sentence, was carried to Lima.

On the same day in which Pizarro was beheaded, his lieutenant-general
Carvajal was drawn and quartered, and eight or nine of the insurgent
captains were hanged; and in the sequel several others of the principal
persons concerned in the revolt were punished when taken[38]. On the day
following the president went to Cuzco with all his army, whence he sent
Alfonzo de Mendoza with a detachment into Las Charcas, to make prisoners
of those who had been sent into that district by Gonzalo in quest of
silver, and such as might have fled thither from the battle. On account
of the rich mines in the province of Las Charcas, especially Potosi, it
was supposed that many of the fugitives had taken refuge in that place,
to which Hondegardo was sent as lieutenant-governor and captain-general,
with orders to chastise all those of the inhabitants who had been guilty
either of favouring Gonzalo, or of neglecting to repair to the royal
standard on the summons of the president. Along with Hondegardo,
Gabriel de Royas was sent as receiver of the royal fifth and other
tributes belonging to the king, and of the fines which the governor
might inflict on the disaffected and recusants. As De Royas soon died,
Hondegardo had to discharge the united functions of governor and
receiver of the province, and in a short space of time he amassed
treasure to the amount of 3,600,000 livres[39], which he transmitted to
the president.

[Footnote 38: Yet the Historian of American, II. 392., says that "Gasca,
happy in his bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty; Pizarro,
Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notorious
offenders being punished capitally." The executions seem however to have
been sufficiently numerous, considering that the whole rebel army before
the battle was only nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to the
victor, and all the rest disbanded without fighting.--E.]

[Footnote 39: L.157,000, if French livres are to be understood, and
worth near a million sterling at the present value of money compared
with that period,--E.]

The president remained for some time at Guzco, occupied in punishing the
insurgents according to the greatness of their crimes. Those whom he
deemed most guilty, he condemned to be drawn in pieces by four horses,
others he ordered to be hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sent
to the galleys. He applied himself likewise with much attention to
restore the kingdom to good order. In virtue of the authority confided
to him by the king, he granted pardons to all who, having been in arms
in the valley of Xaquixaguana, had abandoned Gonzalo and joined the
royal standard. These pardons referred to all public crimes of which
they had been guilty during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, yet
leaving them liable to answer in civil actions for every thing
respecting their conduct to individuals. This battle of Xaquixaguana,
which will be long famous in Peru, was fought on Monday the 9th of April
1548.

When the president had dispatched the most urgent affairs connected with
the suppression of the rebellion, there yet remained an object of great
importance for the quiet of the kingdom, which was surrounded with many
difficulties. This was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in such
a manner that so great a number of soldiers set free from the restraints
of discipline might not occasion troubles similar to those now put an
end to. On purpose to succeed in this delicate affair, the utmost
prudence was requisite, as almost every soldier in the army considered
himself entitled to one of the best of the vacant repartimientos, and as
the number of the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150
repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious, that instead
of being able to gratify every claimant, far the greater part must be
dissatisfied. After a serious deliberation on this important subject,
the president went to a place in the province of Apurimac, about twelve
leagues from Cuzco, accompanied only by the archbishop and one
secretary, on purpose to have leisure for mature reflection at a
distance from the perpetual importunities of the claimants. In this
place, they made the best distribution in their power of the vacant
repartitions, giving sufficient means of living in a respectable manner
to the captains and other persons of consideration, each in proportion
to their respective merits and the services they had been of in
suppressing the late rebellion, giving new repartitions to those who had
none, and increasing those of others. On this occasion it was found that
they had vacant repartitions to distribute to the value of a million of
gold crowns in yearly rent. The greater number of the most valuable and
extensive repartitions had become vacant during the troubles, partly
from their former possessors having been put to death by Gonzalo, either
under pretence of guilt in opposing his rebellion, or in the various
engagements during the troubles. The president had likewise capitally
punished several to whom Gonzalo had given repartitions. It must however
be remarked, that several of these most valuable repartimientos had been
retained by Gonzalo for his own benefit, under pretence of providing for
the expences of the war.

In making the new grants, the president retained the power of granting
pensions upon some of the most extensive repartitions, of three or four
thousand ducats from each, more or less according to their respective
values, on purpose to have the power of dividing the money among such
soldiers as he could not otherwise reward, to enable them to procure
arms, horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in various
directions to discover and subdue the country which was hitherto
unoccupied. Having thus regulated every thing to the best of his power,
the president thought proper to retire to Lima, and sent the archbishop
to Cuzco to publish the regulations and distribution of repartimientos,
and to make payment of the several rewards in money which had been
agreed upon. The arrangement of this affair occasioned much
dissatisfaction among the soldiers, every one believing himself better
entitled to some allotments of lands and Indians than several of those
who had acquired such grants. All the fair speeches and promises of the
archbishop and the principal officers were insufficient to quiet the
murmurs and discontents of the troops, which even produced some
commotions and seditious conspiracies, in which it was proposed to seize
upon the archbishop and the chief officers of the army and government,
and to send the licentiate Cienca with a remonstrance to the president,
demanding of him to recal the repartition which he had decreed, and to
make a new one more favourable to their wishes. They even threatened to
revolt, and to take possession by force of what they considered due to
their services. The licentiate Cienca, who had been appointed chief
justice at Cuzco, had established so excellent a system of police that
he had immediate notice of all these plots and commotions, and was soon
enabled to restore order and tranquillity by arresting and punishing the
principal agitators of these threatened troubles, by which he
effectually checked the spirit of mutiny and insubordination, and
averted at least for the present the danger of a new civil war in the
kingdom.

Before leaving Cuzco, the president had renewed the commission of
Valdivia as governor of Chili, as a reward for the services he had
rendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On purpose to provide the
reinforcements of men, horses, and arms, which were necessary for
defending and extending his conquests in that province, Valdivia went to
Lima as the most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted.
Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his men and
military stores at the port of Callao, and sent them off for Chili; but
chose to go himself by land to Arequipa, where he proposed to take
shipping in his way back to his government. A report was made to the
president, that Valdivia had engaged some officers and soldiers from
among those who had been sentenced to banishment from Peru, and even
some of those who had been condemned to the galleys, on account of the
share they had taken in the late rebellion. In consequence of this
information, the president sent his lieutenant-general Hinojosa with
orders to bring Valdivia before him to answer for his conduct in these
things which were laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by a
considerable number of men he believed himself in condition to resist
this mandate, and refused the earnest solicitations of Hinojosa to go
back along with him to the president. But, as Hinojosa observed that
Valdivia took no precautions to prevent his arrest, and had no
suspicions that any force would be used against him, he resolved to
attempt to make him prisoner with the assistance only of six
musqueteers, in which he succeeded without opposition. In this
situation, Valdivia very properly determined to submit with a good
grace, and so satisfactorily explained his conduct to the president,
that he was allowed to resume his voyage, and to take all those people
along with him whom he had engaged.

Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, the president gave
permission to all the citizens and other inhabitants of the country, who
had hitherto served in his army, to retire to their homes, to look after
the re-establishment of their private affairs, which had, suffered great
injury from the unavoidable losses experienced during the rebellion, and
their own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off several
officers with detachments upon new discoveries, and appointed the
licentiate Carvajal lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, taking up his own
residence at Lima, which was the seat of government. About this time an
hundred and fifty Spaniards arrived at the city of La Plata, having
travelled all the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the command
of Domingo de Yrala to that part of the country which had formerly been
discovered by Diego de Royas, and were now come into Peru to solicit the
president to appoint some one to act as governor of the country on the
Rio Plata which they proposed to settle. He accordingly nominated Diego
de Centeno to that new government, with authority to raise as many more
men as he could procure, to enable him to complete the discovery and
conquest of that country. When all their preparations were completed,
and they were on the point of setting out on the march, Centeno died,
and the president appointed another captain in his place.

The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from the high
mountains continually covered with snow which lie between the cities of
Lima and Cuzco[40]. From these mountains four principal rivers flow,
which derive their names from the provinces through which they pass. The
Apurimac, Vilcas, Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source from
a lake in the province of Bombon[41], the most level and yet the highest
plain in all Peru, where accordingly it snows or hails almost
continually. This lake is quite crowded with small islands, which are
covered with reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, and the borders of
the lake are inhabited by many Indians.

[Footnote 40: Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the
sources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvian
mountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees
farther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards the
mighty Maranon or River of the Amazons.--E.]

[Footnote 41: This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from the
lake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs _south_ to
join the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of
Bombon, and runs _north_ to form the Gualagua, which joins the
Lauricocha or Tanguragua.--E.]

In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president incurred enormous
expences for the pay and equipment of his troops, for the purchase of
horses, arms, and warlike stores, and the fitting out and provisioning
of the ships which he employed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma to
the day of his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on these
necessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars, most of which
he had borrowed from the merchants and other private individuals, as all
the royal revenues had been appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo.
After the re-establishment of tranquillity, he applied himself to amass
treasure with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging to
the king, and by means of fines and confiscations; insomuch that after
payment of his debts, he had a surplus of above a million and a half of
ducats, chiefly derived from the province of Las Charcas.

In his arrangements for the future government of the country, in
conformity with the royal ordinance, he took much care to prevent the
Indians from being oppressed. In consequence of the fatigues which they
underwent, in the carriage of immense loads, and by numbers of the
Spaniards wandering continually about the country attended by a train of
Indians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of them had perished.
Having re-established the royal audience, or supreme court of justice,
in Lima, he applied earnestly to regulate the tributes which were to be
paid by the Indians to the Spaniards upon fixed principles, which had
not been hitherto done on account of the wars and revolutions which had
distracted the country ever since its discovery and conquest. Before
this new arrangement, every Spaniard who possessed a repartimiento or
allotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from the curaca or
cacique of his district such tribute as he was able or willing to pay,
and many of the Spaniards often exacted larger sums from their Indians
than they were well able to afford, frequently plundering them of their
hard-earned property with lawless violence. Some even went so far as to
inflict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up every thing
they possessed, often carrying their cruelty to such a pitch as to put
them to death in the most wanton and unjustifiable manner. To put a stop
to these violent proceedings, the taxes of each province and district
were regulated in proportion to the number of Indian and Spanish
inhabitants which they respectively contained; and, in forming their
arrangements, the president and judges carefully inquired into the
productions of each province; such as its mines of gold and silver, the
quantity of its cattle, and other things of a similar nature, the taxes
on which were all regulated according to circumstances in the most
reasonable and equitable manner.

Having thus reduced the affairs of the kingdom to good order, all the
unemployed soldiers being sent off to different places, some to Chili,
others to the new province on the Rio Plata, and others to various new
discoveries under different commanders, and all who remained in Peru
being established in various occupations by which they might maintain
themselves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly in
the concerns of the mines, the president resolved to return, into Spain,
pursuant to the authority he had received from his majesty to do so when
he might see proper. One of his most powerful motives for returning to
Spain proceeded from his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he had
amassed for the king: as, having no military force for its protection,
he was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles and
commotions in the country. Having made all the necessary preparations
for his voyage, and embarked his treasure, without communicating his
intentions hitherto to any one, he assembled the magistrates of Lima,
and informed them of his intended voyage. They started many objections
to this measure; representing the inconveniencies which might arise from
his departure, before his majesty had sent out some other person to
replace him, either in the capacity of viceroy or president. He answered
all their objections, stating that the court of royal audience, and the
governors of the different provinces which they were authorized to
nominate, were sufficient to dispense justice and to regulate all
affairs, they at last consented; and immediately embarking, he set sail
for Panama.

Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president made a new
partition of such lands and Indians as had become vacant since the
former distribution which he made at Cuzco. The number of vacant
repartimientos was considerable, in consequence of the death of Centeno,
De Royas, the licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank;
and as there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be preferred,
he chose to defer the repartition till after he had embarked, as he was
unable to satisfy all the claimants, and was unwilling to expose himself
to the clamours of those whom he was unable to gratify. Having settled
all these distributions, he left the different deeds signed and sealed
with the secretary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions that
they should not be opened until eight days after his departure. Every
thing being finally concluded, he set sail from the port of Callao in
December 1549, accompanied by the Provincial of the Dominicans and Jerom
de Aliaga, who were appointed agents for the affairs of Peru at the
court of Spain. He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen and
other considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain, carrying with
them all the wealth they had been able to acquire.

The voyage to Panama was prosperous. The president and all who were
along with him immediately landed at that place, and used the utmost
diligence to transport all the wealth belonging to his majesty and to
individuals, to Nombre de Dios, to which place they all went, and made
proper preparations for returning to Spain. Every one treated the
president with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and he
behaved towards them with much civility and attention, keeping open
table for all who chose to visit him. This was at the royal expence; as
the president had stipulated for all his expences being defrayed by his
majesty, before leaving Spain on his mission to Peru. In this he acted
with much and prudent precaution; considering that the former governors
had been accused of living penuriously in proportion to their rich
appointments, and being satisfied that the administration in Spain would
not allow him a sufficient income to defray the great expences he must
incur in a country where every thing was enormously dear, he declined
accepting any specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority to
take from the royal funds all that was necessary for his personal
expence and the support of his household. He even used the precaution to
have this arrangement formally reduced to writing; and in the exercise
of this permission he employed a person expressly for the purpose of
keeping an exact account of all his expences, and of every thing that
was purchased for his table or otherwise, which were all accordingly
paid for from the royal coffers.


SECTION VII.

_Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and
their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma._


At this period an extraordinary attempt was made to intercept the
president in his passage through the Tierra Firma, and to gain
possession of the royal treasure under his charge, which will require
some elucidation for its distinct explanation. When Pedro Arias de
Avilla discovered the province of Nicaragua, of which he was appointed
governor, he married his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo de
Contreras, a respectable gentleman of Segovia. Some time afterwards,
Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-in-law to succeed him
in the government, and this appointment was confirmed by the court in
consideration of the merits and services of Contreras, who accordingly
continued governor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment of
a royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatimala, Contreras
was displaced from his government; and, in pursuance of the ordinance
which had occasioned so much commotion in Peru, both he and his wife
were deprived of their repartitions of lands and Indians, and the grants
which had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Contreras
went in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of the injury he
had sustained, representing the services which had been performed to the
crown by the discovery, conquest, and settlement of Nicaragua, by his
father-in-law and himself; but his majesty and the council of the Indies
confirmed the decision of the royal audience, as conformable with the
regulations.

On receiving information of the bad success of their father, Ferdinand
and Pedro de Contreras were much chagrined, and rashly determined to
revolt and seize the government of the province. They persuaded
themselves with being joined by a sufficient force for this purpose,
confiding in the advice and assistance of a person named Juan de
Bermejo, and some other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru in
much discontent against the president, for not having sufficiently
rewarded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the war
against Gonzalo. Besides these men, several of those who had fought
under Gonzalo had taken refuge in Nicaragua, having been banished by the
president from Peru, all of whom joined themselves to the Contreras on
this occasion. By these people the young men were encouraged to erect
the standard of rebellion, assuring them, if they, could pass over into
Peru with two or three hundred men, sufficiently armed, that almost the
whole population of the kingdom would join their standards, as all were
exceedingly dissatisfied with the president for not rewarding their
services sufficiently. The Contreras accordingly began secretly to
collect soldiers, and to provide arms for this enterprize; and deeming
themselves sufficiently powerful to set justice at defiance, they
resolved to commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop of
Nicaragua among the most determined enemies of their father, they began
their operations by taking vengeance on him; for which purpose they sent
some soldiers to his house, who assassinated him while playing chess.
After this, they openly collected their followers and displayed their
standard, assuming the title of the _Army of Liberty_; and seizing a
sufficient number of vessels, they embarked on the Pacific Ocean with
the intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voyage from Lima to
Panama, intending to plunder him of all the treasure he was conveying to
Spain. For this purpose they steered in the first place for Panama, both
to gain intelligence of the proceedings of the president, and because
the navigation from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicaragua.

Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they made sail for
Panama, and on their arrival at that place they learnt that the
president had already disembarked with all his treasure and attendants.
They now believed that every thing was favourable to their intentions,
and that by good fortune their desired prey had fallen into their hands.
Waiting therefore till night, they entered the port as quietly as
possible, believing that the president was still in Panama, and that
they might easily execute their enterprize without danger or resistance.
Their intelligence however was exceedingly defective, and their hopes
ill founded; for the president had left Panama with all his people three
days before, having previously sent off all his treasure to Nombre de
Dios, to which place he was likewise gone. In fact, by this diligence,
the president avoided the impending danger, without having the slightest
suspicion that any such might befal. Immediately on landing, the
brothers were informed that the president had already left the place; on
which they went to the house of Martin Ruiz de Marchena, treasurer of
the province, where they took possession of the money in the royal
coffers, amounting to 400,000 pesos in base silver, which had been left
there by the president in consequence of not having sufficient means of
transporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the rest. After this they
dragged Marchena, Juan de Larez, and some other respectable inhabitants
to the public square, threatening to hang them all unless they gave
immediate notice where the arms and money belonging to the province were
deposited. But all their threats were unable to force any discovery, and
they carried on board their ships all the treasure and other valuable
plunder they had procured.

Believing that the farther success of their enterprize depended on the
diligence they should exert in reaching Nombre de Dios to surprize the
president, before he might have time to embark or prepare for his
defence, they determined to proceed to that place without delay. For
this purpose, it was arranged that Ferdinand de Contreras should march
to Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops, while Juan de
Bermejo was to take post with an hundred men on a height near Panama, to
protect the rear of Ferdinand, to prevent pursuit, to be in readiness to
receive the valuable booty they expected, and to intercept such of the
attendants on the president as might escape in that direction from
Nombre de Dios. In the mean time, Pedro de Contreras was to remain on
board with a small number of men to protect the ships. All this was done
accordingly; but matters turned out in quite a different manner from
their expectations. Marchena got some information respecting their plan
of operations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes to give
notice to the president of what had occurred in Panama, and of the
ulterior designs of the Contreras. One of these negroes was directed to
travel the whole way by land, and the other to go by way of the small
river Chagre, which route had been taken by the president.

This river has its source in the mountains between Panama and Nombre de
Dios. Its course at first seems tending towards the Pacific Ocean; but
it suddenly makes a turn at a cataract, and after a farther run of
fourteen leagues it falls into the Atlantic; so that by means of a canal
only five leagues in length, from that river to the South Sea, a
navigation might be easily established between the two seas. It is true
that it would be necessary to cut this canal through mountains, and in a
country exceedingly uneven and full of rocks, so that the design has
hitherto appeared impracticable. Hence, in going from Panama to Nombre
de Dios by the river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in the
first place to that river below the fall, a distance of five leagues.
After descending to the mouth of the river, there still remains five or
six leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The messenger who was sent
by this road came up with the president before his arrival at Nombre de
Dios, and gave him an account of the events which had taken place at
Panama. Though much alarmed by this intelligence, he communicated it to
the provincial and the officers who accompanied him without appearing to
be under any apprehensions; but, on embarking on the North Sea, it fell
so dead a calm that they could make no progress, and he could not then
conceal his fears of the event. Still however preserving his presence of
mind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nombre de Dios,
accompanied by some negroes who knew the country, with orders for all
the inhabitants of that place to take up arms for the protection of the
treasure which had been sent there. Segura had a most difficult and
fatiguing journey on foot, having several rivers to cross, some of them
by swimming, and to pass through woods and marshes in a road through
which no person had travelled for a long while. On his arrival at Nombre
de Dios, he found the news already communicated to that place, by the
other negro, and that the inhabitants were already in arms, and had
prepared as well as they were able to defend themselves, having landed
the crews of nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to give their
assistance in repelling the rebels. The president arrived shortly
afterwards, where he found every thing in order for defence; and
immediately marched out at the head of the armed inhabitants on the road
towards Panama, determined to give battle to Contrera in case of his
approach.

When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios, and Bermejo took
post on the hill near Panama, as formerly mentioned, Marchena and De
Larez believed they might be able to defeat Bermejo in the divided state
of the rebels. For this purpose they re-assembled all the inhabitants of
Panama, most of whom had taken refuge in the mountains, with whom they
joined a considerable number of negroes who were employed as labourers
in husbandry and in driving mules with goods between Panama and Nombre
de Dios. By these means they assembled a respectable force, which they
armed as well as circumstances would allow. Having thrown up some
intrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and leaving some
confidential persons to protect the town against the small number of
rebels left in the ships with Pedro de Contreras, they marched out
boldly against Bermejo, whom they vigorously attacked. After some
resistance, they gained a complete victory, killing or making prisoners
of the whole of that detachment. After this complete success, Marchena
determined immediately to march for Nombre de Dios, believing that the
inhabitants of that city, on learning the late events at Panama, would
have armed for their defence, and would even take the field against
Ferdinand de Contreras, and being more numerous than his detachment,
would oblige him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly,
when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way to Nombre de
Dios, he learnt that the president had got notice of the approach of the
rebels, and had marched out against them with a superior force; on which
Ferdinand de Contreras resolved to return to Panama.

While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he got notice of
the entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance of Marchena against
himself. He was so disconcerted by this intelligence, that he allowed
all his men to disperse, desiring them to save themselves as they best
might, and to endeavour to get to the shore, where his brother would
take them on board the ships. They all separated, and Ferdinand with
some of his people struck into the woods, avoiding the public road, that
they might escape Marchena. As the country was much intersected with
rivers, and Ferdinand was little accustomed to encounter such
difficulties, he was drowned in an endeavour to pass one of the rivers.
Several of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, and it was
never known what became of the others. The prisoners were carried to
Panama, where they, and those others who were taken at the defeat of
Bermejo, were all put to death.

When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the ships, got
intelligence of the miserable fete of his comrades, he was so much
alarmed that he would not take time to hoist anchor and make seal, but
threw himself into a boat with some of his men, leaving the ships at
anchor with all the plunder untouched. He coasted along for a
considerable way to the province of Nata; after which no farther
intelligence was ever received either of him or any of those who were
along with him, but it was supposed they were all massacred by the
Indians of that country. On getting intelligence of the favourable
termination of this threatening affair, the president returned to Nombre
de Dios, giving thanks to God for having delivered him from this
unforseen danger. Had the rebels arrived at Panama only a few days
sooner, they might easily have made him prisoner, and would have
acquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of pirates.

Tranquillity being entirely restored, the president embarked with his
treasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his vessels, in which Juan
Gomez de Anuaya was embarked, with part of the royal treasure, was
obliged to put back to Nombre de Dios: But, having refitted at that
port, she likewise arrived in Spain. Immediately on landing at San
Lucar, the president sent Captain Lope Martin into Germany, where the
emperor then was, to inform his majesty of his safe arrival from Peru.
This news was exceedingly agreeable to the court, and occasioned much
astonishment at the prompt and happy termination of the troubles, which
had appeared so formidable and difficult to appease. Soon after the
arrival of the president at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop of
Placentia[42], then vacant in consequence of the death of Don Luis
Cabeza de Vaca; and his majesty sent orders that he should come to
court, to give a minute account of all the affairs in which he had been
engaged. He went there accordingly, accompanied by the provincial of the
Dominicans, and Jerom de Aliaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdom
of Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consideration,
who were in expectation of getting some rewards from his majesty for
their loyal services during the late commotions. The new bishop
accordingly embarked at Barcelona, along with his companions, in some
galleys which were appointed for the purpose; taking along with him, by
order of his majesty, half a million of dollars of the treasure he had
brought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appointed Don Antonio
de Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to assume that office in Peru;
sending Don Luis de Velasco, commissary-general of the customs of
Castille, to succeed Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain.

[Footnote 42: In the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p.
876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric of
Placentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in
1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577.]

END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU,

BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.


       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER VIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, FROM THE RESTORATION OF
TRANQUILLITY BY GASCA IN 1549, TO THE DEATH OF THE INCA TUPAC AMARU;
EXTRACTED FROM GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.

INTRODUCTION.


Having now given at considerable length the authentic histories of the
discovery and conquest of the two greatest of the European colonies in
the New World, Mexico and Peru, from original and contemporary authors
whose works had not before appeared in any English Collection of Voyages
and Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of supplement or appendix
to the excellent history of Zarate, an abridged deduction of the
principal events in Peru for some time after the departure of the
president De la Gasca from that kingdom, extracted from the conclusion
of the Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, Part
II. Book VI. VII. and VIII. Having formerly given some account of that
work, not very favourable to the character of that descendant of the
Incas as a historian, it may only be here mentioned that the events to
be now related on his authority all occurred in his own time, and that
the relation of them which he has left would have been greatly more
valuable if he had been pleased to favour us more frequently with their
dates.

In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the terror of Europe,
seems in danger of sinking under the tyrannical grasp of the usurper of
France, a vast revolution appears about to elevate the Spanish American
colonies into extensive independent states; if the jealous collision of
rights, interests, and pretensions between the various races of their
inhabitants do not plunge them into all the horrors of civil war and
anarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interesting to all the friends of
humanity, and it is to be wished that the present commotions may soon
subside into a permanent state of peace and good government,
advantageous to all the best interests of the colonists, and beneficial
to the commerce and industry of the rest of the world.

Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru, subsequent
to the departure of the president De la Gasca, the following reflections
on the state of manners among the early Spanish settlers in that opulent
region, during the period of which we have already given the history, as
drawn by the eloquent pen of the illustrious Historian of America, have
appeared most worthy of insertion[43].

[Footnote 43: Hist of America, II. p. 393.]

"Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order in
society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were
persons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought
into the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority,
not one acted as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Every
adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled by his
services to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by
his valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his
side as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined his
commander as a companion of his fortune, and disdained to degrade
himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword,
not to pre-eminence in office or nobility of birth that most of the
leaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation; and each
of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself
to the possession of power and wealth."

"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, they
were raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide the
spoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired
incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the
hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under the
dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or
of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides
the promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in hand
from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to
raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gasca
expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred
thousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward of
services, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his
perfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanction
of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a
grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fifty
thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, and
surrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a
district of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly
value. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with
more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred on
those of inferior rank."

"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave
birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to
hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and
inconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of military
licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish for
expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru
would have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a time
when the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individual
insisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field.
But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service,
they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as
ever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on
the day of battle, to display all their ancient valour."

"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which
they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a
more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions
which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and
rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable
forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door
against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a man
to accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest
suspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants of
Peru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify
his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the
hand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the
field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any
legal trial."

"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents
was not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to
those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be held
sacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as
thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to
have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of
shame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there was
hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had
originally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and
violate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez
Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of the
royal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. The
chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were the
first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up
to Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers to
entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his
fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms
without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted
them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of the
principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in
social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are far
removed from the seat of government, where the restraints of law and
order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and
where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, that
we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy,
and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru."


SECTION I.

_Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the
appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy._


Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of the
repartimientos in Peru by the president, was Francisco Hernandez Giron,
to whom De la Gasca granted a commission to make a conquest of the
district called the Cunchos, to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond one
of the great chains of the Andes, with the title and authority of
governor and captain-general of that country, which he engaged to
conquer at his own expence. Giron was much gratified by this employment,
as it afforded him a favourable opportunity for fomenting and exciting a
new rebellion against the royal authority, which he had long meditated,
and which he actually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel.
Immediately after the departure of the president from Peru, he went from
Lima to Cuzco publishing the commission which he had received, and
appointed several captains to raise men for his intended expedition in
Guamanga, Arequipa, La Paz, and other places; while he personally beat
up for volunteers in Cuzco. Being a man of popular manners and much
beloved among the soldiers, he soon drew together above two hundred men.
So great a number of the most loose and dissolute inhabitants being
collected together at Cuzco and in arms, they took extreme liberty in
canvassing the late events, and to speak with much licentiousness
respecting the president and the officers he had left in the government
of the kingdom. Their discourse was so open and scandalous, that the
magistrates of the city deemed it necessary to interpose; and Juan de
Saavedra, who was then mayor or regidor of Cuzco, requested Giron to
depart upon his intended expedition without delay, that the peaceable
inhabitants might no longer be scandalized by the seditious discourses
of his soldiers, as most of them were quartered upon the citizens to
whom they behaved with much insolence.

I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his soldiers made
their first disturbance; and I was present also about three years
afterwards at their second mutiny; and, though I had not even then
attained the age of a young man, I was sufficiently able to notice and
understand the observations and discourses of my father on the various
events which occurred; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in so
proud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced to take
notice of their conduct. The soldiers thought proper to be much offended
on this occasion, pretending that no one ought to have any authority
over them except Giron under whose command they had inlisted; and they
carried their mutinous insolence to such a height as to assemble in arms
at the house of their commander to protect themselves against the
magistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city, the magistrates and
citizens found themselves obliged to arm, and being joined by many
soldiers who were not of the faction, they took post in the
market-place. The mutineers drew up likewise in the street where Giron's
house stood, at no great distance from the market-place; and in this
manner both parties remained under arms for two days and nights, always
on the point of coming to action; which had certainly been the case if
some prudent persons had not interposed between them, and prevailed on
the magistrates to enter into a treaty for compromising their
differences. The most active persons on this occasion were Diego de
Silva, Diego Maldonado the rich, Garcilasso de la Vega my father, Vasco
de Guevara, Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa,
Martin de Meneses, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their persuasions the
regidor Juan de Saavedra and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron were
induced to meet in the great church, on which occasion the soldiers
demanded four hostages for the security of their commander. In this
conference Giron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, that
Saavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been restrained from
respect for the hostages, of whom my father was one. In a second
conference in the evening, under the same precautions, Giron agreed to
remove his soldiers from the city, to give up eight of the most mutinous
of his soldiers to the magistrates, and even to make compearance in
person before the court to answer for his conduct during the mutiny.

On being made acquainted with this agreement, the soldiers were
exceedingly enraged; and if Giron had not pacified them with soothing
words and promises they had certainly attacked the loyal inhabitants,
the consequences of which might have been exceedingly fatal. The
mutineers amounted to two hundred effective well-armed men, of desperate
fortunes, while the loyalists consisted of only eighty men of quality,
all the rest being rich merchants not inured to arms. But it pleased God
to avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers and vows of the
priests, friars and devout women of the city. The mutineers were under
arms all night, setting regular guards and sentinels as in the presence
of an enemy; and in the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had not
marched from the city according to agreement, he sent a warrant to bring
him before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his men might not
permit him to obey the warrant, he walked out in his morning gown, as if
only going to visit a neighbour; but went directly to the house of
Saavedra, who committed him to prison. On this intelligence being
communicated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every one
shifting for himself as he best could. The eight men who were
particularly obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican convent, and
fortified themselves in the tower of the church, where they held out for
several days, but were at last obliged to surrender. They were all
punished, but not in that exemplary manner their rebellious conduct
deserved; and the tower was demolished, that it might not be used in the
same manner in future.

After the dispersion of the mutineers and the punishment of the most
guilty, Giron was released on his solemn engagement to make his
appearance before the royal audience at Lima to answer for his conduct.
He went there accordingly, and was committed to prison; but after a few
days was permitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himself
to the city of Lima. He there married a young virtuous noble and
beautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco, where he
associated with none but soldiers, avoiding all society with the
citizens as much as possible.

About two years afterwards several soldiers residing in Cuzce, entered
into a new plot to raise disturbances in the kingdom, and were eager to
find some proper person to choose as their leader. At length this affair
came to be so openly talked of that it reached the knowledge of
Saavedra, who was required to take cognizance of the plot and to punish
the ringleaders; but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being unwilling
to create himself enemies, alleging that it more properly belonged to
the jurisdiction of the court of audience. When this affair was reported
to the oydors at Lima, they were much displeased with the conduct of
Saavedra, and immediately appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to
supersede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, giving
Alvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and mutinous
conduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from getting to an
unsupportable height. Immediately on taking possession of his office,
Alvarado arrested some of the soldiers; who, to screen themselves,
impeached Don Pedro de Puertocarrero as a principal instigator of their
mutinous proceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miranda,
Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrienuevo were capitally
punished as chief ringleaders in the conspiracy; six or seven others
were banished from Peru, and all the rest made their escape.
Puertocarrero made an appeal to the royal audience, by whom he was set
at liberty.

These new commotions, and others of more importance which shall be
noticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great measure from the imprudent
conduct of the judges themselves, by enforcing the observance of the
obnoxious regulations which had formerly done so much evil during the
government of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before his departure
from Peru, the president Gasca had received fresh orders from his
majesty to free the Indians from services to their lords: But having
experienced that this had occasioned the most dangerous commotions in
the country, he very wisely commanded before his departure that the
execution of this new order should be suspended. The judges however, saw
this matter in a different light, and circulated their commands over the
whole kingdom to enforce this new royal order; which gave occasion to
the mutinous and disorderly behaviour of the soldiery, who were
encouraged in their rebellious disposition by many persons of
consideration, the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, who
considered themselves aggrieved.


SECTION II.

_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza._


About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, was
appointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima, where he was received
with great demonstration of joy and respect. He was accompanied on this
occasion by his son, Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general of the
galleys in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, and had
greatly impaired his health by long abstinence and frequent acts of
penance; insomuch that his natural heat began to fail, and he was
obliged to use violent exercise to keep him warm, even in the hot
climate of Lima. In consequence of his want of health, he deputed his
son Don Francisco to make a progress through all the cities of the
kingdom, from Lima to Las Charcas and Potosi, to bring him back a
faithful representation of the state and condition of the kingdom and
its mines, to be laid before his majesty; and, after his return to Lima,
Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552, to communicate an account of
the whole kingdom to the emperor.

About four years before the appointment of the marshal Alonzo de
Alvarado to the mayoralty and government of Cuzco, a party of two
hundred soldiers marched from Potosi towards the province of Tucuman;
most of whom, contrary to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carry
their baggage. On this occasion, the licentiate Esquival, who was
governor of Potosi, seized upon one Aguira, who had two Indians to
carry his baggage; and some days afterwards sentenced him to receive two
hundred lashes, as he had no money to redeem himself from corporal
punishment. After this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along with
the rest for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shame
which he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the period of
Esquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had determined upon
assassinating him in revenge for the affront he had suffered. Upon which
Esquival endeavoured to avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance,
but all to no purpose, as Aguira followed him wherever he went, for
above three years, always travelling on foot without shoes or stockings,
saying, "That it did not become a whipped rascal to ride on horseback,
or to appear in the company of men of honour." At length Esquival took
up his residence in Cuzco, believing that Aguira would not dare to
attempt anything against him in that place, considering that the
governor was an impartial and inflexible judge: Yet he took every
precaution for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and going
always armed with a sword and dagger, though a man of the law. At length
Aguira went one day at noon-day to the house of Esquival, whom he found
asleep, and completed his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with his
dagger. Aguira was concealed for forty day in a hog-stye by two young
gentlemen; and after the hue and cry was over on account of the murder,
they shaved his head and beard, and blackened his skin like a negro, by
means of a wild fruit called _Vitoc_ by the Indians, clothing him in a
poor habit, and got him away from the city and province of Cuzco in that
disguise. This deed of revenge was greatly praised by the soldiers, who
said, if there were many Aguiras in the world, the officers of justice
would not be so insolent and arbitrary in their proceedings.

During a long sickness of the viceroy, in consequence of which the
government of the country devolved upon the judges of the royal
audience, they proclaimed in all the cities of Peru that the personal
services of the Indians should be discontinued, pursuant to the royal
orders, under severe penalties. This occasioned new seditions and
mutinies among the Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Lois
de Vargas, a principal promoter of the disturbances was condemned and
executed; but as many principal persons of the country were found to be
implicated, the judges thought fit to proceed no farther in the
examinations and processes. Even Pedro de Hinojosa was suspected of
being concerned in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to say
to some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las Charcas
he would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of power. Though these
words had no seditious tendency, the soldiers who were desirous of
rebellion were willing to interpret them according to their own evil
inclinations. On these slight grounds, and because it was known that
Hinojosa was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of Las
Charcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able went to that
country, and wrote to their comrades in various parts of the kingdom to
come there also. Some even of the better sort, among whom were Don
Sebastian de Castilla, son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or six
others of rank and quality went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-paths
out of the common road to prevent them from being pursued by the
governor of that city. They were induced to this step by Vasco Godinez a
ringleader among the malcontents, who informed Don Sebastian by a letter
in cyphers that Hinojosa had promised to become their general.

During these indications of tumult and rebellion, the viceroy Don
Antonio de Mendoza died, to the great grief and detriment of the
kingdom. On his death, the entire government of the kingdom of Peru
devolved on the judges of the royal audience, who appointed Gil Ramirez
de Avalos, who had been one of the gentlemen of the household to the
viceroy, governor of the city of Lima; and the marshal was sent to
command in the new city of La Paz, in which neighbourhood his lands and
Indians were situated.


SECTION III.

_Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the
Viceroy Mendoza._.


At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discontented persons of
Peru, flocked to Las Charcas, Potosi, and that neighbourhood,
endeavouring to procure employment about the rich mines of that
district. Disputes continually arose between the soldiers and principal
inhabitants and merchants, and duels were fought almost daily. In some
of these duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards,
while in others they were dressed in crimson taffety waistcoats, that
they might not see their own blood. I shall only mention the particulars
of one of these duels, between two famous soldiers, Pero Nunnez, and
Balthazar Perez, with the former of whom I was acquainted in 1563 at
Madrid, who was then so much disabled in both arms by the wounds he
received in that duel, that he could scarcely use his hands to feed
himself.

They fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that had happened
a few days before, in which they were seconds. Balthazar Perez had Egas
de Guzman for his second, one of the greatest hectors and bullies of the
time; and Hernan Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez to take him for his
second, that he might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who had
defamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood that
Mexia was the person who was to be opposed to him, he sent a message to
Pero Nunnez saying, as the principals were gentlemen of family, he ought
not to debase himself by having a man for his second whose mother was a
_Morisca_ and sold broiled sardinas in the market of Seville. Pero
Nunnez, knowing this to be true, endeavoured to get Mexia to release his
promise, but could not prevail. They accordingly went out to fight in a
field at some distance from Potosi. At the first rencounter of the
principals, Pero Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, and
closing upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust into his
eyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but did not stab him
with his dagger. In the mean time the seconds were engaged in another
part of the field. Mexia was afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him to
have great bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superior
agility, leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough to
wound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting, Guzman darted
his sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously to avoid it, gave an
opportunity to Guzman to close with him, and to give him a wound with
his dagger in the skull, two fingers deep, where the point of the
dagger broke off; Mexia became frantic with his wound, and ran about the
field like a madman; and came up to where the two principals were
struggling on the ground, where, not minding whom he struck, he gave his
own principal a slash with his sword, and ran wildly away. Guzman came
hastily up to the rescue of his own principal, when he heard Nunnez say
that he had been wounded by his own second, and was still continuing to
pummel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then Guzman,
after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such a rascal to the field
as his second, attacked Nunnez with his sword, who defended himself as
he best could with his arms, till he was left all hacked and hewed on
the field, streaming with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped up
his companion, and taking all the four swords under his arm, took Perez
on his back who was unable to stand, and carried him to an hospital
where he desired them to bury him, after which he took sanctuary in a
church. Nunnez was likewise taken to the hospital, where he recovered of
his wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead, as the point of
the dagger could not be extracted from his skull.

When Pedro de Hinojosa took possession of his government of Las Charcas
in place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a great number of soldiers in the
country, who were exceedingly troublesome, as there were neither
sufficient quarters nor provisions for so many; on which he took
occasion to reprove Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, alleging that
their quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither, for which reason they
ought to provide for them, and not allow them to die of famine. So great
was the confusion and disturbance, that many of the principal
inhabitants retired from the city to their estates in the country, to
avoid the violence of the soldiers, who were now come to such a pitch of
insolence, that they held public meetings, openly avowed their cabals
and plots, and upbraided Hinojosa with his breach of promise, alleging
that he had engaged to be their general when he should arrive in Las
Charcas. They even declared themselves ready for an insurrection,
offering to put themselves under his command. Hinojosa endeavoured to
amuse them with hopes, by telling them he expected very soon to receive
a commission from the judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war,
which would give them an opportunity to rise in arms. Although he had
formerly let fall some dubious expressions at Lima, which the soldiers
were disposed to consider as promises of support, he was far from any
intention of complying with their turbulent and rebellions humours.
Being now in possession of his government, with an estate in lands and
Indians worth two hundred thousand dollars a-year, he was desirous to
enjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these riches by
a new rebellion, which he had gained in the former at the loss of
Gonzalo Pizarro.

Disappointed in their expectations from Hinojosa, the soldiers consulted
how to manage their intended rebellion under another leader, and agreed
to kill Hinojosa and to elect Don Sebastian de Castilla as their
commander-in-chief; and their design was carried on with so little
regard to secrecy that it soon became publickly known in the city of La
Plata. Several persons of consideration therefore, who were interested
in the peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hinojosa,
advising him to take precautions for his security, and to banish these
people from his government. One Hondegardo a lawyer was particularly
urgent on this occasion; and offered, if Hinojosa would appoint him his
deputy for one month, that he would secure both him and the city from
the threatened danger of insurrection; but Hinojosa had so much
confidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his vast
wealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that he did not see
with his own eyes, and neglected all their warnings. Being unable to
persuade the governor to listen to him, and as the soldiers still
proceeded in their rebellious designs, and threw out many threatenings
against the governor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of the
Franciscan convent to intimate to the governor that he had received
communications respecting these proposed schemes of the soldiers in
confession, and to urge him to make judicial examinations into the
affair and to punish the offenders; yet even this made little impression
on Hinojosa. Notwithstanding these and other intimations of the plot,
Hinojosa obstinately refused to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardo
and others, proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to make
the soldiers tremble before him.

Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at length to the
determination of putting the governor Hinojosa to death, and rising in a
general insurrection. The principal ringleaders in this conspiracy were
Don Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, Balthazar
Velasquez, and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note,
most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata. Having arranged
their plan of operations, Don Sebastian and seven chosen accomplices
went one morning to the residence of the governor, as soon as his gate
was opened, to execute their vile purpose. The first person they met on
entering the house was Alonzo de Castro, the deputy-governor, who
questioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous appearance, as
they seemed extremely agitated. They immediately put De Castro to death.
Then forcing their way into the apartment of Hinojosa, they were
astonished to find him gone: But after some search he was found in a
retired corner, and dispatched.

After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out to the
market-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the tyrant is dead!
the common watchword in all the rebellions in Peru. Having collected all
their associates, they seized on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the person
employed by the late president Gasca to carry his letters to Gonzalo
Pizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthy
citizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de Menezes, and
Hondegardo the lawyer, against whom they were particularly incensed,
made their escape. After this, they made proclamation by beat of drum,
for all citizens and other inhabitants of La Plata, to repair
immediately to the market-place and enrol themselves under their
standard; on which Rodrigo de Ordlana, though then sheriff of the city,
and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two persons, came
forwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in case of refusal. Don
Sebastian was elected captain-general and chief-justice, and some days
afterwards he got himself appointed mayor of the city: Gomez Hernandez a
lawyer was appointed recorder; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de
Vega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte serjeant-major, Pedro de
Castillo captain of artillery, Alvar Perez Payaz commissary-general,
Diego Perez high sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy.
Rodrigo de Orellana, and many of the citizens, who now joined the
rebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they refused or
even hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts.

Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was sent in
various directions of the insurrection, and great numbers of
malcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to join the rebels. Among
these was Basco Godinez, who had been a chief instigator of the
conspiracy, and who seems to have promoted or permitted the elevation of
Don Sebastian to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as an
instrument of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failure
at the commencement: For, in a very few days, Don Sebastion was put to
death by Godinez and a few confidential associates; and they immediately
proclaimed their bloody exploit to the rest of the insurgents, by
exclaiming God save the king! the tyrant is slain! He even carried his
dissimulation to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to try
those who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering his own
treasonable conduct, and to make himself and his abettors appear as
loyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa took place on the 6th of March
1553, and the subsequent slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh of
the same month, only five days after.

Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Ortiz de Zarate
and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison, pretending that their great
purpose in taking arms was to procure their liberty, to deliver the city
from the rebels and traitors who would have ruined it, and to evince
their loyalty to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate,
Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only citizens then
remaining in La Plata, whom he desired to elect him captain-general of
the province, and to grant him the vacant lands and Indians which had
belonged to Hinojosa to enable him to maintain the dignity of that
office. Not daring to refuse any thing in the present situation of
affairs, they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed lord
chief-justice, governor, and captain-general of the province, and
successor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich mines, producing two
hundred thousand dollars of yearly revenue. After this, Gomez Hernandez
the lawyer was appointed lieutenant-general of the army; and Juan Ortiz
and Pedro de Castillo were made captains of foot: pretending on this
occasion to communicate a share in the administration of government to
the citizens, which they were constrained to accept. Balthazar
Velasquez, one of the conspirators, was appointed major-general. Next
day Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and Diego
Velasquez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that had
been sent in search of them by Don Sebastian; and were immediately
enjoined to concur with the other citizens in confirming the appointment
of Godinez.

When intelligence of the insurrection of the soldiers in La Plata
arrived at Cuzco, the citizens put themselves into a posture of defence
against the enemy; and, with the consent of the Cabildo, Diego
Maldonado, commonly called the rich, was elected governor and
captain-general. Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan de Saavedra were made
captains of horse; and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antonio de
Quinnones, and another whose name I have forgot, were made captains of
foot. So diligently did these officers apply themselves to raise men,
that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda marched into the city accompanied
by three hundred soldiers well armed and appointed. Three days
afterwards news came of the death of Don Sebastian, by which they
flattered themselves that the war was ended for the present.

By the end of March intelligence was brought to the judges at Lima of
the rebellion of Don Sebastian and the murder of Hinojosa: Six days
afterwards, news came that Egas de Guzman had revolted at Potosi; and in
four days more advices were brought of the destruction of both these
rebels; on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose to
inquire into the origin of these commotions and to bring the ringleaders
to condign punishment, the judges immediately appointed Alonzo de
Alvarado chief-justice of Las Charcas, giving him the assistance of Juan
Fernandez the kings attorney-general, for proceeding against the
delinquents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated governor and
captain-general of Las Charcas and all the neighbouring provinces, with
full power to levy soldiers, and to defray their pay and equipment and
all the necessary expences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinez
was soon afterwards arrested and thrown into prison at La Plata under a
strong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the new governor, began the
exercise of his authority in the city of La Paz, where he tried a number
of rebel soldiers who had concealed themselves on the borders of the
lake of Titicaca, whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro de
Encisco. Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished, and
others condemned to the gallies. Alvarado went next to the city of
Potosi, where many of the followers of Egas de Guzman had been committed
to prison, all of whom were treated according to their deserts like
those at La Paz. Among the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez de
Peragua, a knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken part
in the rebellion of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order to which he
belonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands and Indians, and sent him
a prisoner to be disposed of by the grand master of the order at Malta.
It would be tedious to relate the names and numbers of those who were
tried, hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this occasion:
But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of November of the same year,
the court sat daily, and every day four, five, or six were tried and
condemned, who were all punished according to their sentences next day.
The unthinking people styled Alvarado a Nero, who could thus condemn so
many of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with the attorney-general
in vain and light discourses, as if those whom he condemned had been so
many capons or turkies to be served up at his table. In the month of
October, Basco Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinous
offences, and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop was
put to farther proceedings about the end of November, by the news of
another rebellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, as shall be
related in the sequel.

"The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebellion openly and loudly in
the streets, as I heard and saw myself: For the eve before the festival
of the most holy sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see how
the two marketplaces of the city were adorned; for at that time the
procession passed through no other streets but those, though since that
time, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as before. Being
then at the corner of the great chapel of our lady of the _Merceds_,
about an hour or two before day, I saw a comet dart from the east side
of the city towards the mountains of the _Antis_, so great and clear
that it enlightened all places round with more splendor than a full moon
at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular,
and its dimensions as big as a large tower; and coming near the ground,
it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompanied
with a thunder so loud and near as struck many deaf with the clap, and
ran from east to west; which when the Indians heard and saw, they all
cried out with one voice, _Auca, Auca, Auca_, which signifies in their
language, _tyrant, traitor, rebel_[44], and every thing that may be
attributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened on the
nineteenth of June 1553, when the feast of our Lord was celebrated; and
this prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the
13th of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began
a rebellion, which we shall now relate[45]."

[Footnote 44: In the language of Chili at least, _Auca_ signifies
_free_, or a _freeman_; it is possible however that in an absolute
government, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singular
stretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant.--E.]

[Footnote 45: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a
short specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents
of his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of one
of these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet in
the text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from the
moon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of iron
alloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on the
ridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by Garcilasso
Inca.--E.]


SECTION IV.

_Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the Marquis
de Cannete._


On the 13th of November 1553, a splendid wedding was celebrated at
Cuzco, between Alonzo de Loyasa, one of the richest inhabitants of the
city, and Donna Maria de Castilla, at which all the citizens and their
wives attended in their best apparel. After dinner an entertainment was
made in the street, in which horsemen threw balls of clay at each other,
which I saw from the top of a wall opposite the house of Alonzo de
Loyasa; and I remember to have seen Francisco Hernandez Giron sitting on
a chair in the hall, with his arms folded on his breast and his eyes
cast down, the very picture of melancholy, being then probably
contemplating the transactions in which he was to engage that night. In
the evening, when the sports were over, the company sat down to supper
in a lower hall, where at the least sixty gentlemen were at table, the
ladies being by themselves in an inner room, and from a small
court-yard between these apartments, the dishes were served to both
tables. Don Balthazar de Castillo, uncle to the bride, acted as usher of
the hall at this entertainment. I came to the house towards the end of
supper, to attend my father and stepmother home at night. I went to the
upper end of the hall, where the governor sat, who was pleased to make
me sit down on the chair beside him, and reached me some comfits and
sweet drink, with which boys are best pleased, I being then fourteen
years of age.

At this instant some once knocked at the door, saying that Francisco
Hernandez Giron was there; on which Don Balthazar de Castillo, who was
near the door ordered the door to be opened. Giron immediately rushed
in, having a drawn sword in his right hand, and a buckler on his left
arm; accompanied by a companion on each side armed with partizans. The
guests rose in great terror at this unexpected interruption, and Giron
addressed them in these words: "Gentlemen be not afraid, nor stir from
your places, as we are all engaged in the present enterprize." The
governor, Gil Ramirez, immediately retired into the apartment of the
ladies, by a door on the left hand. Another door led from the hall to
the kitchen and other offices; and by these two doors a considerable
number of the guests made their escape. Juan Alonzo Palomino, who was
obnoxious to Giron for having opposed him in a late mutiny, was slain by
Diego de Alvarado the lawyer. Juan de Morales, a rich merchant and very
honest man, was slain while endeavouring to put out the candles. My
father and a number of others, to the number in all of thirty-six, made
their escape by means of a ladder from the court-yard of Loyasa into
that of the adjoining house, in which I accompanied them, but the
governor could not be persuaded to follow them, and was made prisoner by
the rebels. My father and all the companions of his flight agreed to
leave the town that night, and endeavour to escape to Lima.

Having assembled about an hundred and fifty soldiers, Giron assumed the
office of commander-in-chief of the _army of liberty_, appointing Diego
de Alvarado the lawyer his lieutenant-general; Thomas Vasquez, Francisco
Nunnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda captains of horse; the two last of whom
accepted more from fear than affection. Juan de Pedrahita, Nuno
Mendiola, and Diego Gavilan were made captains of foot; Albertos de
Ordunna standard-bearer, and Antonio Carillo serjeant-major; all of whom
were ordered to raise soldiers to complete their companies with every
possible expedition. It being reported through the country that the
whole citizens of Cuzco had concurred in this rebellion, the cities of
Guamanga and Arequipa sent deputies to Cuzco, desiring to be admitted
into the league, that they might jointly represent to his majesty the
burdensome and oppressive nature of the ordinances imposed by the judges
in relation to the services of the Indians. But when the citizens of
Guamanga and Arequipa became rightly informed that this rebellion,
instead of being the act of the Cabildo and all the inhabitants, had
been brought about by the contrivance of a single individual, they
changed their resolutions, and prepared to serve his majesty. About this
time, the arch rebel Giron caused the deposed governor, Gil Ramirez, to
betaken from prison and escorted forty leagues on his way towards
Arequipa, and then set free.

Fifteen days after the commencement of the rebellion, finding himself at
the head of a considerable force, he summoned a meeting of all the
citizens remaining in Cuzco, at which there appeared twenty-five
citizens who were lords of Indians, only three of whom were intitled
from office to sit in that assembly. By this meeting, Giron caused
himself to be elected procurator, captain-general, and chief-justice of
Peru, with full power to govern and protect the whole kingdom both in
war and peace. When news of this rebellion was brought to Lima by
Hernando Chacon, who was foster-brother to Giron, the judges would not
credit the intelligence, believing it only a false report, to try how
the people stood affected to the cause, and therefore ordered Chacon to
be imprisoned; but learning the truth soon afterwards, he was set at
liberty, and the judges began seriously to provide for suppressing the
rebellion, appointing officers and commanders to raise forces for that
purpose. They accordingly sent a commission to Alonzo de Alvarado, then
at La Plata, constituting him captain-general of the royal army against
Giron, with unlimited power to use the public treasure, and to borrow
money for the service of the war in case the exchequer should fail to
supply sufficient for the purpose. Alvarado accordingly appointed such
officers as he thought proper to serve under him, and gave orders to
raise men, and to provide arms and ammunition for the war.

Besides the army which they authorized Alvarado to raise and command in
Las Charcas, the judges thought it necessary to raise another army at
Lima, of which Santillan, one of themselves and the archbishop of Lima
were appointed conjunct generals. Orders were likewise transmitted to
all the cities, commanding all loyal subjects to take up arms in the
service of his majesty, and a general pardon was proclaimed to all who
had been engaged in the late rebellions, under Gonzalo Pizarro, Don
Sebastian de Castilla, and others, provided they joined the royal army
within a certain given time. They likewise suspended the execution of
the decrees for freeing the Indians from personal services, during two
years, and repealed several other regulations which had given great and
general offence to the soldiers and inhabitants, and had been the cause
of all the commotions and rebellions which distracted the kingdom for so
long a time.

While these measures were carrying on against him, Hernandez, Giron was
not negligent of his own concerns. He sent off officers with detachments
of troops to Arequipa and Guamanga, to induce the inhabitants of these
cities to join him, and requiring them by solemn acts of their cabildos
to confirm and acknowledge him in the offices he had usurped. He caused
the cabildo of Cuzco to write letters to the other cities of Peru to
concur in his elevation and to give assistance in the cause, and wrote
many letters himself to various individuals in Las Charcas and other
places, soliciting them to join him. Having collected an army of above
four hundred men, besides the detachments sent to Guamanga and Arequipa,
he resolved to march for Lima, to give battle to the army of the judges,
as he called it, pretending that his own was the royal army, and that he
acted in the service of his majesty. At the first he was undetermined,
whether it might not be better to march previously against Alvarado,
whose party he considered to be the weakest, owing to the great and
cruel severity which that officer had exerted against the adherents of
the late rebellions: And many judicious persons are of opinion that he
would have succeeded better if he had first attacked the marshal, as in
all probability he would have got possession of these provinces, and his
men would not have deserted from him to a person so universally disliked
for his cruelty, as they afterwards did when they marched towards Lima.
He accordingly marched from Cuzco and crossed the river Apurimac;
immediately after which Juan Vera de Mendoza and five others deserted
from him, re-crossed the bridge, which they burnt to prevent pursuit,
and returned to Cuzco, where they persuaded about forty of the
inhabitants to set out for Las Charcas to join the marshal Alvarado.

At this time Sancho Duarte who was governor of the city of La Paz,
raised above two hundred men in the service of his majesty, which he
divided into two companies, one of horse and the other of foot. Giving
the command of his infantry to Martin d'Olmos, he took the command of
the horse himself, and assumed the title of general. With this force he
set out for Cuzco, intending to march against Giron, but not to join the
marshal Alvarado that he might not submit to his superior command. On
his arrival at the bridge over the Rio Desaguadero, he learnt that Giron
had left Cuzco to attack Lima, and proposed to have continued his march
for Cuzco remaining independent of the marshal. But, in consequence of
peremptory commands from Alvarado as captain-general, who highly
disapproved of so many small armies acting separately, he returned to
his own province.

Pursuing his march for Lima, Hernandez Giron learnt at Andahuaylas that
the citizens of Guamanga had declared for his majesty, at which
circumstance he was much disappointed. He proceeded however to the river
Villca[46], where his scouts and those of the royal army encountered. He
proceeded however to the city of Guamanga, whence he sent orders to
Thomas Vasquez to rejoin him from Arequipa. Although the inhabitants of
that place, as formerly mentioned, had written to those of Cuzco
offering to unite in the insurrection, supposing it the general sense of
the principal people; they were now ashamed of their conduct, when they
found the rebellion only proceeded from a few desperate men, and
declared for the king; so that Vasquez was obliged to return without
success. Being now at the head of above seven hundred men, though
disappointed in his expectations of being joined by the citizens of
Guamanga and Arequipa, Hernandez Giron pursued his march for the valley
of Jauja; during which march Salvador de Lozana, one of his officers,
who was detached with forty men to scour the country, was made prisoner
along with all his party by a detachment from the army of the judges.

[Footnote 46: The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runs
through the province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga.--E.]

Notwithstanding this unforseen misfortune, Giron continued his march to
the valley of Pachacamac, only four leagues from Lima, where it was
resolved in a council of war to endeavour to surprise the camp of the
royalists near the capital. Intelligence of this was conveyed to the
judges, who put themselves in a posture of defence. Their army at this
time consisted of 300 cavalry, 600 musqueteers, and about 450 men armed
with pikes, or 1350 in all. It may be proper to remark in this place,
that, to secure the loyalty of the soldiers and inhabitants, the judges
had proclaimed a suspension of the obnoxious edicts by which the Indians
were exempted from personal services, and the Spaniards were forbidden
to make use of them to carry their baggage on journeys; and had agreed
to send two procurators or deputies to implore redress from his majesty
from these burdensome regulations.

Two days after the arrival of Giron in the valley of Pachacamac, a party
of his army went out to skirmish with the enemy, on which occasion Diego
de Selva and four others of considerable reputation deserted to the
judges. For several days afterwards his men continued to abandon him at
every opportunity, twenty or thirty of them going over at a time to the
royal army. Afraid that the greater part of his army might follow this
example, Hernandez Giron found it necessary to retreat from the low
country and to return to Cuzco, which he did in such haste that his
soldiers left all their heavy baggage that they might not be encumbered
in their march. On this alteration of affairs, the judges gave orders to
Paulo de Meneses to pursue the rebels with six hundred select men; but
the generals of the royal army would not allow of more than a hundred
being detached on this service. During his retreat, Giron, finding
himself not pursued by the royalists with any energy, marched with
deliberation, but so many of his men left him that by the time he
reached the valley of Chincha his force was reduced to about 500 men.
Paulo de Meneses, having been reinforced, proposed to follow and harass
the retreating rebels; but not having accurate intelligence, nor keeping
sufficient guard, was surprised and defeated by Giron with some
considerable loss, and obliged to retreat in great disorder. Yet Giron
was under the necessity to discontinue the pursuit, as many of his men
deserted to the royalists.

Sensible of the detriment suffered by the royal interests in consequence
of the disagreement between the present generals, Judge Santillan and
Archbishop Loyasa, to which the defeat of Meneses was obviously owing,
these very unfit persons for military command were displaced, and Paulo
de Meneses was invested in the office of commander-in-chief, with Pedro
de Puertocarrero as his lieutenant-general. This new appointment
occasioned great discontent in the army, that a person who had lost a
battle, and rather merited ignominy and punishment for his misconduct,
should be raised to the chief command. The appointment was however
persisted in, and it was resolved to pursue the enemy with 800 men
without baggage.

Hernandez Giron, who retreated by way of the plain towards Arequipa, had
reached the valley of Nasca, about sixty leagues to the southwards of
Lima, before the confusion and disputes in the royal camp admitted of
proper measures being taken for pursuit. At this time, the judges gave
permission to a sergeant in the royal army, who had formerly been in the
conspiracy of Diego de Royas, to go into the enemys camp disguised as an
Indian, under pretence of bringing them exact information of the state
of affairs. But this man went immediately to Hernandez, whom he informed
of the quarrels among the officers and the discontents in the royal
army. He likewise informed him that the city of San Miguel de Piura had
rebelled, and that one Pedro de Orosna was coming from the new kingdom
of Grenada with a strong party to join the rebels in Peru. But to
qualify this favourable news for the rebels, Giron received notice at
the same time that the marshal Alvarado was coming against him from Las
Charcas with a force of twelve hundred men. About this time, on purpose
to reinforce his army, Giron raised a company of an hundred and fifty
negroes, which he afterwards augmented to 450, regularly divided into
companies, to which he appointed captains, and allowed them to elect
their own ensigns, sergeants, and corporals, and to make their own
colours.

In the mean time, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, employed himself
diligently in Las Charcas to raise men for the royal service, and to
provide arms, ammunition, provisions, horses, and mules, and every thing
necessary for taking the field. He appointed Don Martin de Almendras,
who had married his sister, lieutenant-general, Diego de Porras
standard-bearer, and Diego de Villavicennio major-general. Pera
Hernandez Paniagua, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Gabriel de Guzman,
were captains of horse. The licentiate Polo, Diego de Almendras, Martin
de Alarzon, Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Ramon, and Juan de
Arreynaga, were captains of foot; Gomez Hernandez the lawyer, military
alguazil or judge-advocate, and Juan Riba Martin commissary-general. His
force amounted to 750 excellent soldiers, all well armed and richly
clothed, with numerous attendants, such as had never been seen before in
Peru. I saw them myself a few days after their arrival in Cuzco, when
they made a most gallant appearance. While on his march to Cuzco from
La Plata, Alvarado was joined by several parties of ten and twenty
together, who came to join him in the service of his majesty. On his way
to Arequipa he was joined by about forty more; and after passing that
place, Sancho Duarte and Martin d'Olmos joined him from La Paz with more
than two hundred good soldiers. Besides these, while in the province of
Cuzco, he was joined by Juan de Saavedra with a squadron of eighty five
men of the principal interest and fortune in the country. On entering
Cuzco, Alvarado was above 1200 strong; having 300 horse, 350
musqueteers, and about 530 armed with pikes and halberts. Not knowing
what was become of Giron, Alvarado issued orders to repair the bridges
over the Apurimac and Abancay, intending to pass that way in quest of
the rebels. But receiving intelligence from the judges, of the defeat of
Meneses, and that the rebels were encamped in the valley of Nasca, he
ordered the bridges to be destroyed, and marched by the nearest way for
Nasca, by way of Parinacocha, in which route he had to cross a rocky
desert of sixty leagues.

In this march four of the soldiers deserted and went over to Hernandez
Giron at Nasca, to whom they gave an account of the great force with
which Alvarado was marching against him, but reported in public that the
royalists were inconsiderable in number. Giron, however, chose to let
his soldiers know the truth, and addressed his army as follows.
"Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive yourselves: There are a thousand
men coming against you from Lima, and twelve hundred from the mountains.
But, with the help of God, if you stand firm, I have no doubt of
defeating them all." Leaving Nasca, Giron marched by way of Lucanas, by
the mountain road, intending to take post on the lake of Parinacocha
before Alvarado might be able to reach that place. He accordingly left
Nasca on the 8th of May[47] for this purpose.

[Footnote 47: Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, it
probably was in 1554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in the
November immediately preceding.--E.]

In the mean time pursuing his march, Alvarado and his army entered upon
the desert of _Parihuanacocha_, where above sixty of his best horses
died, in consequence of the bad and craggy roads, the unhealthiness of
the climate, and continued tempestuous weather, though led by hand and
well covered with clothes. When the two armies approached each other,
Alvarado sent a detachment of an hundred and fifty select musqueteers
to attack the camp of Giron, and marched forwards with the main body of
his army to support that detachment. An engagement accordingly took
place in rough and strong ground, encumbered with trees brushwood and
rocks, in which the royalists could make no impression on the rebels,
and were obliged to retire with the loss of forty of their best men
killed or wounded. In the following night, Juan de Piedrahita
endeavoured ineffectually to retaliate, by assailing the camp of
Alvarado, and was obliged to retreat at daybreak. Receiving notice from
a deserter that the rebel army consisted only of about four hundred men,
in want of provisions, and most of them inclined to revolt from Giron
and return to their duty, Alvarado determined upon giving battle,
contrary to the opinion and earnest advice of all his principal officers
and followers. But so strong was the position of the enemy, and the
approaches so extremely difficult, that the royal army fell into
confusion in the attack, and were easily defeated with considerable
loss, and fled in all directions, many of them being slain by the
Indians during their dispersed flight.

On receiving the afflicting news of this defeat, the judges ordered the
army which they had drawn together at Lima to march by way of Guamanga
against the rebels. In the mean time Giron remained for forty days in
his camp at Chuquinca, where the battle was fought, taking care of his
wounded men and of the wounded royalists, many of whom now joined his
party. He sent off however his lieutenant-general towards Cuzco in
pursuit of the royalists who had fled in that direction, and ordered his
sergeant-major to go to La Plaz, Chucuito, Potosi, and La Plata, to
collect men arms and horses for the farther prosecution of the war. At
length Giron marched into the province of Andahuaylas, which he laid
waste without mercy, whence he went towards Cuzco on receiving
intelligence that the army of the judges had passed the rivers Abancay
and Apurimac on their way to attack him. He immediately marched by the
valley of Yucay to within a league of Cuzco, not being sufficiently
strong to resist the royalists; but turned off from that city at the
persuasion of certain astrologers and prognosticators, who declared that
his entrance there would prove his ruin, as had already happened to many
other captains, both Spaniards and Indians.

The army of the judges marched on from Guamanga to Cuzco unopposed by
the rebels, their chief difficulty being in the passages of the great
rivers, and the transport of eleven pieces of artillery, which were
carried on the shoulders of Indians, of whom ten thousand were required
for that service only. Each piece of ordinance was fastened on a beam of
wood forty feet long, under which twenty cross bars were fixed, each
about three feet long, and to every bar were two Indians, one on each
side, who carried this load on their shoulders, on pads or cushions, and
were relieved by a fresh set every two hundred paces. After halting five
days in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, to refresh the army from the
fatigues of the march, and to procure provisions and other necessaries,
the royal army set out in pursuit of the rebels to Pucara[48], where the
rebels had intrenched themselves in a very strong situation, environed
on every side with such steep and rugged mountains as could not be
passed without extreme difficulty, more like a wall than natural rocks.
The only entrance was exceedingly narrow and intricate, so that it could
easily be defended by a handful of men against an army; but the interior
of this post was wide and convenient, and sufficient for accommodating
the rebel army with all the cattle provisions and attendants with the
utmost ease. The rebels had abundance of provisions and ammunition,
having the whole country at their command since the victory of
Chuquinca; besides which their negro soldiers brought in provisions
daily from the surrounding country. The royal army encamped at no great
distance in an open plain, fortifying the camp with an intrenchment
breast-high all round, which was soon executed by means of the great
numbers of Indians who attended to carry the baggage and artillery.
Giron established a battery of cannon on the top of a rising ground so
near the royal camp that the balls were able to reach considerably
beyond the intrenchment: "Yet by the mysterious direction of Providence,
the rebel cannon, having been cast from the consecrated metal of bells
dedicated to the service of God, did no harm to man or beast."

[Footnote 48: Pucara is in the province of Lampa, near the north-western
extremity of the great lake Titicaca.--E.]

After a considerable delay, during which daily skirmishes passed between
the adverse parties, Giron resolved to make a night attack upon the camp
of the royalists, confiding in the prediction of some wise old woman,
that he was to gain the victory at that place. For this purpose he
marched out from his natural fortress at the head of eight hundred foot,
six hundred of whom were musqueteers, and the rest pikemen, with only
about thirty horse. His negro soldiers, who were about two hundred and
fifty in number, joined with about seventy Spaniards, were ordered to
assail the front of the royal camp, while Giron with the main body was
to attack the rear. Fortunately the judges had got notice of this
intended assault from two rebel deserters, so that the whole royal army
was drawn out in order of battle on the plain before the rebels got up
to the attack. The negro detachment arrived at the royal camp sometime
before Giron, and, finding no resistance, they broke in and killed a
great number of the Indian followers, and many horses and mules,
together with five or six Spanish soldiers who had deserted the ranks
and hidden themselves in the camp. On arriving at the camp, Giron fired
a whole volley into the fortifications without receiving any return; but
was astonished when the royal army began to play upon the flank of his
army from an unexpected quarter, with all their musquets and artillery.
Giron, being thus disappointed in his expectations of taking the enemy
by surprise, and finding their whole army drawn up to receive him, lost
heart and retreated back to his strong camp in the best order he could.
But on this occasion, two hundred of his men, who had formerly served
under Alvarado, and had been constrained to enter into his service after
the battle of Chuquinca, threw down their arms and revolted to the
royalists.

Giron made good his retreat, as the general of the royalists would not
permit any pursuit during the darkness of the night. In this affair,
five or six were killed on the side of the judges, and about thirty
wounded; while the rebels, besides the two hundred who revolted, had ten
men killed and about the same number wounded. On the third day after the
battle, Giron sent several detachments to skirmish with the enemy, in
hopes of provoking them to assail his strong camp; but the only
consequence of this was giving an opportunity to Thomas Vasquez and ten
or twelve more to go over to the royalists. Heart-broken and confounded
by these untoward events, and even dreading that his own officers had
conspired against his life, Giron fled away alone from the camp on
horseback during the night after the desertion of Vasquez. On the
appearance of day he found himself still near his own camp, whence he
desperately adventured to make his escape over a mountain covered with
snow, where he was nearly swallowed up, but at last got through by the
goodness of his horse. Next morning, the lieutenant-general of the
rebels, with about an hundred of the most guilty, went off in search of
their late general; but several others of the leading rebels went over
to the judges and claimed their pardons, which were granted under the
great seal.

Next day, Paulo de Meneses, with a select detachment, went in pursuit of
Diego de Alvarado, the rebel lieutenant-general, who was accompanied by
about an hundred Spaniards and twenty negroes; and came up with them in
eight or nine days, when they all surrendered without resistance. The
general immediately ordered Juan Henriquez de Orellana, one of the
prisoners, who had been executioner in the service of the rebels, to
hang and behead Diego de Alvarado and ten or twelve of the principal
chiefs, after which he ordered Orellana to be strangled by two negroes.

"I cannot omit one story to shew the impudence of the rebel soldiers,
which occurred at this time. The very next day after the flight of
Francisco Hernandez Giron, as my father Garcilasso de la Vega was at
dinner with eighteen or twenty soldiers, it being the custom in time of
war for all men of estates to be hospitable in this manner according to
their abilities; he observed among his guests a soldier who had been
with Giron from the beginning of this rebellion. This man was by trade a
blacksmith, yet crowded to the table with as much freedom and boldness
as if he had been a loyal gentleman, and was as richly clothed as the
most gallant soldier of either army. Seeing him sit down with much
confidence, my father told him to eat his dinner and welcome, but to
come no more to his table; as a person who would have cut off his head
yesterday for a reward from the general of the rebels, was not fit
company for himself or those gentlemen, his friends and wellwishers, and
loyal subjects of his majesty. Abashed by this address, the poor
blacksmith rose and departed without his dinner, leaving subject of
discourse to the guests, who admired at his impudence."

After his flight, Hernandez Giron was rejoined by a considerable number
of his dispersed soldiers, and took the road towards Lima, in hopes of
gaining possession of that place in the absence of the judges. He was
pursued by various detachments, one of which came up with him in a
strong position on a mountain; where all his followers, though more
numerous than their pursuers, surrendered at discretion, and the arch
rebel was made prisoner and carried to Lima, where he was capitally
punished, and his head affixed to the gallows beside those of Gonzalo
Pizarro and Francisco de Carvajal. This rebellion subsisted from the
13th of November 1553, reckoning the day on which Giron was executed,
thirteen months and some days; so that he received his well-merited
punishment towards the end of December 1554.


SECTION V.

_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete._


Immediately after learning the death of Don Antonio de Mendoza, his
imperial majesty, who was then in Germany, nominated the Conde de Palma
to succeed to the viceroyalty of Peru: But both he and the Conde de
Olivares declined to accept. At length Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza,
Marquis of Cannete, was appointed to the office. Having received his
instructions, he departed for Peru and arrived at Nombre de Dios, where
he resided for some time for the purpose of suppressing a band of
fugitive negroes, called _Cimarrones_ who lived in the mountains, and
robbed and pillaged the merchants and others on the road between Nombre
de Dios and Panama. Finding themselves hard pressed by a military force
sent against them under the command of Pedro de Orsua, the negroes at
length submitted to articles of accommodation, retaining their freedom,
and engaging to catch and deliver up all negroes that should in future
desert from their masters. They likewise agreed to live peaceably and
quietly within a certain district, and were allowed to have free trade
with the Spanish towns.

Having settled all things properly in the Tierra Firma, the viceroy set
sail from Panama and landed at Payta on the northern confines of Peru,
whence he went by land to Lima, where he was received in great pomp in
the month of July 1557. Soon after the instalment of the new viceroy,
he appointed officers and governors to the several cities and
jurisdictions of the kingdom; among whom Baptisto Munnoz a lawyer from
Spain was sent to supersede my father Garcilasso de la Vega in the
government of Cuzco. In a short time after taking possession of his
office, Munnoz apprehended Thomas Vasquez, Juan de Piedrahita and Alonzo
Diaz, who had been ringleaders in the late rebellion, and who were
privately strangled in prison, notwithstanding the pardons they had
received in due form from the royal chancery. Their plantations and
lordships over Indians were confiscated and bestowed on other persons.
No other processes were issued against any of the other persons who had
been engaged in the late rebellion. But Munnoz instituted a prosecution
against his predecessor in office, my father, on the four following
charges. 1st, For sporting after the Spanish manner with darts on
horseback, as unbecoming the gravity of his office. 2d, For going on
visits without the rod of justice in his hand, by which he gave occasion
to many to despise and contemn the character with which he was invested.
3d, For allowing cards and dice in his house during the Christmas
holidays, and even playing himself, contrary to the dignity becoming the
governor. 4th, For employing as his clerk one who was not a freeman of
the city, nor qualified according to the forms of law. Some charges
equally frivolous were made against Monjaraz, the deputy-governor, not
worth mentioning; but these processes were not insisted in, and no fines
or other punishment were inflicted.

Soon after the viceroy was settled in his government, he sent
Altamirano, judge in the court of chancery at Lima, to supersede Martin
de Robles in the government of the city of La Plata. De Robles was then
so old and bowed down with infirmities, that he was unable to have his
sword girt to his side, and had it carried after him by an Indian page;
yet Altamirano, almost immediately after taking possession of his
government, hanged Martin de Robles in the market-place, on some
pretended charge of having used certain words respecting the viceroy
that had a rebellious tendency. About the same time the viceroy
apprehended and deported to Spain about thirty-seven of those who had
most eminently distinguished their loyalty in suppressing the late
rebellion, chiefly because they solicited rewards for their services and
remuneration for the great expences they had been at during the war, and
refused to marry certain women who had been brought from Spain by the
viceroy as wives to the colonists, many of whom were known to be common
strumpets.

The next object which occupied the attention of the viceroy was to
endeavour to prevail upon Sayri Tupac, the nominal Inca or king of the
Peruvians, to quit the mountains in which he had taken refuge, and to
live among the Spaniards, under promise of a sufficient allowance to
maintain his family and equipage. Sayri Tupac was the son and heir of
Manco Capac, otherwise called Menco Saca, who had been killed by the
Spaniards after delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. After
a long negociation, the Inca Sayri Tupac came to Lima where he was
honourably received and entertained by the viceroy, who settled an
insignificant pension upon him according to promise. After remaining a
short time in Lima, the Inca was permitted by the viceroy to return to
Cuzco, where he took up his residence in the house of his aunt Donna
Beatrix Coya, which was directly behind my fathers dwelling, and where
he was visited by all the men and women of the royal blood of the Incas
who resided in Cuzco. The Inca was soon afterwards baptized along with
his wife, Cusi Huarcay, the niece of the former Inca Huascar. This took
place in the year 1558; and about three years afterwards he died,
leaving a daughter who was afterwards married to a Spaniard named Martin
Garcia de Loyola.

Having settled all things in the kingdom to his satisfaction, by the
punishment of those who had been concerned in the rebellion under Giron,
and the settlement of the Inca under the protection and superintendence
of the Spanish government; the viceroy raised a permanent force of
seventy lancers or cavalry, and two hundred musqueteers, to secure the
peace of the kingdom, and to guard his own person and the courts of
justice. The horsemen of this guard were allowed each a thousand, and
the foot soldiers five hundred, dollars yearly. Much about the same
time, Alonzo de Alvarado, Juan Julio de Hojeda, my lord and father
Garcilasso de la Vega, and Lorenzo de Aldana died. These four gentlemen
were all of the ancient conquerors of Peru who died by natural deaths,
and were all greatly lamented by the people for their virtuous
honourable and good characters. All the other conquerors either died in
battle, or were cut off by other violent deaths, in the various civil
wars and rebellions by which the kingdom was so long distracted.

On the arrival of those persons in Spain who had been sent out of Peru
by the viceroy for demanding rewards for their services, they petitioned
the king, Don Philip II, for redress; who was graciously pleased to give
pensions to as many of them as chose to return to Peru, to be paid from
the royal exchequer in that kingdom, that they might not need to address
themselves to the viceroy. Such as chose to remain in Spain, he
gratified with pensions upon the custom-house in Seville; the smallest
being 80 ducats yearly, to some 600, to some 800, 1000, and 1200 ducats,
according to their merits and services. About the same time likewise,
his majesty was pleased to nominate Don Diego de Azevedo as viceroy of
Peru, to supersede the Marquis of Cannete; but, while preparing for his
voyage, he died, to the great grief of all the colonists of the kingdom.
The Marquis of Cannete was much astonished when those men whom he had
banished from Peru for demanding rewards for their past services, came
back with royal warrants for pensions on the exchequer of that kingdom,
and still more so when he learnt that another person was appointed to
succeed him in the office of viceroy. On this occasion he laid aside his
former haughtiness and severity, and became gentle and lenient in his
disposition and conduct for the rest of his days; so that, if he had
begun as he ended his administration, he would have proved the best
governor that ever commanded in the New World. On seeing this change of
conduct, the heirs of those citizens who had been executed for having
engaged in the rebellion of Giron, laid the pardons obtained by their
fathers before the judges of the royal audience, and made reclamation of
the estates which had been confiscated, and even succeeded in having
their lands and Indians restored, together with all other confiscations
which had been ordered at the first coming over of the viceroy.

At this time likewise, the viceroy gave a commission to Pedro de Orsua,
to make a conquest of the country of the Amazons on the river Marannon,
being the same country in which Orellana deserted Gonzalo Pizarro, as
formerly related. Orsua went to Quito to raise soldiers, and to provide
arms and provisions, in which he was greatly assisted by contributions
from the citizens of Cuzco, Quito and other cities of Peru. Orsua set
out accordingly on his expedition, with a well appointed force of five
hundred men, a considerable proportion of which was cavalry. But he was
slain by his own men, at the instigation of Don Fernando de Guzman and
some others, who set up Don Fernando as their king, yet put him to death
shortly afterwards. Lope de Aguira then assumed the command, but the
whole plan of conquest fell to the ground, and Aguira and far the
greater part of the men engaged in this expedition were slain.


SECTION VI.

_Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments of
the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de Toledo._


On the death of Don Diego de Azevedo, Don Diego de Zuniga by Velasco,
Conde de Nieva, was appointed to supersede the Marquis of Cannete as
viceroy of Peru, and departing from Spain to assume his new office in
January 1560, he arrived at Payta in Peru in the month of April
following. He immediately dispatched a letter to the marquis informing
him of his arrival in the kingdom as viceroy, and requiring the marquis
to desist from any farther exercise of authority. On the arrival of the
messenger at Lima, the marquis ordered him to be honourably entertained,
and to receive a handsome gratification, to the value of 7000 dollars;
but he forfeited all these advantages, by refusing to address the
ex-viceroy by the title of excellency. This slight, which had been
directed by the new viceroy, so pressed on the spirits of the marquis,
already much reduced by the infirmities of age and the ravages of a
mortal distemper, that he fell into a deep melancholy, and ended his
days before the arrival of his successor at Lima.

The Conde de Nieva did not long enjoy the happiness he expected in his
government, and he came by his death not many months afterwards by means
of a strange accident, of which he was himself the cause; but as it was
of a scandalous nature I do not chuse to relate the particulars. On
receiving notice of his death, King Philip II. was pleased to appoint
the lawyer Lope Garcia de Castro, who was then president of the royal
council of the Indies, to succeed to the government of Peru, with the
title only of president of the court of royal audience and
governor-general of the kingdom. He governed the kingdom with much
wisdom and moderation, and lived to return into Spain, where he was
replaced in his former situation of president of the council of the
Indies.

Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Conde de Oropeta, succeeded
Lope Garcia de Castro in the government of Peru, with the tide of
viceroy. He had scarcely been two years established in the government,
when he resolved to entice from the mountains of Villcapampa[49] where
he resided, the Inca Tupac Amaru, the legitimate heir of the Peruvian
empire, being the son of Manco Inca, and next brother to the late Don
Diego Sayri Tupac, who left no son. The viceroy was induced to attempt
this measure, on purpose to put a stop to the frequent robberies which
were committed by the Indians dependent on the Inca, in the roads
between Cuzco and Guamanga, and in hope of procuring information
respecting the treasures which had belonged to former Incas and the
great chain of gold belonging to Huayna Capac, formerly mentioned, all
of which it was alleged was concealed by the Indians. Being unable to
prevail upon the Inca to put himself in the power of the Spaniards, a
force of two hundred and fifty men was detached into the Villcapampa,
under the command of Martin Garcia Loyola, to whom the Inca surrendered
himself, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, who were all carried
prisoners to Cuzco.

[Footnote 49: The river Quiliabamba, otherwise called Urabamba and
Vilcamayo is to the north of Cuzco, and to the north of that river one
of the chains of the Andes is named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebel
Indians. This is probably the mountainous region mentioned in the
text.--E.]

The unfortunate Inca was arraigned by the attorney-general, of having
encouraged his servants and vassals to infest the roads and to rob the
Spanish merchants, of having declared enmity against all who lived or
inhabited among the Spaniards, and of having entered into a plot with
the Caracas or Caciques, who were lords of districts and Indians by
ancient grants of the former Incas, to rise in arms on a certain day and
to kill all the Spaniards they could find. At the same time a general
accusation was made against all the males of mixed race, born of Indian
mothers to the Spanish conquerors, who were alleged to have secretly
agreed with Tupac Amaru and other Incas to make an insurrection for
extirpating the Spaniards and restoring the native, Inca to the throne
of Peru. In consequence of this accusation, all the sons of Spaniards by
Indian women who were of age sufficient to carry arms were committed to
prison, and many of them were put to the torture to extort confession of
these alleged crimes, for which they had no proof or evidence
whatsoever. Many of them were accordingly banished to various remote
parts of the New World, as to Chili, the new kingdom of Granada, the
West India islands, Panama, and Nicaragua, and others were sent into
Spain.

All the males of the royal line of the Incas, who were in the capacity
of being able to succeed to the throne, to the number of thirty-six
persons, together with the two sons and the daughter of the Inca Tupac
Amaru, were commanded to reside for the future in Lima, where in little
more than two years they all died except three, who were permitted to
return to their own houses for purer air: But even these three were
beyond recovery, and died soon afterwards. One of these, Don Carlos
Paula, left a son who died in Spain in 1610, leaving one son a few
months old who died next year; and in him ended the entire male line of
the Incas of Peru.

Tupac Amaru was brought to trial, under pretence that he intended to
rebel, and had engaged in a conspiracy with several Indians, and with
the sons of Spaniards born of Indian mothers, intending to have
dispossessed his majesty Philip II of the kingdom of Peru. On this
unfounded accusation, and on the most inconclusive evidence, he was
condemned to lose his head. Upon notice of this sentence, the friars of
Cuzco flocked to prison, and persuaded the unfortunate prince to receive
baptism, on which he assumed the name of Don Philip. Though the Inca
earnestly entreated to be sent to Spain, and urged the absurdity and
impossibility that he could ever intend to rebel against the numerous
Spanish colonists who now occupied the whole country of Peru, seeing
that his father with 200,000 men was utterly unable to overcome only 200
Spaniards whom he besieged in the city of Cuzco; yet the viceroy thought
fit to order the sentence to be carried into execution. The Inca was
accordingly brought out of prison, mounted on a mule, having his bands
tied and a halter about his neck, and being conducted to the ordinary
place of execution in the city of Cuzco, his head was cut off by the
public executioner.

After continuing sixteen years in the viceroyalty of Peru, Don Francisco
de Toledo returned into Spain, with a fortune of above half a million of
pesos. Falling under the displeasure of the king, he was ordered to
confine himself to his own house, and all his fortune was laid under
sequestration, which so affected his mind that he soon died of a broken
heart. Martin Garcia Loyola, who made the Inca prisoner, was married to
a coya, the daughter of the former Inca Sayri Tupac, by whom he acquired
a considerable estate; and being afterwards made governor of Chili, was
slain in that country by the natives.

END OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU.




CHAPTER IX.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF CHILI

INTRODUCTION.


Not having the advantage of any original and contemporary author to lay
before our readers on this occasion, it was at first our intention to
have omitted any notice of Chili in the present division of this work:
But under the existing and important circumstances of the Spanish
American colonies, to which some allusion has been already made in the
introduction to the preceding chapter, it has been deemed proper to
deviate on this occasion from our general principle, and to endeavour to
draw up a short satisfactory account of the Discovery and Conquest of
Chili, and of the early History of that interesting region, the most
distant of all the early European colonies in the New World, and which
presents the singular and solitary phenomenon, of a native nation
inhabiting a fertile and champaign country, successfully resisting the
arts, discipline, and arms of Europeans, and remaining unconquered and
independent to the present day, after the almost perpetual efforts of
the Spaniards during a period of 277 years.

In the composition of this chapter, we have been chiefly guided by the
geographical natural and civil history of Chili, by the Abbe Don Juan
Ignatio Molina, a native of the country, and a member of the late
celebrated order of the Jesuits. On the dissolution of that order, being
expelled along with all his brethren from the Spanish dominions, he went
to reside at Bologna in Italy, where in 1787 he published the first part
of his work, containing the natural history of Chili, and the second
part, or civil history, some years afterwards. This work was translated
and published some years ago in the United States of North America; and
was republished in London in the year 1809, with the addition of several
notes and appendixes from various sources by the English editor. In the
present abridged version of the second part of that work, or civil
history of Chili, we have collated the whole with An Historical Relation
of the Kingdom of Chili, by Alonzo de Ovalle, or Ovaglia, likewise a
native and a Jesuit, printed at Rome in 1649, of which an English
translation is inserted in Churchill's collection of voyages and
travels, Vol. III. p. 1-146. In other divisions of this work, more
minute accounts will be furnished, respecting the country of Chili and
its inhabitants and productions, by means of several voyages to that
distant and interesting country.


SECTION I.

_Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili._


The kingdom of Chili in South America, is situated on the coast of the
Pacific Ocean or Great South Sea, between 24 deg. and 45 deg. of south latitude,
and between 68 deg. 40' and 74 deg. 20' of west longitude from Greenwich; but as
its direction is oblique from N.N.E. to S.S.W. between the Andes on the
east and the Pacific Ocean on the west, the middle of its northern
extremity is in 70 deg., and of its southern termination in about 73 deg. of W.
longitude. Its extreme length therefore is 1260 geographical, or 1450
statute miles; but its breadth varies considerably, as the Andes
approach or recede from the sea. In the more northern parts, between the
latitudes of 24 deg. and 32 deg. S. the average breadth is about two degrees, or
nearly 140 English miles. Its greatest breadth in lat. 37 deg. S. is about
220 miles; whence it grows again narrower, and the continental part of
the country, opposite to the Archipelago of Chiloe, varies from about 50
to 100 miles. These measures are all assumed as between the main ridge
of the Andes and the sea; but in many places these mountains extend from
60 to 100 miles farther towards the east, and, being inhabited by
natives of the same race with the indigenous Chilese, or confederated
with them, that transalpine region may be likewise considered as
belonging to Chili.

Chili is bounded on the north by Peru, whence its lower or plain
country, between the Andes and the Pacific, is divided by the extensive
and arid desert of Atacama. On the east it is separated by the lofty
chain of the southern Andes, from the countries of Tucuman, Cujo, and
Patagonia, on the waters which run towards the Southern Atlantic.
Through these lofty and almost impracticable mountains, there are eight
or nine roads which lead from Chili towards the east, into the vast
plains which depend upon the viceroyalty of La Plata, all of which are
exceedingly difficult and even dangerous. The most frequented of these
roads is that which leads from the province of Aconcagua in Chili to
Cujo, running along the deep ravines of the rivers Chillan and Mendoza,
bordered on one side by deep precipices overhanging these rivers, and on
the other by lofty and almost perpendicular mountains. Both of these
rivers derive their origin from the Alpine vallies of the Andes, the
former running westwards to the Pacific; while the latter takes a much
longer course towards the Southern Atlantic. This road requires at least
eight days journey to get across the mountain range, and is so narrow
and incommodious, that travellers are obliged in many places to quit
their mules and proceed on foot, and every year some loaded mules are
precipitated from this road into the rivers below. In some places the
road passes over agreeable plains among the mountains, and in these the
travellers halt for rest and refreshment. In these vallies, when the
Incas conquered the northern provinces of Chili, before the coming of
the Spaniards, they caused some _tambos_ or stone houses to be
constructed for the accommodation of their officers. Some of these are
ruined but others remain entire, and the Spaniards have built some more
for the convenience of travellers.

On the west side Chili is bounded throughout its whole extent by the
shores of the Pacific Ocean; and on the south it joins with the southern
land usually called the Terra Magellanica, from the name of the
navigator, Magellan or Magelhaens, who first circumnavigated the
continent of South America, and opened the way by sea from the Atlantic
to the Pacific Ocean, through the Straits which are still known by his
name.

Chili may be considered under three natural divisions. The country of
Chili Proper, between the main ridge of the Andes and the sea: The Andes
themselves, from the main ridge eastwards to the plain country of La
Plata, and the Chilese islands. Chili Proper, or that which lies between
the main ridge of the Andes and the Pacific, is usually distinguished
into the Maritime and Midland countries. The Maritime country is
intersected by three chains of hills, running parallel to the Andes,
between which are many fine vallies which are watered by delightful
rivers. The Midland country consists almost entirely of a uniform plain
of considerable elevation, having a few isolated hills interspersed
which add much to its beauty. The Andes, which are among the loftiest
mountains in the world, are mostly about 120 miles from east to west, in
that part of their course which belongs to Chili, consisting of a vast
number of mountains of prodigious height, as if chained together, and
displaying all the beauties and horrors of the most sublime and
picturesque grandeur, abounding everywhere with frightful precipices,
interspersed with many fine vallies and fertile pastures, watered by
numerous streams and rivers which rise in the mountains. Between the
latitudes of 24 deg. and 33 deg. south, the Andes are entirely desert and
uninhabited; but the remainder as far as 45 deg. S. is inhabited by various
tribes or colonies of the Chilese, called Chiquillanes, Pehuenches,
Puelches, and Huilliches, which are commonly known under the general
appellation of Patagonians.


S1. _Chili Proper._

The political divisions of Chili consist of that part which has been
conquered by the Spaniards, and that which still remains independent in
the possession of the natives. The Spanish portion is situated between
the latitudes of 24 deg. and 37 deg. south, and is divided into thirteen
provinces; of which the following is an enumeration, with a short
account of each, beginning on the north, at the desert of Atacama or
frontiers of Peru. In each of these a _corregidor_, or deputy-governor
resides, to whose command the civil and military officers of the
province are subordinate, and on whom the respective cabildos or
municipal magistracies are dependent.

1. _Copaipo_, is bounded on the north by the great desert of Atacama, on
the east by the Andes, on the south by Coquimbo, and on the west by the
Pacific. It is about 300 English miles long by 120 in breath. It
contains the rivers Salado, Juncal, Chineral, Copaipo, Castagno,
Totoral, Quebradaponda, Guasco, and Chollai. This province abounds in
gold, lapis lazuli, sulphur, and fossile salt, which last is found in
almost all the mountains of the Andes on its eastern frontiers. Copaipo
its capital is in lat. 27 deg. 15' S. and long. 70 deg. 53' W. The northern part
of this province, beyond the river Juncal is hardly inhabited, except by
hunters of the Vicugnas, which they catch by means of large palisaded
inclosures. Besides lead mines to the north of the river Copaipo, there
are several silver mines in this province, and some sugar is made in the
valley of the Totoral. This province has five ports, at Juncal,
Chineral, Caldera, Copaipo, and Huasca, or Guasco. The chief town,
Copaipo, situated on the river of the same name, contains a parish
church, a convent of the order of Mercy, and a college which formerly
belonged to the Jesuits. The town of San Francisco della Salva, stands
on the same river about sixty miles farther inland.

2. _Coquimbo_, which is divided from Copaipo by the river Huasca or
Guasco, is the next province towards the south. It is accordingly
bounded on the north by Copaipo, on the east by the Andes, on the
south-east by Aconcagua, on the south-west by Quillota, and on the west
by the Pacific. It is about 135 miles from north to south, and 120 from
east to west. Its principal rivers are the Coquimbo, Tongoi, Limari, and
Chuapa. Its capital is called Coquimbo, or _La Serena_, founded in 1544
by Valdivia at the mouth of the river Coquimbo in lat. 29 deg. 53' S long.
71 deg. 12' W. This city is the residence of several ancient and honourable
families, and is situated in a delightful country and charming climate;
such being the mild temperature of the air, that though rain seldom
falls, the surrounding country is continually verdant. This province is
rich in gold, copper, and iron, and its fertile soil produces grapes,
olives, and other fruits in great abundance, both those belonging to
Europe, and such as are natural to the country.

3. _Quillota_, is bounded on the north by Coquimbo, on the east by the
province of Aconcagua, on the south by Melipilla, and on the west by the
sea. Its chief rivers are the Longotoma, Ligua, Aconcagua, and Limache;
and its territory is among the most populous and most abundant in gold
of any in Chili. The capital, called Quillota or San Martin, stands in a
pleasant valley, in lat. 32 deg. 42' S. and long. 71 deg. W. having three
churches dedicated to the saints Dominic, Francis, and Augustine. The
province likewise contains the cities of Plazza, Plazilla, Ingenio,
Cassablanca, and Petorca; which last is very populous, owing to the
resort of great numbers of miners who work in the celebrated gold mines
in the neighbourhood. Valparaiso, or Valparadiso, the most celebrated
and most commercial harbour in Chili is in this province, from whence
all the trade is carried on with Peru and Spain. The harbour is very
capacious, and so deep that large ships can lie close to the shore. Its
convenience for trade, and the salubrity of its climate, have rendered
this a place of considerable resort; so that besides the city, which is
three miles from the port, there is a populous town along the shore of
the harbour, called Almendral, in which those belonging to the shipping
mostly reside. A deputy-governor or corregidor sent directly from Spain
resides here, who has the command of the civil and military officers of
the city, and is only amenable to the president of Chili.

4. _Aconcagua_, is inclosed between the provinces of Coquimbo, Quillota,
Santiago, and the Andes, being entirely inland and communicating with
the sea through the former province, the same rivers belonging to both.
The celebrated silver mines of Uspalata are in the Andes belonging to
this province, which likewise are productive of excellent copper, and
its lower grounds are fertile in grain and fruit. Aconcagua or San
Filippe, the capital, is in lat. 32 deg. 18' S. and long. 69 deg. 55' W.

5. _Melipilla_, is bounded on the north by Quillota, on the east by
Santiago, on the south by the river Maypo dividing it from Rancagua, and
on the west by the Pacific. Its rivers are the Mapocho and Poangue, and
its territory abounds in wine and grain. Melipilla, or San Joseph de
Logronno, on the river Maypo, in lat 33 deg. 36' S long. 70 deg. 42' W. is the
chief town of the province, and is but thinly inhabited, though in a
beautiful situation and fertile country, as most of the principal
proprietors reside in the neighbouring city of St Jago, the capital of
the kingdom.

6. _St Jago_, or _San Jacopo_, is entirely inland, having the province
of Aconcagua on the north, the Andes on the east, the river Maypo to the
south, and Melipilla to the west. This is a small province, being only
45 miles from east to west, and 36 from north to south. Besides the
rivers Mapocho, Colina, and Zampa, with several other beautiful streams,
it contains the lake of Pudaguel which is about nine miles long. This
province is very fertile, producing abundance of grain and wine, with
fine fruits, especially peaches of exquisite flavour and large size. The
inferior mountains of Caren abound in gold, and in the Andes belonging
to this province there are mines of silver. Tin is likewise said to be
found in the province. The beautiful city of St Jago, the capital of the
province and of the kingdom of Chili, which was founded in 1541 by Pedro
de Valdivia, stands in an extensive and beautiful plain, on the left
bank of the river Mapocho, in lat 33 deg. 16' S. long. 69 deg. 48' W. having the
suburbs of Chimba, Cannadilla, and Renca on the opposite side of the
river. Both sides of the river are guarded by stone quay walls of
considerable height to prevent inundations, and a fine bridge connects
the city with its suburbs. St Jago is about 90 miles from the sea, and
about 20 from the foot of the main ridge of the Andes, whose lofty
summits clad in perpetual snow form a fine contract with the continual
verdure of a beautiful surrounding district. The streets are all in
straight lines, thirty-six feet broad, and intersecting each other at
right angles, and every house is amply supplied with excellent water by
means of several aqueducts. The great square is 450 feet in extent on
all its sides, having a bronze fountain in the centre. The north side of
this square is occupied by the palace of the president and the public
offices, beneath which is the prison. On the south side is the palace of
the Conde dell Sierra-bella. The west side is occupied by the cathedral
and the palace of the archbishop; and the east side contains the palaces
of three noblemen. The other most remarkable buildings are the church of
San Domingo, and that formerly belonging to the college of Jesuits.
Though convenient and handsomely built, the private houses are generally
of one story only, on account of frequent earthquakes. On the south side
of the city, from which it is separated by a street called the Cannada,
144 feet broad, is the large suburb of St Isidore. On a hill in the
eastern part of the city, called Santa Lucia, there formerly stood a
fortress to guard against attacks of the Indians. This city contained in
1770 a population of 46,000 inhabitants, which was rapidly increasing.
Besides the cathedral and three other parish churches, there are two
convents of Dominican friars, four of Franciscans, two of Augustins, two
of the order of Mercy, and one belonging to the brothers of Charity,
with an hospital, seven nunneries, a female penitentiary, a foundling
hospital, a college for the nobility formerly under the direction of the
Jesuits, and a Tridentine seminary. It contains also an university, a
mint for coining gold and silver, and barracks for the soldiers who are
maintained as guards to the president and royal audience.

7. _Rancagua_, is bounded on the north by the river Maypo and by the
Chachapoal on the south, by the Andes on the east, and the Pacific on
the west. Besides the former rivers, it is watered by the Codegua and
Chocalan, and some others of less importance; and contains the lakes of
Aculen and Buccalemu, of no great importance. This province is fertile
in grain, and its chief town, Santa Croce di Trianna, otherwise called
Rancagua, is in lat. 34 deg. 18' S. long. 70 deg. 16' W. Near Alque, a town
recently founded about 24 miles nearer the sea, there is a very rich
gold mine.

8. _Calchagua_, between the rivers Chachapoal and Teno, extends from the
Andes to the sea, its breadth from north to south near the Andes being
about 75 miles, while on the coast of the Pacific it does not exceed 40.
Besides the rivers which form its boundaries, its territory is watered
by the Rio Clarillo, Tinguiririca, and Chimbarongo; and in this province
there are two considerable lakes, named Taguatagua and Caguil, the
former being interspersed with beautiful islands, and the latter
abounding with large clamps[50], which, are much esteemed. This
province, which is fertile in grain, wine, and fruits, and abounds in
gold, is part of the territories of the native tribe of the Promaucians,
whose name is said to signify _the people of delight_, so called from
the beauty and fertility of their country. The chief town San Fernando,
built only in 1742, is in lat. 34 deg. 36' S. long. 70 deg. 34' W.

[Footnote 50: Thus expressed by the translator of Molina, and probably
some fresh water shell-fish.--E.]

9. _Maule_, the next province to the south, is bounded on the east by
the Andes, on the south-east by Chillan, on the south-west by Itata, and
on the west by the Pacific. It is about 176 miles from east to west, and
about 120 from north to south where broadest; and is watered by the
Lantue, Rio Claro, Pangue, Lircai, Huenchullami, Maule, Putagan,
Achiguema, Longavi, Loncamilla, Purapel, and other inferior rivers. It
abounds in grain, wine, fruits, gold, salt, cattle, and fish; which last
are found in great quantities both in the sea and rivers. Its native
inhabitants are brave, robust, and warlike, and are principally
descended from the ancient Promaucians. Talca, or St Augustin, built in
1742 among hills near the Rio-claro, at a considerable distance from the
sea, is in lat. 35 deg. 18' S. long. 70 deg. 48' W. Its population is
considerable, owing to the proximity of rich gold mines, and the
abundance and cheapness of provisions supplied by its territory. From
this last circumstance, several noble families from the cities of St
Jago and Conception, whose finances had become diminished, have retired
to this place, which has in consequence been called the bankrupt colony.
There are several other towns in this province, and many villages of the
native Chilese; among these Laro, near the mouth of the river Mataquito,
contains a numerous population of the Promaucian nation, and is governed
by an _Ulmen_ or native chief.

10. _Itata_, situated on the sea-coast, has Maule on the north, Chillan
on the east, Puchacay on the south, and the Pacific on the west. It
measures 60 miles from east to west, and about 33 from north to south,
and is intersected by the river Itata, from which it derives its name.
The best wine of Chili is made in this province, and being produced on
lands belonging to citizens of the city of Conception, is usually known
by the name of Conception wine. Its chief town named Coulemu, or Nombre
de Jesus, stands on the Rio Jesus, in lat. 35 deg. 58' S. long. 72 deg. 38' W.
and was founded in 1743..

11. _Chillan_, bounded on the north, by Maule, by the Andes on the east,
on the south by Huilquilemu, and by Itata on the west, is entirety an
inland province, about the same size with Itata. Its rivers are the
Nuble, Cato, Chillan, Diguillin, and Dannicalquin. Its territory
consists mostly of an elevated plain, particularly favourable for
rearing sheep, which produce wool of a very fine quality. Its capital,
Chillan or San Bartholomeo, in lat. 35 deg. 54' S. long. 71 deg. 30' W. was
founded in 1580. It has been several times destroyed by the Araucanians,
and was overthrown by an earthquake and inundation in 1751; since which
it has been rebuilt in a more convenient situation, out of danger from
the river.

12. _Puchacay_, is bounded on the north by Itata, on the east by
Huilquilemu, on the south by the river Biobio, and on the west by the
Pacific. It measures 24 miles from north to south, and 60 from east to
west. This province affords a great quantity of gold, and its
strawberries, both wild and cultivated, are the largest in all Chili.
Gualqui, or San Juan, founded in 1754 on the northern shore of the
Biobio, is the residence of the corregidor; but Conception, named Ponco
in the native language, is the principal city of the province, and the
second in the kingdom of Chili. It was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in a
pleasant vale, formed by some beautiful hills, near the coast, in lat.
36 deg. 42' S. long. 73 deg. 4' W. After suffering severely in the long wars
with the Araucanians, this city was destroyed in 1730 by an earthquake
and inundation of the sea, and again by a similar calamity in 1751; and
was rebuilt in 1764 in a beautiful situation a league from the sea.
Owing to so many calamities, its inhabitants scarcely exceed 13,000, who
are attracted to this place on the frontiers of the warlike Araucanians,
by the great abundance of gold that is procured in its neighbourhood.
The climate is always temperate, the soil is fertile, and the sea
abounds in fish of all kinds. The Bay of Conception is spacious and
safe, extending above ten miles from north to south, and nearly as much
from east to west. Its mouth is protected by a beautiful and fertile
island, called Quiriquina, forming two mouths or entrances to the bay;
that on the north-east called the _bocca grande_ being two miles wide,
and that on the south-west, or _bocca chica_, little more than a mile.
The whole bay affords safe anchorage, and a port at its south-east
extremity called Talcaguano is chiefly frequented by shipping, as being
not far from the new city of Conception.

13. _Huilquilemu_, commonly called Estanzia del Rei, or the royal
possession, has Chillan on the north, the Andes on the east, the river
Biobio on the south, and Puchacay on the west. This district is rich in
gold, and produces an excellent wine resembling muscadel. To protect
this province against the warlike and independent Araucanians, there are
four forts on the north side of the Biobio, named Jumbel, Tucapel, Santa
Barbara, and Puren; and as the boundary line is to the south of that
river, the Spaniards have likewise the forts of Aranco, Colcura, San
Pedro, Santa Joanna, Nascimento, and Angeles beyond that river.

14. _Valdivia._ This province, or military station rather, is entirely
separated from the other possessions of the Spaniards in Chili, being
entirely surrounded by the territories of the Araucanians. It lies on
the sea-coast, on both sides of the river Valdivia or Callacallas, being
reckoned 36 miles from east to west, and 18 miles from north to south.
It abounds in valuable timber, and affords the purest gold of any that
is found in Chili, and produced great quantities of that precious metal
to Valdivia the original conqueror. But owing to many calamities in the
wars with the Araucanians, it is now of little importance except as a
military station. Valdivia, the capital, in lat. 39 deg. 48' S. long. 73 deg.
24' W. is situated at the bottom of a beautiful and safe bay, the
entrance to which is protected by the island of Manzera. As this is a
naval station of much importance for protecting the western coast of
South America, it is strongly fortified, and is always commanded by a
military officer of reputation sent directly from Spain, though under
the direction of the president of Chili. He has always a considerable
body of troops, which are officered by the five commanders of the five
castles which protect the city, with a sergeant-major, commissary,
inspector, and several captains.

From the foregoing short abstract of the geographical circumstances of
Chili Proper, or that part of the kingdom which is possessed by the
Spaniards, it appears to extend from the lat. 24 deg. to 37 deg. both south, or
about 900 English miles in length by about 180 miles in medium breadth,
containing about 162,000 square miles of territory or nearly 104
millions of statute acres, mostly of fertile soil, in a temperate and
salubrious climate, abounding in all the necessaries of life, and richly
productive in gold and other metals. Hence this country is calculated to
support a most extensive population, in all the comforts and enjoyments
of civilized society, and if once settled under a regular government,
will probably become at no great distance of time an exceedingly
populous and commercial nation. The islands belonging to Chili consist
principally of the Archipelago of Chiloe, with that of the Chones, which
is dependent upon the former. The largest of these islands, named
likewise Chiloe, is about 120 miles in extent from north to south, and
about 60 miles from east to west. Between it and the main-land is a vast
gulf or bay, which extends from lat. 41 deg. 32' to 44 deg. 50' both S. and lies
between the longitudes of 72 deg. 44' and 74 deg. 20' both W. This is called the
gulf of Chiloe, Guaiteca, or Elancud; and besides the great island of
Chiloe, contains eighty-two smaller islands, thinly inhabited by Indians
and a few Spaniards. The land in Chiloe, as in all the smaller islands,
is mountainous, and covered by almost impenetrable thickets. The rains
are here excessive and almost continual, so that the inhabitants seldom
have more than fifteen or twenty days of fair weather in autumn, and
hardly do eight days pass at any other season without rain. The
atmosphere is consequently extremely moist, yet salubrious, and the
climate is exceedingly mild and temperate. Owing to the great humidity,
grain and fruits are by no means productive, yet the inhabitants raise
sufficient grain, mostly barley and beans, for their support, and grow
abundance of excellent flax. The town of Castro, on the eastern shore,
in lat. 42 deg. 44' S. is the capital of the island, and was founded in
1565, by Don Martino Ruiz de Gamboa, and is built entirely of wood,
containing only about a hundred and fifty inhabitants, yet has a parish
church, a church formerly belonging to the Jesuits, and two convents.
The port of Chaco, near the middle of the northern extremity of the
island, in lat. 41 deg. 53' S. and about the same, longitude with Castro,
has good anchorage, and enjoys the whole trade with Peru and Chili,
which is not subjected to the duties which are paid in other ports of
Spanish America.

Besides the southern Archipelago of Chiloe, there are a few islands of
no great importance on the coast of Chili, not worth notice. The two
islands likewise of Juan Fernandez are considered as dependencies on
Chili. The larger of these, called Isola de Tierra, is at present
inhabited by a few Spaniards, who have a small fort at La Baya or
Cumberland harbour. The smaller island, or Masafuera, otherwise called
De Cabras or Conejos, is uninhabited.


S2. _The Province of Cujo._

Although the province of _Cujo,_ on the east side of the Andes, be not
strictly within the limits of Chili, yet as dependent on the presidency
of that kingdom, it is proper to take notice of it in this place. Cujo
is bounded on the north by the province of Tucuman, on the east by the
Pampas or desert plains of Buenos Ayres, on the south by Patagonia, and
on the west by the southern chain of the Andes. Being comprehended
between the latitudes of 29 deg. and 35 deg. south, it is about 400 miles in
extent from north to south, but its limits towards the east are
uncertain. In temperature and productions, this province differs
materially from Chili. The winter, which is the dry season, is extremely
cold; and the summer is excessively hot both day and night, with
frequent storms of thunder and hail, more especially in its western
parts near the Andes. These storms commonly rise and disperse in the
course of half an hour; after which the sun dries up the moisture in a
few minutes. Owing to this excessive exsiccation, the soil is extremely
arid, and will neither bear trees nor plants of any kind; unless when
irrigated by means of canals, when it produces almost every vegetable in
astonishing abundance. By these artificial means of cultivation, the
fruits and grains of Europe thrive with extraordinary perfection, and
come a month earlier to maturity than in Chili; and the wines produced
in Cujo are very rich and full-bodied.

This province is intersected by three rivers which have their sources in
the Andes, the San Juan, the Mendoza, and the Tunujan. The two former
are named from the cities which are built on their banks. After a course
of from 75 to 90 miles, these rivers form the great lakes of Guanasache,
which extend above 300 miles from north to south, and their waters are
afterwards discharged by the river Tunujan into the south-eastern desert
Pampas. These lakes abound with excellent fish of several kinds, and
they produce a sufficient quantity of salt to supply the whole province
of Cujo. The eastern part of this province, called La Punta, is watered
by the rivers Contaro and Quinto, and several smaller streams, and is
quite different in its climate and temperature from the western part
near the Andes. The plains of La Punta are covered with beautiful trees
of large size, and the natural herbage grows to such a height in many
places as to conceal the horses and other cattle which roam at large in
these extensive plains. Thunder storms are exceedingly violent and
frequent, continuing often for many hours, accompanied by incessant and
immoderate rain.

Among the vegetable productions of Cujo, one of the most remarkable is a
species of palm, which never exceeds eighteen feet high, putting forth
all its branches so near the ground as to conceal the trunk. The leaves
are extraordinarily hard, and terminate in a point as sharp as a sword.
The fruit resembles the cocoa-nut, yet only contains a few hard round
seeds, with no edible kernel. The trunk of this tree is very large, and
is covered by a coarse outer bark of a blackish colour which is easily
detached. Below this, there are five or six successive layers of a
fibrous bark resembling linen cloth. The first is of a yellowish colour,
and of the consistence and appearance of sail-cloth. The others
gradually decrease in thickness, and become whiter and finer; so that
the innermost is white and fine like cambric, but of a looser texture.
The fibres of this natural cloth are strong and flexible, but harsher to
the feel than those made from flax. This province produces great
abundance of the _opuntia_, a species of the _cactus_, which nourishes
the cochineal insect; but the natives are in use to string these insects
on a thread by means of a needle, by which they acquire a blackish tint.
The fruit of this plant is woolly, about the size of a peach, its
internal substance being glutinous and full of small seeds. It is sweet
and well-flavoured, and is easily preserved by cutting into slices which
are dried in the sun. There are four different trees producing a species
of beans; two of which are good eating, the third is employed as
provender for horses, and ink is made from the fourth. The most singular
vegetable production in this country is called _the flower of the air_,
from having no root, and never growing on the ground. Its native
situation is on the surface of an arid rock, or twining round the dry
stem of a tree. This plant consists of a single shoot, like the stem of
a gilly-flower, but its leaves are larger and thicker, and are as hard
as wood. Each stalk produces two or three white transparent flowers, in
size and shape resembling a lily, and equally odoriferous with that
flower. They may be preserved fresh on their stalks for more than two
months, and for several days when plucked off. This plant may be
transported to almost any distance; and will produce flowers annually,
if merely hung up on a nail.

In the northern parts of Cujo there are mines of gold and copper, but
they are not worked owing to the indolence of the inhabitants. It has
also rich mines of lead, sulphur, vitriol, salt, gypsum, and talc or
asbestos. The mountains near the city of Juan are entirely composed of
white marble, in stratified slabs of five or six feet long by six or
seven inches thick, all regularly cut and polished by nature. From this
the inhabitants prepare an excellent lime, which they use in building
bridges over the streams and canals of irrigation. Between the city of
Mendoza and La Punta, on a low range of hills, there is a large stone
pillar, 150 feet high and 12 feet diameter, called the giant, on which
there are certain marks or inscriptions resembling Chinese characters.
Near the Diamond river there is another stone, having marks which appear
to be characters, and the impression of human feet, with the figures of
several animals. The Spaniards call it the stone of St Thomas; from a
tradition handed down from the first settlers, said to have been
received from the native Indians, that a white man with a long beard,
formerly preached a new religion from that stone to their ancestors, and
left the impression of his feet, and the figures of the animals that
came to hear him, as a memorial of his sanctity.

The aboriginal natives of the province of Cujo are called Guarpes, of
whom there are now very few remaining. They are of a lofty stature, very
thin, and of a brown colour, and speak a quite different language from
that of the Chilese. This people was anciently conquered by the
Peruvians, after having taken possession of the northern part of Chili;
and on the road across the Andes from Cujo to Chili, there still are
some small stone buildings, or tambos, which had been erected for the
accommodation of the Peruvian officers and messengers. The first
Spaniards who attempted to reduce this country were sent by Valdivia,
under the command of Francisco de Aguirre, who returned to Chili after
the death of Valdivia. In 1560, Don Garcia de Mendoza sent a force under
Pedro del Castillo, who subdued the Guarpes, and founded the cities of
San Juan and Mendoza. The latter, which is the capital, is situated on a
plain at the foot of the Andes, in lat 33 deg. 54' S. long. 68 deg. 34' W. This
is supposed to contain about 6000 inhabitants, and is continually
increasing in population, owing to its vicinity to the celebrated silver
mine of Uspallatta, which is worked by the inhabitants to great profit.
This city carries on a considerable commerce in wine and fruits with
Buenos Ayres. The city of San Juan near the Andes, in lat. 31 deg. 40' S.
and long. 68 deg. 34' W. is equally populous with Mendoza, from which it is
about 160 miles due north, and trades with Buenos Ayres in brandy,
fruits, and Vicunna skins. Its pomegranates are greatly esteemed in
Chili, to which they are sent across the Andes. This city is governed by
a deputy from the corregidor of Mendoza, assisted by a cabildo. In 1596,
the small city of La Punta, or San Luis de Loyola, was founded in the
eastern part of Cujo, in lat. 33 deg. 47' S. long. 65 deg. 33' W. Although the
thoroughfare for all the trade from Chili and Cujo to Buenos Ayres, it
is a miserable place with scarcely two hundred inhabitants; but its
jurisdiction is extensive and populous, and is administered both in
civil and military affairs by a deputy of the corregidor of Mendoza.
Besides these three cities, the province of Cujo contains the towns of
Jachal, Vallofertil, Mogna, Corocorto, Leonsito, Caliogarta, and
Pismanta[51], which do not merit particular attention.

[Footnote 51: Besides these, modern maps insert the following, beginning
in the north. Betlen, Rioja la Nueva, Mutinan, San Juan de Jaeban,
Guanachoca, all to the north of Mendoza.--E.]

The Patagonians who border upon Cujo towards the south, and of whose
gigantic stature so much has been said, do not differ materially in this
respect from other men. The Pojas, one of their tribes, are governed by
several petty independent princes. A singular species of polygamy
prevails among this people, as the women are permitted to have several
husbands. As to the Cesari, of whom such wonderful stories have been
reported, and who are supposed to be neighbours of the Chilese, they
have no existence except in the fancies of those who take pleasure in
marvellous stories.

       *       *       *       *       *

S3. _The Indian Country, or Araucania._

That part of Chili which remains unconquered reaches from the river
Biobio in the north to the Archipelago of Chiloe in the south, or
between the latitudes of 37 deg. and 42' S. This country is inhabited by
three independent nations, the Araucanians, the Cunches, and the
Huilliches. The territory of the Araucanians, contains the finest plains
in Chili, and is situated between the rivers Biobio and Callacallas,
stretching along the sea-coast for about 186 miles, and is generally
allowed to be the most pleasant and fertile district in the kingdom of
Chili. Its extent from the sea to the foot of the Andes, was formerly
reckoned at 300 miles; but as the Puelches, a nation inhabiting the
western side of the mountains, joined the confederacy of the Araucanians
in the seventeenth century, its present breadth cannot be less than 420
miles, and the whole territory is estimated at 78,120 square miles or
nearly 50 millions of acres.

The Araucanians derive their name from the province of Arauco, the
smallest in their territory, but which has given name to the whole
nation, as having been the first to propose the union which has so long
subsisted among the tribes, or from having at some remote period reduced
them under its dominion. Enthusiastically attached to their
independence, they pride themselves on the name of _auca_, signifying
_freemen_[52]; and by the Spaniards who were sent from the army in
Flanders to serve in Chili, this country has been called Araucanian
Flanders, or the invincible state. Though the Araucanians do not exceed
the ordinary height of mankind, they are in general muscular, robust,
well proportioned, and of a martial appearance. Their complexion is of a
reddish brown, but clearer than the other natives of America, except
the tribe named Boroanes, who are fair and ruddy. They have round
faces, small eyes full of animated expression, a rather flat nose, a
handsome mouth, even white teeth, muscular and well shaped legs, and
small flat feet. Like the Tartars, they have hardly any beard, and they
carefully pluck out any little that appears, calling the Europeans
_longbeards,_ by way of reproach. The hair on their heads is thick,
black, and coarse, is allowed to grow very long, and is worn in tresses
wound around their heads. The women are delicately formed, and many of
them are very handsome, especially the Boroanes. They are generally long
lived, and are not subject to the infirmities of age till a late period
of life, seldom even beginning to grow grey till sixty or severity, or
to be wrinkled till fourscore. They are intrepid, animated, ardent,
patient of fatigue, enthusiastically attached to liberty, and ever ready
to sacrifice their lives for their country, jealous of their honour,
courteous, hospitable, faithful to their engagements, grateful for
services, and generous and humane to their vanquished enemies. Yet these
noble qualities are obscured by the vices which are inseparable from
their half savage state, unrefined by literature or cultivation: Being
presumptuous, entertaining a haughty contempt for other nations, and
much addicted to drunkenness and debauchery.

[Footnote 52: According to Falkner the missionary, _auca_ is a name of
reproach given them by the Spaniards, signifying rebels or wild men;
_aucani_ is to rebel or make a riot, and _auca-cahual_ signifies a wild
horse.--This may be the case in the language of the subjected Peruvians
and northern Chilese, while in that of the independent Araucanians it
may signify _free_; just as republican is an honourable term in the
United States, while it is a name of reproach under a monarchical
government.--E.]

Their dress is manufactured from the wool of the vicunna, and consists
of a shirt, vest, short close breeches, and a cloak or poncho, having an
opening in the middle to admit the head, which descends all round as low
as the knees. This cloak, which leaves the arms at liberty, and can be
thrown back at pleasure, is so convenient for riding, and so excellent a
protection from wind and rain, that it is now commonly adopted by the
Spanish inhabitants of Chili, Peru, and Paraguay. The shirt, vest, and
breeches, are always of a greenish blue, or turquois colour, which is
the uniform of the nation. Among persons of ordinary rank, the _poncho_,
or native cloak, is also of the same national colour; but those of the
higher classes have it of different colours, as white, red, or blue,
with stripes a span broad, on which figures of flowers and animals are
wrought in different colours with much ingenuity, and the borders are
ornamented with handsome fringes. Some of these _ponchos_ are of so fine
a texture and richly ornamented as to sell for 100 or even 150 dollars.
Their only head-dress is a fillet or bandage of embroidered wool, which
they ornament in time of war with a number of beautiful feathers. Round
the waist they wear a long sash or girdle of woollen, handsomely
wrought; and persons of rank have leather sandals, and woollen boots,
but the common people are always bare-footed.

The dress of the women is entirely of wool, and the national greenish
blue colour, consisting of a tunic or gown without sleeves reaching to
the feet, fastened at the shoulder by silver buckles, and girt round the
waist by a girdle; over which gown they wear a short cloak, which is
fastened before by a silver buckle. They wear their hair in several long
braided tresses, flowing negligently over their shoulders, and decorate
their heads with false emeralds and a variety of trinkets. They wear
square ear-rings of silver, and have necklaces and bracelets of
glass-beads, and silver rings on all their fingers.

Like all the other tribes in Chili, before the arrival of the Spaniards,
the Araucanians still continue to construct their houses or huts rather
of a square form, of wood plaistered with clay, and covered with rushes,
though some use a species of bricks; and as they are all polygamists,
the size of their houses is proportioned to the number of women they are
able to maintain. The interior of their houses is very simple, and the
furniture calculated only to serve the most necessary purposes, without
any view to luxury or splendour. They never form towns, but live in
scattered villages along the banks of rivers, or in plains that can be
easily irrigated.

The whole country of the Araucanian confederacy is divided into four
principalities, called _Uthal-mapu_ in their language, which run
parallel to each other from north to south. These are respectively named
_Lauquen-mapu_, or the maritime country; _Lelbun-mapu_, or the plain
country; _Inapire-mapu_, or country at the foot of the Andes; and
_Pire-mapu_, or the country on the Andes. Each principality or
Uthal-mapu is divided into five provinces, called _Ailla-regue_; and
each province into nine districts, termed _regue._ Hence the whole
country contains 4 _Uthal-mapus_, 20 _Ailla-regues_, and 180 _Regues_.
Besides these, the country of the _Cunches_, who are in alliance with
the Araucanians, extends along the coast between Valdivia and the
archipelago of Chiloe; and the _Huilliches_, likewise allies of the
Araucanians, occupy all the plains to the eastward, between the Cunches
and the main ridge of the Andes.

The civil government is a kind of aristocratic republic, under three
orders of hereditary nobility, each subordinate to the other. Each of
the four _Uthal-mapus_ is governed by a _Toqui_. The _Ailla-regues_, are
each under the command of an _Apo-ulmen_; and every one of the _Regues_
is ruled by an _Ulmen_. The four _toquis_ are independent of each other,
but are confederated for the public welfare. The _Apo-ulmens_ govern the
provinces under the controul or superintendence of the respective
_toquis_; and the _ulmens_ of the _regues_ are dependent on the
Apo-ulmens, or arch-ulmens. This dependence is however almost entirely
confined to military affairs. The distinguishing badge of the toqui is a
kind of battle-axe, made of marble or porpyhry. The Apo-ulmens and
Ulmens carry staves with silver heads; the former being distinguished by
the addition of a silver ring round the middle of their staves. The
toqui has only the shadow of sovereign authority, as every question of
importance is decided by an assembly of the great body of nobles, which
is called _Buta-coyog_ or _Auca-coyog_ the great council, or the
Araucanian council. This assembly is usually held in some large plain,
on the summons of the toquis; and on such occasions, like the ancient
Germans as described by Tacitus, they unite the pleasures of revelling
and even drunkenness with their deliberations. By their traditionary
laws, called _Ad-mapu_ or customs of the country, two or more
principalities, provinces, or districts cannot be held by the same
chief. Whenever the male line of the ruling family becomes extinct, the
vassals have the right to elect their own chief; and all the districts
are directed entirely in civil matters by their respective Ulmens. The
people are subject to no contributions or personal services whatever,
except in time of war; so that all the chiefs of every rank or degree
have to subsist on the produce of their own possessions.

The military government is established upon a system of wonderful
regularity. When the great council determines on going to war, they
proceed immediately to elect a commander-in-chief, who is in some
measure the dictator of the country during his continuance in office.
The toquis have in course the first claim to this high dignity, as being
the hereditary generals and stadtholders of the republic; yet,
disregarding all respect for superior rank, the council often entrusts
this supreme power to the most deserving of the Ulmens, or even to an
officer of an inferior class, considering only on this occasion the
talents that are deemed necessary for command. Thus in the war of 1722,
the supreme command was confided to Vilumilla, a man of low origin, and
in that which terminated in 1773, to Curignanca, the younger son of an
Ulmen in the province of Encol. On his elevation to office, the
generalissimo of the republic assumes the title of _toqui_, and the
stone hatchet in token of supreme command; on which the four hereditary
toquis lay aside theirs, as it is not permitted them to carry this
ensign of authority during the continuance of the dictator in office, to
whom all the toquis apo-ulmens and ulmens take the oath of obedience.
Even the people, who during peace are exceedingly repugnant to
subordination, are now entirely submissive to the commands of the
military dictator. Yet he has not the power of putting any one to death,
without the consent of his principal officers; but as all these are of
his appointment, his orders are next to absolute.

It has always happened since the arrival of the Spaniards in Chili, that
the supreme toquis have been elected from among the natives of the
provinces of Arauco, Tucapel, Encol, or Puren; but I know not whether
this may be owing to some ancient law or agreement, or to some
superstitious notion. The supreme toqui appoints his vice-toqui or
lieutenant-general, and the other officers of his staff; who in their
turn nominate the inferior officers. The vice-toqui is almost always
elected from among the Puelches, to gratify the ambition of that valiant
tribe, which forms about a fourth part of the population of the
confederacy. At present the army of the Araucanians is composed both of
cavalry and infantry. Originally it consisted entirely of foot; but in
their first battles with the Spaniards, perceiving the vast advantage
derived by their enemies from the employment of cavalry, they soon
applied themselves to procure a good breed of horses; insomuch that in
1568, only seventeen years after their first encountering the Spaniards,
they had several squadrons of cavalry; and by the year 1585, the
Araucanian cavalry was regularly organized by the toqui Cadeguala. The
infantry is divided into regiments of a thousand men, and these into ten
companies of an hundred men each. The cavalry is divided in a similar
manner; but the numbers in the regiments and troops are not always the
same. Each body of horse and foot has its particular standard; but all
bear a star, which is the national device. The soldiers are not clothed
in uniforms, but all have cuirasses of hardened leather below their
ordinary dresses, with shields and helmets of the same material. The
cavalry are armed with swords and lances; and the infantry with pikes or
clubs pointed with iron. In battle, the cavalry is distributed on the
two wings of the army, while the infantry forms the centre or main body,
divided into its several battalions or regiments, the ranks being
composed alternately of pikemen and soldiers armed with clubs or maces.
The right wing is confided to the vice-toqui, and the left to an
experienced officer next in rank; while the toqui is present wherever
occasion requires, and exhorts his soldiers to fight valiantly for the
liberties of the nation. They formerly employed bows and slings in war;
but taught by experience to avoid the destructive effects of musquetry
in distant fight, they are now eager to close with their enemies.
Impressed with the opinion that to die in battle for their country is
the greatest honour that can be acquired, whenever the signal for battle
is given, they advance with the utmost rapidity, despising the slaughter
produced by the cannon and musquetry, yet preserving the strictest order
and discipline, and often succeed in bearing down the firmest array of
the Spaniards.

One of the first measures of the national council, when war is resolved
upon, is to dispatch messengers to the confederate tribes, and even to
the Indians who live under the Spanish government, to summon them to
make common cause with their countrymen. The credentials of these
messengers are some small arrows tied together by a red string, the
symbol of blood. But if hostilities have been already commenced, the
finger of a slain enemy accompanies the arrows. This embassy is called
_pulchitum_, which signifies to run the arrow, and the messengers are
called _guerquenis_. The toqui or military dictator directs what number
of soldiers is to be furnished by each Uthal-mapu or principality. The
particular toquis regulate the contingencies of the Apo-ulmens; and
these last apportion these among the several Ulmens of their provinces.
The army of the state usually consists of five or six thousand men;
besides which, a body of reserve is always in readiness for particular
occasions, or to replace those who may be killed in battle. Before
taking the field, the general assigns three days for consultation with
his principal officers, during which the plan of the campaign is
maturely deliberated upon, and every one has liberty to offer his
opinion: But the general finally settles the plan of warfare in secret
consultation, with his principal officers. After all is agreed upon, the
army commences its march to the sound of drums, and is always preceded
by several advanced parties, to guard against surprise. During the
march, the infantry as well as the cavalry are on horseback; but on
coming to action, the infantry dismounts and is regularly marshalled in
companies and battalions. All the soldiers have to provide their own
horses arms and provisions; and as all are liable to military service,
no one has to contribute towards the supply of the army. Their
provisions consist chiefly in a small sack of parched meal, which each
soldier carries on his horse; and which, diluted with water, serves them
as food till they can live at free quarters in the enemys country. Being
thus unencumbered with baggage, they are able to move with astonishing
celerity, either to attack or to retreat as may be necessary. They are
extremely vigilant when in presence of the enemy, encamping always in
secure and advantageous situations, strengthening their posts with
entrenchments, and placing sentinels on all sides, every soldier being
obliged during the night to keep a fire burning in front of his tent.
When necessary they protect their posts and encampments with deep
trenches, guarded by abatis or hedges of spinous or thorny trees, and
strew calthrops at all the avenues to repress attacks from the cavalry
of the enemy. In short there are few military stratagems with which they
are unacquainted, and are wonderfully expert in tactics [53].

[Footnote 53: From the singular excellence of the military institutions
of the Araucanians, by which they have been enabled to preserve their
liberties against the superior arms of the Spaniards, down even to the
present day, we have been induced to extend these observations much
beyond our usual limits on such occasions. Such as are inclined to
inquire more minutely into the civil institutions of this wonderful
people, will find them detailed in the work of the Abbe Molina, together
with a minute account of the natural productions of Chili.--E.]


SECTION II.

_Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese_.


The origin of the primitive inhabitants of Chili, like that of all the
nations and tribes of the aboriginal Americans, is involved in
impenetrable obscurity. Many of the natives consider themselves as
indigenous, while others derive their origin from a foreign stock,
supposing their ancestors to have come from the north or from the west;
but as they were utterly unacquainted with the art of writing, they have
no records or monuments from which to elucidate this inquiry, and their
traditionary accounts are too crude and imperfect to afford any degree
of rational information on the subject. The Chilese call their first
progenitors _Pegni Epatum_, signifying the brothers named Epatum. They
call them likewise _glyce_, or primitive men; and in their assemblies
invoke their ancestors and deities in a loud voice, crying _Pom, pam,
pum, mari, mari, Epunamen, Amimalguen, Pegni Epatum_. The meaning of
these words is uncertain, unless we may suppose it to have some
connexion with the word _pum_, used by the Chinese to signify the first
created man, or the one who was saved from the deluge. The lamas or
priests of Thibet are likewise said to repeat to their rosaries, the
syllables _om, am, um_, or _hom, ham, hum_; which corresponds in some
measure with the customary exclamation of the Chilese.

It appears probable that the whole of Chili had been originally peopled
by one nation, as all the native tribes, however independent of each
other, speak the same language, and have a similar appearance. The
inhabitants of the plains are of good stature, but those who dwell in
the valleys of the Andes, usually surpass the ordinary height of man.
The features of both are regular, and none of them have ever attempted
to improve nature by disfiguring their faces, to render themselves more
beautiful or more formidable. Their complexion, like the other American
natives, is reddish brown or copper-coloured, but of a clearer hue than
the other Americans; and readily changes to white. A tribe which dwells
in the district of Baroa, is of a clear white and red like Europeans,
without any tinge of copper colour. As this tribe differs in no other
respect from the rest of the Chilese, this difference in complexion may
be owing to some peculiar influence of the climate which they inhabit,
or to their greater civilization. Some persons have been disposed to
attribute this difference in colour to an intermixture with a number of
Spanish prisoners taken during the unfortunate war of the sixteenth
century: But the Spanish prisoners were equally distributed among the
other tribes, none of whom are white; and besides, the first Spaniards
who came to Chili were all from the southern provinces of Spain, where
ruddy complexions are extremely rare.

From the harmony, richness, and regularity of the Chilese language, we
are led to conclude that the natives must in former times have possessed
a much greater degree of civilization than now, or that they are the
remains of a great and illustrious nation, which has been ruined by some
of these physical or moral revolutions which have occasioned such
astonishing changes in the world. The Chilese language is so exceedingly
copious, both in radical words, and in the use of compounds, that a
complete dictionary of it would fill a large volume. Every verb, either
derivatively or conjunctively, becomes the root of numerous other verbs
and nouns, both adjectives and substantives, which in their turn produce
others of a secondary, nature which may be modified in a hundred
different manners. From every word in the language, a verb may be formed
by adding a final _n_. Even from the most simple particles, verbs may be
thus formed, by which at the same time great precision and great
strength are given to conversation. Yet the language contains no
irregular verb or noun, every thing being regulated by the most
wonderful precision and simplicity, so that the theory of the language
is remarkably easy, and may be learnt in a very short time. It abounds
also in harmonious and sonorous syllables, which give it much sweetness
and variety; yet is injured by the frequent recurrence of the sound of
_u_. The Chilese language differs essentially from every other American
language, both in words and construction, with the exception of eighteen
or twenty words of Peruvian origin, which is not to be wondered at,
considering the contiguity of the two countries. The most singular
circumstance in this language is, that it contains a considerable number
of words apparently of Greek and Latin derivation, and having similar
significations in both languages; yet I am inclined to believe that this
circumstance is merely accidental[54].

[Footnote 54: Perhaps these words may have been adopted into the Chilese
language from the Spaniards, who speak a kind of dialect of Latin. The
remainder of this section is an abridgement of an Essay on the Chilese
language, appended to the second volume of Molina.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

The original language of Chili, generally called the Araucanian, is
denominated by the natives _Chili-dugu_, or the Chili speech or
language. The alphabet is the same as the Latin, except the want of _x_,
which indeed is only a compound letter. The _s_ likewise only occurs in
about twenty of their words, and never at the termination; and the _z_
is still more rare. Besides the ordinary letters, the Chilese has the
mute _e_, and a peculiar _u_ like the Greek and French; the former being
designated by the _acute_, and the latter by the _grave_ accent, to
distinguish them from the ordinary _e_ and _u_. This latter _u_ is often
changed to _i_. It has likewise a nasal _g_ and a _th_; which latter is
often changed to _ch_, as _chegua_ for _thegua_, a dog. There are no
gutturals or aspirates. All the words end either in one of the six
vowels, or in _b,d,f,g,l,m,n,r, or v_; so that there are fifteen
distinct terminations. The accent is usually on the penult vowel,
sometimes on the last, but never on the antipenult. The radical words,
mostly monosyllables or dissyllables, are estimated at 1973. As far as
we have been able to discover, these radicals have no analogy with any
other known idiom, though the language contains a number of Greek and
Latin words very little varied, as in the following table. It is proper
to mention, that the orthography of the Chilese words is given according
to the Italian pronunciation.

CHILESE. GREEK. SIGNIFICATION Aldun Aldein to increase. Ale Ele
splendour. Amun Mouen to go. Cai Kai and. Ga Ga in truth. Lampaicon
Lampein to shine. Mulan Mullen to pulverise. Pele Pelos mud. Reuma Reuma
a stream. Tupan Tupein to whip.

CHILESE. LATIN. Aren Ardere to burn. Cupa. Cupere to desire. Dapein
Dapinare to feast. Ejun Ejulare to weep. Lev Levis active, swift.
Lumalmen Lumen light. Lui Lux brightness. Man Manus the right. Putun
Potare to drink. Valin Valere to be worth. Valen Valere to be able. Une
Unus one.

The nouns have only one declension, or rather are indeclinable, the
numbers and cases being marked by various particles; but each, in this
way, has the singular, dual, and plural, like the Greek. Thus _Cara_ the
city, has _Cara-egu_ the two cities, and _Pu-cara_ the cities, as in the
following example.

       _Singular.       Dual.               Plural._
   Nom.   Cara            Cara-egu            pu-Cara
   Gen.   Cara-ni         Cara-egu-ni         pu-Cara-ni
   Dat.   Cara-meu        Cara-egu-meu        pu-Cara-meu
   Accus. Cara            Cara-egu            pu-Cara
   Voc.   a Cara          a Cara-egu          a pu-Cara
   Abl.   Caramo          Cara-egu-mo         pu-Cara-mo

Instead of _pu_, the mark of the plural, _ica_ or _egen_ may be affixed
to the noun, or _que_ placed between the adjective and substantive. Thus
the plural of _cara_ may be _pu-cara, caraica_, or _caraegen_,
signifying the cities; or _cum-que cara_, the good cities.

The Chilese language abounds with adjectives, both primative and
derivative. The latter are formed from every part of speech by
invariable rules: As, from _tue_ the earth, comes _tuetu_ terrestrial;
from _quimen_ to know, _quimchi_ wise; and these, by the interposition
of _no_, become negative, as _tuenotu_ not terrestrial, _quimnochi_
ignorant. The adjectives, participles, and derivative pronouns are
unsusceptible of number or gender, in which they resemble the English;
yet when it is necessary to distinguish the sexes, _alca_ is used for
the masculine, and _domo_ for the feminine. The comparative is formed by
prefixing _jod_ or _doi_ to the positive, and the superlative by _cad_
or _mu_. Thus from _chu_ limpid, are formed _doichu_ more limpid, and
_muliu_ most limpid. There are no diminutives or augmentatives, which
are supplied by means of the adjectives _picki_ little, and _buta_
great. Diminutives are also formed by changing a harsh sound into one
more liquid; as _votun_ son, to _vochiun_ little son. The primitive
pronouns are _inche_ I, _eimi_ you, _teye_ which, &c. The relatives are
_iney_ who, _chem_ what, _ta_ or _ga_ that, &c. The verbs all terminate
in the syllables _an, en, in, an, un, un_; and are all regulated by a
single conjugation, having all the voices, moods, and tenses of the
Latin, with three or four others, and the singular dual and plural like
the Greek. The terminations of the present tense of each mood form the
roots of all the other tenses of the same mood, which are distinguished
by certain particles, as _che_ in the second present, _bu_ in the
imperfect, _uje_ in the perfect, &c. as in the following example, which
are placed between the radical and the final _n_. Passive verbs are
formed by the auxiliary _gen_, between the radical and final _n_.
Impersonal verbs by the particle _am_ added to the radical. The
following example of the verb _elun_ to give, will serve as a model for
all the other verbs in the language without exception, as there is but
one conjugation and no irregular verbs. It is to be noticed, that the
first present of all the verbs is used, as our compound preterite: Thus
_elun_ signifies I give or I have given; while the second present is
strictly confined to the present time.

   ACTIVE VOICE.

   INDICATIVE MOOD.

   _Present Tense_.

   Singular.
   Dual.
   Plural.

   1.
   _Elun_, I give.
   _Eluvu_, We two give.
   _Eluign_, We give

   2.
   _Eluimi_, Thou givest.
   _Eluimu_, You two give.
   _Eluimen_, Ye give

   3.
   _Elui_ He gives.
   _Eluigu, They two give.
   _Eluigen_, They give_

   Second Present,
   1. _Eluchen_, I give.
   2. _Eluchemi_, Thou givest, &c.

   Imperfect,
   1. _Elubun_, I did give.
   2. _Elubuimi_, Thou, &c.

   Perfect,
   1. _Eluuyen_, I gave.
   2. _Eluuyeimi_, Thou, &c.

   Pluperfect,
   1. _Elunyebun_, I had given, &c.

   1st Future,
   1. _Eluan_, I will give, &c.

   2d Future,
   1. _Eluayean_, I shall have given, &c.

   1st Mixed,
   1. _Eluabun_, I had to give, &c.

   2d Mixed,
   1. _Eluugabun_, I ought to have had to give; &c.

   IMPERATIVE MOOD.

   Singular,
   Dual.
   Plural.

   1
   _Eluche_, let me give
   _Eluyu_, let us two give
   _Eluign_, let us give

   2
   _Eluge_, give thou
   _Elamu_, let you two give
   _Elumen_, give ye

   3
   _Elupe_, let him give
   _Elugu_ let these two give
   _Elugen_, let them give

   SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.

   Present tense, _Eluli_, if I may give
   Imperfect,     _Elubili_, if I might give
   Perfect,       _Eluuyeli_, if I may have given
   Pluperfect,    _Eluuyebuli_, if I might have given
   1st. Future,   _Eluaii_, if I shall give
   2d. Future,    _Eluuyela_, if I shall have given
   1st. Mixed,    _Eluabuli_, if I had to give
   2d. Mixed,     _Eluyeabuli_, if I should have to give

The _optative_ is formed of the subjunctive, or of the two mixed-tenses
of the indicative, by adding the desiderative particles _velem_, _uel_,
or _chi_; as _eluli velem_! Would to God that I might give; _eluabun
chi_! Would to God that I had to give; &c. The affirmative _infinitive_
is the same with the radical of the verb; or 1st person singular of the
indicative tense; so that there are nine peculiar infinitives, which are
distinguished from these tenses by some determinative particle.

                         ACTIVE PARTICIPLES.
   1st Present, _Elulu_, he who gives
   2d Present,  _Eluquelu_, he who gives
   Imperfect,   _Elubulei_, he who did give
   Perfect,     _Eluuyelu_, he who gave
   Pluperfect,  _Eluuyebula_, he who had given
   1st Future,  _Elualu_, he who shall give
   2d Future,   _Eluuyealu_, he who shall have given
   1st Mixed,   _Eluabulu_, he who shall have to give
   2d Mixed,    _Eluuyeabulu_, he who should have given

   GERUNDS

   1st Present, _Eluyum_, giving
   2d Present,  _Elualu_, for to give
   Imperfect,   _Eluyubum_, when giving


   PASSIVE VOICE.

   INDICATIVE MOOD.

   _Present.     Elugen_, I am given
   _Imperfect.   Elugebum_, I was given
   _Participles Passive._

   1st Present, _Elugelu_, given
   2d Present,  _Eluel_, given
   Perfect,     _Elubuel_, that was given
   Imperfect,   _Elugebulu_, that was given


   IMPERSONAL VERB.

   _Indicative Mood._

   1st Present, _Eluan_, that is giving
   2d Present,  _Eluchean_, that is giving
   Imperfect,   _Elubuam_, that was giving
   Perfect,     _Eluuyeam_, that was given
   Pluperfect,  _Eluuyebuam_, that had given
   1st Future,  _Eluayam_, that shall be given
   2d Future,   _Eluuyeayam_, that should be given
   1st Mixed,   _Eluabuam_, that had to give
   2d Mixed,    _Eluuyeabuam_, that should have to give

   Imperative.  _Elupeam_, let us give, &c.

Instead of the impersonal verb, the third person singular of the passive
may be used impersonally, as in Latin. The verb may be made negative
through its whole conjugation, by means of inserting the particle _la_
in the indicative, _qui_ in the imperative which then takes the
termination of the subjunctive mood, and by means of _no_ in the
subjunctive and infinitive moods, as in the following examples.




Part II. Book II.

   Indicative,   _Elulan_,   I do not give
                 _Elulaimi_, thou doest not give
   Imperative,   _Eluquili_, let me not give, &c.
   Subjunctive,  _Elunoli_,  if I do not give, &c.
   Infinitive,   _Elunou_,   not to give, &c.

NUMERALS OF THE CHILESE LANGUAGE.

   _Cardinals._

   1.    _Quigne_  11. _Mari-guigne_   21. _Epumari quigne_
   2.    _Epu_     12. _Mari-epu_. &c.
   3.    _Cula_
   4.    _Meli_
   5.    _Quechu_
   6.    _Cayu_
   7.    _Relghe_
   8.    _Para_
   9.    _Aylla_
   10.   _Masi_
   20.   _Epumari_
   30.   _Culamari_
   40.   _Melimari_, &c.
   100.  _Pataca_            102. _Pataca epu_
   200.  _Epupataca_, &c.
   1000. _Huaranca_
   2000. _Epuhuaranca_      2003. _Epuhuaranca cula_, &c.

   _Ordinals._

   _Unen, Unelelu, Quignelelu, Quignegetu, Quignegentu, Quigmentu, once
   Epulelu, epugelu, epugentun, epuntu,_ twice, &c.[55]

[Footnote 55: The translator seems here to have misunderstood the author,
as these ordinal numbers ought surely to signify _first_ and _second_.--E.]

   _Numeral Adverbs._

   _Quignechi, guignemel, quignemita,_ once
   _Epuchi, epumal, epumeta,_ twice, &c.


   _Distributives._

   _Calique, mallquigne,_ one by one
   _Epuque, mollepu,_ two by two, &c.


   _Numeral Verbs._

   _Quignen_, to be one.
   _Quignelian_, to join.
   _Epun_, to be two; &c.


   _Abstracts._

   _Quignegen_, unity.
   _Epugen_, duality.
   _Culagen_, trinity, &c.


   _Indefinites._

   _Quignelque_, several.
   _Epulgen_, about two.
   _Culalque_, about three.

       *       *       *       *       *

It has not been deemed necessary to repeat a great number of minute
observations given by Molina on this singular language, nor to report
the shades of difference in its dialects. But it has been thought proper
to give a short list of words from the Moluches, a tribe inhabiting
Patagonia, but speaking a nearly related dialect of the Chilese language
with that of the Araucanians.

   Vocabulary.

   _P'llu_, the soul or a spirit      _Autuigh_, the sun, a day
   _Lonco_, the head or the hair      _Voso_, the teeth or bones
   _Az_, the face                     _Anca_, the body
   _N'ge_, the eyes                   _Pue_, the belly
   _Wun_, or _huun_, the mouth   _Cuugh_, the hand
   _Gehuun_, the tongue               _Namon_, the foot
   _Yu_, the nose                     _Pinque_, the heart
   _Nahue_, a daughter                _P'nen_, a child
   _Peni_, a brother                  _Con'n_, to enter
   _Penihuen_, own brothers           _Tipan_, to go out
   _Huinca_, a Spaniard               _Cupaln_, to bring
   _Seche_, an Indian                 _Entun_, to take away
   _Huenuy_, a friend                 _Aseln_, to be adverse
   _Cainie_, an enemy                 _Aselgen_, to hate
   _Huincha_, a head fillet           _M'len_, to be, to possess
   _Makun_, a mantle                  _Mongen_, life to live
   _Lancattu_, glass beads            _Mongetun_, to revive
   _Cosque_, bread                    _Swam_, the will
   _Ipe_, food                        _Swamtun_, to will
   _In_, or _ipen_ to eat        _Pepi_, power
   _Ilo_, flesh                       _Pepilan_, to be able
   _Ilon_, to eat flesh               _Quimn_, knowledge, to know
   _Putun_, to drink                  _Quimeln_, to learn
   _Putumum_, a cup                   _Quimelcan_, to teach
   _Chilca_, writing                  _Pangi_, a lion
   _Chilcan_, to write                _Choique_, an ostrich
   _Sengu_, a word, language, or      _Achahual_, a cock or hen
                                       a thing
   _Huayqui_, a lance                 _Malu_, a large lizard
   _Huay-quitun_, to lance            _Cusa_, a stone an egg
   _Chinu_, a knife or sword          _Saiguen_, a flower
   _Chinogoscun_, to wound            _Milya_, gold
   _Chinogosquen_, to be wounded      _Lien_, silver
   _Conan_, a soldier                 _Cullyin_, money payment
   _Conangean_, one who is to be      _Cullingen_, to be rich.
                      a soldier
   _Amon_, to walk                    _Cunnubal_, poor, miserable,
                                       an orphan
   _Anun_, to sit                     _Cum panilhue_, red metal, copper
   _Anupeum_, a stool or seat         _Chos panilhue_, yellow metal, brass
   _Anunmahuun_, to feel inwardly     _Gepun_, colour, painting
   _Poyquelhuun_, to feel or perceive _Cuyem, Kiyem_ a mouth, the moon
   _Saman_, a trade an artificer      _Tissantu_, a year
   _Mamel_, a tree                    _K'tal_, fire
   _Mamel-Saman_, a carpenter         _Asee_, hot
   _Suca_, a house                    _Chosee_, cold
   _Sucu-Saman_, a house builder      _Atutuy_, it is shivering cold.

   _The beginning of the Lord's Prayer_.

   _Inchin in Chao,   huenumenta m' leymi,   ufchingepe mi wi;_
   Our Father,    in heaven thou that art, hallowed be thy name;
   _eymi mi toguin inchinmo  cupape; eymi mi piel, chumgechi_
   thy kingdom to us may it come;     thy will,     as it is
   _vemgey huenu-mapumo, vemgechi cay vemengepe_
   done in heaven,     so likewise may it be done
   _tue-mapumo, &c._
   on earth,  &c.

SECTION III.

_State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the Peruvians,
before the arrival of the Spaniards._


The History of Chili and its inhabitants does not precede the middle of
the fifteenth century, and what little is known respecting it is
contained in the traditionary accounts of the Peruvians, who first
invaded the northern province of Chili about the middle of that century,
not an hundred years before the overthrow of the Peruvian empire by
Pizarro, and the first Spanish invasion of Chili under Almagro.

About the year 1450, while the Inca Yupanqui reigned over the Peruvian
empire which had then extended its limits from Cuzco northwards to the
equator and southwards to the tropic of Capricorn, the ambition of the
Peruvian government was attracted to the acquisition of the important
country of Chili, a rich and delightful region of great extent,
immediately adjacent to the southern extremity of Peru. Favoured by the
fertility of the country and the salubrity of the climate, the
population of Chili may be readily supposed to have then been
considerable, as we know that the whole extent of its territory was
occupied by fifteen independent tribes or communities, each of which was
governed by its respective chiefs, or _Ulmens_. These, tribes, beginning
at the north on the confines of the desert of Atacama, were called
Copaipins, Coquimbans, Quillotans, Mapochians, Promaucians, Cures,
Cauques, Pencones, Araucanians, Cunches, Chilotes, Chiquilanian,
Pehuenches, Puelches, and Huilliches; which last tribe inhabited the
south of Chili, adjoining the archipelago of Chiloe.

Informed of the natural advantages possessed by the inhabitants of this
delightful region, the Inca Yupanqui resolved to attempt the annexation
of Chili to his extensive empire. He accordingly marched with a powerful
army to the frontiers of the country: But, either from apprehensions of
his personal safety, or to be in a favourable situation for reinforcing
the invading army and directing its operations, he established himself
with a splendid court in the province of Atacama, the most southerly
district of Peru, and confided the command of the invading army to
Sinchiruca, a prince of the blood royal of Peru. Preceded, according to
the specious custom of the Peruvians, by several ambassadors, and
attended by a considerable military force, this general reduced under
the Peruvian government, more by persuasion than force, the four most
northerly tribes of the Chilese, named Copaipins, Coquimbans,
Quillotans, and Mapochians. After this, not being able by his
ambassadors to persuade the Promaucians into submission, who inhabit the
delightful country between the river Rapel on the north and Maule on the
south, he passed the river Rapel with his army to reduce them by force
of arms. The name of the Promaucians, which signifies _free-dancers_[56],
had been given them on account of their fondness for every kind of
amusement, and their peculiar attachment to dancing; yet the love of
pleasure had not rendered them effeminate. With the assistance of their
allies, they drew together a formidable army and fought the Peruvians
with such heroic valour as to defeat them in a battle, which, according
to Garcilasso, was continued during three successive days.

[Footnote 56: On a former occasion their name is explained as signifying
_the people of delight_, owing to the beauty, fertility, and charming
climate of their country.--E.]

On learning the defeat of his army and the invincible valour of the
Promaucians, the Inca gave orders that the river Rapel should remain the
southern boundary of his dominions, and all attempts to reduce the rest
of Chili were laid aside. According to Garcilasso, the river Maule was
established as the frontier of the Peruvian conquests: But this is by no
means probable; as in this case the country of the conquerors would have
been included within the territories of the vanquished. In fact, not far
from the river Cachapoal, which with the Tinguiririca forms the Rapel,
the remains of a Peruvian fortress are still to be seen on the top of a
steep hill, which was undoubtedly built to protect that part of the
frontier against the unconquered Promaucians. By this conquest of its
four northern provinces, Chili became divided into two distinct
portions; all to the south of the Rapel remaining free, while the
districts to the north of that river were subjected to the dominion of
the Incas. These four tribes, who had so readily submitted to the Inca
Yupanqui, were subjected to an annual tribute in gold; but the
conquerors never introduced their peculiar form of government into these
provinces, the inhabitants of which remained subject to their own native
_ulmens_, and preserved their original manners until the arrival of the
Spaniards.

When first known to the Spaniards, the Chilese were an agricultural
people, dependent for their subsistence on the cultivation of such
nutritious plants as accident or necessity had made them acquainted
with. The plants chiefly cultivated by them for subsistence were maize,
_magu, guegen, tuca, quinoa, pulse_ of various kinds, the potatoe,
_oxalis tuberosa_, common and yellow pumpkin or gourd, guinea pepper,
_madi_, and the great strawberry; of each of which it may be proper to
give a short account[57].

[Footnote 57: The following account of the plants cultivated by the
Chilese for food, is extracted from the natural history of Chili by
Molina; but the enumeration from the text of his civil history will be
found to differ materially from that given from the natural history of
the same author.--E.]

Maize or Turkey wheat, the _Zea mais_ of botanists, is called _gua_ by
the Chilese. It grows extremely well in Chili, where the inhabitants
cultivate eight or nine distinct varieties. The kind in highest repute
is called _uminta_, from which the natives prepare a dish by bruising
the corn, while in a green unripe state, between two stones into a kind
of paste, which they season with salt, sugar, and butter. This paste is
then divided into small portions, which are separately inclosed in the
skin or husk of the corn, and boiled for use. When ripe, the maize is
prepared for winter use, either by slightly roasting, or by drying in
the sun. From the former, named _chuchoca_, a kind of soup is prepared
by boiling with water: From the latter they make a very pleasant beer or
fermented liquor. The maize is sometimes reduced to meal by grinding
between two stones, being previously parched or roasted by means of
heated sand. For this purpose they prefer a variety of maize named
_curagua_, which is smaller than the other, and produces a lighter and
whiter meal, and in larger quantity. With this meal, mixed with sugar
and water, they make two different beverages, named _ulpo_ and
_cherchan_.

_Magu_ a species of rye, and _tuca_, a species of barley, were
cultivated by the Chilese before the coming of the Spaniards to that
country; but have been entirely neglected since the introduction of
European wheat. They are still used however by the Araucanians, who make
from them a kind of bread called _couvue_, which name they likewise give
to bread made from maize or wheat.

_Quinua_ is a species of _Chenopodium/_, having a black twisted grain of
a lenticular form, from which they prepare a stomachic beverage of a
pleasant taste. A variety of this plant, named _dahue_, produces white
seeds, which lengthen out when boiled like worms, and are excellent in
soup. The leaves of the _quinoa_ have an agreeable taste, and are eaten
by the natives.

_Degul_ is a species of bean, of which the Chilese cultivated thirteen
or fourteen kinds before the arrival of the Spaniards, differing but
little from the common European bean or _Phaseolus vulgaris_, one of
them having a straight stalk, and all the rest climbers[58].

[Footnote 58: These beans are obviously what are called kidney-beans in
this country.--E.]

Chili is considered by naturalists as the native country of that
valuable esculent the potato, or _Solanun tuberosum_, which is known
there by the names of _papa_ and _pogny_. It is found indeed wild all
over the country; but those wild plants, named _maglia_, produce only
small roots of a bitterish taste. It is distinguished into two species,
and more than thirty varieties are cultivated with much care. Besides
the common species, the second is the _cari, Solanum cari_, which bears
white flowers having a large central nectary like the narcissus. The
roots of this species are cylindrical and very sweet, and are usually
roasted under the ashes.

The _Oca_, or _Oxalis tuberosa_, produces five or six tuberosities on
each root, three or four inches in length covered by a thin smooth skin.
It is eaten boiled or roasted, and has a pleasant subacid taste. Like
the potato, it is multiplied by means of its bulbs cut in pieces. There
are several species of this plant; one of which called _red culle_, is
much used in dyeing, and Is considered as a specific remedy for
inflammatory fevers.

Two species of gourds are known in Chili. The first species, with a
white flower, called _quada_, has twenty-six varieties, several of which
produce sweet and edible fruit, while that of the others is bitter. With
one of these last, after extracting the seeds, the Chilese give a
pleasant perfume or flavour to their cyder. The yellow-flowering gourd,
called _penca_, has two kinds or varieties, the common and mamillary,
owing to the fruit of the latter having a large nipple-shaped process at
the end. Its pulp is sweet, and resembles in taste a kind of potato
named _camote._

The _quelghen,_ or Chili strawberry has rough and succulent leaves, and
its fruit is sometimes as large as a hens egg. This fruit is generally
red and white; but in the provinces of Puchacay and Huilquilemeu, where
they attain the greatest perfection, the fruit is yellow. "The Chili
strawberry is _dioecial_, and has degenerated much in Europe by the want
of male plants, and the females producing hybrid fruit by impregnation
from the ordinary strawberries growing in the neighbourhood; in
consequence of which circumstance the cultivation of this kind has been
abandoned in Europe."

The _madi,_ a new genus of plants peculiar to Chili, has two species,
one wild and the other cultivated. From the seeds of the latter an
excellent oil is procured, either by expression, or by boiling in water,
of an agreeable mild taste, and as clear as the best olive oil. This
plant, hitherto unknown in Europe, would be a most valuable acquisition
to those countries in which the olive cannot be raised.

Many species of the capsicum, or guinea pepper, are cultivated in Chili,
under the name of _thapi_, and are used as seasonings in the food of the
natives.

The _illmu,_ or Bermudiana bulbosa, produces bulbous roots, which are
excellent food either boiled or roasted, and are very pleasant in soups.
The _liuto_ produces a bulbous root, which yields a very white, light,
and nutritious flour, which is much used as food for the sick.

To these enumerated provisions from the vegetable kingdom, may be added
the _cuy_ or little rabbit, _Lepus minimus,_ and the Chilihueque, or
Araucanian camel; the flesh of which last affords an excellent food, and
its wool furnishes clothing for the natives. If tradition may be
credited, they had also the hog and the domestic fowl before the Spanish
invasion. Besides these, the country produced the _guanaco,_ and the
_pudu,_ a species of wild goat, and a great variety of birds. With these
productions, which required only a moderate degree of industry, they
subsisted with a sufficient abundance considering their situation and
numbers; insomuch that, when Almagro invaded Chili, his army found
abundance of provisions to recruit after the famine they had endured in
their imprudent march through the deserts intervening between Peru and
that country. With these advantages of abundant provisions in a fertile
soil and mild climate, it appears that the first writers who treated of
Chili cannot have greatly exaggerated in saying that it was filled with
inhabitants at the first arrival of the Spaniards. Even the circumstance
of one language being spoken through the whole country, is a proof that
all the tribes were in the habit of continual intercourse, and that they
were not isolated by vast unpeopled deserts, as is the case in many
other parts of America.

Agriculture appears to have made no inconsiderable progress among the
Chilese, who cultivated a great variety of alimentary plants, all
distinguished by peculiar and appropriate names, which could not have
been the case except in consequence of an extensive and varied
cultivation. They even had aqueducts in many parts of the country for
watering or irrigating their fields; and, among these, the canal which
runs for many miles along the rough skirts of the mountains near the
capital, and waters the lands to the north of that city, remains a
remarkably solid and extensive monument of their ingenious industry.
They were likewise acquainted with the use of manure, called _vunalti_
in their language; but, from the great fertility of the soil, little
attention was paid to that subject. They used a kind of spade or
breast-plough of hard wood for turning the soil, which was pushed
forwards by their breasts. At present the native Chilese use a very
simple plough, called _chetague_, made of the branch of a tree crooked
at one end, having a wooden share and a single handle by which it is
guided. Whether this simple implement has been taught them by the
Spaniards, or is of their own invention I know not; but should believe
it original, as Admiral Spilsberg observed a plough of this kind, drawn
by two Chilihueques, used by the natives of the Isle of Mocha in the
Araucanian Sea, where the Spaniards never had a settlement. The Fathers
Bry add, that the Chilese tilled their lands by means of these animals
before the arrival of any European cattle. However this may have been,
it is certain that this Araucanian camel was employed by the natives as
a beast of burden before the arrival of the Spaniards, and the
transition from burden to draught is not difficult.

The Chilese cooked their grain for food in various ways, by boiling in
earthen pots, or roasting it in hot sand, and by grinding it into meal,
which they prepared in the form of gruel, of cakes, and of bread. Meal
made of parched grain was called _murque_, and when made from grain
merely dried in the sun _rugo_. Of the first they made gruels, and a
kind of beverage still used for breakfast. Of the second they made
cakes, and a kind of bread called _covque_, which was baked in holes dug
in the sides of hills or the banks of rivers, in the form of ovens, many
of which are still to be seen. They had even invented a kind of sieve,
called _chignigue_, to separate the bran from the flour, and employed
leaven in baking their bread. From the grains already mentioned, and the
fruits or berries of different trees, they made nine or ten different
kinds of fermented liquors, which they made and kept in jars of
earthen-ware.

Having adopted the settled mode of life indispensable to an agricultural
people, the Chilese were collected into families or septs more or less
numerous, in those situations which were best suited for procuring
subsistence, where they established themselves in large villages, called
_cara_, or in small ones called _lov_. These villages consisted only of
a number of huts irregularly dispersed within sight of each other, and
some of them still subsist in several parts of Spanish Chili. The most
considerable of these are _Lampa_ in the province of St Jago, and _Lora_
in the province of Maule. In each village or hamlet they had a chief
named _Ulmen_, who was subject in certain points, to the supreme ruler
of the tribe, or _apo-ulmen_. The succession of these chiefs was by
hereditary descent; and from their title of office, which signifies a
rich man, it would appear that wealth had been the original means of
raising these families to the rank they now occupy, contrary to the
usages of other savage nations in which strength, skill in hunting, or
martial prowess appear to have been the steps by which individuals have
risen to rank and power. The authority of these chiefs or _ulmens_
appears to have been extremely limited, being merely of a directive
nature and not absolute. The right of private property was fully
established among the Chilese, as every individual was the absolute
master of the land he cultivated, and of the produce of his industry,
both of which descended to his posterity by hereditary succession.

The houses or huts of the Chilese were built in a quadrangular form, of
wood covered with clay, and the roof covered with rushes; though in some
instances the walls were of brick, the use of which they seem to have
learned from the Peruvians, as they used the Peruvian term _tica_ for
that material. From the wool of the Chilihueques they manufactured cloth
for their apparel, using the spindle and distaff for spinning this wool
into yarn, and two different kinds of looms for weaving the yarn into
cloth. One of these, called _guregue_, is not very unlike the ordinary
loom of Europe; but the other is vertical or upright, and called
_uthalgue_, from the verb _uthalen_, signifying to stand upright. From
a verb in their language, _nudaven_, which signifies to sew, they must
have used some kind of needle to sew their garments; but I know not of
what substance it was composed. They seem even to have been acquainted
with the art of embroidery, called _dumican_ in their language. From
excellent clay which is found abundantly in Chili, they made pots,
plates, cups, and large jars to hold their fermented liquors, baking
these vessels in holes or ovens made in the declivities of hills; and
they even used a kind of mineral earth called _colo_, for varnishing
these vessels. Besides these vessels of clay, they made others of hard
wood, and even of marble; some vases of which excellently polished have
been dug out from under a large heap of stones in the mountains of
Arauco. From the earth they extracted gold, silver, copper, tin, and
lead, and employed these metals in a variety of useful and curious
works. Particularly from their native copper, which is a kind of
bell-metal and very hard, they made axes, hatchets, and other edged
tools, but in small quantities, as these are very rarely met with in
their ancient sepulchres; where, on the contrary, hatchets made of a
species of basalt or very hard stone are very often found. They seem
even to have known the use of iron, as it is called _panilgue_ in their
language, and weapons made of it are termed _chiuquel_, while those made
of other materials are called _nulin_. A smith likewise is called
_ruthave_, from _ruthan_, signifying to work in iron.

The ancient Chilese had discovered the art of making salt, both from sea
water and from inland salt springs; calling the former _chiadi_, and the
latter _lilco-chiadi_, or salt from the water of rocks. They procured
dyes of various colours for their clothes, both from the juice of plants
and from mineral earths, and had discovered the art of fixing them by
means of the _polcura_, an aluminous or astringent mineral. Instead of
soap, they used the back of the _quillai_, which is an excellent
substitute. In their language there are many words discriminative of
various kinds of baskets and mats, which they manufactured from various
vegetables. From a plant called _gnocchia_, they procured a strong
fibrous substance resembling hemp, of which they made ropes and fishing
nets of different kinds; and the inhabitants on the coast used canoes of
different kinds and sizes, and floats or rafts of wood, or of inflated
seal skins. Though not peculiarly addicted to hunting, they were
accustomed to kill the wild animals and birds of the country, both for
amusement and subsistence; for which purpose they used bows and arrows,
and the _laque_ or running noose which is employed with so much
ingenuity by many of the South American natives. It is a singular fact
that they had the same device as the Chinese, for catching wild ducks in
their lakes and rivers, covering their heads with perforated gourds, and
wading among the flocks.

They had advanced so far in the knowledge of numbers, as to have
distinctive names for the ten units, and for an hundred and a thousand,
with all the intermediate numbers compounded of decimal terms. To
preserve the memory of their transactions, they used a bunch of threads
of several colours called _pron_, similar to the _quippo_ of the
Peruvians, oh which they cast a number of knots according to
circumstances. The subject was indicated by the colour of the threads,
and the knots designated the number or quantity, but I have not been
able to discover any other purpose to which this species of register
could be applied. The _quippo_ is still used by the shepherds in Peru,
to keep an account of the number in their flocks, to mark the day and
hour when the different ewes yeaned, or when any of their lambs are
lost.

The religious system of the Araucanians, formerly that of all the native
tribes of Chili, resembles in a great measure the freedom of their modes
of life and government. They acknowledge a Supreme Being, the creator of
all things, whom they name _Pillan_, a word derived from _pulli_ or
_pilli_, the soul. He is likewise named _Guenu-pillan_, the soul or
spirit of heaven; _Buta-gen_, the great being; _Thalcove_[59], the
thunderer; _Vilvemvoe_, the creator of all things; _Vilpepilvoe_, the
omnipotent; _Mollgelu_, the eternal; _Avnolu_, the omnipotent; and is
designed by many other similar epithets. Their ideas of the government
of heaven form in a great measure a prototype of the Araucanian system
of civil polity; Pillan is considered as the great _Toqui_ of the
invisible world of Spirits[60], and is supposed to have his _Apo-ulmens_
and _Ulmens_, or subordinate deities of two different ranks, to whom he
entrusts the administration of lesser affairs. In the first class of
these inferior deities, are _Epunamun_, or the god of war; _Meulen_, a
benevolent being, the friend of the human race; and _Guecubu_, a
malignant being, the author of all evil, who is likewise called _Algue_.
Hence they appear to entertain the doctrine of two adverse principles,
improperly called Manicheism. _Guecubu_, or _Huecuvu_, is named
_Mavari_ by the natives on the Orinoco, and is the same with the
_Aherman_ of the ancient Persians. To him every evil is attributed. If a
horse tire, he has been ridden by _Guecubu_. In an earthquake, _Guecubu_
has given the world a shock; and the like in all things. The _Ulmens_,
or subaltern deities of their celestial hierarchy, resemble the genii,
and are supposed to have the charge of earthly things, and to form, in
concert with the benevolent Meulen, a counterpoise to the prodigious
power of the malignant Guecuba. These _ulmens_ of the spiritual world
are conceived to be of both sexes, who always continue pure and chaste
without propagation. The males are called _Gen_, or lords; the females
_Amei-malghen_, or spiritual nymphs, and are supposed to perform the
same friendly offices to men which were anciently attributed to the
_lares_, and every Araucanian imagines he has one of these attendant
spirits in his service. _Nien cai gni Amchi-malghen_, I keep my nymph
still, is a common expression when any one succeeds in an undertaking.
Pursuant to the analogy of their own earthly government, as their
_Ulmens_ have no right to impose any service or contribution on the
people whom they govern, so they conceive the celestial race require no
services from man, having occasion for none. Hence they have neither
idols nor temples, and offer no sacrifices, except in case of some
severe calamity, or on the conclusion of a peace, when they sacrifice
animals, and burn tobacco as a grateful incense to their deities. Yet
they invoke them and implore their aid on urgent occasions, chiefly
addressing _Pillan_ and _Meulen_.

[Footnote 59: _Pillan_, according to Dobrizhoffer, is likewise the word
for thunder. In a similar manner, _Tupa_ or _Tupi_, among all the Tupi
tribes of Brazil, and the Guaranies of Paraguay, signifies both God and
thunder.--E.]

[Footnote 60: Among the Moluches, the general name of the Supreme Being,
according to Falkner, is _Toqui-chen_, or the supreme ruler of the
people.--E.]

[Illustration: Map of CHILI]

Notwithstanding the small regard which they pay to their deities, they
are extremely superstitious in matters of less importance, and are firm
believers in divination, paying the utmost attention to favourable and
unfavourable omens, to dreams, the singing and flight of birds, and the
like, which they believe to denote the pleasure of the gods. They have
accordingly jugglers or diviners, who pretend to a knowledge of
futurity, who are called _Gligua_ and _Dugol_, some of them call
themselves _Guenguenu_ or masters of heaven, _Guenpugnu_ or masters of
disease, _Guen-piru_, or masters of worms, and the like. These diviners
pretend to the power of producing rain, of curing diseases, of
preventing the ravages of the worms which destroy the grain, and so on.
They are in perpetual dread of imaginary beings, called _Calcus_ or
sorcerers, who in their opinion remain concealed in caverns by day,
along with their disciples or servants, called _lvunches_ or
man-animals, who transform themselves at night into owls and shoot
invisible arrows at their enemies.

They all believe in the immortality of the soul, which they call _am_ or
_pulli_, and which they say is _aneanolu_ or incorporeal, and _mugealu_,
or existing for ever; but they are not agreed as to the state of the
soul after this life. All say that it goes after death to the west
beyond the sea, to a place called _Gulcheman_, or the dwelling of the
men beyond the mountains. Some believe this country is divided into two
provinces; one that is pleasant and filled with every thing delightful,
the abode of the good; the other desolate and devoid of every comfort,
the dwelling of the wicked. Others again conceive that all enjoy eternal
pleasure after this life, and that the deeds done in the body have no
influence on the future lot. They believe the soul retains its original
attachments and dislikes, and that the spirits of their departed
countrymen frequently return and fight furiously with those of their
former enemies, when they meet in the air; and to these combats they
attribute the origin of tempests and of thunder and lightning. When a
storm happens on the Andes or the ocean, they ascribe it to a battle
between the spirits of their departed countrymen and those of the
Spaniards. If the storm take its course towards the Spanish territory,
they exclaim triumphantly, _Inavimen, inavimen, puen, laguvimen!_ Pursue
them friends, pursue them, kill them! If the storm tends towards their
own country, they cry out in consternation, _Yavulumen, puen,
namuntumen_! Courage friends, be firm!

They have a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a few persons
were saved by taking refuge on a high mountain, named _Thegtheg_, the
thundering or sparkling, which had three points, and had the property of
floating on the waters. On the occurrence of violent earthquakes, they
fly for refuge to the mountains, fearful that the sea may again deluge
the world; and on these occasions, every one takes a good supply of
provisions, and a large wooden platter to protect the head, in case the
_Thegtheg_ when raised by the waters should approach the sun.

The year of the Araucanians is solar, and begins on the 22d of December,
or immediately after the southern solstice, which they call
_Thaumathipantu_, or the head and tail of the year, and are able to
ascertain this period with tolerable precision by means of watching the
shadows. The 22d of June is called _Udanthipantu_, the divider of the
year, as dividing it into two equal parts. The whole year is called
_Tipantu_, or the course of the sun, and is divided into twelve months
of thirty days each, to which they add five intercallary days to
complete the tropical year, but in what way I have not been able to
determine. The months are called _cujen_, or moons, and have the
following names:

   Avun-cujen,       the month of fruit,        -------------January
   Coji-cujen        the month of harvest,      ------------February
   Glor-cujen,       the month of maize,        ---------------March
   Rimu-cujen,       the 1st month of rimu,     ---------------April
   Inarimu-cujen,    the 2d month of rimu,      -----------------May
   Thor-cujen,       the 1st month of foam,     ----------------June
   Inanthor-cujen,   the 2d month of foam,      ----------------July
   Huin-cujen,       the unpleasant month,      --------------August
   Pillal-cujen,     the treacherous month,     ---------- September
   Hueul-cujen,      1st month of new winds,    -------------October
   Inan-hueul-cujen,  2d month of new winds,    ------------November
   Hueviru-cujen,     the month of new fruits,  ----------- December

The year is divided into four seasons; the spring being called
_Peughen_, the summer _Ucan_, the autumn _Gualug_, and the winter
_Pucham_. The natural day is divided into twelve parts or hours, called
_gliaganiu_, six of which belong to the day and six to the night, all of
which have particular names. Commencing at midnight, there are Puliuen,
Ueun, Thipanantu, Maleu, Vutamaleu, Ragiantu, Culunantu, Gullantu,
Conantu, Guvquenantu, Puni, Ragipun. The stars in general are named
_huaglen_, which they distribute into constellations called _pal_ or
_ritha_. The pleiades are named _Cajupal_, or the constellation of six;
the antarctic cross _Meleritho_, the Constellation of four, and so on.
The milky-way is named _Rupuepen_, the fabulous road. The planets are
called _gau_, a word derived from _gaun_ to wash, as they suppose them
to dip into the sea when they set; and some conceive them to be other
earths inhabited like our own. The sky is called _Guenu-mapu_, or the
heavenly country; the moon _Cuyenmapu_, or the country of the moon.
Comets are called _Cheruvoc_, as believed to be terrestrial exhalations
inflamed in the upper region of the air. The eclipses of the sun and
moon are called _Lay-antu_ and _Lay-cujen_, or the deaths of the sun and
moon.

Their measures of length are the _nela_ or palm, the _duche_ or foot,
_namun_ the pace, _the can_ the ell, and _tupu_ the league, which
answers to the marine league or the pharasang of the Persians: But they
estimate long distances by mornings, corresponding to our days journeys.
The liquid measures are the _guampar_, about a quart; _can_ about a
pint; and the _mencu_, which is still smaller. The dry measures are the
_chiaique, about six pints; and the _gliepu_, which is double that
quantity.

Oratory is held in high estimation, and is the road to honour and the
management of public affairs; insomuch that the eldest son of an
_Ulmen_, if deficient in that talent, is excluded from the right of
succession, which devolves upon a younger son, or the nearest male
relative who happens to be an able speaker. On this account, parents
accustom their sons to speak in public from their early youth, and carry
them to the national assemblies, where the best orators of the nation
display their eloquence. Hence the universal attention to speak the
language correctly and to preserve its purity. They are so careful to
avoid the introduction of any foreign words into their language, that
when any stranger settles among them he is obliged to adopt a new name
in the _Chili-dugu_ or language of the country, and even the
missionaries must conform to this singular regulation, if they would
obtain favour; and so fastidious are they in attention to the purity of
their language, that the audience will interrupt a missionary while
preaching, to correct the mistakes in language or pronunciation. Many of
them are well acquainted with the Spanish language; and, from being
accustomed to a soft regular and varied language, they are able easily
to learn the pronunciation of the different European dialects, as was
observed by Captain Wallis of the Patagonians, who are real Chilese.
They are so unwilling however to use the Spanish, that they never use it
in any of the assemblies or congresses between the two nations, and
rather choose to listen to a tiresome interpretation than to degrade the
dignity of their native tongue by using another on such occasions.
Their style of oratory is highly figurative, elevated, allegorical, and
replete with peculiar phrases and expressions that are only used on such
occasions; whence it is called _coyag-tucan_ or the style of public
harangues. They commonly divide their subject into regular heads, called
_thoy_, and usually specify the number they mean to enlarge upon; saying
_Epu thoygei tamen piavin_, "what I am going to say is divided into two
heads." Their speeches are not deficient in a suitable exordium, a clear
narrative, a well-founded argument, and a pathetic peroration; and
usually abound in parables and apologues; which sometimes furnish the
main substance of the discourse.

Their poets are called _gempin_, or lords of speech; and their poetry
generally contains strong and lively images, bold figures, frequent
allusions and similitudes, new and forcible expressions, and possesses
the power of exciting sensibility. It is every where animated and
metaphorical, and allegory is its very soul and essence. Their verses
are mostly composed in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, and are for
the most part blank, yet rhyme is occasionally introduced, according to
the taste or caprice of the poet.

They have three kinds of physicians. Of these the _ampives_, who are
skilful herbalists, are the best, and have even some skill in the pulse
and other diagnostics of disease. The _vileus_ pretend that all
contagious diseases are produced by insects or worms, and are therefore
often called _cutampiru_, which signifies vermiculous diseases, or
diseases proceeding from worms. The _machis_ are a superstitious class,
or pretenders to sorcery, and allege that all diseases proceed from
witchcraft, and pretend therefore to cure them by supernatural means,
for which reason they are employed in desperate cases, when the
exertions of the _ampives_ and _vileus_ have proved ineffectual; They
have likewise a kind of surgeons, called _gutarve_; who are skilful in
replacing luxations, setting fractured bones, and curing wounds and
ulcers. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Chilese doctors used
bleeding, blistering, emetics, cathartics, sudorifics, and even
glysters. They let blood by means of a sharp flint fixed in a small
stick; and for giving glysters they employ a bladder and pipe. Their
emetics, cathartics, and sudorifics are all obtained from the vegetable
kingdom.

Their commerce, both internal and external, is all carried on by barter,
as they have not adopted the use of money; and this is regulated by a
conventional tariff according to which the values of all articles in
commerce are appraised under the name of _cullen_, or payment. Their
external trade is with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange _ponchos_,
or Chilese cloaks, and animals, for wine or European articles. The
Spaniards of the province of Maule supply the Araucanians with iron
ware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain, and wine; and are paid in
_ponchos_ of which they receive above 40,000 yearly, in horned cattle,
horses, ostrich feathers, curious baskets, and other trifles; for it has
never been possible to induce them to open their gold mines. The Spanish
merchant has in the first place to obtain permission from the ulmens or
heads of families of a district, after which he proceeds to all the
houses, distributing his merchandize indiscriminately to all, who
present themselves. When he has completed his sale, he gives notice of
his departure, and all the purchasers hasten to an appointed village,
where they deliver the articles agreed for with the utmost punctuality.


SECTION IV.

_First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro_.


After the death of Atahualpa and the subjection of the Peruvian empire
by Pizarro and Almagro, Pizarro persuaded his companion Almagro to
undertake the conquest of Chili then celebrated for its niches, being
desirous to enjoy the sole command in Peru. Filled with sanguine
expectations of a rich booty, Almagro began his march for Chili in the
end[61] of the year 1535, with an army of 570 Spaniards, and accompanied
by 15,000 Peruvians, under the command of Paullu[62], the brother of the
Inca _Manco_, the nominal emperor of Peru, who had succeeded to
Atahualpa and Huasear. Two roads lead from Peru to Chili; one of which
by the maritime plain, is the arid desert of Atacama, destitute of water
and provisions; while the other passes for about 120 miles over the
immense ridge of the Andes, and is attended by excessive inconveniences
and almost insurmountable difficulties Almagro chose this road because
it was the shortest from Cuzco; and in this march his army had to endure
infinite fatigue, and almost incessant conflicts with the barbarous
tribes in the several districts through which he had to pass. He at
length reached the eastern side of the vast chain of the Andes at the
commencement of winter, almost destitute of provisions, and ill supplied
with clothing to protect his people under the inclemencies of the region
he had still to penetrate. At the season of the year which he
unfortunately chose, snow falls almost continually among the Andes, and
completely fills and obliterates the narrow paths that are even
difficultly passable in summer. The soldiers, however, animated by their
general, and ignorant of the dangers they had to encounter, advanced
with inconceivable toil to the summit of the rugged ascent. But by the
severity of the weather, and the want of provisions, 150 of the
Spaniards perished by the way; and 10,000 of the Peruvians, less able to
endure the rigours of that frozen region, were destroyed. Not one of all
the army would have escaped, had not Almagro pushed resolutely forward
with a small party of horse to Copaipo, whence he sent back succours and
provisions to his army still engaged in the defiles of the mountains. By
these means, those of the most robust constitutions, who had been able
to resist the inclemency of the weather, were enabled to extricate
themselves from the snow, and at length reached the plains of Copaipo,
the most northerly province in Chili, where they were kindly received
and entertained by the inhabitants, through respect for the Peruvians.

[Footnote 61: The beginning of that year according to Ovale.--E.]

[Footnote 62: By Orale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, and
the high priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to have been
likewise sent in company with Almagro.--E.]

As the Inca Paullu was well acquainted with the object of this
expedition, he obliged the inhabitants of Copaipo to deliver up to him
all the gold in their possession, which he immediately presented to
Almagro, to the value of 500,000 ducats. Almagro was highly pleased with
this first fruit of his labours, and immediately distributed the whole
among his soldiers, to whom also he remitted immense debts which they
owed him, as he had advanced them all the funds which were necessary to
fit them out for the expedition. Almagro soon learnt that the reigning
Ulmen of Copaipo had usurped the government of that province in
prejudice of his nephew and ward, who had fled to the woods. Calling the
lawful heir into his presence, he arrested the guilty chief, and
reinstated the lawful heir in the government, with the universal
applause of the natives, who attributed this conduct entirely to motives
of justice and a wish to redress the injured.

When the Spaniards were recovered from their fatigues, through the
hospitable assistance of the Copaipins, and were reinforced by an
additional number of soldiers brought by Rodrigo Orgonez from Peru,
Almagro and his troops commenced their march towards the more southerly
provinces of Chili, full of the most flattering hopes of acquiring vast
riches and splendid establishments in a fine country, which was
interspersed on all sides with numerous villages, evincing an extensive
population and fertile soil. The natives every where crowded round them
on the march, to examine the wonderful strangers, and to present them
with such things as they thought might prove agreeable to beings whom
they conceived of a superior order to other men. In the mean time, two
soldiers who had separated from the army, proceeded to the river Huasco
which forms the boundary between the provinces of Copaipo and Coquimbo,
where they were well received at first by the inhabitants; but, in
consequence of some acts of violence, they were afterwards put to death,
being the first European blood spilt in Chili, which has since been so
copiously watered with the blood of the Spaniards. On being informed of
this unfortunate accident, calculated to weaken the exalted notion which
he wished to inspire into the natives of the character of his soldiers,
Almagro hastened his march for Coquimbo, where he immediately ordered
_Marcando_ the head _ulmen_ of the province, his brother, and twenty
others of the principal inhabitants to be brought before him; all of
whom he committed to the flames; This act of cruelty appeared
extraordinary and unjust to every one; for even among these adventurers,
inured to rapine and bloodshed, there still were some men of humanity
and justice. The majority of the army openly disapproved the severity of
the general on this occasion, and from this time his affairs ceased to
be prosperous.

Some time in the year 1537, Almagro received a considerable
reinforcement from Peru under the command of Juan de Rada; who likewise
brought him letters patent from the king of Spain, by which he was
appointed governor of 200 leagues of territory to the southward of the
government which had been granted to Francisco Pizarro. By the same
conveyance Almagro received letters from his friends in Peru, urging him
to return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco, which they
asserted was within the limits of the jurisdiction confided to him by
his patent. But, as he entertained very sanguine ideas of the value of
the conquest in which he was now engaged, he pursued his march towards
the south, and passed the fatal _Cachapoal_ or _Rapel_, regardless of
the remonstrances of his Peruvian allies, who urged him to refrain from
attempting to invade the country of the valiant Promaucians[63]. At the
first appearance of the Spaniards, these brave Indians were astonished
and terrified by the horses and thundering arms of the strangers; but
soon recovering from the effects of their first surprise, they
intrepidly opposed their new enemies on the banks of the Rio-claro.
Despising their force, and ignorant of their bravery, Almagro placed his
Peruvian allies in the first line, now considerably increased by an
additional number whom Paullu had drawn from the Peruvian garrisons in
Chili. But these troops were soon defeated by the Promaucians, and fell
back in confusion on the line of Spaniards in the rear. The Spaniards,
instead of remaining spectators of the battle, were now compelled to
sustain the vigorous attack of the enemy; and, advancing with their
horse, a furious battle was fought with considerable loss on both sides,
and continued till night separated the combatants without either party
having gained the victory.

[Footnote 63: Called _Puramaucans_ by Garcilasso and _Promocaes_ by
Ovale, who names the _Cauquenes_ and _Peneos_ as their allies.--E.]

Although the Promaucians had sustained a heavy loss in this battle, they
courageously encamped within sight of the Spaniards, determined to renew
the fight next morning. Though the Spaniards had kept possession of the
field, and considered themselves victorious according to the customs of
Europe, they were very differently inclined from their valiant enemies.
Hitherto they had been accustomed to subdue extensive provinces with
little or no resistance, and became disgusted with an enterprise which
could not be accomplished without much fatigue and danger, and the loss
of much blood, having to contend against a bold and independent nation,
by whom they were not considered as immortal or as a superior order of
beings. It was therefore resolved by common consent to abandon the
present expedition, yet they differed materially as to the conduct of
their retreat; some being desirous to return into Peru entirely, while
others wished to form a settlement in the northern provinces of Chili,
where they had already received so much hospitality, and had acquired
considerable riches. The first opinion was supported by Almagro, now
strongly impressed by the suggestions of his friends in Peru to take
possession of Cuzco. He represented to his soldiers the dangers to which
a settlement would be exposed in so warlike a country, and persuaded
them to follow him to Cuzco, where he expected to be able to establish
his authority either by persuasion or force, pursuant to his royal
patent.

Having determined to return into Peru, and having fatally experienced
the dangers of the mountain road, Almagro resolved to march by the
desert of Atacama in the maritime plain, by which he conducted his
troops into Peru with very little loss in 1538. He took possession of
Cuzco by surprise; and, after ineffectual negociations, he fought a
battle with the brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken prisoner, and
beheaded as a disturber of the public peace. Such was the fate of the
first expedition of the Spaniards against Chili, undertaken by the best
body of European troops that had hitherto been collected in those
distant regions. The thirst of riches was the moving spring of this
expedition, and the disappointment of their hopes the cause of its
abandonment.


SECTION V.

_Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the
commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians_.


Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish possessions on the
southern side of South America, by the defeat and death of his rival
Almagro. Pizarro resolved to resume the conquest of Chili, which he
conceived might become an important acquisition. Among the adventurers
who had come from Spain to Chili, were two officers who held royal
commissions to attempt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, and
Camargo. To Hoz had been confided the conquest of the country from the
confines of Peru to the river Maule; and to Camargo the remainder of the
country beyond that river to the archipelago of Chiloe. Jealous of the
interference of these officers in the country which he considered as his
by right of discovery, Pizarro refused under frivolous pretences to
confirm the royal nomination, and chose for the conduct of the
expedition Pedro de Valdivia, his quarter-master, a prudent active and
brave officer, who had acquired military experience in the wars of
Italy, and who had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. On
this occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with him to
Chili, and to allow him every advantage he could possibly desire in the
allotment or repartition of lands and Indians in the expected conquest.

Valdivia accordingly set out from Cuzco in 1540, with a force of 200
Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries,
taking likewise along with him some monks, several Spanish women, and a
great number of European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settling a
new colony in the country. On his march for Chili he pursued the same
route with Almagro; but instructed by the misfortunes of his
predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes till the middle of
summer, by which precaution he was enabled to enter Chili without
incurring any loss. His reception there however, even in the northern
provinces, was very different from that which had been experienced by
Almagro. Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards, owing to
which they were freed from the submission they had come under to the
Incas, they did not consider themselves bound to transfer their
obedience to the present invaders. The Copaipans accordingly began to
attack Valdivia immediately on entering their country, assailing him at
every step with much valour, but with very little conduct. Like
barbarians in general, they were incapable of making a common cause with
each other; and having been long accustomed to servitude under the
Peruvians, during which all union among the northern tribes had been
dissolved, they attacked their invaders in separate hordes as they
advanced into the country, and without that steady and firm courage
which stamps the valour of a free people in the defence of their
liberties. In spite of this desultory and uncombined opposition from the
natives, Valdivia traversed the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo,
Quillota, and Melipilla, with Very little loss though much harassed, and
arrived in the province of Mapocho, now called St Jago.

This province, which is more than 600 miles from the confines of Peru,
is one of the pleasantest and most fertile in the kingdom. Its name of
Mapocho signifies in the Chilese language, _the land of many people_;
and according to the earliest writers respecting Chili, its population
was then extremely numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes,
is 140 miles in circumference, and is watered by the rivers Maypo,
Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equal
parts. In one place this river sinks into the earth, and after a
subterraneous course of five miles, emerges again with an increase of
its waters, and finally joins the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren,
which terminate this province on the north, abound in gold, and in that
part of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are several
rich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far into the country
on purpose to render it difficult for his soldiers to return into Peru,
and he now determined to form a settlement in this province, which from
its remote situation and natural advantages, seemed excellently
calculated to become the centre of his intended conquests. Having
selected with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of the
Mapocho, he laid the foundation of the intended capital of the kingdom
of Chili, on the 24th of February 1541, naming this new city St Jago, in
honour of the tutelary saint of Spain. In laying out the ground plan of
the intended city, he divided the whole into plots or squares of 4095
toises each[64], and allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of a
house for each citizen, which plan has been followed in laying out all
the other cities in Chili. One of these areas situated on one side of
the great square was destined for the cathedral and bishops palace, and
another for the house of the governor and the public offices. He then
appointed a cabildo or magistracy, according to the usual forms in
Spanish cities, from those persons in his small army that were best
qualified for the purpose; and, for the protection of the new
settlement, in case of attack from the Chilese, he built a fort on a
hill in the centre of the city, which has since received the name of St
Lucia.

[Footnote 64: Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be
considered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises,
or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the public
square is described as being 450 feet on each side.--E.]

Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the choice of a
situation for the capital of the new colony, it would in my opinion have
been much better placed on the banks of the river Maypo, about fifteen
miles farther south; as that river is much larger than the Mapocho, has
a direct communication with the sea, and might easily be made navigable
for ships of considerable burden. In the year 1787, this city contained
more than 40,000 inhabitants, and was rapidly increasing in population,
owing to its being the seat of government, and the residence of many
wealthy and luxurious families, by which it attracts considerable
commerce.

The natives observed the progress of this new settlement with much
jealousy, and concerted measures for freeing themselves from such
unwelcome intruders; but, as Valdivia discovered their intentions, he
confined the chiefs of the conspiracy in his new fortress; and having
intimation of a secret intelligence being carried on between the
Mapochians and their neighbours, the Promancians, he repaired with a
body of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the motions
of that brave and enterprising nation. This precaution was however
altogether unnecessary, as that fearless people had not sufficient
policy or foresight to think of uniting with their neighbours in order
to secure themselves from the impending danger. Taking advantage of the
absence of Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement with
desperate fury, burnt all the half-built houses, and assailed the
citadel on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. While
the Spaniards were valiantly defending their imperfect fortifications, a
woman named Inez Suarez, beat out the brains of all the captive chiefs
with an axe, under the apprehension that they were endeavouring to
regain their liberty, and might assist the assailants in gaining
possession of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was continued
without intermission till night, fresh assailants continually occupying
the places of those who were, slain or disabled.

The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy, found means to send a
messenger to inform Valdivia of his situation; and the governor
accordingly hastened to the aid of the besieged with all possible
expedition, and found the ditch almost filled with dead bodies, while
the enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were
preparing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the fort
to join the cavalry he had along with him, Valdivia advanced in order of
battle against the forces of the enemy, who were posted on the bank of
the Mapocho. The battle was again renewed in this place, and obstinately
contested with equal valour on both sides; but with great disadvantage
on the part of the natives, who were far inferior in arms and discipline
to the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse made a dreadful slaughter
among Mapochians, who were only armed with bows and slings; yet
obstinately bent upon preserving their independence, and regardless of
their own importance, they rushed on to inevitable destruction; till
having lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced to a small
number, they at length fled and dispersed over the plain.
Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others of not less importance
which they sustained afterwards, the Mapochians did not cease for the
space of six years to keep the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago,
continually attacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off their
provisions so effectually, that they were often reduced to great
straits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome viands, and
what little grain they were able to raise under protection of the cannon
from the ramparts. At length, worn out and brought to utter ruin by this
incessant warfare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their own
crops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains around
the new city utterly deserted and uncultivated.

The soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted by this
continual war, so different from what they had expected; and as they
believed him obstinately bent upon adherence to his own plan, and
resolved to continue the settlement in spite of every opposition from
the natives, they entered into a conspiracy to kill their general and to
return into Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease and
tranquillity. Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy,
Valdivia, who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address, soon
conciliated those who were least implicated. After this, as he only had
the title of general which did not confer any civil and judicial power,
he assembled the Cabildo of the city, and persuaded them to invest him
in the office of governor of the city and kingdom. In this imposing
capacity, he tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of the
conspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the turbulent
and seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying up their hopes with
the most flattering promises of future wealth. He had often heard in
Peru, that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and was
hopeful therefore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity from
thence to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding the
difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of soldiers
into the valley of Quillota, with orders to superintend and protect a
number of labourers in digging for the precious metal said to be abound
in that place. The mine which was opened upon this occasion proved
remarkably rich and productive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; so
that all their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buried
in oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish to leave the
country. Valdivia, encouraged by this success to new enterprises,
ordered a carrack or ship of some considerable size to be built at the
mouth of the river Chillan, which traverses the valley of Quillota, for
the purpose of more readily obtaining succours from Peru, without which
he was fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vast
enterprise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish the
entire reduction of Chili.

In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his affairs, Valdivia
resolved to dispatch two of his principal officers, Alonzo Monroy, and
Pedro Miranda by land to Peru, with an escort of six horsemen, whose
spurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of solid gold, hoping
thereby to entice a sufficient number of recruits to come to his
assistance, by this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Although
these messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by thirty
additional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated in the province of
Copaipo by a hundred archers, commanded by Coteo, an officer of the
_Ulmen_ of that province. Of the whole party none escaped with life but
the two officers, Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners and
carried before the _ulmen_ covered with wounds. The prince had resolved
on putting them both to death; but, while deliberating on the mode of
execution, his wife, the _ulmena_ or princess of Copaipo, moved by
compassion for their unhappy situation, successfully interceded with her
husband to spare their lives, unbound them with her own hands, tenderly
dressed their wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers.
When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to teach her son
the art of riding, as several of the Spanish horses had been taken in
the late defeat. The two Spaniards readily consented to her request,
hoping to avail themselves of this circumstance to give them an
opportunity of recovering their liberty, which they did in effect; but
the means they employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude to
their compassionate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that it
was unnecessary for their purpose. As the young prince was one day
riding between them, escorted by a party of archers and preceded by an
officer carrying a lance, Monroy suddenly dispatched him with two or
three mortal wounds of a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested the
lance from the officer of the guard, who were thrown into confusion by
this unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accomplished their
escape. Being well mounted, they easily eluded pursuit, and made their
way through the desert into Peru, whence they continued their way to
Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, who had succeeded to the
government after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by the
Almagrian faction.

When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of affairs in
Chili, he immediately sent off a considerable reinforcement by land
under the command of Monroy, who had the good fortune to conceal his
march from the Copaipans, and to join Valdivia in safety. At the same
time the president of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, a
noble Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdivia. On
receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived about the same time,
Valdivia began to carry his great designs into execution. Being
solicitous to have a complete knowledge of the sea-coast, he ordered
Pastene to explore the whole as far to the southwards as possible,
noting the most important places all along the coast; and, on his return
from this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additional
reinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder and more
enterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo over Monroy and
Miranda. Only a little before this, the Quillotans had contrived to
massacre all the soldiers employed at the gold mines in their country,
by the following stratagem. One day a neighbouring Indian brought a pot
full of gold to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told him
that he had found a great quantity in a certain district of the country
which he offered to point out. On this information, all were eager to
proceed immediately to the place, that they might participate in the
imaginary treasure. As they arrived at the place described in a
tumultuary manner and entirely off their guard, they fell into an
ambush, by which the whole party was slain, except their imprudent
commander and one negro, both of whom saved their lives by the speed of
their horses. About the same time the vessel which Valdivia had ordered
to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan was burnt by the natives,
together with the store-houses or arsenal which he had established in
that place.

On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place at the mines,
Valdivia hastened to Quillota with a strong body of troops, and took
revenge as far as he could on the Quillotans for the death of his
soldiers; after which, he constructed a fort in their country in which
he left a garrison for the protection of the people employed in the gold
mines. Being soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru,
under the command of Francisco Villagran and Christoval Escobar, he
made choice of a beautiful plain near the mouth of the river Coquimbo,
at which place there is a very convenient natural harbour, near which he
erected in 1544: a city which he named _Serena_, to serve as a place of
arms to protect the northern part of Chili, and to secure the convoys
and reinforcements which might come from Peru in that direction. This
place is still known in geography by the name of Serena; but in Chili
the native name of Coquimbo prevails, as is the case with most of the
Spanish cities and towns in Chili.

In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the country of the
Promaucians, with the view of extending his conquests to the southwards.
Contemporary historians have not left an account of the events of this
year, nor of any battles having been fought on this occasion; yet it is
hardly to be supposed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriously
repulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would allow Valdivia to
reduce their territory to subjection without a struggle. However this
may have been, it is certain that he had the art to persuade the
Promaucians to enter into an alliance with him against the other tribes
of Chili; as ever since the Spanish armies in Chili have been assisted
by Promaucian auxiliaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy has
been constantly entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant of
the Promaucians. In the year 1546, Valdivia passed the river Maule, and
reduced the natives to obedience from that river to the Itata. While
encamped at a place named Quilacura, near the latter river, he was
attacked one night by the natives, who destroyed many of his horses, and
put him into imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on this
occasion must have been considerable; as he found it necessary to
relinquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago to
wait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected reinforcements did not
arrive, and Pastene, who had been sent into Peru to endeavour to procure
recruits, brought news in 1547 of the civil war which then raged in
Peru, Valdivia determined to go thither in person, expecting to reap
some advantages from these revolutionary movements.

Valdivia sailed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a great
quantity of gold, and left Francisco Villagran in charge of the
government of Chili during his absence. Valdivia accordingly arrived in
Peru, where he offered his services to the president De la Gasca, and
acted with great reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in the
war against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satisfied with
the services which were rendered by Valdivia on this occasion, that,
after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely subdued, he confirmed him
in the office of governor of Chili, and sent him back to that kingdom
with abundance of military stores, and with two ships filled with the
soldiers who had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad of
an opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious people for whom there
was then no fit employment in Peru.

During the absence of Valdivia from Chili, Pedro de Hoz, who had been
deprived of that share in the conquest and government which had been
granted him by the court of Spain, and who had imprudently put himself
under the power of his more successful rival, was accused of entering
into secret practices for usurping the government. It is now unknown
whether this accusation was well-founded, or if it were merely a
pretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have been,
Villagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548, either to please
Valdivia by ridding him of a dangerous competitor, or perhaps in
consequence of secret instructions for that purpose. About this time,
the Copaipans killed forty Spaniards, who were proceeding in several
separate detachments from Peru to Chili; and the Coquimbans, at the
instigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the inhabitants
of the new city of Serena, and razed that place to the foundations. On
this occasion Francisco Aguirre was sent into this part of Chili with a
military force, to chastise the natives, and had several encounters with
them with various success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in a
more commodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever since
considered him as the founder of their city, many of the most
distinguished inhabitants of which still boast of being his descendants.

After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by incredible
fatigues, numerous dangers, and many reverses, Valdivia considered
himself as solidly established in the dominion of that portion of Chili
which had formerly been under the authority of the Incas. He accordingly
distributed the territory among his followers in repartimientos,
assigning a considerable portion of land with all its native inhabitants
to each of his followers in proportion to their rank and services, under
the denomination of commanderies, according to the baneful system of
feudalism then prevalent in Europe. Having thus quieted the restless
ambition and mutinous spirit of his soldiers, he advanced towards the
south to extend his conquests, accompanied by a respectable force both
of Spanish and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which he
encountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at the Bay of Penco,
now generally called the Bay of Conception, which had been already
explored by Pastene during his voyage of discovery formerly mentioned;
and near that excellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city in
Chili, on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name of
Conception.

The situation of this place was admirably adapted for commerce, from the
excellence of its harbour; as the bay extends six miles from east to
west and nine miles from north to south, defended at its entrance from
the sea by the pleasant island of Quiriquina. The passage into the bay
on the north side of this island, called the _bocca grande_, is about
half a league broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships.
That on the other side of the island, or _bocca chica_, is very narrow,
and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this place,
under the influence of an admirable climate, produces abundance of
timber, excellent wine, and all the necessaries of life, and is not
deficient in the valuable minerals; and both the sea and the adjoining
rivers afford great quantities of fine fish. But owing to the lowness of
the situation which was chosen for this city, it was much exposed to
inundations of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in Chili.
On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by an earthquake
and inundation; and experienced a similar calamity on the 24th of May
1751. In consequence of these repeated calamities, the inhabitants
established themselves on the 24th of November 1764 in the valley of
Mocha, nine miles south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian and
Biobio, where they founded a city to which they gave the name of New
Conception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated at the south-east
extremity of the bottom of the bay, is between six and seven miles from
the new city; and a fort is all that now remains of the old city, now
called Penco.


SECTION VI.

_Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the
year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of
December 1553._


Perceiving the intentions of Valdivia to occupy the important post of
Penco by a permanent settlement, the adjacent tribes of the Pencones
gave notice of this invasion to the great nation of the Araucanians,
their neighbours and friends, whose territories began on the southern
shore of the Biobio; who, foreseeing that the strangers would soon
endeavour to reduce their own country to subjection, determined to
succour their distressed allies for their own security. Accordingly, in
a _butacoyog_, or general assembly of the Araucanian confederacy,
_Aillavalu_ was nominated supreme _toqui_, and was instructed to march
immediately with an army to the assistance of the Pencones. In the year
1550, pursuant to the resolutions of the Araucanian confederacy,
Aillavalu passed the great river Biobio, at the head of 4000 men, and
boldly offered battle to Valdivia, who had advanced to meet him on the
banks of the Andalian. The brave Araucanians sustained the first
discharges of musquetry from the Spaniards with wonderful resolution,
and even made a rapid evolution under its direful effects, by which they
assailed at once the front and flank of the Spanish army. By this
unexpected courageous assault, and even judicious tactical manoeuvre,
the Spaniards were thrown into some disorder, and Valdivia was exposed
to imminent danger, having his horse killed under him; but the Spaniards
replaced their firm array, forming themselves into a hollow square
supported by their cavalry, and successfully resisted every effort of
their valiant enemies, of whom they slew great numbers by the
superiority of their arms, yet lost at the same time a considerable
number of their own men. The battle remained undecided for several
hours; when at length, rashly pressing forwards with impetuous bravery,
Aillavalu received a mortal wound[65], and many of the most valiant
officers and soldiers of the Araucanians being slain, they retired in
good order, leaving the field of battle to the Spaniards, who felt no
inclination to pursue them after a so dear-bought victory.

[Footnote 65: In Ovalle, this general is named Anabillo, and is said to
have been made prisoner in the battle.--E.]

Valdivia, though he had been present in many battles, both in Europe
and America, was astonished at the valour and military skill of this new
enemy, and declared he had never been exposed to such imminent danger in
the whole course of his military service. As he expected to be soon
attacked again, he immediately proceeded to construct a strong
fortification for the protection of his new city; and in fact, the
Araucanian confederacy was no sooner informed of the defeat and death of
their general Aillavalu, than a new and more numerous army was ordered
against the Spaniards, under the command of _Lincoyan_, who was elected
to the vacant office of supreme toqui. From his gigantic stature, and
frequent displays of courage, this officer had acquired great reputation
among his countrymen; but, though well suited for a subaltern officer,
he was timid and irresolute in the supreme military command, and greatly
disappointed the expectations which had been formed from his former
behaviour.

Having marshalled his army in three divisions, Lincoyan marched in 1551
to attack the Spaniards under Valdivia, who still remained at
Conception, occupied in building and fortifying the new city. The
Spaniards were so much alarmed by the approach of the Araucanian army,
that after confessing themselves, they took shelter under the cannon of
their fortifications, where the Araucanians boldly assailed them. But,
finding the first assault unsuccessful, Lincoyan became apprehensive of
losing the army which had been committed to his charge, and ordered a
precipitate retreat, to the great surprise of Valdivia, who was
apprehensive of some stratagem, and did not venture upon attempting a
pursuit. When it was discovered that the enemy had actually retreated,
the Spaniards considered their flight as a special favour from heaven,
and some even alleged that they had seen the apostle St James, mounted
on a white horse, waving a flaming sword and striking terror into their
enemies. But the only miracle on this occasion proceeded from the timid
circumspection of Lincoyan.

Being now in some measure freed from the restraint imposed upon him by
the Araucanians, Valdivia applied himself diligently to the building of
the city of Conception, for which place he entertained a strong
predilection, as he considered that it would become the centre of
maritime communication between Chili and the ports of Peru and Spain.
Although he had fixed upon St Jago for the capital of the kingdom of
Chili, he determined upon establishing his own family at Conception;
for which purpose he selected a pleasant situation for his own dwelling,
reserving for himself the fertile peninsula between the rivers Andalian
and Biobio, and resolved to ask as a reward for his services the two
adjoining districts of Arauco and Tucapel, with the title of marquis:
For, although these districts still remained in the possession of the
Araucanians, he fully expected to be able to subjugate that valiant
people in a short time.

Having speedily reared the new city, in which he established a colony of
his followers, he employed the remainder of the year 1551 in regulating
its internal policy; for which purpose, after having established a
Cabildo or body of magistrates, in imitation of those in Spain, as usual
in all the cities of Spanish America, he promulgated a body of
fundamental regulations, comprised in forty-two articles or statutes,
some of which respecting the treatment of the natives within its
territory and jurisdiction evinced much prudent humanity; yet, as in all
the other subjected countries of America, he left them in a great
measure subject to the control and caprice of the citizens to whom they
were allotted.

After the settlement of his new city, and having received a
reinforcement of soldiers from Peru, he resolved to attack the
Araucanians in their own territories, believing that their courage was
now entirely subdued, as they had made no attempt to molest him since
their late repulse under Lincoyan. With these views, he passed the
Biobio in 1552, and proceeding rapidly through the provinces of Encol
and Puren, unopposed by the tardy and timid operations of Lincoyan, he
arrived at the river Cauten, which divides the country of the
Araucanians nearly into two equal parts. Near the confluence of this
river with the Damas, he founded a new city which he named
_Imperial_[66], in honour of the Emperor Don Carlos; though some say
that it received this name in consequence of finding some wooden figures
of eagles with two heads, fixed on some of the native huts. This city
was placed in a beautiful situation, abounding in all the conveniences
of life; and, during the short period of its existence became one of the
most flourishing in Chili. Being placed on the shore of a large and deep
river, capable of allowing large ships to lie close to the walls, it was
excellently situated for commerce, and had free access to receive
succours of all kinds by sea in case of being besieged. By modern
geographers, this place is still spoken of as an existing city, strongly
fortified, and the seat of a bishopric; but it has been in ruins for
considerably more than two hundred years.

[Footnote 66: The place where Imperial once stood is marked on our maps
on the right or north shore of the conjoined streams of the Ouisa and
Cauten, immediately above the junction of a small river which is
probably the Damas of the text.--E.]

Intoxicated with his present prosperity, and the apparent submission of
the Araucanians, he assigned extensive districts in the surrounding
country among his officers. To Francisco Villagran, his
lieutenant-general, he gave the warlike province of _Maquegua_,
considered by the Araucanians as the key of their country, with about
thirty thousand inhabitants. The other officers obtained grants of lands
and Indians proportionate to their rank, and the degree in which they
possessed his favour, some getting as far as eight or even ten thousand
Indians. He likewise dispatched Alderte, with a detachment of sixty men,
with orders to establish a settlement on the shore of a lake called
_Lauquen_, to which he gave the name of _Villarica_, or the rich city,
owing to the great quantity of gold that was procured in the environs.

It may be here mentioned that the province of _Maquegua_ was partitioned
anew among the conquerors after the death of Villagran; the principal
part of it being assigned to Juan de Ocampo, and another large share to
Andreas Matencio. But, in consequence of its recapture by the
Araucanians, they reaped very little advantage from their commanderies.
Ocampo was afterwards rewarded for his distinguished services by being
appointed to the office of corregidore of the cities of Serena Mendoza
and St Juan, the two last in the province of Cujo; in which province he
had likewise the grant of a considerable commandery of Indians, which he
afterwards ceded to the crown.

Receiving additional reinforcements from Peru, Valdivia resumed his
march for the south of Chili, still followed but at a considerable
distance by Lincoyan, who pretended continually to seek a favourable
opportunity to attack the Spaniards, but whose timid and cautious
procedure could never find one of which he dared to avail himself. In
this manner Valdivia traversed the whole territory of the Araucunians
from north to south, with exceedingly little opposition and hardly any
loss. But on his arrival at the river Callacalla, which separates the
Araucanians from the _Cunches_, he found that nation in arms on the
opposite bank of the river, ready to dispute the passage. The Cunches
are one of the most valiant of the tribes inhabiting Chili, and possess
the maritime country from the river Callacalla, called Valdivia by the
Spaniards, to the gulf of Chiloe. They are divided into several
subordinate tribes or clans, each of which, as in the other parts of
Chili, are governed by their respective _ulmens_. They are in strict
alliance with the Araucanians, and have ever continued bitter enemies to
the Spaniards.

While Valdivia was deliberating upon the adoption of proper measures for
crossing this river, a woman of the country, named _Recloma_, addressed
the general of the Cunches with so much eloquence in behalf of the
strangers, that he withdrew his army and allowed them to pass the river
unmolested. Immediately after this unexpected event, the Spanish general
founded a sixth city on the southern shore of the Callacalla, near its
junction with the sea, giving it his own name of Valdivia; being the
first of the conquerors in America who sought in this manner to
perpetuate his name. This settlement, of which the fortress only now
remains, attained in a few years a considerable degree of prosperity;
owing to the superior fineness of the gold procured from its
neighbouring mines, which obtained it the privilege of a mint, and
because its harbour is one of the most convenient and secure of any on
the shore of the Pacific Ocean. The river is here very broad, and so
deep that ships of the line may be moored in safety within a few feet of
the shore; and it has several other safe harbours and creeks in the
vicinity.

Satisfied with the extent of the conquests he had made, or rather with
the incursions he had been able to make in the Araucanian territory,
Valdivia now retraced his steps towards the north; and in his progress
during the year 1553, he built fortresses in each of the three
Araucanian provinces of Paren Tucapel and Arauco. From the warlike
inhabitants of these provinces especially, he apprehended any attempt
that might prove fatal to his more southerly settlements of Imperial
Villarica and Valdivia, and he left garrisons in these more northern
fortresses to preserve the communication, and to be in readiness to
afford succours to the others in the south. According to the poet
Breilla, the Spaniards had to sustain many battles and encounters with
the natives in the course of this expedition in Araucania, but the
particulars of none of these are recorded. This is however very
probable; as it is not easy to account for the continuance of Lincoyan
in the command on any other principles. It may be concluded, however,
that, owing to the caution, or cowardice rather of the Araucanian toqui,
these actions were so ill conducted and so inconclusive, as to give very
little interruption to Valdivia in his triumphant progress through these
provinces, between the Biobio and Callacalla, or from Conception to
Valdivia.

On his return to St Jago, the seat of government, Valdivia received a
considerable body of recruits to his army from Peru, together with 350
horses; on which he dispatched Francisco de Aguirre with two hundred
men, to reduce the provinces of Tucuman and Cajo on the eastern side of
the Andes; not considering how inadequate was even his whole
undiminished military force to retain so large an extent of country as
that he had now occupied, and a so numerous and warlike people under
subjection. Indefatigable in the execution of his extensive plans of
conquest, Valdivia returned into Araucania, where he founded in the
province of Encol, a city to which he gave the name of La Frontera,
being the seventh and last of his foundation. This name, from events
which could not then have been in the consideration of Valdivia, has
become strictly applicable to its present situation, as its ruins are
actually situated on the southern confines of the Spanish settlements in
Chili. Though long ago destroyed, it is still mentioned by geographers
as an existing city under the name of Angol, by which native
denomination it was long known to the Spaniards. It was situated in a
fertile district, excellently adapted for the cultivation of vines, and
for some time was in a rich and flourishing condition, principally owing
to its wines, which were in great repute at Buenos Ayres, to which place
they were transported by a road across the Andes and through the plains
of La Plata.

After making suitable regulations for the security of this new colony,
Valdivia returned to his favourite city of Conception, where he
instituted three principal military officers for commanding the royal
army of Chili, consisting of a quartermaster-general, a serjeant-major,
and a commissary. In the present times only two of these subsist, the
quarter-master-general and the serjeant-major; which latter office is
now divided into two, one for the cavalry, and the other for the
infantry; while the office of commissary is only now known in the
militia. At this time he sent Alderte into Spain, with a large sum of
money, and a particular relation of his transactions and conquests; and
commissioned him to employ his utmost exertions to obtain for him the
perpetual government of the country which he had conquered, together
with the title of Marquis of Aranco. He dispatched likewise Francisco de
Ulloa by sea, with directions to explore the Straits of Magellan, by
means of which he hoped to open a direct communication with Spain,
without being obliged to depend upon Peru for supplies.

While occupied in the contemplation of these extensive plans for the
amelioration of the extensive kingdom which he had subdued, and the
advancement of his own rank and fortune, Valdivia had no suspicion of an
extensive and determined system of warfare which was planning among the
Araucanians, and which soon burst forth with irresistible violence, to
the ultimate destruction of all the Spanish conquests beyond the Biobio,
and to which Valdivia himself fell an early victim. _Colocolo_, an aged
_Ulmen_ of the province of Arauco, animated by love for his country,
quitted the retirement in which he had long indulged, and traversed the
provinces of the Araucanian confederacy, exciting with indefatigable
zeal the dormant spirit of his countrymen, which had sunk after their
late disasters, and eagerly solicited them to make choice of a new
supreme _toqui_ capable of directing their arms for the recovery of
those parts of their country which had been subjugated by the Spaniards,
through the timid conduct of Lincoyan. Colocolo was well versed in the
principles of government which subsisted among the Araucanians, and had
long enjoyed the reputation of wisdom throughout the whole country, in
which he was so universally esteemed and respected, that his councils
and opinion were always solicited and listened to on every subject of
importance. Roused from their torpidity by his animating exhortations,
the whole body of Araucanian ulmens assembled according to their custom
in a _Butacayog_, or national council, in an open plain; and, after the
usual feast, they proceeded to consult upon the situation of their
national affairs, and the election of a new toqui to wipe off the
disgraces which they had suffered under the direction of Lincoyan.

Many chiefs aspired to the glorious situation of avenger of their
oppressed country, the most distinguished among whom were Andalican,
Elicura, Ongolmo, Renco, and Tucapel. The last of these was so highly
celebrated by his martial prowess that the province of which he was
_Apo-ulmen_ has ever since retained his name. He was besides supported
in his pretensions by a powerful party; but his elevation to the
supreme command was opposed by the more prudent members of the
assembly, who dreaded lest the impetuosity of his character might hasten
the entire ruin of the nation, instead of retrieving their honour and
independence. Dissensions arose so high that the opposite parties were
on the point of turning their arms against each other, when the
venerable Colocolo rose to speak, and obtained a patient and attentive
hearing. By a judicious and energetic address, he pacified their
factious irritation so completely, that the assembly unanimously
submitted the nomination of a supreme _toqui_ to his choice. The wise
old man, on whom every eye was now fixed in anxious expectation,
immediately named Caupolican, the ulmen of Pilmaquen a subordinate
district of the province of Tucapel, and the whole assembly applauded
and confirmed the choice. Caupolican was of a lofty stature and uncommon
bodily strength; and though he had lost an eye, the majesty of his
countenance evinced great endowments of mind. He was of a serious,
patient, and sagacious disposition; and besides great personal bravery,
had every requisite to constitute him an able general of the peculiar
troops over whom he was now appointed to command. On being invested with
the battle-axe, as the badge of his supreme authority, he immediately
selected the officers who were to bear command under him in the army of
the state, among whom were all the late competitors, and even Lincoyan
the former _toqui_. The office of vice-toqui, or lieutenant-general, he
conferred on Marientu, a person in whom he reposed entire confidence.
Even the violent Tucapel, who had nearly involved his country in civil
war for the attainment of the supreme command, did not disdain to serve
under the orders of his own vassal, manifesting by this submission his
eager wish to sacrifice his personal ambition to the service of his
country.

As the Araucanians believed themselves invincible under the command of
their new toqui, they were desirous of going immediately from the place
of assembly to attack the Spaniards. But Caupolican, no less prudent in
council than valiant in the field, repressed this rash ardour, and
persuaded them to disperse to their several places of abode, to provide
themselves with good arms in order to be in readiness at the first
summons to the field, and to leave the direction of the war to his
management. Shortly afterwards, he collected and reviewed his army[67],
and resolved to commence his operations by a stratagem suggested by an
accident. He had that morning taken eighty Indian prisoners, who were
conducting forage to the Spanish garrison in the neighbouring fort of
Arauco. In place of these men, he substituted an equal number of his own
bravest soldiers, under the command of Cajuguenu and Alcatipay, whom he
directed to conceal their arms among the bundles of grass, and to
maintain possession of the gate of the fortress until he could come to
their assistance with the rest of his army. The pretended foragers
conducted themselves with so much judgment that they were admitted into
the fortress without any suspicion on the part of the garrison, and
immediately seizing their arms, they attacked the guard at the gate,
killing all that came in their way. The alarm however soon spread, and
the rest of the garrison hastened in arms to the spot, under Francisco
Reynoso the commandant, and drove the Araucanians from the gate after an
obstinate contest, at the very moment when Caupolican came up with his
army, so that the Spaniards had just sufficient time to raise the
draw-bridge and hasten to defend their ramparts. Though disappointed in
his expectation of gaining admittance by the gate, Caupolican was still
in hope of profiting from the confusion of the garrison, and encouraged
his soldiers to assail the fortress on all sides, notwithstanding the
continual fire kept up by the Spaniards from two cannon and six small
field-pieces. After losing a great number of men in this unequal
contest, Caupolican drew off from the assault, and determined to attempt
the reduction of Arauco by a strict blockade, in hopes that the
Spaniards would be soon constrained by famine into a surrender.

[Footnote 67: Ovalle carries the number of the Araucanian array on this
occasion to the inconceivable amount of 67,000 combatants in the field,
besides a large body of reserve.--E.]

After the blockade had continued for some time, during which the
Spaniards made several unsuccesful sallies with considerable loss,
Reynoso determined to abandon the fort and to retire with his remaining
garrison to Puren, as provisions began to fail, and there was no
prospect of being relieved. Accordingly the whole garrison mounted their
horses at midnight, and rushing suddenly from the gate, made their
escape through the middle of their enemies. As the Araucanians supposed
this to have been one of the ordinary sallies, they took no measures to
obstruct their flight, and Reynoso got off with his men. Having
destroyed the fort of Arauco, Caupolican led his army to attack that of
Tucapel, which was commanded by Martin Erizar with a garrison of forty
men. Erizar defended himself gallantly for several days; but as
provisions began to fail, and his small force was continually
diminishing by the perpetually renewed assaults of the enemy, he
likewise determined upon withdrawing to Puren, which he successfully
executed, either by similar means as those pursued by Reynoso, or in
consequence of a capitulation with Caupolican. Having destroyed this
fortress, Caupolican encamped with his army in the neighbourhood, to
wait the approach of the Spaniards, who he supposed would not be long of
coming against him with an army.

Valdivia, who then resided in the city of Conception, no sooner learnt
that the Araucanians had besieged Arauco, than he began his march for
that place with such forces as he was able to collect at a short notice;
though contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, who
urged him to wait till he could collect a more formidable army, and
seemed to have a presentiment of the fatal consequences which were to
result from the present expedition. The historians of the times differ
materially in their accounts of the force under Valdivia on this
occasion. According to some of these his army consisted of two hundred
Spaniards and five thousand Promaucian auxiliaries, while others reduce
the number to a half. The same uncertainty is to be found respecting the
number of the enemy, some estimating them at nine and others at ten
thousand men[68]. On approaching the encampment of Caupolican, Valdivia
sent forwards a detachment of ten horsemen under Diego del Oro to
reconnoitre, all of whom were slain by the enemy, and their heads cut
off and hung upon trees by the way in which the Spanish army had to
advance. On arriving at this place, the Spaniards were filled with
horror at this miserable spectacle, and many of them, in spite of their
usual intrepidity, were eager to retreat till a greater force could be
collected. Even Valdivia regretted that he had not conformed to the
advice of his older officers; but encouraged by the boasting confidence
of others, who proudly declared that ten Spaniards were sufficient to
put the whole Araucanian army to flight, he continued his march and came
in sight of the enemy on the 3d of December 1553. The prospect of the
ruins of Tucapel and the well regulated array of the adverse army, with
the insulting taunts of the enemy, who upbraided them as robbers and
impostors, filled the minds of the Spaniards, hitherto accustomed to
respect and submission from the Indians, with mingled sentiments of
dread and indignation.

[Footnote 68: Ovalle does not mention the amount of the army under
Valdivia on this occasion, but extends the force of the Araucanians to
twenty thousand men.--E.]

The two armies continued for some time to observe each other from a
small distance. At length the vice-toqui Marientu, who commanded the
right wing of the Araucanians, began the engagement by an attack against
the left wing of the Spaniards. Bovadilla who commanded in that wing,
moved forwards with a detachment to encounter Marientu; but was
immediately surrounded, and he and all his men cut to pieces. The
serjeant-major, who was dispatched by Valdivia to his succour with
another detachment, experienced the same fate. In the mean time,
Tucapel, the Apo-ulmen of Arauco, who commanded the left wing of the
Araucanians, made a violent attack on the Spanish right wing with his
accustomed impetuosity. The battle now became general, and the hostile
armies joined in close fight from wing to wing. Animated by the commands
and example of Valdivia, who performed at the same time the duty of a
valiant soldier and experienced general, the Spaniards by the
superiority of their arms overthrew and destroyed whole ranks of the
enemy. But, notwithstanding the horrible slaughter produced by the
cannon and musquetry of the enemy, the Araucanians continually supplied
the places of those who were slain by fresh troops. Three times they
retired in good order beyond the reach of the musquetry; and as often,
resuming new courage, they returned vigorously to the charge, which they
urged with the most determined and persevering valour. At length, after
losing a vast number of their men, the Araucanians were thrown into
disorder and began to give way; and in spite of every effort of
Caupolican, Tucapel, and even of the aged and intrepid Colocolo, to
reanimate their courage and rally their disordered ranks, they took to
flight. The Spaniards shouted victory! and pressed ardently upon the
fugitives, and the battle seemed decidedly won.

In this critical moment, a young Araucanian only sixteen years of age,
named Lautaro, who had been made prisoner by Valdivia, and baptized and
employed as his page, went over from the ranks of the victorious
Spaniards, loudly reproached his countrymen for their opprobious
cowardice, and eagerly exhorted them to return to the contest, assuring
them, that the Spaniards, being all wounded and spent with fatigue,
were no longer able to bear up against a fresh attack. Having succeeded
in stopping the flight of a considerable number of the Araucanians,
Lautaro grasped a lance which he tunned against his late master, crying
out, "Follow me my countrymen to certain victory." Ashamed at being
surpassed in courage by a boy, the Araucanians turned with fury against
their enemies, whose ranks were somewhat disordered by the pursuit, and
put them completly to rout at the first shock, cutting the Spaniards and
their allies to pieces, insomuch that only two Promaucians of the whole
army had the good fortune to escape, by fleeing to a neighbouring wood,
whence they withdrew during the night to Conception. When all hope was
lost by the entire rout of his army. Valdivia withdrew from the massacre
attended by his chaplain, to prepare himself for inevitable death by
confession and absolution. He was pursued and made prisoner by the
victors; and on being brought before Caupolican, is said to have humbly
implored mercy from the victorious toqui, and to have solicited the
intercession of his former page, solemnly engaging to withdraw from
Chili with all the Spaniards if his life were spared. Naturally of a
compassionate disposition, and desirous of obliging Lautaro to whom he
owed this important victory, and who now interceded for Valdivia,
Caupolican was disposed to have shewn mercy to his vanquished foe; but
while deliberating on the subject, an old ulmen of great authority among
the Araucanians, indignant at the idea of sparing the life of their most
dangerous enemy, dispatched the prisoner with a blow of his war club,
saying that it would be madness to trust the promises of an ambitious
enemy, who would laugh at his oaths when once he escaped the present
danger. Caupolican was much exasperated at this interference with his
supreme authority, and was disposed to have punished it severely; but
most of his officers opposed themselves to his just resentment[69].

[Footnote 69: According to Ovalle, Caupolican was forced by his officers
to pronounce condemnation against Valdivia, which was executed
immediately, but different accounts were given of the manner in which
this was performed: some saying that it was done in the way related in
the text, while others allege that they poured melted gold down his
throat; that they preserved his head as a monument of victory, to
animate their youth to a valorous defence of their country, and that
they converted the bones of his legs and arms into flutes and
trumpets.--E.]

Thus fell Pedro de Valdivia, the conqueror of Chili; a man of superior
genius and of great political and military talents, but who, seduced by
the romantic spirit of his age and country, had not sufficient prudence
to employ them to the best advantage. His undertakings had been more
fortunate, if he had properly estimated his own strength, and had less
despised the courage and skill of the Araucanians, presuming on the
dastardly example of the Peruvians, and the want of concert in the more
northern tribes of Chili, against whom he had hitherto been accustomed
to contend. Historians do not impute to him any of those cruelties with
which the contemporary conquerors of America have been accused. It is
true that, in the records of the Franciscans, two monks of that order
are mentioned with applause, as having dissuaded him from exercising
those cruelties which had been usual with other conquerors upon the
natives of America. By some he has been accused of avarice, and they
pretend that the Araucanians put him to death by pouring melted gold
down his throat, in punishment of his inordinate search for that metal:
But this is a mere fiction, copied from a similar story in ancient
authors.

       *       *       *       *       *

Garcilasso de la Vega, Part I. Book vii. Chap. xxi. gives the following
account of the battle in which Valdivia was defeated by the Araucanians.

"In many skirmishes Valdivia always defeated the Araucanians and put
them to flight, as they were in such dread of the Spanish horse that
they never dared to adventure into the open plains, where ten Spaniards
were able to beat a thousand Indians, for which reason they always kept
lurking in the woods and mountains, where the Spanish cavalry could not
get at them; whence they often sallied out, doing all the injury they
were able against the Spaniards. The war continued in this manner for a
long time; till at length an old captain of the Araucanians, who had
been long famous in their wars, began to consider the reason why so
small a number as only 150 Spaniards should be able to subdue and
enslave twelve or thirteen thousand Araucanian warriors. After mature
deliberation, he divided the Araucanian force into thirteen battalions
each of a thousand men, which he drew up in successive lines at some
distance, so as to act as a series of reserves one after the other, and
marched in this new order of battle against the Spaniards one morning at
day-break, ordering them to give louder shouts than usual, and to make
a great noise with their drums and trumpets. Alarmed by the noise and
shouts of the Indians, the Spaniards sallied forth to battle, and seeing
the many divisions of the enemy, they imagined it would be much easier
to break through and defeat these smaller battalions than if united in
one body."

"So soon as the Araucanian captain saw the Spaniards advancing, he
exhorted the foremost battalion of his army to do their best; 'not, said
he, that I expect you to overcome them; but you must do your utmost in
defence of your country, and when you are worsted, then betake
yourselves to flight, taking care not to break into and disorder the
other battalions; and when you get into the rear of all, you must there
rally and renew your ranks.' He gave similar orders to all the successive
battalions, and appointed another officer to remain in the rear to
restore the order of those who should retreat, and to make them eat and
refresh themselves while the others continued the fight successively.
Accordingly the foremost battalion fought for some time against the
Spaniards, and when no longer able to withstand the impetuosity of their
charge, they retired as ordered into the rear. The second, third,
fourth, and fifth battalions did the same in succession, and were all
successively defeated by the Spaniards, all retiring according to orders
when their array was broken; yet in these reiterated combats the
Spaniards sustained some loss both in men and horses. The Spaniards,
having already defeated and put to flight five successive bodies of the
enemy, and having fought three long hours, were astonished still to
observe ten or twelve similar successive battalions before them in firm
array, yet they gallantly attacked the sixth body which they likewise
overthrew, and in like manner the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth.
Having now fought seven hours without intermission, both the Spanish men
and horses began to fail from long fatigue, and were unable to charge
with the same vigour as in the beginning of the action, yet they exerted
their utmost efforts not to shew any appearance of failure to the
Indians. Yet the Indians could clearly perceive a material relaxation in
the exertions of their enemies, to whom they did not allow a moment of
repose, but plied them as at first with new and fresh battalions."

"At length, seeing there was likely to be no end of this new way of
fighting, as there were still eight or nine battalions of the enemy in
view, and it being now drawing towards evening, Valdivia determined
upon making a retreat before his men and horses should be entirely worn
out and disabled by incessant action. He accordingly gave orders to his
men to retreat, that they might reach a narrow pass about a league and a
half from the field of battle, where they would be secure against
attack, as in that place two Spaniards on foot were able to keep off the
whole army of the Araucanians. He accordingly issued orders to his
soldiers to retreat to that narrow defile, passing the word from rank to
rank, with directions to turn and make head occasionally against the
enemy. At this time Valdivia was attended by an Araucanian, youth named
_Lautaro_, the son of an ulmen, who had been bred up in his family from
a boy, and baptized by the name of Philip. Knowing both languages, and
being more biassed by affection to his country than love to God or
fidelity to his master, on hearing the orders given to retreat, he
called out to the Araucanians not to be satisfied with the retreat of
the Spaniards, but immediately to take possession of the narrow pass, by
which they would ensure the entire destruction of their enemies. To
encourage his countrymen by his example as well as his words, Lautaro
took up a lance from the ground, with which he joined the foremost rank
of the Araucanians, and assisted them to fight against his former
master."

"When the Araucanian captain observed the Spaniards preparing to retire,
he immediately followed the advice of Lautaro, and ordered two fresh
battalions of his troops to hasten in good order to occupy the narrow
pass, and to use their utmost efforts to defend it till the rest of the
army could get up to their assistance. With the remainder of his troops
he pressed on against the retreating Spaniards, still plying them as
from the first with fresh bodies of his men, and not allowing a moments
respite to the enemy. On coming to the entrance of the narrow pass,
where they expected to have been in safety, the Spaniards found it
already occupied by the enemy, and began to despair of being able to
escape. At this time, perceiving that both the Spanish men and horses
were completely tired, the Araucanians broke in among them, fifteen or
twenty of them seizing upon one horse, some catching him by the legs,
others by the tail, and others by the mane; while others knocked down
both men and horses with their great war-clubs, killing them with the
greatest rage and fury."

"Pedro de Valdivia, and a priest who accompanied him, were taken alive
and tied to trees, until the Indians had dispatched all the rest, only
three Indian auxiliaries of the Spaniards making their escape by favour
of the night into a thicket, whence, being well acquainted with the ways
and more faithful to their masters than Lautaro, they carried the fatal
news to the Spaniards in Chili. The manner in which Valdivia was
afterwards put to death has been differently related. Some say that
Lautaro, finding him tied to a tree, killed him after reviling and
reproaching him as a robber and a tyrant. The most certain intelligence
is, that an old captain beat out his brains with a club. Others again
say that the Araucanians passed the night after their victory in dances
and mirth; and that at the end of every dance, they cut off a piece of
flesh from Valdivia and another from the priest, both yet alive, which
they broiled and eat before their faces. During which horrid repast,
Valdivia confessed to the priest and they both expired."

       *       *       *       *       *


SECTION VII.

_Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the
death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican._


This important victory, which was gained in the evening of the 3d
December 1553, was celebrated next day by the Araucanians with all kinds
of games and diversions, which were exhibited in a meadow surrounded by
high trees, on which the heads of the slaughtered enemies were suspended
as trophies of the victory. An immense concourse of inhabitants from all
the surrounding country flocked to Tucapel to enjoy the triumph obtained
over an enemy hitherto considered as invincible, and to join in the
festivities on this joyful occasion. In token of triumph, the Araucanian
officers dressed themselves in the clothes and armour of their slain
enemies, and Caupolican decorated himself with the armour and surcoat of
Valdivia, which was magnificently embroidered with gold. After the
conclusion of the rejoicings, Caupolican presented Lautaro to the
national assembly or Butacayog, which had met to deliberate upon the
proper measures to be pursued in farther prosecution of the war; and,
after a speech in which he attributed the whole success of the late
glorious battle to the young warrior, he appointed him extraordinary
vice-toqui, and to enjoy the command of a second army which was to be
raised for protecting the frontiers against invasion from the Spaniards.
In consideration of the inappreciable service he had rendered to his
country, the advancement of Lautaro to this new dignity was approved and
applauded by all the chiefs of the confederacy. Besides the nobility of
his origin, as he belonged to the order of ulmens, Lautaro was
singularly beautiful in his appearance, and conciliating in his manners,
and possessed talents far surpassing his years, so that in the sequel he
fully confirmed the sentiments now entertained of him by Caupolican and
the rest of his countrymen.

The sentiments of the assembled chiefs in respect to the farther
prosecution of the war, were various and discordant. Colocolo and most
of the Ulmens were of opinion, that they ought in the first place to
endeavour to free their country from the remaining Spanish
establishments within its bounds, before attempting to carry their
incursions to the north of the Biobio. Tucapel and some others of the
most daring officers, insisted that they ought to take advantage of the
present circumstances to attack the Spaniards even in the city of St
Jago, the centre of their colonies, while in a state of consternation
and dismay, and to drive them entirely from the whole kingdom of Chili.
Caupolican applauded the heroic sentiments of Tucapel, yet adopted the
council of the elder chiefs, as the most prudent and beneficial for the
interests of the nation.

About this time Lincoyan, the former toqui, who was at the head of a
detached body of troops engaged in harassing the dispersed settlements
of the Spaniards in Araucania, fell in with a party of fifteen
Spaniards, on their march from Imperial to join Valdivia, of whose total
defeat they had not yet received intelligence. Before engaging with the
enemy, whom they confidently expected to defeat with the utmost
facility, these Spaniards vainly regretted that their number exceeded
twelve, in hope that the event of the day would stamp upon their names
the chivalrous title of _the twelve of fame_. Their wishes were soon
more than gratified, as seven of them fell at the first encounter with
the enemy, and the remaining seven, taking advantage of the swiftness of
their horses, escaped severely wounded to the fortress of Puren,
carrying with them the melancholy intelligence of the total destruction
of Valdivia and his army. On this distressing news the Spanish
inhabitants of Puren, and Frontera or Angol, retired to Imperial, where
they considered themselves in greater security than in these other more
inland fortresses, which were entirely surrounded by the country of the
victorious enemy. About the same time the inhabitants of Villarica
abandoned that settlement and took refuge in Valdivia; so that two
Spanish establishments only now remained in the Araucanian country, and
both of them at a great distance from reinforcements or assistance. As
Caupolican determined upon besieging these two cities, he committed to
Lautaro the charge of defending the northern frontier against invasion,
and set out for the south to reduce the cities of Imperial and Valdivia.

The young and gallant vice-toqui, Lautaro, accordingly took post on the
lofty mountain of Mariguenu, which intervenes between Conception and
Arauco, and which he fortified with extraordinary care, rightly judging
that the Spaniards would take that road in search of Caupolican on
purpose to revenge the defeat and death of their general Valdivia. This
mountain, which has proved fatal to the Spaniards on several occasions
in their wars with the Araucanians, has a large plain on its summit
interspersed with shady trees. Its steep sides are full of rude
precipices and deep clefts or ravines, its western end being rendered
inaccessible by the sea, while on the east it is secured by an
impenetrable forest. The north side only was accessible to the
Spaniards, and even in that way it was only possible to reach the top by
a narrow and winding path.

The two Promaucians who alone had escaped from the fatal battle of
Tucapel, by favour of the darkness and under covert of a thick wood,
reached Conception, which they filled with grief and consternation, by
relating the total overthrow and massacre of the army of Valdivia. When
the general terror and dismay had a little subsided, the magistrates
proceeded to open the sealed instructions which had been left with them
by Valdivia, when he departed on his late fatal expedition. In these he
named Alderte, Aguirre, and Villagran successively to the vacant
government in case of his own decease. Alderte being gone to Europe, and
Aguirre absent on his expedition into the distant province of Cujo, the
command devolved on Villagran. After such preparations as appeared
necessary under the present emergency, Villagran crossed the Biobio with
a considerable army of Spaniards and Promaucian auxiliaries, intending
to march for Arauco in the first place. In a narrow pass at no great
distance to the south of the Biobio, he was vigorously opposed by a body
of Araucanian warriors, who withstood the utmost efforts of his army for
three hours, and then withdrew continually fighting, towards the top of
the mountain where Lautaro awaited the approach of the Spaniards with
the main body of his army, in a well chosen post defended by a strong
palisade. Villagran ordered the squadrons of cavalry to force their way
up the difficult passage of the mountain, which they effected with
infinite difficulty and severe fatigue, and were received at a short
distance from the summit by showers of stones, arrows, and other
missiles, which were incessantly discharged against them by the vigilant
and brave Araucanians. Villagran, who followed his cavalry at the head
of all the infantry of his army, with six pieces of artillery, seeing
the determined opposition of the enemy, several detachments of whom were
endeavouring to gain his flanks and rear, ordered his musquetry to
advance, and the artillery to take a favourable position for annoying
the enemy.

The mountain was enveloped in smoke, and resounded on all sides with the
thunder of the Spanish cannon and musquets, while the balls were heard
whistling in every direction, and dealing destruction among the ranks of
the valiant Araucanians, who continued vigorously to defend their post,
undismayed at the numbers who fell amid their thick array. Perceiving
that his principal loss was occasioned by the cannon, Lautaro gave
orders to one of his bravest officers, named Leucoton, to sally from the
camp with a select detachment of troops, and to gain possession of the
cannon at all events, or never more to appear in his presence. Leucoton
executed his orders with the utmost bravery, and after a furious and
bloody contest with the guard of the guns, carried them off in triumph;
while Lautaro, to prevent the Spaniards from sending succours to their
artillery, made a furious general attack on the whole line with all his
troops. Astonished by this bold and general attack, and dismayed by the
loss of their cannon, the Spanish horse and foot fell into confusion and
disorder, and were so furiously pressed upon by the valiant Lautaro and
his troops, that they dispersed and fled with the utmost precipitation.
Three thousand of the Spaniards and their Promaucian allies were slain
in this decisive battle, Villagran himself, having fallen in the
retreat, was on the point of being taken prisoner, when he was rescued
by the almost incredible efforts of three of his soldiers, and remounted
on his horse. The remaining Spaniards urged on their almost exhausted
horses to regain the narrow defile where the engagement had commenced,
and were closely pursued by the Araucanians; but on arriving at the
pass, they found it blocked up with trees, which had been felled across
by orders of Lautaro. The engagement was renewed at this place with the
utmost fury, and not a man of the broken army would have escaped, had
not Villagran opened the pass at the utmost hazard of his life. Though
the Araucanians had lost above seven hundred men in the course of this
eventful battle, they continued the pursuit a long way; but at length,
unable to keep up with the horses, and exhausted with excessive fatigue,
they gave up the pursuit, and Lautaro encamped for the night to refresh
his men, determined upon passing the Biobio next day to follow up the
consequences of his glorious and decisive victory.

On the arrival of the few Spaniards at Conception who had been able to
escape from the slaughter at Mariguenu, the city of Conception was
filled with indescribable grief and dismay, not a family but had to
deplore the loss of some near relation; and the alarm was greatly
increased by learning that Lautaro was fast approaching with his
victorious army. As Villagran considered it to be impossible to defend
the city under the present dismay of his small remaining force, he
hastily embarked all the old men, women, and children on board two ships
that happened to be then in the harbour, one of which he ordered to
proceed to Imperial, and the other to Valparaiso, while he proceeded by
land for St Jago with all the rest of the inhabitants who were able to
carry arms. Lautaro entered the city next day without opposition, which
he found entirely deserted of its inhabitants, but filled with much
valuable booty, as by its mines and commerce it had already attained
considerable opulence, and the inhabitants were in such haste to escape
with their lives, that they only took what provisions they could procure
along with them, and abandoned their riches. After removing every thing
that was valuable, Lautaro burnt all the houses, and razed the citadel
and other fortifications; after which he returned with his army to
Arauco, to celebrate his triumph after the manner usual in his country.

While Lautaro thus bravely asserted the independence of his country on
the frontiers, Caupolican marched into the south, as has been already
mentioned, to invest the cities of Imperial and Valdivia, both of which
he held closely blockaded. In this emergency, the governors of these two
cities demanded succours from Villagran; who, notwithstanding his late
terrible defeat, sent a sufficient number of troops for their defence
with all possible speed; and both places being accessible by sea, these
succours were able to arrive in time to prevent Caupolican from gaining
possession of either.

"When the army of Caupolican drew near to the city of Imperial, the air
was suddenly enveloped in black clouds, whence arose a mighty storm of
hail and rain. In the midst of the tempest the _epumanon_ or war god of
the Araucanians, made his appearance in form of a terrible dragon,
casting out fire at his mouth and nostrils, and desired them to hasten
their march as he would deliver the city into their hands, on which
occasion he enjoined them to put all the Christians to the sword. The
_epumanon_ then disappeared, and they pursued their way joyfully, being
animated by this oracle. On a sudden the heavens cleared up, and a most
beautiful woman was seen, seated on a bright cloud, and having a
charming yet severe and majestic countenance, which much abated the
pride and haughtiness inspired by the former vision. This was the _queen
of heaven_, who commanded them to return to their own homes, for God was
resolved to favour the Christians; and they immediately obeyed[70]."

[Footnote 70: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is literally
copied from Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged in
by the true Catholic writers of the seventeenth century. The brave and
faithful Bernal Diaz at the beginning of the sixteenth century saw no
miracles during the conquest of Mexico, and the judicious Molina at the
close of the eighteenth, modestly refrains from copying any such
incredible absurdities into his history of Chili.--E.]

On abandoning the sieges of Imperial and Valdivia, Caupolican went to
join Lautaro at Conception, in order to attempt some enterprise against
the Spaniards more practicable than the attack of fortifications, for
the assault of which the Araucanians possessed no sufficient arts or
arms. Availing himself of the absence of his redoubted enemy; Villagran,
who appears to have gone along with the succours to Imperial, ravaged
the whole Araucanian territory around that city, burning and destroying
the houses and crops, and carrying off all the provisions that were not
destroyed to the town. Though of a humane and generous disposition,
averse from the exercise of violence, Villagran endeavoured to
vindicate the employment of these rigorous measures by the necessity of
circumstances, and the pretended rights of war: But on this occasion
they were of no real service to the Spanish cause, which they
contributed to render more odious to the Araucanians; and in general the
only effect which such barbarous conduct produces, is to heap distress
on the weak and helpless. To the other terrible calamities inseparable
from war, especially when carried on in this barbarous manner, a
pestilential disease was superadded which committed dreadful ravages in
Chili, especially among the natives. During the incursions of Villagran
into the Araucanian territory, some Spanish soldiers, who were either
infected at the time or had recently recovered from the small pox,
communicated that fatal disease for the first time to the Araucanians,
among whom it spread with the more direful and rapid destruction, as
they were utterly unacquainted with its nature. So universal and
dreadful was the mortality on this occasion in several provinces, that,
in one district containing a population of twelve thousand persons, not
more than a hundred escaped with life. This pestilential disorder, which
has been more destructive than any other to the human race, had been
introduced a few years before into the northern parts of Chili, where it
then occasioned great mortality among the natives, and where it has
since frequently reappeared at uncertain intervals, and has greatly
diminished the aboriginal population. For more than a century, counting
from the present times, 1787, the southern provinces of Chili forming
the Araucanian confederacy, have been exempted from the ravages of this
cruel disease, in consequence of the most rigorous precautions being
employed by the inhabitants to prevent all communication with the
infected countries, similar to those used in Europe to prevent the
introduction of the plague.

"The following anecdote will shew what horror the small-pox has inspired
into the natives of Araucania. Some considerable time ago[71], the
viceroy of Peru sent as a present to the governor of Chili, several jars
of honey, wine, olives, and different seeds. One of these jars happened
to break while landing, and some Indians who were employed as labourers
on this occasion, imagined that the contents of the jar were the
purulent matter of the small-pox, imported by the governor for the
purpose of being disseminated among the Araucanian provinces, to
exterminate their inhabitants. They immediately gave notice to their
countrymen, who stopped all intercourse with the Spanish provinces and
flew to arms, killing above forty Spaniards who were then among them in
the full security of peace. To revenge this outrage, the governor
marched with an army into the Araucanian territory, and a new war was
excited which continued for some time to the great injury of both
nations."

[Footnote 71: The passage within commas is a note in the original
English publication of Molina; and from subsequent parts of the history,
the event here related appears to have occurred about the commencement
of the seventeenth century, or more than two hundred years ago.--E.]

While Villagran was using every possible exertion to maintain the
Spanish power in the south of Chili, by combating the brave and
victorious Araucanians, he found himself on the point of being compelled
to turn his arms against his own countrymen. It has been already
mentioned that Valdivia, in the instructions he left with the
magistrates of Conception before his fatal expedition into Araucania,
had nominated Francisco Aguirre in the second place as his own successor
in the government, and that Villagran, only third in nomination, had
succeeded to the command in consequence of the absence of the other two
who were prior to himself. When Aguirre, who was then in Cujo, where he
does not appear to have effected any thing of importance, was informed
of the death of Valdivia, and his own destination to the government of
Chili, he considered the assumption of the vacant command by Villagran
as prejudicial to his own just rights, and immediately returned into
Chili with sixty men who remained of his detachment, determined to
acquire possession of the government by force or favour. His pretensions
and those of Villagran must infallibly have kindled a civil war among
the Spaniards in Chili, to the ruin or vast detriment of the Spanish
interest, had not the competitors agreed to submit the decision of their
respective claims to the royal audience at Lima, which at that time,
1555, held the supreme legal jurisdiction over all the Spanish dominions
in South America. On this appeal, the court of audience thought proper
to set aside the pretensions of both competitors, and issued an edict
authorizing the corregidors of the different cities to command each in
their respective districts, till farther orders. Perceiving the extreme
inconvenience that must have necessarily resulted to the interests of
the colony, from this divided government, especially during so important
a war, the principal inhabitants remonstrated against the impolicy of
this decree. The royal audience listened to the representations of the
colonists, and appointed Villagran to resume the command, but only
granted him the title of corregidor, and gave him orders to rebuild the
city of Conception. Although convinced of the inutility of this measure
in the present conjuncture, Villagran, in obedience to the orders,
proceeded immediately to that place with eighty-five families, whom he
established there, and erected a strong fortification for their defence.

The native inhabitants of that part of the country which formed the
territory of Conception, were indignant at being again subjected to the
intolerable yoke of the Spaniards, and had recourse to the Araucanians
for protection. Caupolican, who seems at this time to have remained in
almost entire inaction, either ignorant of the proceedings of the
Spaniards, or from some other cause of which we are not informed,
immediately sent Lautaro at the head of two thousand warriors to the
assistance of the distressed natives on the north side of the Biobio.
The young vice-toqui, exasperated at what he called the obstinacy of the
Spaniards in rebuilding the city which he had destroyed, immediately
passed the Biobio, and the Spaniards imprudently awaited him in the open
plain, confiding in their own valour and arms, despising the superior
numbers of the barbarians. The Spaniards, however, were panic struck at
the furious energy of the first encounter, and fled with precipitation
to take shelter behind their ramparts; but were so closely pursued by
Lautaro and his valiant followers, that they were unable to close the
gate. The Araucanians entered the city along with the fugitives, many of
whom were slain; and the small remnant made a precipitate retreat, part
of them by embarking in a ship then in the port, and others by taking
refuge in the woods, whence they returned through bye-paths to St Jago.

Lautaro immediately plundered and burnt the city, and returned loaded
with spoils to his usual station on the mountain of Mariguenu. The
successful issue of this enterprise excited Caupolican to resume the
sieges or blockades of Imperial and Valdivia, during which Lautaro
undertook to make a diversion of the Spanish forces, by marching against
St Jago, by which he expected to prevent them from sending
reinforcements into the south, and he even conceived that it might be
possible to gain possession of that capital of the Spanish dominions in
Chili, notwithstanding its great distance; as the successes he had
already obtained so filled his mind with confidence that no difficulty
appeared too great to be overcome. In order to execute this hazardous
enterprise, which appears to have been concerted with Caupolican, he
only required five hundred men to be selected by himself from the
Araucanian army; but so many pressed to serve under his victorious
standard, that he was obliged to admit an additional hundred. With this
determined band of six hundred warriors, he traversed all the provinces
between the rivers Biobio and Maule, without doing any injury to the
natives, who hailed him as their deliverer from the Spanish tyranny. But
on crossing the latter river, he immediately proceeded to lay waste the
lands of the Promaucians, who were detested by the Araucanians for
acting as auxiliaries to the Spaniards. Had he treated them with
kindness, he might in all probability have detached them from the
Spanish interest and united them in alliance with his own nation. But
impelled by eagerness for revenge, he did not appreciate the good
effects which might have flowed from a reconciliation with that numerous
and warlike nation, whom he considered as traitors to the common cause.
Having satiated his revenge, he fortified himself in an advantageous
post in their territory on the banks of the Rio-claro, probably on
purpose to gain more correct information respecting the state of the
city he intended to attack.

This ill-judged delay was of great importance to the inhabitants of St
Jago, by giving them time to prepare for their defence. They could not
at first believe it possible that Lautaro would have the audacity to
undertake a march of three hundred miles beyond the Araucanian frontiers
to attack their city; but undeceived by the refugees from Conception,
and the daily reports of the ravages of the enemy in the territories of
the Promaucians, they dispatched Juan Godinez with an escort of
twenty-five horse into the Promaucian country to watch the motions of
the enemy, and to send intelligence of his proceedings and designs.
Godinez was unexpectedly attacked by a detachment of the Araucanians,
and obliged to make a precipitate retreat to St Jago, with his numbers
considerably diminished, and filled the capital with consternation and
dismay at the intelligence of the near approach of their redoubted
enemy. On this occasion the Araucanians took ten horses and some arms
from the Spaniards, both of which were used by them in the succeeding
actions.

Villagran, who was at this time unable to take the field in consequence
of illness, sent his son Pedro against Lautaro with such troops as could
be procured, and immediately proceeded to fortify all the approaches to
the city of St Jago with strong entrenchments. In the mean time, young
Villagran attacked the Araucanians in their fortified post. Instructed
by their intrepid yet wary commander, the Araucanians pretended to take
flight after a short resistance; but the Spaniards were no sooner
entered into the abandoned inclosure, than they returned upon them with
such impetuosity, that Pedro and his men were completely routed, and
only the cavalry was able to escape by flight, all the infantry who had
penetrated the Araucanian camp being put to death. After procuring
reinforcements, young Villagran returned three several times to attack
the camp of Lautaro, in all of which attempts he was repulsed with
considerable loss. He now encamped his force in a low meadow on the
banks of the river Mataquito, at no great distance from the entrenched
post of Lautaro. The Araucanian general formed a plan for inundating the
camp of the Spaniards during night, by turning upon them a branch of the
river; but the Spaniards being informed of this design by a spy,
withdrew to St Jago.

Having recovered from his illness, Villagran was solicited by the
citizens of St Jago to exert himself to dislodge the Araucanians from
their neighbourhood, as they every moment expected to see them at their
gates. He accordingly, some time in the year 1556, set out from the city
at the head of 196 Spaniards and 1000 Indian auxiliaries, in search of
Lautaro. Instructed by his severe defeat at Mariguenu, Villagran
resolved to attack the enemy by surprise; and quitting the direct road,
he secretly directed his march towards the Araucanian encampment in the
night by a private path under the guidance of a spy, and reached their
entrenchments undiscovered at day-break. Lautaro, who had been on guard
all night according to his usual custom, had just retired to rest when
the alarm was given of the attack from the Spaniards. He hastened
immediately to the spot, to observe the enemy and to issue his orders
for defence; but at the moment of his arrival, a dart from the hand of
one of the Indian auxiliaries pierced him to the heart. Encouraged by
this fortunate event, which was soon known to the Spaniards, Villagran
urged the assault of the entrenchments, and soon forced an entrance in
spite of the Araucanians, who made an obstinate defence. Finding their
post carried, the Araucanians retired to an angle of their works,
determined rather to allow themselves to be cut in pieces than to
surrender. In vain the Spanish commander repeatedly offered quarter;
they continued fighting with the utmost obstinacy till every man of them
was cut off, many of them even throwing themselves on the lances of the
Spaniards, as if courting death in preference to submission. This
victory, which was not obtained without considerable loss on the part of
the Spaniards and their allies, was celebrated in St Jago and the other
Spanish settlements with every demonstration of joy. The Spaniards
felicitated themselves on being freed from a redoubted enemy, who at the
early age of nineteen had already obtained so many victories over them,
and who threatened to destroy their settlements in Chili, and even to
harass them in Peru.

When the terror which this young hero had inspired was removed by his
death, even his enemies extolled his valour and military talents, and
compared him to the greatest generals who had figured in ancient times,
calling him the Chilese Hannibal. To use the words of the abbe
Olivarez:--"It is not just to depreciate the merit of one, who, had he
been of our nation, we should have vaunted as a hero. If we celebrate
the martial prowess of the Spanish Viriatus, we ought not to obscure the
fame of the American Lautaro, as both valorously contended in arms for
the liberties of their country."

For a long time the Araucanians lamented the untimely fate of the
valiant Lautaro, to whom they owed all the success which their arms had
hitherto atchieved, and on whose conduct and bravery they entirely
relied for the preservation of their independence. His name is still
celebrated in their heroic songs, and his actions are still proposed as
the most glorious model for the imitation of their youth. Above all
others, Caupolican felt and lamented the loss of his valiant associate.
Far from thinking he had got free from a rival of his fame, he
considered that he had lost his chief coadjutor in the glorious cause of
restoring their nation to independence. Immediately on receiving the
mournful intelligence, he quitted the siege of Imperial, though reduced
to the last extremity, and returned with his army to defend the northern
frontiers of Araucania, and to protect his country from the incursions
of the Spaniards, as he learnt by his spies that they soon expected a
large reinforcement of men and warlike stores from Peru under a new
commander.

On learning the death of Valdivia, as formerly related, Philip II. gave
charge of the government and conquest of Chili to Alderete, the agent
who had been sent by Valdivia into Spain, and furnished him for this
purpose with six hundred regular troops. During the voyage to the Tierra
Firma, the ship was set on fire by accident, by his sister who was
accustomed to read in bed; and of the whole number on board, Alderete
and three soldiers alone escaped to Porto Bello. Overcome with grief and
disappointment at this melancholy catastrophe, Alderete died soon after
in the small island of Taboga in the gulf of Panama. When informed of
this disaster, and of the threatening aspect of affairs in Chili in
consequence of the untoward events in the Araucanian war, the marquis of
Canete, then viceroy of Peru, appointed his son Don Garcia Hurtado de
Mendoza, to the vacant government. As this charge had become both
important and dangerous, the marquis resolved that his son should be
accompanied by such a body of forces as might be able to support his
authority, and might enable him successfully to terminate the war
against the Araucanians. As the civil dissensions in Peru were now at an
end, and that country abounded in military adventurers eager for
employment, he was soon able to levy a respectable force of horse and
foot for this expedition. The infantry, all well equipped and appointed,
with a great quantity of military stores; embarked in ten ships under
the command of Don Garcia in person; and the cavalry marched by land
under the orders of Garcia Ramon, who was appointed quarter-master-general
of Chili.

Don Garcia arrived with his fleet in safety in the Bay of Conception, in
the month of April 1557, and came to anchor near the island of
Quiriquina, which was chosen as the headquarters as a place of great
security. The scanty population of the island attempted to oppose the
disembarkation of the troops, but being soon dispersed by the artillery,
they retired in their piraguas to the continent. A small number being
made prisoners, the governor sent two or three of them with a message to
the Araucanians, to inform them of his arrival, and that he was desirous
to settle a lasting peace with them on fair terms. In an assembly of the
Ulmens to deliberate upon this message, the general opinion was that no
propositions ought to be listened to from an enemy who had returned in
greater force than ever, under the idea that any terms they might
propose would necessarily be treacherous and unfair. Old Colocolo
observed, however, that no injury could arise from listening to the
proposals of the Spanish governor; and that they even had now a
favourable opportunity for obtaining a knowledge of the amount of his
force, and for discovering his designs. For this purpose, therefore, he
thought it advisable that they should send an intelligent person, under
pretence of congratulating the new governor on his arrival, and thanking
him for his offer of amicable terms of peace, who might at the same time
gain information of whatever he should consider important to regulate
their future conduct. Caupolican and most of the older officers adopted
this judicious proposal, and the important commission was confided to
Millalauco, a person who possessed every requisite for the business
confided to his charge.

Millalauco accordingly crossed the narrow strait which separates the
island of Quiriquina from the continent, and presented himself to the
Spaniards with all the pride which characterises the Araucanian nation.
In their turn, the Spaniards were willing to give him a high idea of
their military power, and drew out their troops in order of battle for
his reception, conducting him to the tent of the governor amidst
repeated discharges of their artillery. Not in the least disconcerted by
this military parade, Millalauco complimented the governor in the name
of Caupolican and the Araucanian chiefs, declaring that they would all
be happy in the establishment of an honourable peace, advantageous to
both nations, in their desire for which they were solely actuated by
motives of humanity, and not by any dread of the Spanish power. Don
Garcia, though much disappointed by these vague offers, replied in the
same general terms respecting peace; and, after regaling the ambassador
in a magnificent manner, he ordered some of his officers to conduct him
over the whole encampment, in expectation of intimidating him by
displaying the immense military preparations which accompanied him to
Chili. This was exactly suited to the wishes of Millalauco, who observed
every thing with the utmost attention, though with apparent
indifference; and, having taken leave of the Spaniards, he returned to
make his report to the assembled chiefs. On receiving an exact report of
all that had been seen by their envoy, the Araucanian chiefs gave orders
for the establishment of centinels along the coast of their country, to
observe and communicate notice of the movements of the Spaniards, and
commanded the warriors to prepare for taking the field at the first
summons, as they believed a renewal of the war was near and inevitable.

Don Garcia continued inactive almost the whole of the winter in the
island of Quiriquina, waiting the arrival of his cavalry from Peru, and
for reinforcements which he had required from the cities of Chili. At
length, on the night of the 6th August 1557 he privately landed 130 men
and several engineers on the plain of Conception, and immediately took
possession of Mount Pinto which commands the harbour, where he
constructed a fort well garnished with cannon, and surrounded by a deep
ditch. This event was immediately communicated to Caupolican, who
hastily collected his forces, and passed the Biobio on the 9th of
August, and next morning at day-break, a day remarkable in Europe by the
defeat of the French at St Quintin, he assailed the new fortress on
three sides at once, having sent on in front a body of pioneers to fill
up the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The assault was long
urged with all the furious and obstinate bravery which distinguishes the
Araucanians. Numbers mounted the parapet, and some even leapt within the
walls, destroying many of the defendants. But the cannon and musquetry
of the Spaniards were so skilfully directed, and the slaughter of the
assailants so prodigious, that the ditch was filled with dead bodies,
serving as bridges for the new combatants who pressed on to replace
their slain comrades. Tucapel, impelled by his rash and unparalleled
valour, threw himself into the fort, where he slew four of the enemy
with his formidable mace, and then made his escape by leaping from a
precipice amidst a shower of balls.

While the assault of the fortress was pushed with the utmost fury and
was seen from the island of Quiriquina, the remainder of the Spanish
army came over to the aid of the garrison, and formed in order of
battle. The debarkation was observed by Caupolican who immediately sent
a part of his troops to meet this new enemy. After a severe conflict of
several hours, this detachment was driven back to the mountain with
heavy loss, so that the Araucanians were now placed between two fires;
yet they did not lose courage, and continued fighting till mid-day. At
length, worn out with the length of the combat, the Araucanian general
drew off to the Biobio, determined to collect a new army and to return
to the attack. Having in a short time reinforced his army, Caupolican
began his march towards Conception; but, learning on his way that the
governor had received a numerous reinforcement, he halted on the banks
of the Biobio, deeply chagrined at not being able to effect the
destruction of the new fortress of Conception, which had been twice
performed by Lautaro with the universal applause of the nation.

In fact, on the preceding day the Spanish cavalry from Peru, consisting
of 1000 well armed men, had arrived at Conception, together with another
squadron of Spanish horse from Imperial, and 2000 Promaucian
auxiliaries. Being now at the head of a numerous and well-appointed
army, Don Garcia determined to invade the Araucanian territory. For this
purpose he crossed the Biobio in boats, six miles above its mouth, where
the river is about 1500 paces broad. As the Spanish cannon in the boats
commanded the opposite bank of the river, Caupolican made no attempt to
obstruct the passage, but drew up his army at no great distance in a
position flanked by thick woods, by which his retreat would be secured
in case of being defeated. The battle began by several skirmishes, which
ended in favour of the Araucanians; several advanced parties of the
Spaniards being repulsed by the enemy with loss, though reinforced by
order of Ramon the quarter-master-general. Alonzo Reynoso likewise, who
was dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, was defeated in his turn,
and obliged to retreat leaving several of his men dead on the field. At
length the two armies met and joined battle. Encouraged by the
advantages they had already gained, the Araucanians used every effort to
come to close quarters with the Spaniards, notwithstanding the heavy
fire of eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly from the
front of the enemy. But when they came within reach of the musquetry,
they were quite unable to resist the close and well directed fire
continually kept up by the veteran troops of Peru. After many
ineffectual attempts to close in with the Spaniards, and losing a vast
number of their bravest warriors, they fell into confusion from the
vacancies in their ranks, and began to give ground. By a well timed
charge, the cavalry put them completely to the rout, and made a
prodigious slaughter among them in their flight to the woods.

Either from innate cruelty of disposition, or on mistaken principles of
policy, Don Garcia pursued the most rigorous measures against the enemy.
Contrary to the opinion and advice of most of his officers, he was the
first who introduced the barbarous practice of mutilating and putting to
death the prisoners; a system which may intimidate and restrain a base
people accustomed to servitude, but cruelty is detestable in the
estimation of a generous nation, and serves only to exasperate and
render them irreconcileable[72]. Among the prisoners taken on this
occasion was one named Galvarino, whose hands were cut off by order of
Don Garcia, and was then set free. He returned to his countrymen, to
whom he displayed his bloody and mutilated stumps, which so inflamed
them with rage against the Spaniards, that they all swore never to make
peace with them, and even denounced the punishment of death against any
one who should have the baseness to propose such a measure. Even the
women, excited by desire of revenge, offered to take up arms and fight
along with their husbands, which was actually done by many of them in
the subsequent battles. From thence originated the fable of Amazons in
Chili, placed by some authors in the southern districts of that country.

[Footnote 72: In a note of the original translation, it is said that
"the Indian allies of the Spaniards cut off the calves from the
Araucanian prisoners, which they roasted and eat. And, by means of
certain leaves applied to the wounds, prevented the effusion of a single
drop of blood."--E.]

After the victory, Don Garcia proceeded with his army into the province
of Arauco, constantly harassed by flying detachments of the enemy, who
never ceased doing them every possible injury. On his arrival at
Melipuru[73], Don Garcia caused several native prisoners to be tortured,
in order to obtain information of the situation of Caupolican, but none
of them would discover the place of his retreat. On being informed of
this barbarous procedure, Caupolican sent notice by a messenger that he
was not far off, and meant to meet the Spaniards the next day. Don
Garcia and his army, being alarmed by this intelligence, passed the
whole night under arms, and accordingly the Araucanian army made its
appearance next morning at day-break, advancing in regular array in
three several lines. The Spanish cavalry made a furious charge upon the
front line, commanded by Caupolican in person, who made his pikemen
receive the charge with levelled spears, while the alternate
mace-bearers were directed to strike at the horses heads. By this
unexpected reception, the Spanish cavalry were obliged to retreat in
confusion; upon which the Araucanian general and his division broke into
the centre of the Spanish infantry with great slaughter, Caupolican
killing five of them with his own hand. Tucapel advanced with his
division in another quarter with equal success, and at the first attack
broke his lance in the body of a Spaniard, and then drawing his sword
slew seven others. He received several wounds at this time, yet seeing
the valiant Rencu, formerly his rival for the office of toqui,
surrounded by a crowd of enemies, he fell upon them with such fury that
he killed a considerable number of them, and rescued Rencu from imminent
danger. Victory, for a long time undecided, was on the point of
declaring for the Araucanians, as the Spaniards were ready to give way;
when Don Garcia gave orders to a body of reserve, hitherto unengaged, to
attack that division of the enemy which was commanded by Lincoyan and
Ongolmo. This order, which was executed with promptitude and success,
preserved the Spanish army from total destruction. This line or division
of the Araucanians being broken and routed, fell back tumultuously upon
the other two divisions, then nearly victorious, and threw them into
such inextricable confusion, that being utterly unable to restore his
troops to order, after repeated ineffectual efforts, Caupolican was
reluctantly constrained to sound a retreat, and yielded the victory to
his enemies which he had fondly imagined was already secured to himself.
In their retreat, the Araucanian army would have been utterly cut to
pieces, had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood with a
party of warriors whom he rallied, called off the attention of the
victors from the pursuit, which they urged with the most deadly rancour.
After sustaining the violence of the Spanish assault till such time as
he judged his dispersed countrymen had ensured their safety, Rencu and
his companions retired through the wood by a secret path and rejoined
his countrymen.

[Footnote 73: Called Millapoa, perhaps by mistake in Pinkerton's map of
Chili, a place very near the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked
_arruinada_ probably meaning in ruins.--E.]

Before leaving Melipuru, Don Garcia caused twelve ulmens who were found
among the prisoners, to be hanged on the trees that surrounded the field
of battle, and Galvarino, now again a prisoner, was condemned to the
same fate. That unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the loss of his
hands, had accompanied the Araucanian army, and had never ceased during
the late battle to excite his countrymen to fight valiantly, exhibiting
his mutilated stumps to inspire them with fury and revenge, and even
using his teeth to do all the injury he was able to the enemy. One of
the captive ulmens, overcome with terror, abjectly petitioned for his
life; but Galvarino reproached him in such severe terms for his
cowardice, and inspired him with so great contempt for death, that he at
length rejected a proffered pardon, and even entreated to die the first,
as an expiation of his weakness, and the scandal he had brought upon the
character of his nation. After this barbarous execution, by which he
sullied the glory of his victory, Don Garcia proceeded into the province
of Tucapel to the place where Valdivia had been defeated and slain,
where he built, as if in contempt of the Araucanians, a city which he
named _Canete_[74] from the titular appellation of his family. Being in
the centre of the enemies country, he strengthened this new city or
fortress with a good palisade, a deep ditch, and strong rampart, mounted
with a number of cannon, and left a select garrison for its defence
under the command of Alonzo Reynoso.

[Footnote 74: Probably the place distinguished in modern maps by the
name of Tucapel-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio.--E.]

Believing that the Araucanians, whom he had now defeated in three
successive battles, were no longer in condition to oppose his victorious
arms, he went with his army to Imperial, where he was received in
triumph. Soon after his arrival at that place, he sent off a plentiful
supply of provisions for the garrison of his new city under a strong
escort, which was attacked and routed in a narrow pass called Cayucupil
by a body of Araucanians, and had certainly been entirely destroyed if
the enemy had not given them an opportunity of escaping to Canete with
little loss, by eagerness to seize the baggage. The fugitives were
received in Canete with much joy, as Reynoso had learnt that Caupolican
intended to attack him. In fact, only a few days afterwards, that
indefatigable general, whom misfortune seemed to inspire with fresh
courage, made a furious assault upon the place, in which his valiant
troops, with arms so extremely inferior to their enemies, endured a
continual fire of cannon and musquetry for five hours with the most
heroic firmness, pulling up and burning the palisades, filling the
ditch, and endeavouring to scale the ramparts. But valour alone was
unable to prevail in this difficult enterprise, and Caupolican was
constrained to desist from the attempt by open force, and to try some
more secure expedient for attaining his end. With this view he persuaded
one of his officers, named _Pran_, who was of an artful character, to
introduce himself into the garrison as a deserter, in order to fall upon
some device for delivering it up. Pran accordingly obtained admission in
that character, and conducted himself with the most profound
dissimulation. He soon formed a strict friendship with a Promaucian
named Andrew, in the service of the Spaniards, who seemed a fit
instrument for his purpose. One day, either artfully to sound or flatter
him, Andrew pretended to sympathize with his new friend on the
misfortunes of his country; and Pran eagerly took advantage of this
favourable opportunity, as he thought, to carry his designs into
execution, and revealed to Andrew the motive of his pretended desertion,
earnestly entreating him to assist in the execution of his plan, which
was to introduce some Araucanian soldiers into the place, during the
time when the Spaniards were accustomed to indulge in their _siesta_ or
afternoon sleep. Andrew readily engaged to give every assistance in his
power, and even offered to keep one of the gates open on the day
assigned for executing the enterprise. Pran, elated with joy at the
supposed acquisition of a so useful associate, hastened to Caupolican,
who was only at a short distance from Canete, to whom he related the
success of his endeavours. On his side, Andrew gave immediate notice of
the intended plot to Reynoso, the commander of the fort, who desired him
to keep up the deception by appearing to concur in its execution, in
order to entrap the enemy in their own snare.

Entirely occupied with an ardent desire of accomplishing this enterprise
against Canete, Caupolican lost sight of his wonted prudence, and too
easily reposed confidence in this ill concerted scheme. The better to
arrange his measures on this occasion, he procured an interview with
Andrew by means of Pran, and the artful Promaucian appeared before
Caupolican with that flattering show of respect and attachment which
villains know so well to assume. He broke out into virulent invectives
against the Spaniards, whom he pretended to have always detested, and
declared his readiness to perform the promise he had made to Pran,
asserting that the execution of the plot would be perfectly easy.
Caupolican applauded his partriotism, and engaged, if the plot
succeeded, to raise him to the office of ulmen, and to appoint him first
captain in the Araucanian army in reward of his services. He then shewed
him the troops which he had along with him, appointing next day for
executing the plot, and dismissed him with the strongest assurances of
favour and esteem. Andrew immediately communicated the intelligence to
Reynoso, and the Spaniards employed the whole of that night in making
every preparation to obtain the greatest possible advantage from this
double act of perfidy. When the particulars of this plot were
communicated to the principal officers of the Araucanian army, they
openly disapproved of it, as disgraceful to the national honour, and
refused to accompany Caupolican in the expedition. But he obstinately
adhered to his design, and began his march at day-break for Canete with
three thousand men, with whom he posted himself in concealment near the
place, till Pran came to inform him from Andrew that every thing was in
readiness to deliver the place into his hands. The Araucanians
immediately proceeded in silence towards the city, and finding the gate
open according to promise began to enter it. When a sufficient number
were got in, the Spaniards suddenly closed the gate upon them, and
immediately opened a fire of grape-shot on those without who were
crowding to the gate, making a dreadful slaughter. The cavalry belonging
to the garrison, being all in readiness, issued from another gate, and
completed the destruction of all who had escaped from the fire of the
cannon, so that hardly one of all the Araucanians escaped. Caupolican
escaped the general slaughter of his men with a small number of
attendants, and retired to the mountains, whence he hoped to be soon
able to return with a new army sufficiently numerous to keep the field.
While the cavalry gave a loose to their fury on the Araucanians without
the walls, the infantry were employed within the fort in putting to
death all that had got through the gate; who, finding all chance of
escape utterly hopeless, chose rather to be cut in pieces than
surrender. Pran, discovering his error when too late, rushed among the
thickest of the foe, and escaped by an honourable death from the well
merited reproaches of his imprudent and fatal credulity. Among a few
prisoners taken on this occasion were three ulmens, who were all blown
from the mouths of cannon.

As Don Garcia believed the Araucanian war was terminated by this
destructive enterprise, he gave orders to rebuild the city of
Conception, and desirous of adding fresh laurels to the victories he had
already obtained, he marched in 1558 with a numerous army against the
Cunches in the south of Chili, a nation which had not yet been assailed
by the Spanish arms. On first hearing of the approach of the Spaniards,
the chiefs of the Cunches met in council to deliberate whether they
should submit or resist the invasion of these formidable strangers. On
this occasion, one Tunconobal, an Araucanian exile, who was present in
the assembly, was desired to give his opinion, which he did in the
following terms. "Be cautious how you adopt either of these measures. If
you submit, you will be despised as vassals and compelled to labour; if
you resist in arms, you will be exterminated. If you desire to get free
of these dangerous visitors, make them believe that you are miserably
poor. Hide your property, particularly your gold; and be assured the
Spaniards will not remain in your country if they have no expectation of
procuring that sole object of all their wishes. Send them such a present
as may impress them with an opinion of your extreme poverty, and in the
mean time retire into the woods."

The Cunches approved the wise council of the Araucanian, and deputed him
with nine natives of the country to carry a present to the Spanish
general, such as he had recommended. He clothed himself and his
companions accordingly in wretched rags, and made his appearance with
every mark of fear before Don Garcia. After complimenting him in rude
terms, he presented him with a basket containing some roasted lizards
and wild fruits, as all that the poverty of the country could supply.
The Spaniards could not refrain from laughter at the wretched appearance
of the ambassadors and their miserable present, and endeavoured to
dissuade the governor from pursuing the expedition into so unpromising a
region. Unwilling to relinquish his plan with too much facility, he
exhorted his troops to persevere; assuring them that, according to
information he had received, they would find a country abounding in the
precious metals. This was indeed by no means improbable, as it was usual
in America to meet with the richest countries after passing through
frightful deserts. He then inquired of the Cunches which was the best
road into the south. Tunconobal directed him towards the west, which was
the roughest and most mountainous; and on being asked for a guide, left
one of his companions, whom he directed to lead the Spanish army by the
most difficult and desolate roads near the coast. The guide followed the
instructions of Tunconobal with so much judgment, that although the
Spaniards had been accustomed to surmount the severest fatigues in their
pursuit of conquests, they declared they had never encountered such
difficulties in any of their former marches. On the fourth day of this
terrible march, their guide quitted them, and they found themselves in
the middle of a frightful desert surrounded by rugged precipices, whence
they could perceive no way by which to extricate themselves. But Don
Garcia encouraged them to persevere, by the flattering assurance of soon
reaching a happy country which would amply repay all their present
fatigues and privations.

Having at length overcome all the obstacles in their way, the Spaniards
arrived at the top of a high mountain, whence they discovered the great
archipelago of _Ancud_, more commonly named of Chiloe, the channels
among the islands being covered by innumerable boats or canoes navigated
by sails and oars. They were filled with joy at this unexpected
prospect; and as they had suffered many days from hunger, they hastened
to the shore, and were delighted by seeing a boat making towards them,
in which were fifteen persons handsomely clothed. These natives
immediately leaped on shore without evincing the smallest apprehension
of the Spaniards, whom they cordially saluted, inquiring who they were,
whence they came, whether they were going, and it they were in want of
any thing. The Spaniards asked for provisions, and the chief of these
strangers immediately gave them all the provisions in his boat, refusing
to accept any thing in return, and promised to send them a large
immediate supply from the neighbouring islands. Indeed the famished
Spaniards had scarcely completed their encampment, when numerous
piraguas arrived from the different islands, loaded with maize, fruit,
and fish, all of which the natives distributed gratuitously among them.
Constantly and liberally supplied by these friendly islanders, the
Spaniards marched along the shore of the continent opposite the
archipelago, all the way to the Bay of Reloncavi. Some of them went over
to the neighbouring islands, where they found the land well cultivated,
and the women employed in spinning wool, mixed with the feathers of
sea-birds, which they manufactured into cloth for garments. The
celebrated poet Ercilla was one of the party; and as he was solicitous
of the reputation of having proceeded farther south than any other
European, he crossed the gulf to the opposite shore, where he inscribed
some verses on the bark of a tree, containing his own name and the date
of the discovery, being the 31st January 1559.

Satisfied with this discovery of the archipelago of Chiloe, Don Garcia
returned towards the north, having one of the islanders as a guide, who
conducted him safely to Imperial through the inland country of the
Huilliches, which is for the most part level and abounds in provisions.
The inhabitants, who are similar in all respects to their western
neighbours the Cunches, made no opposition to his march through their
country; and Don Garcia on this occasion founded the city of Osorno in
their country at the western extremity of a great lake, though
according to some authors he only rebuilt that town. For some time this
place increased rapidly in population and wealth, in consequence of
great abundance of fine gold being found in its neighbourhood, and of
extensive manufactures of woollen and linen carried on by its
inhabitants; but it was afterwards destroyed by the toqui
Paillamacu[75].

[Footnote 75: The ruins of Osorno are in lat. 40 deg. 30' S. and long. 73 deg.
20' W. The lake, or _Desaguodero de Osorno_, extends 50 or 60 miles from
east to west, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles.--E.]

While Don Garcia was engaged in this expedition into the south of Chili,
Alonzo Reynoso the commandant of Canete used every effort to discover
the place in which Caupolican lay concealed, both offering rewards for
information and even employing torture to extort intelligence from the
natives. He at length found a person who engaged to point out the place
in which the Araucanian general had concealed himself ever since his
last defeat. A detachment of cavalry was accordingly sent under the
guidance of this traitor, and coming upon him by surprise one morning at
day-break, succeeded in taking that great and heroic champion a
prisoner, after a gallant resistance from ten faithful followers who
continued to adhere to him under his misfortunes. During this combat,
his wife incessantly exhorted him to die rather than surrender; and on
seeing him made prisoner, she indignantly threw towards him her infant
son, saying she would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. The
detachment returned to Canete with their prisoner, amidst the rejoicings
of the inhabitants, and Reynoso immediately ordered the redoubted toqui
to be impaled and shot to death with arrows. On hearing his sentence,
Caupolican addressed Reynoso as follows, without the smallest change of
countenance, and preserving all his wonted dignity. "My death, can
answer no possible end, except that of inflaming the inveterate hatred
already entertained by my countrymen against the Spaniards. Far from
being discouraged by the loss of an unfortunate leader, other
Caupolicans will arise from my ashes, who will prosecute the war against
you with better fortune. If however you spare my life, from the great
influence I possess in Araucania, I may be of great service to the
interests of your sovereign, and in aiding the propagation of your
religion, which you say is the chief object of the destructive war you
wage against us. But, if you are determined that I must die, send me
into Spain; where, if your king thinks proper to condemn me, I may end
my days without occasioning new disturbances to my unhappy country."

This attempt of the unfortunate toqui to prevail on Reynoso to spare his
life was in vain, as the sentence was ordered to be carried into
immediate execution. A priest, who had been employed to converse with
Caupolican, pretending to have converted him to the Christian faith,
hastily administered the sacrament of baptism; after which the prisoner
was conducted to the scaffold erected for his public execution. When he
saw the instrument of punishment, which till then he did not clearly
comprehend, and noticed a negro who was ready to execute the cruel
sentence, he became exasperated, and hurled the executioner from the
scaffold with a furious kick, indignantly exclaiming, "Is there no sword
and some less unworthy hand to put a man like me to death? In this
punishment there is no semblance of justice: It is base revenge!" He was
however overpowered by numbers, and compelled to undergo the cruel and
ignominious punishment to which he had been condemned. The name of
Reynoso is still held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, but
even by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated his conduct,
as cruel, unnecessary, and impolitic, and contrary to those principles
of generosity on which they pride themselves as a nation.


SECTION VIII.

_Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican, to
the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards._


The prediction of the great and unfortunate Caupolican was soon
fulfilled, by the succession of new heroes to defend the liberties of
the Araucanians against the Spaniards. Instigated by the most unbounded
rage, that nation immediately proceeded to elect a new toqui, capable of
taking ample revenge for the ignominious death of their late unfortunate
general. On this occasion, a majority of the electors were disposed to
have conferred the vacant office on the brave and impetuous Tucapel; but
the old and sagacious Colocolo prevailed on the assembled Butacayog to
elect the younger Caupolican, eldest son of the late toqui, who
possessed the talents of his celebrated and lamented father. Tucapel a
second time magnanimously submitted to the choice of the ulmens, and
only required to be nominated vice-toqui, which was accordingly granted.
The new toqui immediately assembled an army, with which he crossed the
Biobio, intending to attack the city of Conception, which according to
his information was only defended by a small number of soldiers. Having
learned the intention of the Araucanian general, Reynoso followed him
with five hundred men, and coming up with him at Talcaguano[76], a place
not far from Conception, offered him battle. The young toqui
unhesitatingly accepted the challenge, and, animating his soldiers both
by his exhortations and example, fell with such fury upon the Spaniards,
that he entirely defeated them. Pursued and wounded by the fierce
Tucapel, Reynoso made his escape across the Biobio with a small party of
cavalry; and, having collected fresh troops, returned to attack the
Araucanians in their camp with no better success than before, and was
again compelled to retire with loss and disgrace.

[Footnote 76: In modern maps, a town called Tolcamando is situated on
the north of the Biobio, not far from Conception, and is probably the
place indicated in the text.--E.]

After this second action, Millalauco was sent with a message from the
toqui to the Spaniards in the island of Quiriquina, whence he brought
back intelligence that Don Garcia, with a large body of troops from
Imperial, was laying waste the neighbouring provinces belonging to the
Araucanian confederacy. On this information, and influenced by the
advice of the aged Colocolo, young Caupolican deferred his proposed
enterprise against Conception, and hastened into the south to oppose Don
Garcia, leaving a respectable force under Millalauco to make head
against Reynoso. Don Garcia however, on being informed of the march of
the Araucanian array against him, withdrew to Imperial, leaving a body
of two hundred of his cavalry in ambush on the road by which Caupolican
had to pass. Though unexpectedly attacked by the Spaniards, Caupolican
defended himself with admirable courage and presence of mind, and not
only repelled the Spaniards with very little loss on his own side, but
cut in pieces a great number of his assailants, and pursued the rest to
the gates of Imperial, to which he immediately laid close siege. In the
mean time, Reynoso and Millalauco, after several severe yet inconclusive
encounters, agreed to fight a single combat, a practice not unfrequent
during the Araucanian war. They fought accordingly a long while without
either being able to obtain the advantage; and at length, fatigued by
their combat, they separated by mutual consent, and resumed their former
mode of warfare.

Caupolican prosecuted the siege of Imperial with much vigour, but
possessed no means of making any impression on its fortifications. After
several violent but unsuccessful assaults, he made an attempt to gain
over the Promaucian auxiliaries of the Spaniards by means similar to
what had been unsuccessfully employed by his father on a former
occasion. Two of his officers, named Tulcamaru and Torquin, were
employed on this hazardous service and detected by the Spaniards, by
whom they were both impaled in sight of the Araucanian army, whom they
exhorted in their last moments to die valiantly in defending the
liberties of their country. At the same time, an hundred and twenty of
the Promaucians, who had been seduced to favour the Araucanians, were
hung on the ramparts, all of whom exhorted their countrymen to aid the
Araucanians. Caupolican was anxious to siglize himself by the capture of
a place which his heroic father had twice attempted in vain, and made a
violent effort to carry the place by assault. He several times scaled
the walls of the town in person, exposing his life to the most imminent
danger, and even one night effected an entrance into the city, followed
by Tucapel and a number of brave companions, but was repulsed by Don
Garcia, whose vigilance was incessant. On this occasion, Caupolican
withdrew, constantly fighting and covered by the blood of his enemies,
to a bastion of the fortress, whence he escaped by an adventurous leap
and rejoined his troops, who were in much apprehension for the safety of
their brave and beloved commander. Wearied out by the length of the
siege, which he saw no reasonable prospect of bringing to a favourable
conclusion, and impatient of the inactivity of a blockade, Caupolican
abandoned this ineffectual attempt upon Imperial, and turned his arms
against Reynoso in hope of being able to take revenge upon him for the
death of his father. But Don Garcia, by going to the assistance of that
officer, rendered all his efforts ineffectual.

In the campaign of the following year, 1559, numerous battles were
fought between the two armies, with various successes; but as these
produced no material change in the state of affairs, it is unnecessary
to give any particular account of them. Though several of these
encounters ended in favour of the Araucanians, yet Caupolican resolved
to protract the war, as his troops were daily diminishing in numbers
from being continually exposed to the fire arms of their enemies, while
the Spaniards were constantly receiving recruits from Peru and Europe.
With this intention, therefore, he took possession of a strong situation
between Canete and Conception, in a place called Quipeo or Cuyapu, which
he fortified so strongly as to be defensible by a few men against any
number of enemies unprovided with artillery. On being informed of this
measure, Don Garcia marched thither immediately with his army in order
to dislodge the Araucanian general, but observing the strength of the
position, he delayed for some time making an attack, in hope of drawing
the enemy from their strong ground, so that his cavalry might have an
opportunity of acting to advantage. In the mean time, frequent
skirmishes took place between the two armies, in one of which the
celebrated Millalauco was taken prisoner, and who reproached Don Garcia
so severely for his cruel manner of making war, that he ordered him
instantly to be impaled. While the Araucanians were thus blockaded in
their intrenched camp, the traitor Andrew had the temerity to go one day
with a message from Don Garcia to Caupolican, threatening him with the
most cruel punishment if he did not immediately submit to the authority
of the Spaniards. Caupolican, though much enraged at seeing before him
the man who had betrayed his father, ordered him immediately to retire,
saying that he would assuredly have put him to death by the most cruel
tortures, if he had not been invested with the character of an
ambassador. Yet Andrew ventured next day to come into the Araucanian
camp as a spy, when he was taken prisoner, suspended by his feet from a
tree, and suffocated with smoke.

At length Don Garcia commenced his attack upon the camp of the
Araucanians, by a violent cannonade from all his artillery. Caupolican
and his valiant followers made a vigorous sally, and attacked the
Spaniards with so much fury as to kill about forty of them at the first
charge, and continued the battle for some time with much success. After
a short time, Don Garcia, by a skilful evolution, cut off the retreat of
the Araucanians and surrounded them on every side. Yet Caupolican and
his intrepid soldiers fought with such desperate valour that the issue
of the engagement remained doubtful for six hours; till, seeing
Tucapel, Colocolo, Rencu, Lincoyan, Mariantu, Ongolmo, and several
others of his most valiant officers slain, Caupolican attempted to
retreat with the small remnant of his army: But, being overtaken by a
party of horse from which he could not possibly escape, he slew himself
to avoid a similar, cruel fate as that which his father had endured.

Though Don Garcia had already been mistaken in supposing that the spirit
of the Araucanians was entirely broken after their terrible overthrow at
Canete, he now again thought he had good reason to believe the war
wholly at an end. This victory of Quipeo seemed to him completely
decisive, as the nation was now left without chiefs or troops, all their
principal officers, and those who chiefly supported the courage of the
Araucanians, having perished, with the flower of their soldiers, so that
he believed the nation would henceforwards be entirely submissive to the
will of the conquerors. Impressed with these hopes, he now devoted his
whole attention to repair the losses occasioned by the war, rebuilding
the fortifications which had been destroyed, particularly Arauco, Angol,
and Villarica, all of which he repeopled and provided with competent
garrisons. He caused all the mines which had been abandoned to be
reopened, and others to be explored: And obtained the establishment of a
bishopric in the capital of Chili, to which place he went in person to
receive the first bishop, Fernando Barrionuevo, a Franciscan monk.
Having a considerable number of veteran troops under his command, for
most of whom he believed there was no longer occasion in Chili, he sent
off a part of them under Pedro Castillo to complete the conquest of
Cujo, formerly commenced by Francisco de Aguirre. Castillo subjected the
Guarpes, the ancient inhabitants of that province, to the Spanish
dominion, and founded two cities on the eastern skirts of the Andes,
which he named San Juan and Mendoza, the latter in compliment to the
family name of the governor Don Garcia. The extensive and fertile
province of Cujo remained for a considerable time dependent on the
government of Chili, but has been since transferred to the vice-royalty
of Buenos Ayres, to which it seems more properly to appertain from its
situation and natural boundaries.

While Don Garcia thus took advantage of the apparent calm which
prevailed in Chili, he received information that Francisco Villagran had
arrived from Spain at Buenos Ayres, appointed to succeed him in the
government of Chili, and that the king had promoted himself to the
viceroyalty of Peru in reward for his services in his present
government. In consequence of this information, he confided the interim
government of Chili to the care of Rodrigo de Quiroga, and withdrew into
Peru, to take possession of the exalted situation of viceroy which his
father had formerly occupied.

Villagran, who had been governor of Chid previous to Don Garcia, had
gone to Europe when deprived of that government, and had procured his
reinstatement from the court of Spain. Believing, from the information
of Don Garcia and Quiroga, that the Araucanians were in no condition to
give any future trouble, Villagran turned his whole attention after his
arrival in Chili, to the reaquisition of the province of Tucuman, which
had been annexed by himself to the government of Chili in 1549, and had
been since attached to the viceroyalty of Peru. Gregorio Castaneda, whom
he employed on this occasion, defeated the Peruvian commander, Juan
Zurita, the author of the dismemberment, and restored that country to
the authority of the governor of Chili. It continued however only a
short time under their government, as, before the close of that century,
they were again obliged by order from Spain to surrender it to the
viceroy of Peru.

Though Don Garcia and Quiroga had been long experienced in the character
of the Araucanians, they had formed a very erroneous opinion of their
temper and public spirit, when they deemed them finally subdued in
consequence of the victories gained in the late war. Such is the
invincible spirit of that brave nation, that even the severest reverses
of fortunes are insufficient to induce them to submit. Even the heaviest
losses, so far from filling them with dejection and dismay, served to
inspire them with increased valour. Their heroic constancy under
repeated defeats is perfectly wonderful, and the successful and
determined perseverance with which they have ever defended their
liberties and independence against the superior arms and power of the
Spaniards, is without parallel in the history of the world. The scanty
remains of the ulmens or Araucanian chiefs who had escaped from the late
sanguinary conflicts against Don Garcia, were more resolved than ever to
continue the war. Immediately after their late entire defeat at Quipeo,
the ulmens assembled in a wood, where they unanimously elected an
inferior officer named Antiguenu, who had signalized himself in the last
unfortunate battle, to the vacant office of supreme toqui. Antiguenu
readily accepted the honourable but hazardous command; but represented
to the assembled chiefs, that as almost all the valiant youth of the
nation had perished, he deemed it expedient for them to retire to some
secure situation, until a new army could be collected of sufficient
strength to keep the field. This prudent advice was approved by all, and
accordingly Antiguenu retired with the small remains, of the Araucanian
army to the inaccessible marshes of Lumaco, called Rochela by the
Spaniards, where he caused high scaffolds to be erected to secure his
men from the extreme and noxious moisture of that gloomy retreat. The
young men who enlisted from time to time into the national army, went to
that place to be instructed in the use of their arms, and the
Araucanians still considered themselves free since they had a toqui who
did not despair of vindicating the independence of their country.

As soon as Antiguenu saw himself at the head of a respectable force, he
issued from his retreat, and began to make incursions into the territory
which was occupied by the Spaniards, both to inure his troops to
discipline, and to subsist them at the expence of the enemy. When this
unexpected intelligence was brought to St Jago, it gave great uneasiness
to Villagran, who foresaw all the fatal consequences which might result
from this new war, having already had long experience of the daring and
invincible spirit of the Araucanians. In order if possible to stifle the
threatening flame at its commencement, he immediately dispatched his son
Pedro into the south, with as many troops as could be collected in
haste, and soon after took the same direction himself with a more
considerable force. The first skirmishes between the hostile armies were
unfavourable to Antiguenu, and an attempt which he made to besiege
Canete was equally unsuccessful. Antiguenu attributed his failure on
these occasions to the inexperience of his troops, and sought on every
occasion for opportunities of accustoming them to the use of arms. At
length he had the satisfaction of convincing them that the Spaniards
were not invincible, by defeating a body of Spaniards on the hills of
Millapoa, commanded by Arias Pardo. To keep up the ardour and confidence
which this success had excited in his soldiers, he now took possession
of the strong post on the top of Mount Mariguenu, a place of fortunate
omen for his country. Being either so much afflicted with the gout, or
averse from exposing himself to the hazard of attacking that strong
post, which had formerly proved so unfortunate to him, Villagran gave
it in charge to one of his sons to dislodge the enemy from that
formidable position. The rash yet enterprising young man attacked the
Araucanian entrenchments with so little precaution that almost all his
army was cut in pieces, and himself killed at the entrance of the
encampment, and on this occasion the flower of the Spanish troops and a
great number of their auxiliaries were cut off.

Immediately after this signal victory, Antiguenu marched against the
fortress of Canete, rightly judging that it would not be in a condition
to resist him in the present circumstances. Villagran was likewise
convinced of the impossibility of defending that place, and anticipating
the design of the Araucanian general, ordered all the inhabitants to
withdraw, part of whom retired to Imperial and the rest to Conception.
Antiguenu, therefore, on his arrival at that place, so fatal to his
nation, had only the trouble of destroying the fortifications and
setting fire to the houses, all of which he completely destroyed.

Overcome with grief and anxiety, Villagran died soon after the
disastrous battle of Mariguenu, universally regretted by the Spanish
inhabitants of Chili, who lost in him a wise humane and valiant
governor, to whose prudent conduct on several trying occasions they had
been much beholden for the preservation of their conquests. Before his
death, in virtue of special powers vested in him by his commission from
the court of Spain, he appointed his eldest son Pedro to succeed him in
the government, whose endowments of mind were in no respect inferior to
those of his father. By the death of the governor, Antiguenu conceived
that he had a favourable opportunity for undertaking some important
enterprise. He divided his army, which now consisted of 4000 men, into
two bodies, one of which he ordered to lay siege to Conception under the
command of his vice-toqui Antunecul, to attract the attention of the
Spaniards in that quarter, while he marched with the other division to
invest the fort of Arauco, which was defended by a strong garrison under
the command of Lorenzo Bernal.

Antunecul accordingly crossed the Biobio and encamped in a place called
Leokethal, where he was twice attacked by the governor of Conception,
against whom he defended himself so vigorously that he repulsed him with
considerable loss, and followed him after the second attack to the city
which he closely invested, by disposing his troops in six divisions
around its walls. He continued the siege for two months, almost every
day of which period was distinguished by some gallant assault or
successful skirmish; but finding all his attempts to gain possession of
the place unavailing, and being unable to prevent the introduction of
frequent succours by sea to the besieged, he at length withdrew with the
intention of making a new attempt at a more favourable opportunity.

In the mean time Antignenu pressed the siege of Arauco with the greatest
vigour, but was resisted by the Spanish garrison with determined
bravery. Observing that in all his attacks his bravest officers were
pointed out to the Spaniards by their Indian auxiliaries, and made a
mark for their artillery, he contrived by menus of emissaries to
persuade the Spanish commander that the auxiliaries had plotted to
deliver up the fort to the Arancanians. Bernal gave such credit to this
false report, that he immediately ordered these unfortunate men to quit
the place, and turned them out in spite of their remonstrances and
entreaties. This was the very object aimed at by the politic toqui, who
immediately caused them all to be seized and put to a cruel death in
sight of the Spaniards, who were exceedingly exasperated at seeing
themselves so grossly imposed upon by one whom they counted an ignorant
barbarian. As the siege was protracted to a considerable length and
Antiguenu was impatient for its conclusion, he challenged the governor
to single combat, in hope of becoming master of the place by the death
of Bernal; who, deeming himself secure of the victory, accepted the
challenge in spite of the remonstrances of his soldiers. The battle
between these champions continued for two hours, without either being
able to obtain any advantage, or even to give his antagonist a single
wound; when at length they were separated by their men. What Antiguenu
had been unable to attain by force, was performed for him by famine.
Several boats loaded with provisions had repeatedly attempted in vain to
relieve the besieged, as the vigilance of the besiegers opposed an
invincible obstacle to their introduction. At length Bernal found
himself compelled to abandon the place for want of provisions, and the
Araucanians permitted him and the garrison to retire without
molestation, contenting themselves with burning the houses and
demolishing the fortifications. The capture of Angol, after that of
Caneto and Arauco, appeared so easy to Antiguenu, that he gave it in
charge to one of his subalterns; who defeated a body of Spaniards
commanded by Zurita, while on his march to invest Angol: But the
Araucanian officer was defeated in his turn near Mulchen[77] by Diego
Carranza, who had been sent against him by the inhabitants of that city.

[Footnote 77: No such name occurs in the modern maps of Chili, but a
town called Millaqui is situated about 20 miles to the north of
Angol.--E.]

Solicitous to maintain the reputation of his arms, Antiguenu marched in
person at the head of two thousand men to resume the attack upon Angol.
Before proceeding to attack that place, he encamped at the confluence of
the river Vergosa with the Biobio, where he was attacked by a Spanish
army under the command of Bernal. In this engagement the Araucanians
made use of some Spanish musquets which they had taken at their late
victory of Mariguenu, which they employed with much skill, and bravely
sustained the assault for three hours. At length, when four hundred of
the auxiliaries and a considerable number of Spaniards had fallen, the
infantry began to give way, upon which Bernal gave orders to his cavalry
to put to death every one who attempted flight. This severe order
brought back the Spanish infantry to their duty, and they attacked the
entrenchments of the enemy with so much vigour that at length they
forced their way into the camp of the Araucanians. Antiguenu exerted his
utmost efforts to oppose the assailants; but he was at length forced
along by the crowd of his soldiers, who were thrown into irretrievable
confusion and fled. During the flight, he fell from a high bank into the
river and was drowned. The Araucanians were defeated with prodigious
slaughter, many of them perishing in the river in their attempt to
escape by swimming. In this battle, which was fought in the year 1564,
almost the whole of the victorious army was wounded, and a considerable
number slain; but they recovered forty-one musquets, twenty-one
cuirasses, fifteen helmets, and a great number of lances and other
weapons which the Araucanians had obtained in their late victories, and
had used against their former proprietors.

While these events were passing on the banks of the Biobio, an
Araucanian officer named Lillemu, who had been detached by Antiguenu to
lay waste the provinces of Chillan and Itata, defeated a Spanish
detachment of eighty men commanded by Pedro Balsa. To repress these
ravages, the governor of Conception marched against Lillemu with an
hundred and fifty men, and cut off a party of Araucanians who were
desolating the province of Chillan. Lillemu hastened to their succour,
but finding them defeated and dispersed, he was only able to save the
remainder of his troops by making a gallant stand in a narrow pass with
a small select band, by which he checked the advance of the enemy, and
gave time to his army to effect their escape; but he and his brave
companions sacrificed their lives in this gallant effort of patriotism.

On the death of the valiant Antiguenu, the Araucanians elected as his
successor in the toquiate a person named Paillataru, who was brother or
cousin to the celebrated Lautaro, but of a very different character and
disposition. Slow and circumspect in all his operations, the new toqui
contented himself during the first years of his command in endeavouring
to keep up the love of liberty among his countrymen, whom he led from
time to time to ravage and plunder the possessions of the Spaniards,
always avoiding any decisive conflict. About this time likewise the
royal audience of Lima appointed Rodrigo de Quiroga to succeed the
younger Villagran in the government of Chili; and Quiroga began his
administration by arresting his predecessor in office, whom he sent
prisoner into Peru.

Having received a reinforcement of three hundred soldiers in 1565,
Quiroga invaded the Araucanian territory, where he rebuilt the fort of
Arauco and the city of Canete, constructed a new fortress at the
celebrated post of Quipeo, and ravaged all the neighbouring provinces.
Towards the end of the year 1566, he sent Ruiz Gamboa with a detachment
of sixty men to reduce the archipelago of Chiloe to subjection. Gamboa
met with no resistance in this enterprise, and founded in the large
island of Ancud or Chiloe, the small city of Castro, and the sea-port of
Chacao. The islands of this archipelago are about eighty in number,
having been produced by earthquakes, owing to the great number of
volcanoes with which that country formerly abounded, and indeed every
part of them exhibits the most unequivocal marks of fire. Several
mountains in the great island of Chiloe, which has given name to the
archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which could have only
been produced by the operation of subterranean fire[78]. Though
descended from the Chilese of the continent, as is evident from their
appearance, manners, and language, the natives of these islands are
quite of a different character, being of a pacific and rather timid
disposition; insomuch that, although their population is said to have
exceeded seventy thousand, they made no opposition to the handful of
Spaniards sent on this occasion to reduce them, nor have they ever
attempted to shake off the yoke until the beginning of the eighteenth
century, when an insurrection of no great importance was excited, and
very soon quelled[79].

[Footnote 78: These are the opinions of Molina, not of the editor, who
takes no part in the discussion between the Huttonians and Wemerians;
neither indeed are there any data in the text on which to ground any
opinion, were he even disposed by inclination or geognostic knowledge to
become a party on either side.--E.]

[Footnote 79: In the text, Molina gives here some account of the natives
of Chiloe, which is postponed to the close of this chapter.--E.]


SECTION IX.

_Continuation of the Araucanian war to the Destruction of all the
Spanish settlements in the territories of that Nation_.


The long continuance of the Araucanian war, and the great importance of
the kingdom of Chili, at length determined Philip II. to erect a court
of Royal Audience in Chili, independent upon that which had long
subsisted in Peru. To this court, which was composed of four oydors or
judges and a fiscal, the civil and military administration of the
kingdom was confided; and its members made a solemn entry into the city
of Conception, where they fixed their residence, on the 13th of August
1567. Immediately on assuming their functions, the judges removed
Quiroga from the government, and appointed Ruiz Gamboa to the command of
the army with the title of general. Learning that Paillataru, the toqui
of the Araucanians, was preparing to besiege the city of Canete, Gamboa
hastened to that place with a respectable force, and finding the toqui
encamped not far from the threatened city, he attacked his fortified
post, and defeated him after a long and obstinate contest. After this
victory, Gamboa overran and laid waste the Araucanian territories for a
whole year without opposition, and carried off great numbers of women
and children into slavery. He employed every effort however, repeatedly
to induce the Araucanians to enter into negotiations for peace, but to
no purpose, as they preferred the endurance of every possible evil
before the loss of their national liberty, and continually refused to
listen to his proposals.

As peace, so necessary to the well being of the Spanish settlements in
Chili, seemed every day more remote, in spite of every effort for its
attainment, it at length, appeared to the court of Spain that the
government of a country in a continual state of war was improperly
placed in the hands of a court of justice: Accordingly it was again
confided to the management of a single chief, under the new titles of
President, Governor, and Captain-general. Don Melchior Bravo de Saravia
was invested with this triple character in 1568; a man well qualified to
act as president of the court of audience and civil governor of the
kingdom, but utterly incompetent to sustain the charge of
captain-general; yet he was anxious to signalize the commencement of his
government by the attainment of a splendid victory over the redoubtable
Araucanians, for which an opportunity soon offered, but which redounded
to his own disgrace.

Paillataru had collected a new army, with which he occupied the strong
position of Mariguenu, so fatal to the Spaniards, and which for some
unaccountable reason they had neglected to fortify. Immediately on
learning this circumstance, the governor marched against the toqui at
the head of three hundred Spanish soldiers and a large auxiliary force.
Like several of his predecessors, Paillataru had the glory of rendering
this mountain famous by the total defeat of the Spanish army. The
governor had the good fortune to make his escape from this battle, and
precipitately withdrew with a small remnant of his troops to Angol,
where he resigned the command of the army, appointing Gamboa
major-general and Velasco[80] quarter-master. He was at this time so
intimidated by his defeat, that he ordered these officers to evacuate
the fortress of Arauco, so often already destroyed and rebuilt. While
escorting the inhabitants of that place to Canete, these officers fell
in with a division of the Araucanians, which they attacked and defeated.
Yet Paillataru, who had removed from Mariguenu to the post of Quipeo,
marched two days afterwards against Canete, which he proposed to
besiege; but Gamboa advanced to meet him with all the troops he could
collect, and gave him battle. The engagement continued more than two
hours, and was one of the bloodiest and hardest contested ever fought in
Chili. Though severely handled, the Spaniards remained masters of the
field, and the Araucanians were compelled to retreat. Gamboa now invaded
the Araucanian territory, intending to ravage it as formerly; but
Paillataru, having repaired his losses in a short time by fresh levies,
returning to defend his country, and compelled Gamboa to retreat with
loss.

[Footnote 80: In a subsequent passage Molina names this officer Benal.
--E.]

From this time, till the death of Paillataru, about four years
afterwards, a suspension of arms or tacit truce was observed between the
Spaniards and Araucanians. This was probably owing in a great measure to
the general consternation occasioned by a dreadful earthquake which was
felt throughout the whole country, and did great injury to the Spanish
settlements, particularly to the city of Conception, which was entirely
destroyed. Ever anxious to consolidate and give importance to their
conquests, the court of Spain erected in 1570, a new bishopric in the
city of Imperial, to which the vast extent of country between the river
Maule and the southern confines of Chili was assigned as a diocese[81].

[Footnote 81: Since the loss of Imperial, Conception has been the
residence of this bishop--E.]

About this time the _Mestees_, or descendents of Spaniards by Indian
women had multiplied greatly in Chili, and perceiving the great
advantage that might be derived from their assistance against the
Spaniards, and to attach them to their cause by a strong acknowledgement
that they were their countrymen, the Araucanians conferred the office of
toqui upon one of these men named Alonzo Diaz, who had assumed the
Chilese name of Paynenancu, and had distinguished himself for ten years
by his valour and abilities, continually fighting in their armies. If
his predecessor Paillataru had the fault of being too cautious in
conducting the operations of the war, the new toqui was on the contrary
so rash and daring, to avoid that imputation, that he constantly
attacked the Spaniards with far inferior numbers, whence all his
enterprises were unfortunate as might naturally have been expected.

Immediately on receiving the investiture of the toquiate, he crossed
the river Biobio, probably intending to have attacked Conception; but,
before reaching that place, he was attacked and defeated by the
quarter-master, notwithstanding the great valour with which he defended
himself for a long time. Among the prisoners taken by the Spaniards on
this occasion were several Araucanian women, all of whom killed
themselves the same night. Paynenancu, having escaped from the carnage,
raised a new army and marched against Villarica, but was again defeated
by Rodrigo Bastidas, the military commandant of that city.

While the war continued to rage in 1575, the licentiate Calderon arrived
in Chili from Spain, with a commission to examine and regulate the
government of that kingdom. His first step was to suppress the court of
audience, on the sole principle of economy, and instead of the president
Melchior Bravo, Rodrigo Quiroga, who had been formerly appointed
governor by the audience of Lima, was reinstated in that office. Having
assembled all the troops he could raise, the new governor proceeded in
1576 to the frontiers, to oppose the ravages of Paynenancu, who, though
twice defeated, continued to harass the Spanish settlements by frequent
inroads. But, as the toqui carefully avoided any rencounter, the
governor contented himself with ravaging the Araucanian territories in
revenge. Having afterwards received a reinforcement of two thousand men
from Spain, he gave directions to his father-in-law[82] Gamboa to found
a new city at the foot of the Cordellieras[83], between the cities of St
Jago and Conception, which has since received the appellation of Chillan
from the river on which it stands, and has become the capital of the
fertile province of the same name. Shortly after the foundation of this
new city, the governor died in 1580 at a very advanced age, having
previously nominated Gamboa to succeed him in the government of the
kingdom. Gamboa continued three years in the command, continually
occupied in opposing the Araucanians in the south under their toqui
Paynenancu, and in defending the kingdom on the east against the
Pehuenches and Chiquillanians, who now began to molest the Spaniards at
the instigation of the Araucanians.

[Footnote 82: Thus in the original, though probably his son-in-law, as
Quiroga died soon after at an advanced age.--E.]

[Footnote 83: The city of Chillan, instead of being at the foot of the
Andes, is in the plain country more than half way between that great
chain and the sea.--E.]

The Pehuenches are a numerous tribe who inhabit that portion of the
Andes of Chili which lies between the latitudes of 34 deg. and 37 deg. S. to the
eastwards of the Spanish provinces of Calchagua, Maule, Chillan, and
Huilquilemu. Their dress resembles that of the Araucanians, except that
they wear a piece of cloth like the Japenese round the waist which hangs
down to the knees[84], instead of drawers or breeches. Their boots or
shoes are all of one piece of skin, being that of the hind leg of an ox
taken off at the knee, which is fitted to the foot of the wearer while
green, turning the hair side inmost, and sewing up one of the ends, the
skin of the knee serving for the heel. By being constantly worn and
frequently rubbed with tallow, these shoes become as soft and pliant as
the best dressed leather[85]. Though these mountaineers are valiant and
hardy soldiers, yet are they fond of adorning themselves like women,
decorating themselves with ear-rings and bracelets of glass-beads, with
which also they ornament their hair, and hang small bells around their
heads. Although possessed of numerous herds of cattle and sheep, their
usual food is horse flesh, which like the Tartars they prefer to all
other kinds, and always eat cooked, either by boiling or roasting. Like
the Bedowin Arabs, the Pehuenches dwell in tents made of skins, disposed
in a circular form around a spacious area, in which their cattle feed
while the herbage lasts; and when that begins to fail they remove their
camp to a fresh pasture, continually traversing in this manner the
valleys among the Andes. Each village or encampment is governed by a
hereditary ulmen. Their language and religion resemble those of the
Araucanians. They are extremely fond of hunting, and often traverse the
immense plains which stretch from the great Rio Plata to the Straits of
Magellan in pursuit of game, sometimes extending their excursions as far
as Buenos Ayres, and even occasionally indulge in plundering the
vicinity of that city. They frequently attack the caravans which pass
between Buenos Ayres and Chili, and have been so successful in these
predatory enterprises as almost to have stopped that commerce entirely.

[Footnote 84: A comparison more familiar to the British reader might be
made to the _philabeg_ or short petticoat worn by the Scots
Highlanders--E.]

[Footnote 85: In this part of dress they likewise resemble the Scots
Highlanders of old, who wore a kind of shoes made of raw hides with the
hair on, called _rough rullions_. In both of course using the most
obvious and easiest means of decency and protection. Before the
introduction of European cattle into Chili, the natives must have
employed the skins of the original animals of the country, probably of
the _guemul_ or _huemul_, the equus bisulcus of Molina and other
naturalists, an animal having some resemblance to a horse but with
cloven hoofs--E.]

It may be proper to relate what I noticed on a journey in that country,
having set out from Mendoza in the province of Cujo, on the 27th of
April 1783, with post horses for Buenos Ayres. We soon learnt, from some
people whom we met, that the Pehuenches were out upon predatory
excursions, and soon afterwards received the melancholy intelligence
that they had committed horrible massacres in the _Portion of
Magdalena_. In consequence of this, all the post-houses where we stopped
were in a state of alarm, and some of them were entirely deserted.
During the year before, three hundred of these Indians appeared suddenly
before the post of Gutierrez, all lying back upon their horses and
trailing their lances, in order to make it appear that it was only a
drove of mares which is a very common sight in those _Pampas_ or almost
unlimited plains. Although they saw but one man who patroled the wall
with his musquet, and was indeed the only person in the post, they were
deterred from making any attack, supposing it to be strongly guarded.
This man knew well that the horses were guided, by the exact order they
pursued, though he could see nothing of the riders till they were very
near. He had the prudence likewise to refrain from firing his musquet,
which probably led them to believe there was a greater force within the
place, and induced them to abandon the enterprise, venting their rage on
the other unprotected inhabitants of the plains. The commander of the
post of Amatrain was not so fortunate, as he was killed that same year
along with a negro who accompanied him. These posts are fortified with
palisades, or with a mud wall, and have a ditch and draw-bridge.

Although the Pehuenches frequently commit depredations in these eastern
plains, they have many years refrained from any hostilities within the
boundaries of Chili, unless in times of actual war between the nations;
induced to this either from fear of the military population of Chili, or
by the advantages which they derive from trading with the inhabitants of
that kingdom. Their favourite weapon is the _laque_ or leathern thong
with a stone at each end, which they always carry fastened to their
girdles. It is highly probable that the ten Americans in the ship
commanded by Orellana, of whose amazing and desperate courage, mention
is made in Ansons voyage, were of this tribe. Notwithstanding their
wandering and restless mode of life, they are more addicted to
industrious and even commercial habits than any of the savage natives of
South America. When in their tents, they are never idle. The women weave
cloths of various colours, and the men occupy themselves in making
baskets, and a variety of beautiful articles of wood, leather, skins, or
feathers, which are much prized by the Spaniards. Every year they
assemble in large numbers on the Spanish frontiers, where they hold a
kind of fair which generally lasts fifteen or twenty days. On these
occasions they bring for sale, besides horses and cattle, fossil salt,
gypsum, pitch, bed-coverings, ponchos, skins, wool, bridle-reins
beautifully wrought of plaited leather, baskets, wooden vessels,
feathers, ostrich-eggs, and a variety of other articles; and receive in
return wheat, wine, and European manufactures. In the conduct of this
barter they are very skilful, and can with difficulty be overreached.
Lest they should be cheated or plundered by the Christian merchants, who
think every thing lawful against unbelievers, they never drink all at
one time; but separate themselves into several companies, some of whom
keep guard while the rest indulge in wine. They are generally humane,
courteous, just in their dealings, and possessed of many estimable
qualities.

The Chiquillanians, whom some persons have supposed a tribe of the
Pehueaches, live to the north-east of that nation, on the eastern
borders, of the Andes[86]. These are the most savage, and consequently
the least numerous of any of the tribes of the Chilese; for it is an
established fact, that the ruder the state of savage life the less
favourable it is to population. They go almost naked, merely wrapping
the skins of the _Guanaco_ round their bodies, and they speak a
corrupted and guttural dialect of the Chili-dugu or Chilese language. It
is observable that all the Chilese tribes which inhabit the elevated
valleys of the Andes, both Pehuenches, Puelches, Huilliches, and
Chiquillanians, are much redder than those of their countrymen who dwell
in the lower country to the west of these mountains. All these
mountaineers dress themselves in skins, paint their laces, subsist in a
great measure by hunting, and lead a wandering and unsettled life. They
are in fact the so much celebrated Patagonians, who have been
occasionally seen near the Straits of Magellan, and who have sometimes
been described as giants, and at other times as not much beyond the
ordinary stature of mankind. Generally speaking however, they are of
lofty stature and have great muscular strength.

[Footnote 86: In the map accompanying the English translation of Molina,
the Penuenches and Chiquillanians are placed under the same parallel
between lat. 33 deg. SO' and 36 deg. S. The former on the western and the latter
on the eastern side of the Andes.--E.]

On information being sent to Spain of the death of Quiroga, as formerly
mentioned, Don Alonzo Sotomayor Marquis of Villa-hermoso was sent out
as governor with six hundred regular troops. He landed at Buenos Ayres
in 1583, from whence he proceeded to St Jago. On taking possession of
his government, he appointed his brother Don Luis to the new office of
Colonel of the Kingdom, and sent him with a military force to relieve
the cities of Villarica and Valdivia, which were both besieged by the
Araucanians. After twice defeating the toqui, Paynenancu, who opposed
his march, he raised the sieges and supplied both places with
reinforcements. The indefatigable but unfortunate toqui, after two
defeats from Don Luis, turned his arms against Tiburcio Heredia and
Antonio Galleguilios, who were ravaging the country with separate strong
detachments of cavalry, and was successively defeated by both of these
officers, yet the victors paid dear for their successes.

While these events were going on in the south, the governor had to
oppose the Pehuenches who had invaded the new settlement of Chilian, and
whom he defeated and constrained to retire into their mountains. He then
marched into Araucania at the head of seven hundred Spaniards and a
great number of auxiliaries, resolved to pursue the cruel and rigorous
system of warfare which had formerly been adopted by Don Garcia, in
preference to the humane procedure of his immediate predecessors. The
province of Encol was the first to experience the effects of this
severity, as he laid it entirely waste with fire and sword, and either
hanged his prisoners, or sent them away with their hands cut off to
intimidate their countrymen. The adjoining provinces of Puren, Ilicura,
and Tucapel would have experienced a similar fate, if the inhabitants
had not ensured their personal safety by flight, after setting their
houses and crops on fire, and destroying every thing they could not
carry off. Only three prisoners were taken in these provinces, who were
impaled. Notwithstanding these severities, many mestees and mulatoes
joined the Araucanians, and even some Spaniards, among who was Juan
Sanchez, who acquired great reputation among them.

Impelled either by his natural rash valour, or by despair on finding
that he had fallen in the estimation of the Araucanians by his want of
success, Paynenancu gave battle to the whole Spanish army on the
confines of the province of Arauco with only eight hundred men; yet such
was the resolute valour with which they fought that the Spaniards were
unable to break their firm array, till after a hard contested battle of
several hours, in which they lost a considerable number of men. Almost
the whole of the Araucanian troops engaged in this unequal contest were
slain; but Paynenancu was made prisoner and immediately executed. The
victorious governor encamped with his army on the banks of the
Carampangui river, and caused the fortress of Arauco to be rebuilt, of
which he gave the command to Garcia Ramon the quarter-master.

The Araucanian valour, which had been repressed by the imprudent conduct
of Paynenancu, was revived in 1585, by the elevation of Cayancura to the
dignity of toqui, an ulmen of the province or district of Mariguenu.
Immediately on his election, he dispatched an hundred and fifty
messengers to every corner of the country, with the symbolical arrows to
summon the martial youth of Araucania to the national army. Having by
these means assembled a respectable force, the new toqui determined upon
making an attack at midnight on the Spanish camp, which was still on the
banks of the Carampangui, and of the exact situation of which he had
procured information by means of a spy. For this purpose, he formed his
army in three divisions, of which he gave the command to three valiant
officers, Lonconobal, Antulevu, and Tarochina. The divisions proceeded
by three several roads which led to the camp, and coming upon it by
surprise, cut the auxiliaries to pieces who were the first to oppose
their progress. Fortunately for the Spaniards, the moon rose about the
middle of the assualt, and enabled them, after a short period of
confusion, and the loss of several men, to form themselves in good
order, and to make head against the assailants, who at length began to
give way after suffering severely from the fire of the Spanish
musquetry. Just at this critical time, the governor charged the
Araucanians and forced them to give way, after both sides had suffered
considerable loss. Cayancura, who had halted with a body of reserve at
the entrance of the Spanish camp for the purpose of supporting the
attack, on finding his troops retiring exhausted and dispirited, drew
off the whole to some distance where he permitted them to take rest and
refreshment during the remainder of the night, and returned at day-break
next morning to the attack. The Spanish army marched out to meet them in
the open field, and a most obstinate and bloody battle ensued. After a
brave contest, the Araucanians were overpowered by the artillery and
cavalry of the Spaniards, and constrained to quit the field with great
loss, though the Spaniards paid dear for their victory; insomuch that,
immediately after the action, the governor raised his camp and retired
to the frontiers, where he built two forts named Trinidad and Spiritu
Santo on the northern shore of the Biobio. He also sent orders to the
major-general to raise as many recruits as possible throughout the
kingdom of Chili, which officer brought him accordingly a reinforcement
of two thousand[87] horse and a considerable number of infantry.

[Footnote 87: From the original army of the governor having only seven
hundred men, I am apt to believe the number of horse in the text ought
only to have been two _hundred_.--E.]

Undismayed by his recent losses, the Araucanian general determined to
take advantage of the governors retreat to lay siege to the fort of
Arauco; and in order to secure the success of this enterprise, he
endeavoured to occupy the Spanish arms in other quarters. For this
purpose, he ordered one of his officers named Guepotan to make
incursions on the territory of Villarica from the fortified post of
Liben, where he had supported himself for several years. To Cadiguala,
another officer who afterwards became toqui, he gave it in charge to
harass the district of Angol; appointed Tarochina to guard the passage
of the Biobio, and sent Melilauca and Catipillan to keep the garrison of
Imperial in check. These officers had several encounters with the
Spaniards attended with various success. Guepotan lost the fortified
post of Liben, which was taken by the governors brother. Tarochina made
himself master of a great number of boats on the Biobio, which were
conveying supplies of men and warlike stores to the recently erected
forts on that river.

In the year 1586, the toqui Cayancura began the siege of Arauco, which
he surrounded with strong lines, so as not only to intercept all
succours, but to prevent the retreat of the garrison[88]. Perceiving
from these preparations, that they must finally be compelled to
surrender or perish by famine, the garrison thought it better to die at
once with arms in their hands than to be reduced to such extremity. They
attacked therefore the works of the enemy with such vigour, that after
an obstinate and sanguinary combat of four hours, they succeeded in
forcing them, and put the Araucanians to flight. Cayancura was so
exceedingly mortified by this defeat, that he retired to his ulmenate,
leaving the command of the army to his son, Nangoniel, a young man of
great hopes and much beloved by the nation. This young commander
immediately collected a new army, in which were an hundred and fifty
horse, which from this time forwards became a regular part of the
Araucanian military force. With these troops he returned to invest the
fortress of Arauco, and guarded all its environs so closely that the
garrison were unable to procure a supply of provisions, and were at
length compelled to evacuate it, probably on capitulation. Encouraged by
this good fortune, Nangoniel proceeded towards the Biobio, intending to
attack the fort of Trinidad, which protected the passage of supplies in
that direction from Spanish Chili to the forts on the south of that
river. But while on his march, he was encountered by a detachment of
Spanish troops commanded by Francisco Hernandez, by whom he was
defeated. In this action he lost an arm and received several other
dangerous wounds. Being obliged by this misfortune to take refuge on a
neighbouring mountain, where he was drawn into an ambush by the
sergeant-major[89] of the Spanish army, he and fifty of his soldiers
were slain, after defending themselves valiantly for a long time. On the
same day, an officer named Cadeguala, who had obtained great reputation
in the Arancanian army for his courage and military skill, was
proclaimed toqui by the officers.

[Footnote 88: Lines, it would appear of circumvallation and
contravallation, probably suggested by some of the Spaniards who had
joined the Araucanians.--E.]

[Footnote 89: This officer in the Spanish service seems somewhat
equivalent to our adjutant; and the sergeant-major of the array in
Chili, may be considered as a kind of adjutant-general.--E.]

About this time, while the Araucanians were valiantly endeavouring to
oppose the Spanish arms, the English also planned an expedition against
them in that remote quarter of the world. Sir Thomas Cavendish sailed
with this view from Plymouth on the 21st of July 1586 with three ships,
and arrived on the coast of Chili in the following year. He landed at
the desert port of Quintero[90], and endeavoured to enter into a
negociation with the natives of the country; but he was attacked by
Alonzo Molina, the corregidor of St Jago, and compelled to reimbark with
the loss of several soldiers and seamen, and quitted the coast after a
very short stay.

[Footnote 90: The port of Quintero, in about lat. 32 deg. 45' S. is about 8
or 10 miles to the north of the river Quillota in Spanish Chili. The
voyage of Sir Thomas Cavendish will appear in an after division of this
work.--E.]

Cadeguala, the new toqui, signalized the commencement of his
administration by several successful inroads into the Spanish
possessions, the particulars of which are not recorded. Having notice of
the alarm in Spanish Chili occasioned by the English squadron, he
resolved to avail himself of that diversion of the Spanish forces to
make an effort against the city of Angol by surprise. He maintained a
secret intelligence with some of the inhabitants of that place, by whose
means he prevailed upon a number of native Chilese, who were in the
service of the Spanish citizens, to set fire to their masters houses at
a certain hour of an appointed night, when he was to be ready with his
army at the gates to assault the place. His plan was accordingly
executed; and entering the city during the confusion occasioned by the
fires, he divided his force, consisting of a thousand foot and an
hundred horse, into several detachments, which made a horrible carnage
of the citizens, who flying from the flames fell into the hands of the
Araucanians. The garrison attempted in vain to dislodge the enemy, and
the whole population of the place had been assuredly put to the sword,
but for the courage and conduct of the governor, who had fortunately
arrived at the city only two hours before the attack. He immediately
hastened with his guards to the different quarters which were occupied
by the enemy, where with wonderful presence of mind he collected the
dispersed inhabitants who had escaped the sword of the enemy, and
conducted them to the citadel. Having armed and marshalled all the most
resolute of the inhabitants, he sallied out from the citadel at their
head against the enemy, whom he compelled to evacuate the city at break
of day. It would appear that the Araucanians had now become less
scrupulous than formerly in their mode of making war; for Cadeguala was
not abandoned by any of his officers on this occasion, as Caupolican had
formerly been in his attempt to surprise Canete by similar means.

Although the Arancanian general had not succeeded in this daring
enterprise according to his expectations, he was so little discouraged
by its failure that he immediately undertook the siege of Puren, which
appeared more easy to be taken as it was situated at some distance from
the Spanish frontiers. He accordingly invested it regularly with four
thousand men in four separate divisions, under the respective commands
of Guanoalca, Caniotaru, Relmuantu, and Curilemu, the most valiant
officers of his army. On receiving notice of the investiture of Puren,
the governor hastened to its relief with a strong reinforcement, but
was opposed on his march by Cadeguala at the head of an hundred and
fifty Araucanian horse armed with lances, and compelled to retreat after
a long and obstinate combat, in which several fell on both sides. Elated
by this success, the toqui made proposals to the besieged, either to
enter into his service or to allow them to retire unmolested. These
terms, which he pretended were very advantageous for men in their
situation, were disdainfully rejected; yet one man of the garrison,
named Juan Tapia, went over to the Araucanians by whom he was well
received, and even got advancement in their army. As these terms were
rejected, Cadeguala determined to endeavour to shorten the siege in a
different manner. He presented himself one day before the walls mounted
on a fine horse which he had taken from the governor, and boldly defied
Garcia Ramon the commander of the garrison to single combat at the end
of three days. The challenge was accepted, and the intrepid toqui
appeared in the field at the time appointed, with a small number of
attendants, whom he placed apart. Ramon likewise came out from the fort
to meet him, attended by an escort of forty men, whom he ordered to
remain at some distance. The two champions, having taken their distance
set spurs to their horses and ran their course with such fury that
Cadeguala fell at the first rencounter, pierced through the body by the
lance of his adversary. He refused however to acknowledge himself
vanquished, and even endeavoured to remount his horse to renew the
combat, but died in the attempt. His attendants hastened to raise him,
and even carried off his body after a sharp contest with the Spaniards.

After the death of their commander, the Araucanians retired from the
blockade for a short time; but soon returned to the siege, after having
elected Guanoalca to the vacant toquiate, having been informed by the
Spanish deserter Tapia, that the garrison was ill supplied with
provisions, and divided into parties. Cut off from all hopes of relief,
and dissatisfied with the conduct of their officers, the besieged soon
determined upon evacuating the place; and the Araucanians allowed them
to march off unmolested, according to their usual policy. Guanoalca
immediately marched against another fort which the Spaniards had
recently erected in the neighbourhood of Mount Mariguenu; but finding
that it had been recently and considerably reinforced, he proceeded
against the forts of Trinidad and Spiritu Santo on the banks of the
Biobio. As the governor of Chili was apprehensive that he might not be
able to defend these forts, or perhaps considered them of too little
importance to hazard the safety of their garrisons, he evacuated them
in 1589, and transferred their garrisons to another fortress which he
directed to be constructed on the river Puchanqui as a protection for
the city of Angol, so that the operations of the war consisted mostly in
the construction and demolition of fortifications.

The toquiate of Guanoalca was more remarkable for the exploits of a
heroine named Janequeo than by his own. This famous woman was wife of
Guepotan, a valiant officer who had long defended the fortified post of
Liben near Villarica. After the loss of that important place he retired
to the Andes, where he used every effort to stimulate the Puelches
inhabiting that mountainous region to rise in defence of the country
against the Spanish invaders. Being desirous of having his wife along
with him, he descended into the plains in search of her, but was
surprised by a party of Spaniards, and preferring to be cut in pieces
rather than yield himself a prisoner, he was slain in the unequal
combat. Janequeo, inflamed by an ardent desire to revenge the death of
her husband, put herself at the head of an army of Puelches in 1590,
assisted by Guechiuntereo her brother, with which she made inroads into
the Spanish settlements, killing all of that nation who fell into her
hands. Reinforced by a regiment of veteran soldiers which had been sent
him from Peru, the governor Don Alonza Sotomayor, marched against the
heroine; but, by constantly occupying the high grounds, attacking
sometimes the van, sometimes the rear of the Spaniards, and harassing
them in every possible way, she at last obliged the governor to retire,
after having lost much time and a considerable number of men to no
purpose. As the governor was of opinion that rigorous measures were best
calculated to quell the pride of the Araucanians, he ordered all the
prisoners taken in this incursion to be hung before his retreat. On this
occasion, one of these men requested to be hanged on a higher tree than
the rest, that the sacrifice he had made of himself for his country
might be the more conspicuous, and inspire his surviving countrymen with
the more ardent determination to defend their liberties.

Having thus foiled all the endeavours of a general who had gained high
reputation in the wars of Italy, Germany, and Flanders, Janequeo
proceeded to attack the recently constructed fortress of Puchanqui, not
far from which she defeated and slew the commandant, Aranda, who had
advanced to meet her with a part of the garrison. Not being able to gain
possession of this fort, she retired at the commencement of the rainy
season to the mountains near Villarica, where she fortified herself in
a place surrounded by precipices, from whence she continually infested
the environs of that city in such a manner that no one dared to venture
beyond the walls. Moved by the distresses of the citizens, the governor
sent his brother Don Luis to their aid, with the greater part of two
reinforcements which he had recently received from Peru, under the
command of Castillejo and Penalosa. The intrepid Janequeo awaited him in
her fortified post, which she deemed secure, and repelled for a long
time the various assaults of the Spaniards with great presence of mind.
At length, her soldiers being dispersed by the fire of the artillery,
she had to seek for safety in flight. Her brother was made prisoner, and
obtained his life on condition of promising to keep his sister quiet,
and to secure the friendship of his vassals and adherents to the
Spaniards. But, while proposing this measure in a national council, he
was killed by the ulmen Catipiuque, who abhorred every species of
reconciliation with the enemy.

The old toqui, Guanoalca, died about the close of 1590, and a young and
enterprising warrior, named Quintuguenu, was elected in his stead in the
year following. Being ambitious of acquiring military glory, the new
toqui assaulted and took the fort of Mariguenu by assault, and
established himself on the top of that famous mountain with two thousand
men, hoping to render himself as celebrated there as Lautaro had been
formerly, by gaining an important victory over the Spaniards. Not
dismayed by the misfortunes which had befallen his countrymen in that
ill-omened place, the governor put himself at the head of a thousand
Spaniards and a large auxiliary force of Indians, and marched without
delay for Mariguenu, determined upon dislodging the Araucanians or of
besieging them in their post. Having disposed his troops in order, and
given the necessary directions, he began at daybreak to ascend the
difficult and steep defile, leading the advanced guard in person,
directly before which was a forlorn hope of twenty half-pay officers
much experienced in similar warfare. He had scarcely got half way up the
mountain when he was attacked with the utmost fury by Quintuguenu; but
animating his troops by his voice and example, he sustained for more
than an hour the utmost efforts of the enemy, and gained the top of the
defile by persevering bravery. On reaching the level summit of the
mountain, the Araucanians were forced to take refuge within their
entrenchments, which they did however in excellent order. The
Araucanians, exhorting each other to conquer or die for their country,
defended their camp with incredible valour against the utmost efforts
of the Spaniards till mid-day; when, after a most obstinate resistance,
Don Carlos Irrazabel forced the lines on the left with his company,
while at the same time the quarter-master and Rodolphus Lisperger, a
valiant German officer, penetrated with their companies on the front and
the right of the encampment. Though surrounded on every side,
Quintuguenu maintained his troops in good order, earnestly exhorting
them not to dishonour themselves by suffering an ignominious defeat in a
place which had so often been the theatre of victory to their nation,
and by his efforts and bravery long kept the fate of the battle in
suspense. While he flew from rank to rank, animating his men and
constantly making head against the enemy, he fell pierced with three
mortal wounds given by the governor, who had taken aim at him. His last
words were an enthusiastic exclamation in favour of liberty. On the
death of the toqui, part of the Araucanian troops allowed themselves to
be cut in pieces, and the rest sought their safety in flight. Almost all
the auxiliaries on the side of the Spaniards fell in this successful
battle, but only twenty of the Spaniards were slain, among whom was a
Portuguese knight of the order of Christ, who was killed at the
commencement of the action.

Highly gratified with being the first who had defeated the Araucanians
on the formidable heights of Mariguenu, the governor conducted his
victorious army to the sea-shore, where he was saluted by repeated
discharges of cannon from the fleet of Peru, then scouring the coast in
search of the English squadron, and which had witnessed the victory.
These were answered by the army with repeated vollies of musquetry, and
the customary demonstrations of joy on so glorious an occasion. Availing
himself of the opportunity afforded by the presence of the fleet, the
governor sent the quarter-master-general into Peru to solicit the
greatest possible reinforcement of troops without delay, to enable him
to prosecute the war to advantage in the ensuing campaign. In the mean
time, he abandoned the ancient scite of the fort of Arauco, and rebuilt
it in a more convenient situation on the sea-shore. Colocolo, son of the
celebrated ulmen of that name, but of a very different disposition from
that of his father, was lord of that district, and being indignant at
seeing his country occupied by the Spaniards endeavoured to drive them
off; but being defeated and made prisoner, he solicited for his life,
which he obtained on condition of persuading his subjects to return
from the mountains and to submit to the authority of the Spaniards. On
being urged by his wife Millayene, to fulfil the promise made by their
chief, they replied that he ought to endure his misfortunes with the
firmness that became his rank and lineage; that they were willing to
encounter every danger under his command, and according to his example,
or to revenge the outrages he might be subjected to, but could never
consent to betray their country by submitting to obey its bitterest
enemies. Irritated by this patriotic resolution of his subjects,
Colocolo devoted himself in future to the service of the Spaniards, and
even served them as a guide in the pursuit of his own people among the
fastnesses in which they had taken refuge.

In the year 1592 there happened to be a Spanish prisoner among the
Araucanians, who by his ingratiating manners had acquired the confidence
and esteem of the principal people of that high-spirited nation. Either
by secret instructions from the governor, or from gratitude for the kind
treatment he had received while prisoner, this man exerted himself to
effectuate a treaty of peace between the nations, and had at one time a
fair prospect of bringing it about. But the preliminaries which he
proposed as the ground work of a reconciliation did not prove
satisfactory to either party, and all his endeavours were abortive. The
governor, being irritated at the rejection of his proposals, marched
into the province of Tucapel which he laid waste on every side with fire
and sword. As Paillaeco, who had been elected toqui in place of
Quintuguenu, did not think his force sufficient to oppose the enemy in
the open field, he endeavoured to draw them into an ambush. With this
view, he placed an hundred horsemen at the entrance of a wood, within
which he had concealed the remainder of his troops, giving orders to the
horse to counterfeit flight on the coming up of the enemy to draw them
within reach of the ambushment. This scheme seemed at first to promise
success, but in the end turned against its contriver. The Araucanians
took to flight and were pursued by the Spaniards, who soon discovered
that it was only a stratagem, and turned back accordingly as if struck
with a panic, in hopes of decoying the enemy to quit the wood and attack
them in the open field. Not aware of this repetition of their own trick,
the Araucanians fell into the snare they had laid for their enemies; and
being surrounded on every side, were mostly cut in pieces together with
their commander, after selling their lives at a dear rate, a small
remnant taking refuge in the marshes from the pursuit of the victors.

These repeated victories certainly cost much blood to the Spaniards, as
the governor after this last action withdrew to St Jago to await the
reinforcements he expected from Peru, and to raise as many recruits as
possible in the northern provinces of Chili. As the reinforcements did
not appear to him sufficient for continuing the war with a reasonable
prospect of ultimate success, he even went into Peru in person to
solicit more effectual succours, leaving the charge of the civil
government daring his absence to the licentiate Pedro Viscarra, and the
command of the army to the quarter-master. On his arrival at Lima,
Sotomayor met with a successor who had been appointed to the government
of Chili, by the court of Spain. This was Don Martin Loyola, nephew of
St Ignatius, the celebrated founder of the order of the Jesuits, who had
acquired the favour of the viceroy of Peru by taking prisoner Tupac
Amuru the last Inca of Peru. In requital for this service, he was not
only gratified by being appointed to the government of Chili, but was
rewarded by obtaining in marriage the princess or _coya_ Donna Clara
Beatrix, the only daughter and sole heiress of the former Inca Sayri
Tupac. Loyola arrived at Valparaiso, in 1593, with a respectable body of
troops, and immediately proceeded to St Jago, where he was received with
every demonstration of joy by the citizens; but during his
administration the Spaniards experienced the severest disaster that had
ever happened to them in Chili.

After the defeat and death of Paillaeco, the Araucanians elected
Paillamachu to the supreme command, who was hereditary toqui or prince
of the second Uthulmapu. This military dictator was already much
advanced in years, yet a man of wonderful activity and resources, and
was so fortunate in his enterprises that he far surpassed all his
predecessors in military glory, and had the singular felicity of
restoring his country to its ancient independence by the entire
expulsion of the Spaniards from its territories. Immediately on his
elevation to the supreme dignity of toqui, he appointed two officers of
great valour and merit, Pelantaru and Millacalquin to the important
employments of vice-toqui, deviating from the usual custom of the
nation, which allowed only of one lieutenant-general. And, as the
military force of the confederacy had been greatly diminished by the
late unfortunate incidents in the war, he followed the example of
Antiguenu, a former toqui, by withdrawing into the almost inaccessible
marshes of Lumaco, where he used his utmost efforts to collect and
discipline an army for the execution of the extensive plans he had
formed for the entire liberation of his country.

After having regulated the police of the capital and the civil
government of the kingdom of Chili, Loyola proceeded to the city of
Conception, where he established his headquarters in order to be at hand
for conducting the operations of the war. The toqui of the Araucanians,
on hearing of his arrival, sent an intelligent and sagacious officer
named Antipillan to compliment him, but charged at the same time to
obtain information of his character and designs. In frequent conferences
with this person, the new governor endeavoured to impress him with an
idea of the vast power and immense resources of the Spanish monarchy,
against which it was impossible as he said for the Araucanians to
contend successfully, and insinuated therefore the necessity of their
submitting to an accommodation. Pretending to be convinced by the
reasoning of Loyola, the ambassador acknowledged the prodigious power of
the Spanish monarchy in comparison with the Araucanian state; which,
notwithstanding the vast disproportion, had hitherto been able to resist
every effort of the Spaniards. He acknowledged even the propriety of his
nation entering into negotiations for peace, but alleged that the
Spaniards affixed wrong ideas to that word; as, under the semblance of
peace, they sought to subject the Araucanians to their authority, which
they would never agree to while one of them remained alive. And finally,
that the only peace to which they would consent, must consist of an
entire cessation of hostilities, a complete restoration of all the lands
which were occupied by the Spaniards within the Araucanian territory,
and an explicit renunciation of every pretence to controul or interfere
with their independent rights.

As Loyola was of a generous disposition, he could not avoid admiring the
noble and enlightened sentiments of the barbarian ambassador, and
dismissed him with the strongest demonstrations of esteem. Yet so far
was he from any idea of abandoning the posts already established in the
Araucanian territory, that he crossed the Biobio in 1594, and founded a
new city at a short distance from that river, giving it the name of Coya
in honour of his wife a Peruvian princess. This place was intended to
protect the rich gold mines of Kilacoyan, and to serve as a place of
retreat for the inhabitants of Angol in case of need; and in order to
render it more secure, he constructed two castles in its immediate
neighbourhood, named Jesus and Chivecura, on either shore of the Biobio.
Solicitous to destroy this new settlement, which he considered as a
disgrace to his administration, Paillamachu sent in 1595, one of his
officers named Loncothequa, with orders to destroy the fort of Jesus.
After twice penetrating within the works, and even burning a part of the
interior buildings of this place, Loncothequa lost his life without
being able to accomplish the enterprise.

In 1596, the toqui made frequent incursions into all the Spanish
districts, both within and adjoining the Araucanian territory, on
purpose to subsist his troops and to inure them to a military life. The
Spanish army attempted in vain to prevent or pursue these predatory
detachments, as the wary Paillamachu took the utmost care to avoid any
encounter, determined to reserve his force for some favourable occasion.
On purpose to restrain these incursions Loyola erected two additional
forts in the neighbourhood of the encampment or head-quarters of the
toqui, one on the scite of the old fort of Puren, and the other on the
borders of the marshes of Lumaco, which he garrisoned with the greater
part of a reinforcement of troops which he had just received from Peru.
He sent the remainder of these in 1597 to the province of Cujo, where
they founded a new city, called San Luis de Loyola, which still subsists
in a miserable condition, though placed in a very advantageous
situation.

The fort of Lumaco was soon afterwards taken by storm, by the toqui in
person, who gave orders to two of his officers to reduce that of Puren.
In ten days they reduced the garrison to the last extremity, but had to
desist from the enterprise by the approach of a reinforcement under the
command of Pedro Cortes, a Spanish officer who acquired great reputation
in the Araucanian war. The governor Loyola arrived there soon afterwards
with his army, and gave orders to demolish the fortifications and to
remove the garrison to Angol, lest it might experience a similar fate
with what had so recently happened to the fort of Lumaco. He then
proceeded to Imperial, Villarica and Valdivia, the fortifications of
which places he carefully repaired, to secure them against the
increasing strength of the enemy, and then returned towards the Biobio
under the security of an escort of three hundred men. As soon as he
thought himself in a place of security, he ordered back the escort,
retaining only along with himself and family sixty-two half-pay officers
and three Franciscan friars. Paillamachu had secretly followed and
watched all the motions of the governor, and concluded that he had now
found a favourable opportunity to attack him. Finding him accordingly
encamped in the pleasant valley of Caralava, he attacked him with a
select band of two hundred Araucanians, on the night of the 22d November
1598, and slew Loyola and all his retinue.

It would appear that Paillamachu had formed confident hopes in the
successful issue of this bold enterprise, and that it had been long
concerted: as, in consequence of his instructions, the whole provinces
of the Araucanian confederacy, and their allies the Cunches and
Huilliches, were in arms in less than forty-eight hours after the
slaughter of Loyola. In the whole of that country, from the Biobio to
the archipelago of Chiloe, every Spaniard who had the misfortune to be
found without the garrisons was put to death; and the cities and
fortresses of Osorno, Valdivia, Villarica, Imperial, Canete, Angol, and
Arauco, were all invested at the same time by close blockades.
Paillamachu had even the boldness to cross the Biobio, burned the cities
of Conception and Chillan, laid waste the provinces under their
dependence, and returned into Araucania loaded with spoil.

On the first intelligence of these melancholy events, the inhabitants of
St Jago were filled with consternation and despair, and were almost
unanimously of opinion to abandon Chili and take refuge in Peru. Yet,
having some confidence in Pedro de Viscara, an officer of reputation
then beyond seventy years of age, they assembled in council and
prevailed on him to assume the government of the kingdom till the court
might appoint a successor to Loyola. Viscara, having collected all the
troops that could be procured, began his march for the frontiers in
1599, and had even the courage to cross the Biobio in the face of the
enemy, and withdrew the inhabitants from Angol and Coya, with whom he
repeopled the cities of Conception and Chilian. The government of
Viscara only continued for six months; as on learning the perilous
situation of Chili, the viceroy of Peru sent Don Francisco Quinones
thither as governor, with a numerous reinforcement of soldiers and a
large supply of military stores. The new governor had several indecisive
actions with the toqui to the north of the river Biobio, to which the
Araucanians had gone on purpose to ravage the southern provinces of
Spanish Chili. The most important of these was in the plain of Yumbal.
The toqui was on his return into the south from a successful inroad at
the head of two thousand men, and with a great number of cattle of all
kinds which he had taken in the province of Chillan, and Quinones
attempted to intercept his retreat with an equal force, the greater part
of which consisted of Spanish troops. The two armies advanced with equal
resolution, and the Spaniards attempted in vain to keep the Araucanians
at a distance by a constant fire from eight field pieces and all their
musquetry. They soon came to close quarters, and the battle continued
with incredible fury for more than two hours, till night parted them;
when Paillamachu took advantage of the darkness and repassed the Biobio.
On this occasion, the governor made an improper display of severity, by
ordering all his prisoners to be quartered and hung upon trees, which
was much disapproved of by his officers, who, either from humanity or a
motive of self-interest, urged him not to give the enemy a pretence for
retaliating by similar cruelties. But Quinones obstinately adhered to an
old maxim of endeavouring to conquer by means of terror, and was deaf to
all their remonstrances. We are ignorant of the loss sustained by the
Spaniards in this battle, but it must have been considerable, as Arauco
and Canete were both immediately abandoned, and their inhabitants
withdrawn to the city of Conception.

Paillmachu does not seem to have been at all disconcerted by the issue
of the late battle, as he continued the sieges of the Spanish cities,
and was himself in constant motion; sometimes encouraging by his
presence the forces that were employed in blockading the cities, and at
other times ravaging the Spanish provinces to the north of the Biobio,
where he did infinite mischief. Having learnt that the siege of Valdivia
had been raised by the officer whom he had entrusted with that
enterprise, he hastened to that place with four thousand men, part
cavalry, seventy of his infantry being armed with musquets which he had
taken from the Spaniards in the late engagements. On the night of the
14th of November[91] he crossed the broad river of Calacala by swimming,
unsuspected by the garrison, stormed the city at day-break, killed a
great number of the inhabitants, and burnt the houses. He even attempted
to gain possession of some vessels in the harbour, on board of which
many of the inhabitants had taken refuge, but these escaped his fury by
immediately setting sail. After this notable exploit, he returned in
triumph into the north of Araucania with a booty of two millions of
dollars, upwards of four hundred prisoners, and a considerable number of
cannon; and rejoined Millacalquin, an officer to whom he had entrusted
the defence of the Biobio during his absence.

[Footnote 91: According to Garcilasso, Valdivia was taken on the 24th of
November 1599. In a letter from St Jago in Chili, dated in March 1600,
and inserted in the Royal Commentaries of Peru, P.I.B. vii. Ch. xxv. the
Araucanian army on this occasion is said to have amounted to 5000 men,
3000 of whom were horse. Of the foot, 200 were armed with coats of mail,
and 70 with fire-arms, _as was said_. They surprised the city at
daybreak without the smallest alarm, there being only four men on guard,
two of whom went the rounds, the Spaniards being lulled into security by
some recent successes in two different incursions they had lately made
into the country, which they had laid waste for eight leagues all around
during twenty days.--E.]

Ten days after the destruction of Valdivia, Francisco del Campo arrived
there by sea from Peru with a reinforcement of three hundred men; and
finding it in ashes, he ineffectually endeavoured to introduce these
succours into Osorno, Villarica, and Imperial[92]. Amid so many
misfortunes, an expedition of five ships from Holland arrived on the
coast of Chili in 1660, which plundered the island of Chiloe and put the
Spanish garrison to the sword. But on a part of their people landing in
the island of Talca or Santa Maria[93], inhabited by the Araucanians,
they were repulsed with the loss of twenty-three men, being probably
mistaken for Spaniards.

[Footnote 92: In the letter quoted from Garcilasso in the preceding
note, Del Campo is said to have raised the siege of Osorno and to have
performed other actions of happy consequence.--E.]

[Footnote 93: St Mary's island is on the coast of Araucania, in lat. 37 deg.
S.--E.]

Disgusted with a war which threatened such unfortunate consequences,
Quinones solicited and obtained leave to resign the government of Chili,
and was succeeded by Garcia Ramon who had long been quarter-master of
the army in that kingdom. Great expectations were formed of success in
the war against the Araucanians under his direction, from his long
experience and thorough acquaintance with the manner in which the enemy
carried on their warlike operations. But that experience induced him to
conduct the war on prudent principles of defence, rather than to hazard
the loss of that part of Chili which was subject to Spain. Although he
received a reinforcement consisting of an entire regiment of veterans,
under the command of Don Francisco de Ovalle, father to the historian of
that name, he confined himself almost entirely to the defence of the
frontier line upon the Biobio. Garcia Ramon was however soon superseded
in the government by the appointment of Alonzo Rivera, an officer who
had acquired considerable reputation in the wars in the low countries,
and who now brought out a farther reinforcement of a regiment of veteran
troops. On assuming the government, he established a number of
additional forts on the river Biobio, to defend the frontiers, by which
he greatly encouraged the Spanish colonists, who still entertained an
idea of abandoning Chili to the enemy.

The populous and opulent city of Villarica, fell into the hands of the
Araucanians in 1692, after a siege or blockade of two years and eleven
months; and soon afterwards Imperial, the capital of the Spanish
settlements beyond the Biobio, experienced a similar fate. The defence
of this city was protracted for some months by the courage of a Spanish
lady, named Donna Innes de Aguilera. Seeing the garrison quite
dispirited by the long continuance of the siege, and ready to
capitulate, she encouraged them to persist in its defence, and even
directed all the operations in person; until at last, on a favourable
opportunity offering, she escaped by sea with the bishop and most of the
inhabitants. During this siege, she lost her husband and brothers, and
her heroism was rewarded by the king with a pension of two thousand
dollars.

Osorno, likewise a rich and populous city, soon followed; as the enemy,
now freed from the attention they had hitherto given to Valdivia,
Villarica and Imperial, were able to bring their whole force against
that last possession of the Spaniards within the territories of the
Araucanian confederacy. The sufferings endured by the garrison and
inhabitants of Osorno are scarcely to be exceeded by those endured in
the most celebrated sieges recorded in history. They were long obliged
to subsist on the most loathsome food, having no other sustenance than
the carcasses of dead horses; and when these failed on cats and dogs and
the skins of beasts. Thus in little more than three years, all the
settlements which had been established by Valdivia and his successors,
between the river Biobio and the archipelago of Chiloe, and preserved at
the expence of so much blood, were destroyed, and so effectually that
hardly any vestiges of them now remain. None of them have been since
rebuilt, as what is at present called Valdivia is nothing more than a
garrison or fortified post. Though great numbers of the inhabitants of
these cities perished in the defence of their walls, by famine or by the
sword of the enemy, yet Spanish prisoners of all ranks were so numerous
among the Araucanians, that almost every family had at least one to its
share. The married Spaniards were mostly allowed to retain their wives,
and the unmarried men were supplied with wives from among the women of
the country; but the unmarried Spanish women were distributed among the
chiefs of the Araucanians, who by their customs were permitted a
plurality of wives. It is not a little remarkable that the mestees, or
offspring of these marriages, became in the subsequent wars the most
inveterate enemies of the Spaniards.

On this occasion likewise, the ransom and exchange of prisoners were
permitted, by which means many of the Spaniards escaped from captivity.
Yet some were induced, by love for the children they had by the native
women, to remain captives during their lives. Some even of the Spaniards
acquired the confidence and affection of the natives, by their pleasing
manners, or by their skill in useful arts, and acquired advantageous
establishments in the country. Among these, Don Basilio Roxas and Don
Antonio Bascugnano, both of noble birth, acquired high reputation with
the Araucanians, and both of them left interesting memoirs of the
transactions of their times. Such of the Spaniards as happened to fall
to the share of brutal masters, had much to suffer.

Paillamachu did not long continue to enjoy the applause of his
countrymen, for having so successfully expelled the Spaniards from
Araucania: He died about the end of the year 1603, and was succeeded by
Huenecura, who had been bred to arms under his direction and example in
the celebrated military school of Lumaco.

       *       *       *       *       *

"Modern as is the History of America, it has had its full share of
fable, and the city of Osorno has furnished the subject of one not less
extraordinary than any of the rest, which is thus related in the
twentieth volume of the _Seminario Erudito_[94]."

[Footnote 94: This fabulous story of the new Osorno is contained in a
note to Molina by the English Editor.--E.]


"During the great effort of the Araucanians to recover their country
from the Spaniards, Osorno resisted their arms with extraordinary vigour
for six months. At the end of this period, the Spaniards repelled a
general assault of the besiegers, and compelled them to abandon the
blockade. Being afraid of another attack, the Spaniards retired about
three or four leagues, to a peninsula at the foot of the Andes, formed
by the lake from which the river Bueno issues. They there built a new
city on the isthmus, which they secured with walls, bulwarks, moats and
draw-bridges; and multiplied in process of time so as to be obliged to
build another city on the opposite side of the lake, and their
descendents still continue to occupy the same place. This people, called
_Alcahuncas_ by the Indians, are armed with lances, swords and daggers,
but whether these are of iron or not, the person who discovered the
existence of these cities had not been able to learn. They also use the
_laque_ or thong and ball with great dexterity, on which account they
are much dreaded by their neighbours. They have also cannon, but no
musquets. They retain the dress, complexion and beard of their Spanish
ancestors. They used formerly to purchase salt from the Pehuenches, and
even from the Indians who live under the Spanish government, which they
paid for in silver, which occasioned so great a demand for that article
in the Spanish settlements, that a loaf of salt used to sell at the
price of an ox. Of late this demand has ceased, as they have found salt
in abundance in their own country."

"A year only before this account was written, or in 1773, a man from
Chiloe got to the city gates one morning before the drawbridge was
lifted, and knocked for admittance. The soldier who was on guard told
him to hasten back as fast as possible, as their king was a cruel
tyrant, and would certainly put him to death if taken; and even seemed
astonished that the Indians had permitted him to arrive at the gate.
This man was killed on his way back; but the news of his adventure
reached Valdivia, where it was fully believed. It is said that the
people of these two cities live under a grievous tyranny, and are
therefore desirous of making their situation known to the Spaniards; but
that their chiefs use every possible precaution to prevent this, and the
Indians of the intervening country are equally solicitous to prevent any
intelligence respecting this state being conveyed to the Spaniards, lest
it might induce them to make new attempts to penetrate into the
interior."

"This account is said to have been written in 1774, by Don Ignacio
Pinuer, captain of infantry and interpreter general at Valdivia, in a
letter addressed to the president of Chili. The writer states that his
thorough knowledge of the language of the natives, and his great
intimacy with them, had enabled him to collect this information, by
means of the artful and persevering inquiries of twenty-eight
years[95]."

[Footnote 95: This absurd story evidently belongs to the same class with
the _Seven cities_ formerly mentioned, and the _El Dorado_ and _Welsh_
colony, which will both occur in the sequel of this work. Though not
exactly connected in point of time with this fabled city of Osorno, a
similar fable respecting a supposed white nation in the interior of
Chili, may be noticed in this place, the reflections on which, in the
paragraphs subjoined, give a clear explanation of the origin of several
of these tales.--E.]

"In the reign of the Emperor Charles V. the bishop of Placentia is said
to have sent four ships to the Moluccas. When they had advanced about
twenty leagues within the Straits of Magellan, three of them were
wrecked, and the fourth was driven back into the southern Atlantic. When
the storm abated, this fourth ship again attempted the passage, and
reached the place where the others were lost where they found the men
still on shore, who entreated to be taken on board; but as there was
neither room nor provision for so great a number, they were necessarily
left. An opinion long prevailed that they had penetrated into the
interior of Chili, where they settled and became a nation called the
_Cesares_, whose very ploughshares were said to be of gold. Adventurers
reported that they had been near enough to hear the sound of their
bells; and it was even said that men of a fair complexion had been made
prisoners, who were supposed to belong to this nation. The existence of
this city of the Cesares was long believed, and even about the year
1620, Don Geronimo Luis de Cabrera, then governor of Peru, made an
expedition in search of this _El Dorado_ of Chili. Even after Feyjo had
attempted to disprove its existence, the jesuit Mascardi went in search
of it with a large party of Puelches, but was killed by the Poy-yas on
his return from the fruitless quest[96]."

[Footnote 96: Dobrizhoffer, III. 407.]

"The groundwork of this and other similar fables is thus satisfactorily
explained by Falkner[97].--'I am satisfied that the reports concerning a
nation in the interior of South America descended from Europeans, or the
remains of shipwrecks, are entirely false and groundless, and occasioned
by misunderstanding the accounts given by the Indians. When asked in
Chili respecting any settlement of the Spaniards in the inland country,
they certainly give accounts of towns and white people, meaning Buenos
Ayres, and other places to the eastwards of the Andes. And _vice versa_,
on being asked in the east the same question, their answers refer to
Chili or Peru; not having the least idea that the inhabitants of these
distant countries are known to each other. Upon questioning some Indians
on this subject, I found my conjecture perfectly right; and they
acknowledged, when I named Chiloe, Valdivia, and other places in Chili,
that these were the places they alluded to under the description of
European settlements, and seemed amazed that I should know that such
places existed.'"

[Footnote 97: Falkner, Ch. iv. p. 112.]


SECTION X.

_Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with the
Araucanians_.


While Alonzo Rivera applied himself with every possible energy to check
the progress of the Araucanians and to guard the frontier of the Biobio,
he was removed, from the government of Chili to that of Tucuman, as a
punishment for having presumed to marry the daughter of the celebrated
heroine Innes Aguilera, without having obtained the royal permission. On
this occasion Garcia Ramon was reinstated in the government, and
received at the same time with his commission a reinforcement of a
thousand men from Europe and two hundred and fifty from Mexico. Being
now at the head of three thousand regular troops, besides a
considerable auxiliary force, he invaded Araucania and penetrated
without opposition into the province of Boroa[98] where he erected a
fort, which he furnished with a considerable number of cannon, and in
which he left a garrison of three hundred men under the command of
Lisperger, a German officer formerly mentioned.

[Footnote 98: The province of Boroa, formerly mentioned as the residence
of a tribe much whiter in their colour than the other natives of South
America, lies at the foot of the Andes between the heads of the rivers
Hueco and Tolten, to the eastward of the ruins of Villarica.--E.]

Immediately after the return of the invading army into Spanish Chili,
the new toqui Huenecura proceeded to attack this new establishment.
While on his march he fell in with Lisperger, who had gone out from the
fort at the head of an hundred and sixty of his men to protect a convoy;
and immediately attacked the Spaniards with such fury that he cut the
whole detachment in pieces, and the commander among the rest. After this
first successful essay of his arms, he proceeded without delay against
the fort, which he made three several attempts to take by storm; but was
repelled with so much skill and valour by Gil Negrete who had succeeded
Lisperger in the command, that after an obstinate combat of two hours he
was obliged to desist from the attempt to storm, and established a close
blockade. This was continued till the governor Ramon sent orders for the
garrison to evacuate the place. The Spanish army was now divided into
two separate bodies, one under the command of Alvaro Pineda the
quarter-master of Chili, and the other under the orders of Don Diego
Saravia, who proceeded to lay waste the Araucanian territory without
mercy. Watching his opportunity however, Huenecura attacked and defeated
them in succession, and with such complete success that not even a
single person of either detachment escaped death or captivity. By these
unexpected misfortunes, that fine army on which such flattering hopes of
security at least, if not conquest, had been founded, was entirely
annihilated. In consequence of these repeated and heavy disasters,
orders were given by the court of Spain, that a body of two thousand
regular troops should be continually maintained on the Araucanian
frontier; for the support of which force, an annual appropriation of
292,279 dollars was made from the royal treasury of Peru. At the same
time the court of royal audience was re-established in the city of St
Jago on the 8th of September 1609, after having been thirty-four years
suppressed. This measure gave universal satisfaction to the inhabitants,
and the court has continued there ever since with high reputation for
justice and integrity.

By this new regulation, Ramon added the title of president to those of
governor and captain-general of Chili. Having received considerable
reinforcements, to replace the army so lately destroyed, Ramon ventured
to recross the Biobio at the head of about two thousand men. Huenecura
advanced to meet him, and a sanguinary and obstinate battle took place
in the defiles of the marshes of Lumaco. The Spaniards were for some
time in imminent danger of being completely defeated; but the valiant
governor, taking his station in the front line, so animated his soldiers
by his presence and example that they at length succeeded in breaking
and defeating the enemy. Shortly after this victory, Ramon died in the
city of Conception, on the 10th of August 1610, universally regretted by
the Spanish inhabitants of Chili, to whom he was much endeared by his
excellent qualities and his long residence among them. He was even
highly esteemed by the Araucanians, whom he had always treated, when
prisoners, with a humane attention which did him much honour. According
to the royal decree for establishing the court of audience, the
government of Chili now devolved upon Don Luis Merlo de la Fuente, the
eldest oydor or judge.

Much about the same time with Ramon, the toqui Huenecura likewise died,
either from disease or in consequence of wounds received in the late
battle. He was succeeded in the toquiate by Aillavilu the second, who is
represented by Don Basilio Rosas, a contemporary writer, as one of the
greatest of the Araucanian generals, and as having fought many battles
against Merlo and his successor Don Juan Xaraquemada; but he does not
particularize either their dates, the places where they were fought, or
any circumstances concerning them.

Among the missionaries who were at that time employed for the conversion
of the natives in Chili, was a Jesuit named Luis Valdivia, who, finding
it impossible to preach to the Araucanians during the continuance of
war, went to Spain and represented in strong terms to Philip III. the
great injury suffered by the cause of religion in consequence of this
long and cruel war. That weak prince was more devoted to the advancement
of religion than to the augmentation of his territories, and sent
immediate orders to the government of Chili to discontinue the war, and
to settle a permanent peace with the Araucanians, by establishing the
river Biobio as the frontier between the two nations. On purpose to
secure the punctual execution of these orders, the king offered to exalt
Valdivia to the episcopal dignity, and to appoint him governor of Chili.
He refused both of these high offers, and only stipulated for the
restoration of Alonzo Rivera to the government, whose views were
conformable with his own, and who had been exiled to Tucuman as
formerly mentioned.

Much gratified with the prosperous issue of his voyage, the zealous
missionary returned to Chili in 1612, carrying a letter written by the
king of Spain to the national assembly of the Araucanian chiefs,
recommending the establishment of peace between the nations, and that
they should promote the propagation of Christianity among their
dependents. Immediately on his arrival in Chili, Valdivia hastened to
the frontiers, and communicated the nature of the commission with which
he was entrusted to the Araucanians, by means of some prisoners of that
nation whom he had purposely brought with him from Peru. Aillavilu the
toqui gave little attention to the proposed negociation, which he deemed
a feint for deceiving and surprising him. But, as he died or resigned
the command soon after, his successor Ancanamon thought proper to
inquire into the reality of the pacific proposals, and directed the
ulmen Carampangui to converse with Valdivia, that his offers might be
laid before a general assembly of the ulmens. Accordingly, on the
invitation of Carampangui, Valdivia repaired to Nancu in the province of
Catiray, where, in an assembly of fifty Araucanian chiefs, he made known
the substance of the proposed pacific negociations, read and expounded
the royal letter to the Araucanian confederacy, and made a long oration
on the motives of his interference and on the important concerns of
their immortal souls. The assembly thanked him for his exertions, and
promised to make a favourable report to the toqui. On his return to
Conception, Valdivia was accompanied by Carampangui, where he was
honourably received by the governor; who dispatched Pedro Melendez one
of his ensigns, under the safeguard of the ulmen, on a message to the
toqui, carrying with him the letter of the king of Spain, and a request
that Ancanamon would meet him at Paicavi, a place near the frontiers,
that they might confer together upon the preliminaries of peace.

The toqui soon afterwards came to the place appointed, with a small
guard of forty soldiers, and accompanied by several ulmens, bringing
likewise along with him a number of Spanish prisoners of the first
families, whom he set at liberty. The governor, with Valdivia and the
principal officers of the government, received Ancanamon with every
demonstration of respect, and conducted him to the lodgings appointed
for his reception amid the repeated discharges of artillery. The
governor then proposed, as preliminary articles of peace, that the river
Biobio should serve hereafter as the common boundary between the
Spanish and Araucanian nations, beyond which neither should be permitted
to pass with an army: That all deserters should in future be mutually
returned: And that missionaries should be allowed to preach the
doctrines of Christianity in the Araucanian territories. Ancanamon
required as a preliminary, that the forts of Paicavi and Arauco, which
had been lately erected upon the sea coast to the south of the Biobio,
should be evacuated. The governor immediately abandoned Paicavi, and
agreed to give up the other immediately after the conclusion of peace.
Being so far agreed, and as the consent of the four toquis of the
uthalmapus was requisite to ratify the treaty, Ancanamon proposed to
seek for them in person, and to bring them to the Spanish camp.

While the negociation was in this state of forwardness, an unlooked for
event rendered all these pacific measures abortive. Ancanamon had a
Spanish lady among his wives, who, taking advantage of his absence, fled
for refuge to the governor, accompanied by four other women who were
wives to the toqui, and two young girls his daughters. The toqui was
extremely indignant on this occasion, though less exasperated by the
flight of his wives, than by the kind reception they had experienced
among the Spaniards. Relinquishing every thought of peace, he
immediately returned to the governor, from whom he demanded the
restitution of the fugitives. His demand was taken into consideration by
a council of the officers; but the majority of these, many of whom were
averse to peace, refused to surrender the women to the toqui, alleging
that they were unwilling to expose them to the danger of relapsing from
the Christian faith which they had embraced. After many ineffectual
propositions, Ancanamon consented to limit his demands to the
restitution of his daughters, whom he tenderly loved. To this it was
answered, that as the eldest had not yet embraced the Christian faith,
his request respecting her would be complied with, but as the younger
had been already baptised, they could not think of delivering her into
his hands.

At this time the almost extinguished hopes of peace were revived for a
time by an unexpected incident. _Utiflame_, the apo-ulmen of Ilicura
near Imperial, had always been among the most inveterate enemies of the
Spaniards, and to avoid all intercourse with them, had constantly
refused to ransom his sons or relations who happened to be made
prisoners. He prided himself on having so successfully opposed all the
Spanish governors of Chili, from the elder Villagran to Rivera, that
the enemy had never been able to acquire a footing in his province,
though near the city of Imperial. One of his sons who had been taken in
the late war, was about this time sent back to him by Valdivia, in
consequence of which he was so highly gratified, that he went
immediately to visit the missionary at the fort of Arauco, where in
return for the civilities he experienced from the governor and Valdivia,
he engaged to receive the missionaries into his province, and to use his
influence with Ancanamon to conclude a peace with the Spaniards. He
observed, however, that it was necessary in the first place to restore
his women, which could be done with safety by obtaining in the first
place a safe conduct from the toqui, and undertook to manage the
business. He accordingly departed from Arauco for Ilicura, accompanied
by three missionaries, one of whom was Horatio Vecchio, the cousin of
Pope Alexander VII. The exasperated toqui no sooner learnt the arrival
of the missionaries at Ilicura, than he hastened to that place with two
hundred horse, and slew them all with their defender Utiflame. Thus were
all the plans of pacification rendered abortive, though Valdivia used
repeated attempts to revive the negociation. All his schemes were
disconcerted by the contrivances of the officers and soldiers, who were
interested in the continuance of the war, and loudly demanded that
vengeance should be taken for the blood of the slaughtered priests.
Notwithstanding his anxious desire for peace and the pious intentions of
the king, the governor found himself compelled to prosecute the war,
which was renewed with more fury than ever. Ancanamon the toqui, being
eager to revenge the affront he had received in regard to his women,
incessantly harassed the southern provinces of Spanish Chili, and his
successor Loncothegua continued hostilities with equal obstinacy; but
only very imperfect accounts of this period of the war have been given
by the contemporary historians. The governor Rivera died at Conception
in 1617, having appointed as his successor Fernando Talaverano the
senior oydor of the royal court; who was succeeded ten months afterwards
by Lope de Ulloa.

The toqui Loncothegua resigned in 1618, and was succeeded in the supreme
command of the Araucanian armies by an officer named Lientur, whose
military expeditions were always so rapid and unexpected, that the
Spaniards used to call him the wizard. All his designs were perfectly
seconded by Levipillan, his vice toqui. Though the line of the Biobio
was amply secured by fortresses and centinels, these indefatigable
enemies always contrived to pass and repass without experiencing any
material loss. The first enterprise of Lientur was the capture of a
convoy of four hundred horses, which were intended to remount the
Spanish cavalry. He next ravaged the province of Chilian, and slew the
corregidor with two of his sons and several of the magistrates, who had
attempted to resist him in the field. Five days afterwards, he proceeded
towards St. Philip of Austria, otherwise called Yumbel, a place about
sixty miles to the east of Conception, with six hundred infantry and
four hundred horse, all of whom he sent out in various detachments to
ravage the surrounding country, leaving only two hundred men to guard
the narrow defile of Congrejeras. Provoked at this daring enterprise,
Robolledo, the commandant of Yumbel, sent seventy horse to take
possession of the pass and cut off the retreat of the toqui; but they
were received with such bravery by the Araucanian detachment, that they
were compelled to retire for security to a neighbouring hill, after
losing their captain and eighteen of their number. Robolledo sent three
companies of infantry and all the rest of his cavalry to their aid; but
Lientur who had by this time collected all his troops together, fell
upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the continual fire of their
musquetry, and put their cavalry to flight at the first charge. The
infantry, thus left exposed, were almost all cut to pieces, thirty-six
of them only being made prisoners, who were distributed among the
several provinces of the Arancanian confederacy. If Lientur had then
invested Yumbel it must have fallen into his hands; but he deferred the
siege till the following year, when his attempt was rendered
unsuccessful by the valiant defence of Ximenes who then had the command.
On his repulse however, he assaulted and took a fort named Neculgueno,
the garrison of which was put to the sword, and all the auxiliaries who
dwelt in that neighbourhood were made prisoners. Lientur followed up
these successful exploits with others equally fortunate, which are not
particularized by contemporary writers, who have given him the title of
the _darling of fortune_.

Ulloa the-governor, more a prey to anxiety and mortification than
disease, died on the 20th of November 1620, and was succeeded in the
government of Chili by Christoval de la Cerda, a native of Mexico, the
eldest oydor, according to the established rule on such occasions. For
the more effectual defence of the frontiers on the Biobio, he caused an
additional fortress to be constructed, named San Christoval, which still
remains. This oydor continued only a year in the government, during
which he was continually occupied in defending the Spanish settlements
against the enterprises of Lientur, with whom he had many encounters.
His successor, Pedro Suarez de Ulloa, continued the war in a similar
manner, contenting himself with acting principally on the defensive,
till his death on the 11th of December 1624; when he was succeeded by
Francisco Alava, his brother-in-law, who retained the office only for
six months, being succeeded by Don Luis de Cordova, in March 1625.

Lientar being advanced in years and worn out by continual exertions,
resigned his office in 1625, and was succeeded as toqui by Putapichion,
a young man whose courage and conduct much resembled his predecessor in
office. The new governor of Chili was a commander of extraordinary skill
and courage, and being nephew to the viceroy of Peru, was abundantly
supplied with troops and warlike stores, being likewise directed by his
instructions not to confine himself to defensive operations, but to
carry the war into the Araucanian territory. His first care on his
arrival at Conception, was to restore the military discipline, and to
discharge all arrears that were due to the troops. He at the same time
preferred a number of Creoles to the vacant offices, by which he
acquired the esteem of all the inhabitants, and gratified many of the
descendants of the original conquerors who had been hitherto much
neglected. Having established good order in the government, he directed
Alonzo de Cordova, whom he had appointed quarter-master, to make an
incursion with six hundred men into the provinces of Arauco and Tucapel.
In this expedition only an hundred and fifteen prisoners were taken and
a small number of cattle, as most of the inhabitants took refuge in the
mountains with their families and effects.

In the mean time the new toqui, Putapichion, endeavoured to signalize
the commencement of his administration by the capture of the fort of
Nativity, one of the strongest places on the Biobio, which was
constructed on the top of a high and steep mountain, well furnished with
troops and artillery, and both from its natural and artificial strength
was deemed impregnable. Putapichion came unexpectedly against this
place, and soon scaling the difficult ascent, got possession of the
ditch, set fire to the palisades and houses of the place with fire
arrows, and very nearly succeeded in its capture. But the garrison
collected in the only bastion which had escaped the flames, whence they
kept up so severe a fire against the assailants, that Putapichion was
constrained to abandon the enterprise, carrying away with him twelve
prisoners and several horses. The toqui then crossed the Biobio and made
an attempt upon the fort of Quinel, which was occupied by six hundred
men; but failing also in this enterprise, he made an inroad into the
province of Chillan, whence he brought off a great number of peasants
and cattle, in spite of the exertions of the serjeant-major to stop his
rapid march. Eager for retaliation, the governor resolved in 1628, to
invade. Araucania in three directions, assigning the maritime country to
the quarter-master, the Andes to the serjeant-major, and reserving the
intermediate country to himself. Accordingly, at the head of twelve
hundred regulars and a strong body of auxiliaries, he traversed the
provinces of Encol and Puren, where he captured a great number of men
and cattle; and, having crossed the river Cauten, he ravaged in a
similar manner to the rich province of Maguegua. On his return from this
successful expedition, Putapichion opposed him at the head of three
thousand men in order of battle. In the first encounter, the Spanish
army was thrown into confusion and suffered a severe loss; but, being
rallied by the exertions of their officers, they renewed the battle,
which was severely contested for some time, with considerable loss on
both sides. As the Araucanians had recovered most of the spoil, and
taken some prisoners while the Spanish army was in disorder, the toqui
did not think proper to risk too much on the event of battle, and
sounded a retreat. On his return to Conception, the governor was
rejoined by the serjeant-major and quarter-master. The former had not
been able to effect any thing of importance, as the enemy had taken
refuge in the mountains. The latter reported that he had made two
hundred prisoners, and had acquired a booty of seven thousand horses and
a thousand head of cattle, but had the misfortune to lose most of them
during, a violent tempest while on his return.

Don Francisco Lasso, an officer who had gained high reputation in the
wars of the low countries, arrived soon afterwards with a commission to
supersede Cordova in the government of Chili. At the commencement of his
administration, he endeavoured to come to an accommodation with the
Araucanians, with which view he set at liberty all the prisoners of
that nation who were confined in the different garrisons. But the minds
of that high-spirited people were not yet disposed towards peace, and
the glory of bringing about that desirable event was reserved for his
successor; yet Lasso certainly contributed to prepare the way for peace,
by the ten years of uninterrupted war which he waged against the
Araucanians, in consequence of their rejecting his pacific overtures,
during which he gained many victories over that valiant people. At the
commencement however of his military operations, Lasso was by no means
fortunate. The quarter-master, Cordova, while advancing by his orders to
invade the maritime provinces of Araucania, was completely routed by
Putapichion in the small district of Piculgue near Arauco. The toqui
placed a part of his army in ambush, and contrived with much skill to
induce Cordova to give battle in an unfavourable situation. In this
action, the Spanish horse, forming the van of the army, was unable to
withstand the charge of the Araucanian cavalry, now become exceedingly
expert, and was put to flight; and the infantry being thus left exposed
and surrounded on all sides, was entirely destroyed after a combat of
five hours, during which they performed prodigies of valour, and
gallantly resisted many furious assaults of the enemy. In this action
Cordova was slain, with five captains, and several other officers of
merit.

On receiving intelligence of this disastrous action, the governor
marched in person against Putapichion with a considerable body of
troops, leaving Robolledo the serjeant-major to defend the passage of
the Biobio against the enterprises of the toqui; who yet eluded the
vigilance of the serjeant-major, passed the Biobio with a detachment of
two hundred men, and laid waste the neighbouring provinces of Chili in
the absence of the Spanish army. Lasso immediately returned with all his
troops to the Biobio, occupied all the known fords of that river, in
hope of cutting off the retreat of the invaders, and then went in search
of Putapichion with a select detachment equal in number to the enemy. In
this expedition, he was attacked at a place called Robleria on the banks
of the Itata by the toqui with such determined resolution, that the
Spaniards gave way at the first encounter, forty of them with several
officers being slain. The remainder owed their safety to the skill and
valour of the governor, who restored their order with wonderful coolness
and intrepidity, and even repulsed the enemy with considerable loss.
Satisfied with the success he had already obtained, and proud of having
taken the scarlet cloak of the governor, Putapichion now conducted his
retreat to the Biobio with great skill, and got over that river
unopposed.

On his return from this expedition, the toqui was received by his army
with lively demonstrations of joy, and resolved to gratify his troops by
reviving the almost forgotten festival called _pruloncon_, or the dance
of death. A Spanish soldier, who had been made prisoner in one of the
preceding battles, was selected for the victim of this barbarous
spectacle [99]. "The officers surrounded by the soldiers form a circle,
in the centre of which is placed the official axe of the toqui, with
four poniards representing the four Uthalmapus of the confederacy. The
unfortunate prisoner is then led in on a sorry horse deprived of his
ears and tail, and is placed near the axe, having his face turned
towards his own country. He is then ordered to dig a hole in the ground
with a sharp stake, and is given a handful of small sticks, which he is
ordered to throw one by one into the hole, naming one of the principal
warriors of his nation at each stick, while the surrounding soldiers
load these detested names with bitter execrations. He is then, ordered
to cover up the hole, as if to bury the valour and reputation of the
persons whom he has named. After this, the toqui, or one of his bravest
companions to whom he relinquishes the honour of being executioner,
dashes out the brains of the prisoner with a war-club. The heart is
immediately taken out by two attendants and presented still palpitating
to the toqui, who sucks a little of the blood and passes it to his
officers, who successively repeat the same ceremony. The toqui then
fumigates the four cardinal points of the circle with tobacco smoke from
his pipe. The soldiers strip the flesh from the bones of the victim, and
convert the bones into flutes. The head is cut off and carried round on
the point of a pike, amid the acclamations of the multitude, while
stamping in measured pace, they thunder out their dreadful war-song
accompanied by the mournful sound of their horrible instruments of
music. The mangled body is fitted with the head of a sheep, and the
barbarous festival is terminated by riot and intoxication. If the skull
of the victim has not been broken by the stroke of death, it is made
into a drinking cup, called _ralilonco_, which is used in their banquets
in the manner of the ancient Scythians and Goths."

[Footnote 99: The particulars of this ceremony are here inserted from a
different part of the work of Molina, B.I. Ch. iv. containing an
account of the manners and customs of the Araucanians.--E.]

On the present occasion, the honour of dispatching the victim was
conferred upon the ulmen Maulican. This cruel spectacle, which some have
attempted to excuse on the principle of retaliation, has dishonoured the
fame of Putapichion, and was not even pleasing to all the
Araucanians[100]. According to Don Francisco Bascagnan, who was an eye
witness, many of the spectators compassionated the fate of the
unfortunate soldier; and Maulican, to whom the office of dispatching him
was assigned as a mark of honour, is said to have declared that he
accepted of it with extreme reluctance, and merely to avoid offending
his commander the toqui. The torture of an innocent prisoner, upon
whatever motive or pretence, is certainly a crime against humanity of
the deepest dye, and can never be justified on any principle whatever.

[Footnote 100: It certainly was not more cruel or more dishonourable
than the empalements and mutilations ordered by the Christian enemies of
the Araucanians: But the latter were unbelievers, and were rebels
against the authority of the Catholic king and the grant of the holy
father of the Christian world.--E.]

Having received a reinforcement of five hundred veteran soldiers from
Peru, and raised two companies of infantry and a troop of cavalry at St
Jago, the governor with these new troops, added to thirteen hundred
Spaniards and six hundred auxiliaries composing the army on the
frontiers, marched to relieve the fort of Arauco which was menaced by
the toqui. Putapichion had in reality commenced his march for that place
at the head of seven thousand chosen men, whose valour he thought
nothing was able to resist. But in consequence of some superstitious
auguries of the ex-toqui Lientur, who had resolved to share the glory of
this enterprise, the greater part of the Araucanian troops were
intimidated, and deserted to their homes during the march. Putapichion
was not discouraged by this defection, and observing that there could be
no better omen in war than an eager desire to conquer, he continued his
march with three thousand two hundred of his most determined followers,
and encamped at a short distance from the fort of Arauco. Some of his
officers advised him to assault the fort that same night; but he
declined this to give his troops time for rest and refreshment, and
that the Spaniards might not reproach him with always taking advantage
of the darkness, like a robber, to favour his enterprises.

The governor, who was close at hand with his army, having resolved to
offer battle to the enemy next day, ordered his men to prepare
themselves for battle, and had a skirmish that night with an advanced
party of the Araucanians, who had advanced so near the fort of Arauco as
to burn the huts of the auxiliaries on the outside of the
fortifications. At daybreak, Lasso took possession with his army of a
strong position called Alvarrada, which was defended on either flank by
a deep torrent, so that it could not be turned. He placed all his
cavalry on the right, under the command of the quartermaster _Sea_,
while the infantry on the left were under the orders of Rebolledo the
serjeant-major. Putapichion advanced with his army in such excellent
order, that the governor who had been all his life inured to arms, could
not avoid openly expressing his admiration of the excellent disposition
of the enemy. The Araucanian soldiers, whose heads were adorned with
beautiful plumes of feathers, seemed as if going to a banquet, instead
of the doubtful chance of battle. For some time the two armies remained
motionless, as if observing each other; when at length the signal of
attack was sounded by Quepuantu, the vice-toqui, by order of
Putapichion. The governor then gave orders to the Spanish horse to
charge that belonging to the enemy; but it met with so warm a reception,
that it was broken and put to flight, and obliged to take shelter in the
rear of the infantry. Upon this event, the Araucanian infantry made so
violent a charge upon the Spanish foot as to throw them into confusion,
insomuch that the governor gave up all for lost. At this critical moment
Putapichion was slain; and the governor availed himself so effectually
of the confusion which this circumstance produced among the Araucanians,
that he was able to rally his troops, and led them up anew to the
charge, while the Araucanians were solely intent upon carrying off the
dead body of their toqui. They even effected this, but were completely
defeated and driven in disorder from the field. Quepuantu, the
vice-toqui, exerted himself in vain to restore order and to bring back
his troops to the charge, even killing several of the fugitives with his
own hand; but all his efforts were fruitless, and the Araucanians
suffered prodigiously in their flight, being pursued for more than six
miles in all directions. Many of the Spaniards fell in this battle, the
most decisive that had been fought for a long time against the
Araucanians.

From the death of Putapichion to the termination of the government of
Lasso, the successive toquis of the Araucanians continued the war with
more rashness than skill; none of them, like Antiguenu and Paillamachu,
having sufficient judgment to repair the losses sustained by the nation,
and to counterbalance the power and arms of the Spaniards by skill and
conduct. Quepuantu, who was advanced to the rank of toqui after the
defeat at Alvarrada, retired to a sequestered vale under the covert of
thick woods, where he built a house with four opposite doors, to
facilitate his escape in case of being attacked. The place of his
retirement having been discovered to the governor, he sent the
quarter-master to surprise him with four hundred light armed troops. As
these came upon him by surprise, Quepuantu took refuge in the wood; but
soon returned at the head of fifty men who had come to his assistance,
and attacked the Spaniards with great courage. After a desperate
engagement of half an hour, in which the toqui lost almost all his men,
he accepted a challenge from Loncomallu, chief of the auxiliaries
attached to the Spaniards, and was slain after a long combat. In 1634, a
similar fate befel his successor Loncamilla, in an engagement with a
small number of Araucanian troops against a strong detachment of
Spaniards. Guenucalquin, his successor, after making some successful
inroads into the Spanish provinces, lost his life in an engagement with
six hundred Spaniards in the province of Ilicura. Curanteo, who was
created toqui in the heat of this action, had the glory of terminating
it by the rout of the enemy; but was killed soon afterwards in another
conflict. Curimilla, the next toqui, more daring than several of his
predecessors, repeatedly ravaged the provinces to the north of the
Biobio, and undertook the siege of Arauco and the other forts on the
frontiers; but was slain at length by Sea in Calcoimo.

During the government of this toqui, the Dutch made another attempt to
form an alliance with the Araucanians, in order to obtain possession of
Chili, but with no better fortune than on the former occasion. Their
squadron, consisting of four ships, was dispersed in a storm on its
arrival on the coast in 1638. A boat well manned and armed, being
afterwards dispatched to the island of Mocha, to enter into a parley
with the Araucanians, was attacked by the inhabitants, who put all the
crew to death and took possession of the boat. Another boat experienced
a similar misfortune in the small island of Talca or Santa Maria, and
the Dutch were obliged to retire without being able to establish any
intercourse with the Araucanians, who were equally jealous of all the
European nations, and not without reason. Some years afterwards,
notwithstanding the ill success of the Dutch, a similar enterprise was
undertaken by Sir John Narborough, an English naval commander, by order
of Charles II. In passing through the Straits of Magellan, this whole
fleet was lost.

In the mean time, taking advantage of the imprudence and unskilfulness
of the Araucanian commanders, the governor continued constantly to lay
waste their territories. He had at first given orders that every
prisoner capable of bearing arms should be put to death; but afterwards,
recurring to more humane measures, he ordered them to be transported to
Peru, a sentence to them more intolerable even than death. Whenever
these unhappy exiles came in sight of land, which often happened in that
navigation, they used to throw themselves overboard in hopes to escape
by swimming, that they might return to their country. Many had the good
fortune to save themselves in that manner; but such as were unable to
elude the vigilance of the sailors, as soon as they were landed on the
island or at the port of Callao, exposed themselves to every toil and
danger to regain their beloved country, travelling with incredible
perseverance and fatigue the immense extent of coast between that port
and the Biobio. When the relations of the prisoners, more anxious to
deliver them from the miseries of exile than even from death, frequently
sent messages to the governor to negociate the ransom of such as were
condemned to be sent to Peru, he always refused his consent, unless the
nation would lay down their arms and submit to his authority. Laso was
exceedingly anxious to perform a promise which he had made like several
of his predecessors, of putting an end to the war, and used every
possible effort for that purpose, for which no one was better fitted to
succeed; but he had to contend against an invincible people,
enthusiastically bent upon the preservation of their liberties. He
employed every means that could be suggested by wise policy and profound
military skill to effect their subjugation; now endeavouring to humble
their, pride by his victories, at other times ravaging their country
with fire and sword, and endeavouring to restrain them by the
establishment of fortresses in different parts of their territory. Among
these, he founded a city not far from the ruins of Angol, to which he
gave the name of San Francisco de la Vega, and left in it a garrison of
four troops of horse and two companies of foot. But it was taken and
destroyed in the same year in which it was built by the toqui Curimilla.
A great number of men were necessarily expended in the prosecution of
this obstinate war, so that the Spanish army, though annually reinforced
with numerous recruits from Peru, was diminished to less than a half of
its force at the commencement of the government of Laso. On this account
he sent over Don Francisco Ayendano to Spain to solicit new
reinforcements, and with a promise of bringing the war to a conclusion
in the course of two years. But, judging from the past that so
successful an issue was little to be expected, the court sent out Don
Francisco de Zuniga, Marquis of Baydes, as his successor, who had given
unquestionable proofs of his political and military talents, both in
Italy and Flanders, where he had executed the charge of
quarter-master-general. On his arrival in Chili in 1640, either in
consequence of private instructions from the prime minister, or of his
own accord, Zuniga procured a personal conference with Lincopichion, who
had been elected toqui on the death of Curimilla. Fortunately for the
interests of humanity, both commanders were of the same disposition in
wishing for peace, and equally averse from the continuance of the
destructive war which had so long raged between their hostile nations.
They readily agreed upon the most difficult articles in settling the
preliminaries, and a day was appointed at the commencement of the
following year for ratifying the conditions of a definitive peace
between the nations.

Accordingly, on the 6th of January 1641, the marquis came to Quillin,
the place of meeting, a village in the province of Puren, attended by a
retinue of about ten thousand persons collected from all parts of Chili,
who insisted to accompany him on this joyful occasion. Lincopichion came
there likewise at the time appointed, accompanied by the four hereditary
toquis of the Araucanians, and a great number of ulmens and other
natives. Lincopichion opened the conference with an eloquent speech; and
then, according to the customs of his nation, he killed a _chilihueque_
or Araucanian camel, and sprinkling a branch of the _boighe_ or Chilese
cinnamon tree with its blood, he presented it to the governor in token
of peace. The articles of the treaty of peace were next proposed, agreed
to, and ratified, being similar to those formerly mentioned which had
been accepted by Ancanamon, with the addition of one insisted upon by
the marquis, that the Araucanians should not permit the landing of any
strangers on their coast, nor furnish supplies to any foreign nation
whatever. As this was entirely conformable to the political maxims of
the Araucanian nation, it was readily agreed to, and the peace finally
ratified and confirmed. Thus was an end put to a destructive and
sanguinary war, which had desolated the possessions of the two nations
for ninety years. This, important negociation was closed by the
sacrifice of twenty-eight chilihueques, and by an eloquent harangue from
Antiguenu, the ulmen of the district where it was concluded, in which he
enlarged on the advantages which both nations would reap from the
establishment of peace. After this, the two chiefs cordially embraced,
and congratulated each other on the happy termination of their joint
endeavours. They then dined together, and made mutual presents to each
other, and the three succeeding days were spent by both nations in
festivities and rejoicing.

In consequence of this pacification, all prisoners were released on both
sides, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving, among many
others, forty-two of their countrymen who had been in captivity ever
since the time of the toqui Paillamachu. Commerce, the inseparable
concomitant of a good understanding among neighbouring nations, was
established between the Spaniards and Araucanians. The lands near the
frontiers on both sides, which had been deserted and laid waste by the
mutual hostile incursions, were repeopled, and a new activity was
excerted in their cultivation by the proprietors, who could now enjoy
the produce in tranquillity and safety. The hopes of disseminating the
truths of Christianity among the infidels were again revived, and the
missionaries began freely to exercise their beneficent functions among
the inhabitants of Araucania. Notwithstanding the manifold advantages of
peace to both nations, there were some unquiet spirits, both among the
Araucanians and Spaniards who used their endeavours on specious
pretences to prevent its ratification. The Araucanian malecontents
alleged that it was merely a trick to deceive their nation, in order to
conquer them at a future opportunity with the more facility, when they
had become unaccustomed to the use of arms. Those of the Spaniards, on
the contrary, who were adverse to peace, pretended that by the
establishment of peace, the population of the Araucanians would increase
so fast that they would soon be able to destroy all the Spanish
establishments in Chili. Some of these had even the audacity to cry _to
arms_, and endeavoured to instigate the auxiliaries to commence
hostilities, while the conferences were going on. But the marquis had
the wisdom and good fortune to prevent the renewal of the war, by
justifying the purity and good faith of his intentions to the evil
disposed among the Araucanians, and by reprimanding and keeping in awe
the malecontent Spaniards, and finally accomplished this glorious
measure, which was approved and ratified by the court of Spain.

Two years after the peace, in 1643, the importance of the article which
the marquis procured to be inserted into this treaty was rendered very
apparent to the Spaniards, by its contributing materially to the failure
of a third and last attempt by the Dutch to acquire possession of Chili.
On this occasion their measures were so well taken, that if they had
been seconded by the Araucanians they must have infallibly succeeded.
They fitted out a numerous fleet, well provided with men, artillery, and
military stores from Brasil, and took possession of Valdivia which had
been deserted by the Spaniards for more than forty years, and at which
place they intended to form an establishment from whence to conquer the
rest of the kingdom. With this view, they immediately began to build
strong forts at the entrance of the river, in order to secure possession
of that important port, and invited the Araucanians to join them by the
most flattering promises. But that gallant nation steadily refused to
listen to the proposals, and adhering honourably to the stipulations in
the treaty of Quillin, absolutely refused to supply them with
provisions, of which they were much in want. The Cunchese, in whose
territories Valdivia was situated, in consequence of the counsels of
their Araucanian allies, likewise refused to enter into any connection
or correspondence with the Dutch, or to supply them with provisions. In
consequence of this refusal, being pressed by famine, and hearing that a
combined army of Spaniards and Araucanians was in full march against
them, the Dutch were compelled to abandon Valdivia in three months after
taking possession. Soon after their retreat, the Marquis de Mancura, son
to the viceroy of Peru, arrived at Valdivia in search of the Dutch with
ten ships of war. To prevent the recurrence of a similar attempt, he
fortified the harbour, and particularly the island at its entrance,
which has ever since borne the name of his family title.

On the termination of the sixth year of his pacific government, the
Marquis de Baydes was recalled from Chili, and Don Martin Muxica
appointed governor in his place. He likewise succeeded in preserving the
kingdom in a state of tranquillity; and the only unfortunate
circumstance that occurred during his government was a violent
earthquake, by which part of the city of St Jago was destroyed on the
8th of May 1647. His successor, Don Antonio de Acugna, had a very
different fortune, as during his government the war was excited anew
between the Spaniards and Araucanians; as will fall to be mentioned in
the following section.


SECTION XI.

_Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of the
History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787_.


I regret much the want of materials for this part of my work, as all the
memoirs of which I have hitherto availed myself terminate at this
period. In the year 1655, the war recommenced after a peace of between
fourteen and fifteen years endurance, but contemporary writers have left
us no account of the causes which interrupted the good understanding
which had been so happily established by the Marquis de Baydes. All we
know is that Clentaru, the hereditary toqui of the Lauquenmapu, was
unanimously elevated to the supreme command in 1655, and signalized the
commencement of his administration by totally defeating the Spanish army
commanded by the serjeant-major of the kingdom, who fell in the action.
This victory was followed by the capture of the fortresses of Arauco,
Colcura, San Pedro, Talcamavida, and San Rosendo. In 1656, the toqui
crossed the Biobio, completely defeated the governor Acugna in the
plains of Yumbel, destroyed the forts of San Christoval and Estancia del
Rey, and burned the city of Chillan. We can only add, that this war
continued with great violence for ten years, during the governments of
Don Pedro Portel de Cassanate, and Don Francisco de Meneses, as the
successes of Clentaru are only incidentally mentioned in any of the
writers belonging to this period.

Don Francisco de Meneses, a Portuguese by birth, had the glory to
terminate this new war in 1665 by a peace, which proved more permanent
than that concluded by Baydes. After freeing himself from the
Araucanians, he had the misfortune of being involved in a contest with
the members of the royal audience, who opposed his marriage with the
daughter of the Marquis de la Pica, as contrary to the royal
regulations. This difference proceeded to such a length, that the
Marquis de Navamorquende was sent out from Spain to Chili with full
powers to arrange matters; who, after due inquiry, sent Meneses to Peru
and assumed the government himself. After Navamorquende, the government
of Chili was administered successively to the end of the seventeenth
century, by Don Miguel de Silva, Don Jose de Carrera, and Don Thomas
Marin de Proveda, by all of whom a good understanding appears to have
been kept up with the Araucanians: But in 1686, war had nearly been
again occasioned with that nation, in consequence of removing the
inhabitants of the island of Mocho to the north shore of the Biobio, in
order to prevent any intercourse with foreign ships.

The commencement of the eighteenth century was remarkable in Chili by
three events: The deposition of the governor Don Francisco Ibanez, the
rebellion of the inhabitants of Chiloe, and the establishment of trade
with the French. Ibanez was accused of having espoused the Austrian
party in the succession war, and was banished to Peru; and after him,
the government was successively administered until the year 1720, by Don
Juan Henriquez, Don Andres Uztariz, and Don Martin Concha. The rebellion
of the islanders of Chiloe was soon suppressed, and the inhabitants
reduced to obedience, by the prudent management of Don Pedro Molina, the
quarter-master-general of Chili, who was sent against them with a
considerable body of troops, but who succeeded in restoring them to good
order more by mild and conciliatory measures than by useless victories.
In consequence of the succession war, by which a prince of the house of
Bourbon was placed on the throne of Spain, the French acquired for a
time the whole external commerce of Chili. From 1707 to 1717, the ports
of that kingdom were filled with French ships, which carried from thence
incredible sums in gold and silver; and many Frenchmen settled at this
time in the country, who have left numerous descendants. During this
period the learned Feuille resided three years in Chili, and made his
well known botanical researches and many profound metereological
observations.

For some time the Araucanians had been much dissatisfied with several
articles in the peace, under colour of which the Spaniards availed
themselves of forming establishments in their country. They also were
exceedingly impatient of the insolent behaviour of certain persons,
called _captains of the friends_, who had been introduced under the
pretence of protecting the missionaries, and now arrogated a
considerable degree of authority over the natives which they submitted
to with extreme reluctance. Stimulated by resentment for these
grievances, the Araucanians resolved in 1722 to have recourse to arms,
and in this view they proceeded to the election of a toqui or military
dictator. On this occasion they chose a person named Vilumilla, a man of
low rank, but who had acquired a high character with his countrymen for
judgment, courage, and extensive views, entertaining no less an object
than the entire expulsion of the Spaniards from Chili. To succeed in
this arduous undertaking, he deemed it necessary to obtain the support
and assistance of all the native Chilese, from the confines of Peru to
the Biobio, and vast as was the extent of his plan, he conceived it
might be easily executed. Having slain three or four Spaniards in a
skirmish, among whom was one of the captains of friends, as they were
called, he dispatched messengers with the symbolical arrows, each of
whom carried a finger of the slain Spaniards, to the various Chilese
tribes in the Spanish provinces, inviting them to take up arms on the
exhibition of a signal, to be given by kindling fires on the tops of the
highest mountains all over the country. Accordingly, on the 9th of March
1723, the day previously fixed upon for the commencement of hostilities,
fires were lighted up on the mountains of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota,
Rancagua, Maule, and Itata. But either owing to the smallness of their
number, their apprehension of the issue of the war, or their long
habitude of submission, the native Chilese in the Spanish provinces
remained quiet, and this vast project of the toqui was entirely
disconcerted.

Having declared war against the Spaniards, Vilumilla set out immediately
at the head of an army to attack the Spanish settlements: Yet before
commencing hostilities, he requested the missionaries to quit the
country, that they might not be injured by his detached parties.
Vilumilla signalized the commencement of this new war by taking the fort
of Tucapel by storm. Being apprehensive of a similar fate, the garrison
of Arauco abandoned that place. After destroying these two forts,
Villumilla directed his march for Puren, of which he expected to gain
possession without resistance. But the commander made so vigorous a
defence that he was under the necessity of besieging it in form. In a
short time the garrison was reduced to extreme distress, both from
scarcity of provisions and want of water, the aqueduct which brought
water to the fort being destroyed by the enemy. During a sally made by
the commander to obtain supplies, he and all his followers were slain.
In this critical situation, Don Gabriel Cano, who had succeeded Concha
in the government, arrived with an army of five thousand men. As
Vilumilla expected an immediate attack, he chose a strong position for
his army which he drew up in order of battle behind the deep bed of a
torrent: But, though repeatedly challenged to battle by the enemy, Cano
thought it more prudent to abandon the place, and accordingly withdrew
the remainder of the garrison. The war was afterwards reduced to
skirmishes of small importance, and was soon terminated by a peace
concluded at Negrete, a place situated at the confluence of the Biobio
and the Laxa, by which the provisions of the treaty of Quillan were
renewed, and the odious title of captains of the friends abolished.

After a mild and harmonious government of fifteen years, Don Gabriel
Cano died at St Jago, and was succeeded by his nephew Don Manuel de
Salamanca, who was appointed by the viceroy of Peru, and who conducted
the government in conformity with the excellent maxims of his uncle. Don
Joseph Manso, who was sent from Spain as his successor, brought orders
to collect the Spanish inhabitants who were dispersed over the country
into cities. For this purpose, in 1742, the new governor founded the
cities of Copaipo, Aconcagua, Melipilla, Rancagua, San Fernando, Curico,
Talca, Tutaben, and Angeles. In reward for this service, he was promoted
to the high dignity of viceroy of Peru. His successors continued to form
new establishments, and in 1753, Santa Rosa, Guasco-alto, Casablanca,
Bellaisla, Florida, Coulemu, and Quirigua were founded by Don Domingo
Rosas; but these have never flourished like the former. This governor
likewise sent a colony to occupy the larger island of Juan Fernandez, or
Isola de Tierra, which had remained uninhabited till that time, to the
great injury of commerce, as the pirates found there a secure retreat
whence they could easily annoy the trade of Peru and Chili. In 1759, Don
Manuel Amat, who was afterwards Viceroy of Peru, founded the cities of
Santa Barbara, Talcamavida, and Gualqui on the Araucanian frontier.

Tranquillity was again disturbed about the year 1770, under the
government of Don Antonio Gil Gonzago, who absurdly endeavoured to
compel the Araucanians to live in cities. Many councils were held to
devise the most suitable means for carrying this chimerical scheme into
execution, which was much ridiculed by those who were best acquainted
with the dispositions of the Araucanians, while others sided with the
governor in supposing it practicable. The Araucanians were informed of
these intentions of the governor by their spies; and being apprehensive
of danger to their liberties from the proposed innovation, their chiefs
met secretly to deliberate upon the best measures for eluding the
designs of the governor without having recourse to arms. On this
occasion the following resolutions were entered into by the Butacoyog,
or national assembly of the ulmens. 1st, To delay the business as long
as possible, by equivocal replies and delusive promises. 2d, When
pressed to commence building, to require tools and other necessary aids
from the Spaniards. 3d, To have recourse to war, when they found
themselves no longer able to elude the demands of the governor; but that
only the provinces that were compelled to build should declare war,
while the others remained neutral on purpose to mediate a peace. 4th,
When the mediation of these should be refused, the whole confederacy to
join in the war. 5th, To allow the missionaries to depart in safety, as
they had nothing to accuse them of but being Spaniards. 6th, To elect a
supreme toqui, who should have the charge of executing these
resolutions, and was to have every thing in readiness for taking the
field when necessary.--Accordingly Antivilu, apo-ulmen of Maquegua, was
unanimously elected toqui; but as his province was one of those which
were to remain neutral, he declined to accept the office, and
Curignancu, brother to the ulmen of Encol was elected in his stead.

At the first conference, the governor proposed his plan to the
Araucanians under every aspect that he thought might render it
acceptable and agreeable. In pursuance of their previous agreement, the
Araucanians objected, equivocated, and at length appeared to consent,
but ended by requesting the necessary assistance for beginning the work.
Accordingly, having pointed out the situations which he thought most
eligible for the new cities, the governor sent them a great quantity of
wrought iron, together with provisions for the labourers, and cattle for
transporting the timber. As the work made no progress, the
quarter-master Cabrito repaired to the frontiers with several companies
of soldiers, to stimulate the tardy operations, and placed for this
purpose superintendents in different quarters. The serjeant-major
Rivera, was entrusted with the building of Nininco, and Captain Bargoa
with that of another city on the banks of the Biobio, while Cabrito
directed all the operations from his head-quarters at Angol.

Finding all their acts of equivocation and delay ineffectual, the
Araucanians flew to arms, and having united to the number of five
hundred men under the toqui Curignancu, they proceeded to besiege
Cabrito in his camp. Burgoa, who had been made prisoner and very roughly
treated, was set at liberty in consequence of being represented as
inimical to the quarter-master. Rivera crossed the Biobio in sight of
the enemy who were seeking to slay him, but he got away in safety under
the protection of a missionary, and afterwards returned with four
hundred men to relieve Cabrito. Another missionary requested the
Araucanian officer who escorted him, to forgive a Spaniard by whom he
had been grievously offended: The Araucanian answered that he had
nothing to fear while in company with the missionary; and that it was
now no time to think of revenging private injuries. Such was the
attention paid to the sanctity of the missionaries, that not a single
Spaniard was slain who had the good fortune of getting under their
protection.

In order to attack the Araucanians in several places at once, the
governor formed an alliance with the Pehuenches, who inhabit the western
slopes of the Andes between the latitudes of 33 deg. 30' and 36 deg. S. and
between the heads of the rivers Maypo and Chillan. They accordingly sent
an army through the defiles of the mountains to invade Araucania: But
Curignancu, being informed of their approach, fell upon them by surprise
while descending from the Andes and completely routed them, taking their
general Coligura and his son, both of whom he put to death. Though this
event might have been supposed calculated to occasion eternal enmity
between the Pehuenches and Araucanians, it yet so effectually reconciled
them, that the Pehuenches have been ever since faithful allies to the
Araucanians, and implacable enemies to the Spaniards. Even in this war,
Curignancu availed himself of the assistance of these mountaineers to
harass the Spanish possessions in the neighbourhood of St Jago. Since
that time, the Pehuenches frequently attack the Spanish caravans between
Buenos Ayres and Chili, and almost every year furnishes some melancholy
events of that kind.

The mortification of seeing his grand project completely overthrown
preyed on the mind of Gonzago, already afflicted by a severe chronic
illness, which was so much aggravated by this disappointment as to cut
him off in the second year of the war; and Don Francisco Xavier de
Morales was appointed his successor by the viceroy of Peru. As formerly
concerted, the neutral provinces of Araucania now declared in favour of
those who had first begun hostilities, and the war was prosecuted with
vigour by the whole confederacy. Curignancu and his brave vice-toqui
Leviantu, kept the Spanish troops in constant motion and alarm, though
reinforced by several divisions from Spain. Having no materials for
giving an account of the events of this war, it can only be mentioned
that a bloody battle was fought in the beginning of the, year 1773, by
which period the expences of the war had exceeded 1,700,000 dollars. In
the same year an accommodation was agreed upon, and Curignancu was
invested by the Butacayog with full powers to settle the articles of
peace. He required as a preliminary, that the conferences should be held
in the city of St Jago, which was conceded by the Spanish governor
though contrary to the usual custom. During the negociations in that
city, he made another demand still more extraordinary, "That his nation
should be allowed to keep a resident agent in the capital of Chili."
This was warmly opposed by the Spanish officers; but the governor
thought proper to grant this likewise, as an excellent expedient for
readily adjusting any differences that might arise between the two
nations. The other articles of the peace were adjusted with all manner
of facility, as the treaties of Quillan and Negrete were revived by
mutual consent.

On the death of Gonzago being known in Spain, Don Augustino Jauregui was
sent out to assume the government of Chili, who has since filled the
important office of viceroy of Peru with universal approbation. He was
succeeded by Don Ambrosio Benarides, who rendered the country happy by
his wise and beneficent administration. "On the 21st of November 1787,
Don Ambrosio Higgins a native of Ireland, formerly brigadier-general of
the cavalry in Chili, was appointed president, governor, and
captain-general of the kingdom, a gentleman of an enlightened mind and
excellent disposition, who has gained the love and esteem of all the
inhabitants. In 1792 he continued to discharge the duties of his high
station with all the vigilance and fidelity which belong to his
estimable character, and which are required in so important, a
situation. On his first accession to the government, he visited all the
northern provinces, for the purpose of dispensing justice, encouraging
agriculture, opening the mines, and improving the commerce and fisheries
of the kingdom. He has also established schools, repaired the roads
throughout the country, and has built several new cities[101]."

[Footnote 101: This last passage within inverted commas, is an addition
to the text of Molina by the original translator.--E.]


SECTION XII.

_State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century_[102].


[Footnote 102: The information of Molina appears to have closed about
1787; but in some notes by the translator, interwoven here into the
text, a few short notices to the year 1792 occur.--E.]

From the short deduction of the occurrences in Chili since its
discovery, which has been attempted in the foregoing pages, it will be
seen that the acquisition and maintenance of that interesting and
important colony has cost more expenditure of blood and treasure to
Spain than all the rest of her American possessions. The Araucanians,
though only occupying a small extent of territory, and with far inferior
arms, have not only been able to resist the military power of Spain,
till then reckoned invincible, but have endangered the loss of her best
established possessions. Though most of the Spanish officers employed in
the early period of the Araucanian war had been bred in the low
countries, that excellent school of military knowledge, and her soldiers
were armed with those destructive weapons before which the most
extensive empires of America had so early fallen, and were considered as
the best disciplined and bravest troops in the world; yet has this brave
people been able to resist their utmost efforts, and still maintain
their independence unimpaired. This will appear wonderful, especially
when we consider the decided superiority which European military
discipline and skill have given to its troops in all parts of the world.
The rapidity of the Spanish conquests in America excited universal
astonishment; and a small number of Portuguese gained with almost
incredible facility an extensive territory in the east, even although
the natives were extremely numerous and accustomed to the use of
fire-arms. Yet, in spite of every effort of force and skill, the
Araucanians have valiantly defended their country, evincing that a free
people, however inconsiderable in point of numbers, can perform wonders.

Since losing their possessions in Arancania, the Spaniards have
prudently confined their views to the preservation and improvement of
that part of Chili which lies between the southern confines of Peru and
the river Biobio, extending between the latitudes of 24 deg. and 36 deg. 30' S.
As formerly mentioned this kingdom is divided into _thirteen_ provinces.
Of late years two other provinces have been formed by the disjunction of
Maule, and the provinces of Cauquenes and Cunco are nominally added to
the former number, but without any addition of territory. Besides these,
they possess the fortress and port of Valdivia in the country of the
Cunches, the archipelago of Chiloe, and the island of Juan Fernandez.
This colony or kingdom of Chili is governed by an officer, who combines
the titles and functions of civil governor, president of the court of
audience, and captain-general, and usually holds the rank of
lieutenant-general in the Spanish army. He resides in the city of St
Jago, and is solely dependent upon the king, except that in time of war
he is subject in some points to receive orders from the viceroy of Peru.
In quality of captain-general, he is commander-in-chief of the army,
having under his immediate orders the three principal military officers
of the kingdom, the quarter-master-general, the serjeant-major, and the
commissary-general, besides the four commandants of Chiloe, Valdivia,
Valparaiso, and Juan Fernandez. As president and governor, he has the
supreme administration of justice, and presides in the superior
tribunals established in the capital, whose jurisdiction extends over
all the provinces and dependencies of Chili. The chief of these is the
royal audience, whose decisions are final in all causes both civil and
criminal, and which is divided into two chambers, one for civil and the
other for criminal causes. Both are composed of several respectable
oydors or judges, a regent, fiscal, royal procurator, and protector of
the Indians, all of which officers have high salaries from the crown.
In civil causes where the sum at issue exceeds the value of 10,000
dollars, an appeal lies from their sentence to the supreme council of
the Indies. The other supreme courts are those of Finance, of the
_Cruzada_, of Vacant lands, and the Consulate or tribunal of
commerce.

The provinces of Chili are governed by officers who were formerly called
corregidors, but are now known by the title of sub-delegates, which
ought to be nominated by the crown, but are generally appointed by the
governor, owing to the distance from Spain. These, as lieutenants of the
governor, have jurisdiction both in civil and military affairs, and as
their emoluments are entirely derived from fees, their amount is by no
means regular. In each capital of a province, there is or ought to be a
municipal magistracy denominated the Cabildo, composed of several
regidors appointed for life, of a standard-bearer, a procurator, a
forensic judge called the provincial alcalde, a high sheriff called,
alguazil-mayor, and two alcaldes. These latter officers are nominated
annually by the cabildo from the most respectable inhabitants, and have
jurisdiction both in civil and criminal causes in the first instance.

All the inhabitants able to carry arms are divided into regiments, which
are bound to march to the sea-coast or the frontiers in case of war. In
1792, the militia amounted to 15,856 men, in the two bishoprics of St
Jago and Conception; 10,218 in the former, and 5,638 in the latter. This
force which was established in 1777, during the government of Don
Augustino Jaregui, is only called out on great occasions, and is seldom
obliged to perform the duty of centinels and patroles; but is obliged to
hold itself always in readiness for war, and frequently to exercise in
the use of arms. Besides this regular militia, there are a great number
of city corps, who are commanded by officers named commissaries instead
of Colonels. These are divided into several companies, according to the
extent and population of their respective districts; and the companies
have no fixed numbers, sometimes exceeding a hundred men, and at other
times falling short of that number. This city militia supplies guards
for the prisons and for the escort of prisoners, and performs the duties
required by the police, without being exempted from military service
when occasion requires; and from these companies recruits are drawn to
supply vacancies in the regular militia. Every one capable of bearing
arms is thus enrolled either in these companies or in the regular
militia, except such as are indispensably necessary for cultivating the
land and taking care of the cattle. Besides this militia, the crown
maintains a regular force of veteran troops part at St Jago and part at
Conception for the protection of the Araucanian frontier. In 1792, all
the veteran troops in Chili amounted to 1976 men, divided into two
companies of artillery, nine troops of horse, including a regiment of
dragoons at St Jago, and the rest infantry. The cavalry is commanded by
a brigadier-general, who is quarter-master-general of the kingdom, and
intendant of Conception. The infantry and artillery are under the
command of two lieutenant-colonels. Besides these royal troops, the city
of St Jago keeps several troops of dragoons in constant pay for its
particular protection.

In regard to ecclesiastical polity, Chili is divided into two extensive
bishoprics, those of St Jago and of Conception, the bishops of these
dioceses being suffragans to the archbishop of Lima. The bishopric of St
Jago extends from the confines of Peru to the river Maule, and includes
the province of Cujo on the east side of the Andes. The bishopric of
Conception comprises all the rest of Chili and the islands; but the
greater part of this extent is inhabited by pagans, being the
confederacy of Araucania and its auxiliaries. The two cathedrals have a
competent number of canons or prebendaries, whose revenues as well as
those of the bishops depend upon the tythes. The _holy_ tribunal of the
inquisition at Lima, has a commissary and several subaltern officers or
familiars resident at St Jago. Upon his first coming into Chili,
Valdivia brought with him several monks of the order of Mercy. About the
year 1553, the Dominicans and Franciscans were established in the
country, the Augustins in 1593, and the Hospitallers of St John of God
in 1615. These orders all have a number of convents, and the three first
form distinct jurisdictions under their respective provincials. The
brothers of St John have the charge of the hospitals, under the
direction of a commissary, dependent on the provincial of their order in
Peru. The Jesuits came likewise into Chili in 1593, along with Don
Martin Loyola, nephew to their founder, and formed a separate province,
but were afterwards suppressed along with the rest of their order in all
parts of christendom. Other orders have several times attempted to form
establishments in Chili, but have always been resisted by the
inhabitants. There are several convents of nuns in the cities of St Jago
and Conception, but none are contained in the other cities of the
kingdom.

Though the cities are in general built in the most fertile districts of
the kingdom, many of them might have been more conveniently situated for
trade upon the banks of the navigable rivers; as is more particularly
the case with those of recent erection. The streets in all the cities
are laid out in straight lines, intersecting each other at right angles,
and are generally about forty feet wide. The houses are mostly of one
storey, yet are very commodious, are all whitewashed on the outside, and
handsomely painted within, each being accommodated with a pleasant
garden, irrigated by means of an aqueduct or canal, which likewise
furnishes water for the use of the family. Those houses which belong to
the wealthier classes, particularly the nobility, are splendidly and
tastefully furnished. Noticing that old buildings of two stories had
resisted the most violent earthquakes, many of the inhabitants have of
late years ventured to construct their houses in the European manner,
and to reside in upper rooms; employing bricks and stone in the
construction of their new buildings, instead of clay hardened in the sun
which was formerly supposed less liable to injury. By this change the
cities have a much handsomer appearance than formerly. Cellars, sewers,
and wells, were of old much more common than now; and the want of these
may have contributed to render the buildings more secure from the
effects of earthquakes.

The churches in Chili are in general more remarkable for their wealth
than their architecture; but the cathedral and the church of the
Dominicans in St Jago are both built of stone and in a handsome style.
The cathedral was recently constructed at the royal expence, under the
direction of the bishop Don Manuel Alday. The plan was drawn by two
_English_ architects, who superintended the work. It is built in a
masterly style, and extends 384 French feet in length. When about half
finished, the architects refused to proceed unless their wages were
augmented; but two Indians who had worked under the _Englishmen_ had
privately made themselves acquainted with every branch of the art, and
offered to complete the fabric, which they did with as much skill as
their masters. The following edifices in the capital are also deserving
of notice. The barracks for the dragoons; the mint, lately built by a
Roman architect; and the hospital for orphans, founded by the Marquis of
Monte-pio, and endowed by the crown.

In consequence of the free trade lately granted to Chili, it is
increasing in population with a rapidity proportional to the salubrity
of its climate and the fertility of its soil. The Europeans mostly
consist of emigrants from the southern provinces of Spain, with a few
French, English, and Italians. The Creoles, or descendents of European
settlers are still more numerous. The character of that race, with some
slight differences owing to climate and government, is similar to that
of other American Creoles descended from Europeans. "The Creoles are
generally well made, and are rarely found with those deformities which
are so common in other countries. Their courage has frequently
signalized itself in war, by a series of brilliant exploits, nor would
there be better soldiers in the world if less averse from submission to
discipline. Their history furnishes no examples of that cowardice,
treachery, and baseness which dishonour the annals of all nations, and
scarcely can an instance be adduced of a Creole having committed a
disgraceful action. Untainted by the mean vices of dissimulation,
artifice, and suspicion, they possess great frankness and vivacity of
character, joined to a high opinion of themselves, and their intercourse
with the world is not stained by that mysterious reserve so common in
Europe, which obscures the most amiable characters, depresses the social
spirit, and chills sensibility of disposition. Possessed of an ardent
imagination and impatient of restraint, they are prone to independence
yet inconstant in their inclinations and pursuits. By the warmth of
their temperature, they are impelled to the pursuit of pleasure with an
eagerness to which they sacrifice their fortunes and often their lives.
They possess keen penetration, and a remarkable facility of conceiving
and expressing their ideas with force and clearness, together with a
happy talent of observation, combined with all those qualities of mind
and character, which render men capable of conceiving and executing the
greatest enterprises, especially when stimulated by oppression[103]."

[Footnote 103: This character of the Creoles is inserted by the original
translator, in a note, from the Abbe Raynal.--E.]

Whatever intelligent and unprejudiced travellers have observed
respecting the characters of the French and English Creoles, will
perfectly apply to those of Chili. The same modes of thinking and the
same moral qualities are discernible in them all. They generally have
respectable talents, and succeed in all the arts to which they apply.
Had they the same motives to stimulate them as are found in Europe, they
would make as great progress in the useful sciences as they have
already made in metaphysics. They do not readily imbibe prejudices, and
are not tenacious in retaining them. As however, scientific books and
philosophical instruments are very scarce and difficultly attainable in
Chili, their talents have no opportunity of being developed, and are
mostly employed in trifling pursuits; and as the expence of printing is
enormous, they are discouraged from literary exertion, so that few among
them aspire to the reputation of becoming authors. The knowledge of the
civil and canon law is held in high estimation, so that many of the
youth of Chili, after completing their academical education in their own
country, proceed to Lima to study law. The fine arts are in a low state
in Chili, and even the mechanical arts are far from perfection. The arts
of carpentry, of working in iron, and in the precious metals, are
however to be excepted, in which they have made considerable progress,
in consequence of the information and example of some German artists,
who were introduced into Chili by that worthy ecclesiastic Father
Carlos, a native of Hainhausen in Bavaria. The important changes which
the beneficence of an enlightened administration in Spain have lately
introduced into the American colonies, by directing the attention of the
subjects to useful improvements, have extended their influence even to
Chili. Arts and sciences, formerly unknown or but very imperfectly, now
engage the attention of the inhabitants, and there is reason to hope
that the country will soon assume a better aspect.

The peasantry of Spanish Chili, though for much the greater part of
Spanish descent, dress after the manner of the Araucanians. Thinly
dispersed over an extensive country, and unincumbered by restraint, they
enjoy complete liberty, and lead a tranquil and happy life, amidst the
enjoyment of abundance, in a delightful climate and fertile soil. The
principal part of these healthy and vigorous men live dispersedly upon
their respective possessions, and cultivate with their own hands a
greater or less extent of ground. They are naturally gay, and fond of
all kinds of diversion. They have likewise a strong taste for music, and
even compose verses, which, though rude and inelegant, possess much
pleasing native simplicity, often more interesting than the laboured
compositions of cultivated poets. Extemporary rhymers are common among
them, like the _improvisatori_ of Italy, and are called _Palladores_,
who are held in great estimation, and devote themselves entirely to
that occupation. In the Spanish provinces of Chili, no other language
than Spanish is spoken, except upon the frontiers, where the peasants
speak both Araucanian and Spanish. The men dress in the fashion of
Spain, and the women in that of Peru; only that the women in Chili wear
their garments longer than is usual in Peru. Lima prescribes the
fashions for Chili, as is done by Paris for the rest of Europe; and the
inhabitants of Chili and Peru are equally luxurious, as in both
countries the wealthy make a splendid display in their dress, titles,
coaches, and servants. Chili enjoys alone of all the American colonies,
the high honour of having two of its citizens exalted to the dignity of
grandees of Spain: Don Fernando Irrazabel, Marquis of Valparaiso, born
in St Jago, who was viceroy of Navarre, and generalissimo of the Spanish
army in the reign of Philip IV. and Don Fermin Caravajal, Duke of San
Carlos, a native of Conception, who resides at present[104] at the court
of Madrid. Don Juan de Covarrubias, a native of St Jago, who went into
the service of France in the beginning of the eighteenth century, was
rewarded with the title of marquis, the order of the Holy Ghost, and the
rank of Marshal in the French army.

[Footnote 104: This refers to 1787, when Molina published his work.--E.]

The salubrity of the climate, and the constant exercise on horseback to
which the natives of Chili are accustomed from their infancy, render
them strong and active, and preserve them from many diseases. The
small-pox is not so common as in Europe, but makes terrible ravages when
it appears[105]. In the year 1766, it was first introduced into the
province of Maule, where it proved exceedingly fatal. At this time, a
countryman who had recovered from this loathsome disease, conceived the
idea of curing those unhappy persons who were deemed in a desperate
situation, by means of cows milk, which he gave to his patients to
drink, or administered in clysters. By this simple remedy, he cured all
whom he attended; while the physicians saved very few by their
complicated prescriptions. I mention this circumstance, as it strongly
confirms the practice of M. Lassone, physician to the queen of France,
published in the Medical Transactions of Paris for 1779, who was
successful in curing the small-pox with cows milk, mixed with a
decoction of parsley roots. From these instances it would appear, that,
milk has the power of lessening the virulence of this terrible disease.


[Footnote 105: Several years ago, before that terrible French eruption
which now desolates Spain, the Spanish government communicated to all
her colonies, however distant, the inestimable benefit of vaccination.
It may be here mentioned that it has been long known among the
illiterate cow-herds in the mountains of Peru, all either native
Peruvians or Negroes, that a disease of the hands which they are liable
to be infected with on handling diseased cow udders, the _cow-pox_,
effectually arms all who have been subjected to it against the infection
of the _small-pox_.--E.]

The Creole inhabitants of Chili are in general generous and benevolent.
Contented with a comfortable subsistence, so easily acquired in that
country, they are rarely infected with the vice of avarice, and even
scarcely know what parsimony is. Their houses are universally open to
all travellers, whom they entertain with much hospitality, without any
idea of being paid; and this virtue is even exercised in the cities.
Hence, they have not hitherto attended to the erection of inns and
public lodging-houses, or hotels, which will become necessary when the
commerce of the interior becomes more active. The inhabitants of Chili
are very dexterous in using the _laqui_, which they constantly carry
with them on their excursions. It consists of a strap of leather several
fathoms in length, twisted like a cord, one end of which is fastened to
the girth under the horses belly, and the other end terminates in a
strong noose, which they throw over any animal they wish to catch with
so much dexterity as hardly ever to miss their aim[106]. It is used
likewise on foot, in which case one end is fixed to the girdle. The
peasants of Chili employed this singular weapon with success against
certain English pirates who landed on their coast. Herodotus makes
mention of the employment of a similar noose in battle by the Sagartii,
a nation of Persian descent, who used no offensive weapons except
daggers, depending principally upon cords of twisted leather, with a
noose at one extremity, with which they used in battle to entangle their
enemies, and then easily put them to death with their daggers. The
inhabitants of Chili are likewise very expert in the management of
horses; and, in the opinion of travellers who have seen and admired
their dexterity and courage on horseback, they might soon be formed into
the best body of cavalry in the world. From their attachment to horses,
they are particularly fond of horse-races, which they conduct in the
English manner.

[Footnote 106: The _laqui_ in use to the east of the Andes, at least so
far as employed in war, has either a ball or stone at one or both
ends.--E.]

The negroes, who have been introduced into Chili by contraband means,
are subjected to a much more tolerable servitude than in other parts of
America, where the interested motives of the planters have stifled every
sentiment of humanity. As the cultivation of sugar and other West Indian
produce has not been introduced into Chili, the negro slaves are
employed only in domestic services, where by attention and diligence
they acquire the favour of their masters. Those most esteemed are either
born in the country, or mulattoes, as they become attached to the
families to which they belong. By the humanity of government, excellent
regulations have been introduced in favour of this unfortunate race.
Such as have been able by their industry to save a sum of money
sufficient to purchase a slave, are entitled to ransom themselves by
paying it to their masters, who are obliged to receive it and grant them
their liberty; by which means many of them have obtained their freedom.
Those who are ill treated by their masters, can demand _a letter of
sale_, which entitles them to seek for a purchaser; and if the master
refuses, they apply to the judge of the town or district, who examines
into their complaint, and grants the required permission, if well
founded. Such instances are however rare, as the masters are careful not
to reduce their slaves to this necessity on account of their own
reputation, and because the slaves are generally so much attached to
their masters, that the greatest punishment which could be inflicted on
them were to sell them to others. It even frequently happens that those
who have received their freedom in reward of good conduct, do not avail
themselves of it, that they may not lose the protection of the family
they belong to, from which they are always sure of subsistence. Masters
however have the right to correct their slaves, and the kind and degree
of punishment is left with them, except in capital crimes.

The internal commerce of Chili has hitherto been of small importance,
notwithstanding the many advantages possessed by this fertile country.
Its principal source, industry, or necessity rather, is still wanting.
An extensive commerce requires a large population, and in proportion as
the one increases, the other will necessarily advance. A communication
by water, which greatly facilitates the progress of commerce, has
already been opened. In several of the Chilese ports, barks are now
employed in the transportation of merchandise, which had formerly to be
carried by land on the backs of mules, with great trouble and expence;
and this beneficial alteration will probably be followed with others of
greater importance. Several large ships have been already built in the
harbour of Conception, and at the mouth of the river Maule, in the port
of Huachapure; by which the external commerce of the kingdom is carried
on with Peru and Spain. In the trade with Peru, twenty-three or
twenty-four ships are employed, of five or six hundred tons each, part
of which belong to Chili and part to Peru. These usually make three
voyages yearly, and carry from Chili wheat, wine, pulse, almonds, nuts,
cocoa-nuts, conserves, dried meat, tallow, lard, cheese, bend-leather,
timber for building, copper, and a variety of other articles; and bring
back return cargoes of silver, sugar, rice, and cotton. The ships which
trade directly from Spain to Chili, receive gold, silver, copper,
Vicugna wool, and hides, in exchange for European commodities. A
permission to trade to the East Indies would be very profitable to the
Chilese, as their most valuable articles are either scarce or not
produced in these wealthy regions of Asia, and the passage across the
Pacific Ocean would be easy and expeditious, in consequence of the
prevalence of southerly winds. The only money current in Chili is of
gold and silver, which is considerably embarrassing to internal
commerce, as the smallest silver coin is the sixteenth of a dollar, or
4-1/4d. The weights and measures are the same with those of Madrid.

"Of the two great sources of commerce, agriculture and manufacturing
industry, the former alone hitherto animates the internal trade of
Chili, or even the commercial intercourse between that country and
Peru[107]. The working of mines also occupies the attention of many of
the colonists, especially in the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, and
Quillota. Manufacturing industry is hitherto so trifling as not to
deserve notice. Notwithstanding the abundance of raw materials for this
purpose, such as flax, wool, hemp, skins, and metals, which might give
employment to a flourishing manufacturing industry, it is still in a
languid condition. The inhabitants however manufacture _ponchos_,
stockings, carpets, blankets, skin-coats, saddles, hats, and other small
articles, chiefly for the use of the poorer people, as those used by the
middle and higher ranks are from the manufactures of Europe. These
enumerated articles, with the sale of hides and leather, grain and
wine, form the whole internal commerce of Chili. The external commerce
is principally with the ports of Peru, and particulary with that of
Callao, the port of Lima. To the amount of about 700,000 dollars is
yearly sent to Peru in the productions of Chili, serving not only to
counterbalance the importations from that country, but leaving an annual
balance of 200,000 dollars in favour of Chili. The trade between Chili
and Buenos Ayres is on the contrary in favour of the latter, as Chili
has to pay about 300,000 dollars yearly in cash for the herb _Paraguay_
alone. The other articles received from Buenos Ayres are probably paid
for by those which are sent to that place. In the trade with Spain, the
productions of Chili go but a short way in payment of the European goods
which are annually imported to the value of more than a million of
dollars. Gold, silver, and copper, form the whole of the articles sent
from Chili to Spain, as the hides and Vicugna wool are of too little
importance to be considered."

[Footnote 107: These observations on the trade of Chili, distinguished
by inverted commas, are inserted into the text from a long note in this
part of the work of Molina--E.]

"Gold to the extent of 5200 marks[108], and as the amounts which are
coined and shipped are nearly equal, there does not appear to be any
clandestine extraction. But a considerable quantity is expended in
bullion, in works of use or ornament. The silver extracted from the
mines of Chili is estimated at 30,000 marks yearly[109]. Of this about
25,000 marks are coined annually, and the residue is employed in the
fabrication of plate. Yet a considerably larger amount is shipped every
year, arising from the coined silver, which is transmitted from Lima.
The remittances of gold and silver from Chili to Spain passes usually
through Buenos Ayres. The gold, being less bulky, is carried by land, by
the monthly packets, in sums of two or three thousand ounces. The silver
is sent by two ships every summer, which likewise carry a part of the
gold. The remittances of gold amount annually to 656,000 dollars[110],
the silver to 244,000[111]; and the copper annually extracted from the
mines of Chili is estimated at from eight to ten thousand quintals[112].
From these data it will not be difficult to form a general estimate of
the value of yearly produce from Chili[113]."

[Footnote 108: The mark being eight ounces may be valued at L.4; hence
the yearly production of gold in Chili is equal to about L.166,400
sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 109: At eight ounces the mark, and 6s. _per_ ounce, this
amounts only to the yearly value of L.72,000 sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 110: At 4s. 6d. the dollar, equal to L.147,600 sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 111: Or L.54,900 sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 112: The quintal of 100 pounds, at 1s. 6d. a pound, gives an
average value of L.67,500 sterling for the yearly produce of
copper.--E.]

[Footnote 113: The entire value of the three enumerated articles amounts
to L.270,000 sterling; but the other articles of export from Chili,
formerly enumerated, are not here included.--E.]


SECTION XIII.

Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe [114].


[Footnote 114: This is appended to the English translation of Molina,
and is said to be chiefly extracted from a work on that subject by Pedro
Gonzalis de Agueros, published at Madrid in 1791.--E.]

The Archipelago of Chiloe, extends from Cape Capitanes to Quillan, from
lat. 41 deg. 50' to 44 deg. S. long. 302 deg. to 303 deg. 25' E, from the meridian of
Teneriffe[115]. On the north it is bounded by the continent, where the
Juncos and Rancos [116], two independent and unconverted nations,
possess the country from thence to Valdivia: on the east by the Andes,
which separate it from Patagonia; on the south by the archipelago of
Guaitecas; and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. The islands of this
archipelago amount to about eighty, and appear to have been produced by
earthquakes, owing to the great number of volcanoes, with which that
country formerly abounded. Every part of them exhibits the most
unquestionable marks of the operation of volcanic fire. Several
mountains in the great island of Chiloe, which gives name to the
archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which have been certainly
produced by volcanic fire, whatever may be alleged to the contrary. The
inhabited part of this province, extends from Maullin to Huilad,
comprising forty leagues from north to south, and eighteen or twenty
from east to west, and comprises twenty-five islands. There are Isla
Grande, Ancud, or Chiloe Proper; Achao, Lemui, Quegui, Chelin, Tanqui,
Linlin, Llignua, Quenai, Meulin, Caguach, Alau, Apeau, Chaulinec,
Vuta-Chauquis, Anigue, Chegniau, Caucague, Calbuco, Llaicha, Quenu,
Tabon, Abtau, Chiduapi, and Kaur.--Chiloe Ancud, or _Isla Grande_, being
the largest island as its name imports, is the most populous, and the
seat of government. Its capital, Castro, which is the only city in the
province, was founded in 1566 by Don Martin Ruiz de Gamboa, during the
viceroyalty of Lope Garcia de Castro in Peru, and was honoured with the
name of his family.

[Footnote 115: Or from long. 75 deg. to 74 deg. 20'W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 116: Called Cunches and Huilliches by Molina. Several
circumstances in this account are interwoven from the text of Molina,
Vol. II. Book iv. ch. ii. This circumstance will account for occasional
repetitions, and perhaps some apparent contradictions, which may
appear.--E.]

The inhabitants of these islands are descended from the continental
aborigines of Chili, as is evident from their manners, appearance, and
language; yet are they very different in character, being of a pacific
and rather timid disposition. They accordingly made no opposition
against the handful of Spaniards who were sent to subjugate them under
Gamboa, though their population is said to have then exceeded seventy
thousand. Neither have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke, except
once at the beginning of last century, when a very unimportant
insurrection was speedily quelled. The number of inhabitants at present
amounts to upwards of eleven thousand, which are distributed into
seventy-six districts, each of which is governed by a native _ulmen_.
The greatest part of this population is subject to the Spanish
commanders, and are obliged to give personal service fifty days in every
year, pursuant to the feudal laws, which are rigorously enforced in this
province, though they have been long abolished in the rest of the
kingdom of Chili.

These islanders in general possess great quickness of capacity, and
readily learn any thing that is taught them. They have an apt genius for
all mechanical arts, and excel in carpentry, cabinet-making, turnery,
and the like, and are very expert in the construction of wooden-houses,
as indeed all the habitations and even the churches are of timber. They
are likewise good manufacturers in linen and woollen, of which last
mixed with the feathers of sea-birds they make very beautiful
bed-coverings. They also manufacture _ponchos_ or cloaks of various
kinds, many of which are striped, or embroidered with coloured silk or
worsted.

These islands abound in wood, of which they supply large quantities
yearly. As it rains almost incessantly, the cultivated lands are
commonly wet the whole year. Though they have abundance of cattle, these
are not employed for ploughing the ground, which is tilled, or
cultivated in the following singular manner. About three months before
seed-time, their sheep are turned upon the lands intended for a crop,
changing their situation every three or four nights, in the manner
called folding in Europe, by which the land is sufficiently manured. The
field is then strewed over with the seed corn, and a strong man
scratches or slightly turns over the soil to cover the seed, by means of
a rude implement composed of two crooked sticks of hard wood fastened
together and made sharp, which he forces into the ground with his
breast. Notwithstanding this very imperfect tillage, the subsequent crop
of wheat generally yields ten or twelve for one. They likewise grow
large quantities of barley, beans, peas, _guinoa_, which is a species of
chenopodium used in making a pleasant species of drink, and the largest
and best potatoes that are to be found in all Chili. Owing to the
moisture of the climate, the grape never comes to sufficient maturity
for making wine; but its want is supplied by various kinds of cyder,
made from apples and other wild fruits which abound in the country.

Owing to their habitude of frequently going from one island to another,
where the sea is far from being pacific, the Chilotans are all excellent
sailors, and being active, docile, and industrious, they are very much
employed in navigating the shipping of the South Sea. Their native barks
or piraguas are formed of from three to five planks, sewed together, and
caulked with a species of moss which grows on a particular shrub. There
are vast numbers of these barks all through the archipelago, which they
manage very dexterously both with sails and oars, and the natives often
venture as far as Conception in these frail vessels. They are much
addicted to fishing, and procure vast quantities and many kinds of
excellent fish on the sea around their shores. Of these they dry large
quantities, which they export to Chili and Peru, and the other countries
on the Pacific Ocean. They likewise cure considerable quantities of
testaceous fishes, such as conchs, clams, and _piures_, in the following
manner. These shell fish are laid in a long trench, covered over with
the large leaves of the _panke tinctoria_, over which a layer of stones
is laid, on which a hot fire is kindled and kept up for several hours.
The roasted fish are then taken out of the shells, strung upon lines,
and hung up for some time in the smoke of wood fires. Cured in this
manner they keep well for a considerable time, and are carried for sale
to Cujo and other inland districts.

The Christian religion was very readily embraced by the Chilotans after
their subjugation, and they have ever since continued stedfast in its
observance. Their spiritual concerns are under the direction of the
bishop of Conception. Formerly the government was administered by a
lieutenant-governor appointed by the governor of Chili, but that officer
is now nominated by the viceroy of Peru. The whole external trade of
these islands is carried on by three or four ships which come there
annually from Peru and Chili, by which they receive wine, brandy,
tobacco, sugar, herb of Paraguay, salt, and European goods, for which
they give in exchange red cedar boards, timber of different kinds,
ponchos of various qualities, hams, pilchards, dried shell-fish,
white-cedar boxes, embroidered girdles, and a small quantity of
ambergris which is found on their shores.

The navigation in this archipelago is difficult and even dangerous owing
to the strength and number of the currents, and nothing can appear worse
adapted for so perilous a sea than the piraguas or boats which are used
by the islanders. They are without keel or deck, and the planks of which
they are composed are sewed or laced together by means of strong
withies, the seams being caulked or stuffed with a kind of moss, or with
pounded cane leaves, over which the withies are passed. The cross
timbers or thwarts are fixed by means of pegs or tree-nails. In these
frail barks, which are very easily overset, the Chilotans venture with a
fearlessness proceeding entirely from being accustomed to danger, not
from skill in avoiding it. Their main source of food is from the sea,
which is general most bountiful in those parts of the world where the
earth is least so. Their mode of fishing is singular and ingenious. At
low water, they inclose a large extent of the flat shore with stakes
interwoven with boughs of trees, forming a kind of basket-work; which
pens or _corrales_ are covered by every flood and left dry by the ebb
tide, at which time they generally find abundance of fish. They likewise
employ as food a species of sea-weed, called _luche_, which they form
into a kind of loaves or cakes which are greatly esteemed even by the
wealthy inhabitants of Lima. Seals are more numerous in the archipelagos
of Guaitecas and Guayneco, still farther to the south, where they are
eaten by the natives, who are said to acquire so rank an odour from the
use of this food that it is necessary to keep them to leeward. Whales
sometimes run aground among these islands but are greatly more numerous
farther to the south. They have probably retired from this part of the
coast in consequence of being persecuted, as ambergris was formerly
found in great abundance on these shores, but is now very rare.

All the islands are very mountainous and craggy, so that only a few
vallies among the hills and the flat grounds near the shore are
susceptible of cultivation. On this scanty cultivable ground, there are
forty-one settlements, called _pueblas_ or townships, in the _isla
grande_, or large island of Chiloe. There is one road indeed across the
mountains, but the whole interior of the island is uninhabited. The isle
of Quinchau has six pueblas; Lemui and Llaicha each four, Calbuco three,
all the other inhabited islands only one each, and there are three on
the continent, in all eighty-one. In these pueblas or townships, the
houses are much scattered, each being placed upon its attached property.
The church stands near the beach, having a few huts erected in the
neighbourhood, which serve to accommodate the parishioners when they
come to church on Sundays or any festival to attend mass. In the whole
archipelago there are but four places where the houses are placed so
near together as to assume the appearance of a town or village. These
are the city of Castro as it is called, Chacao, Calbuco, and the port of
San Carlos. This last is the largest and most flourishing. In 1774 it
contained sixty houses, with 462 inhabitants. In 1791, it had increased
to two hundred houses and eleven hundred inhabitants; but its prosperity
arose on the ruin of Chacao, which was the only port in the whole
archipelago till 1768. The harbour of Chacao is rendered very dangerous
by reason of many rocks and shoals, and is much exposed to winds from
the north and north-east; on which account Don Carlos de Berenger, when
governor, recommended that a town should be built at _Gacui del Ingles_,
or English harbour, which was accordingly ordered by the court of Spain
in 1767. The bay was then named Bahia del Rey; or Kings Bay, and the
town and harbour San Carlos. It is in lat. 41 deg. 57' S. and long. 73 deg. 58'
W. The port is good, but ships are often wrecked at the entrance, in
consequence of tremendous hurricanes which come on suddenly, at which
time the land cannot be seen. Since the erection of this town, the seat
of government has been removed to it from Castro.

It is difficult to understand what motives could have induced the
Spaniards to settle in this miserable country, when the whole extent of
this western side of South America was open to them. Where gold and
silver are to be found, or where wealth is to be acquired by commerce,
men will readily settle, however barren and unfavourable the country, or
however pestilential the climate. But Chiloe offers no incitements to
avarice, and only a bare and comfortless subsistence to perpetual
industry. Perhaps the principal part of the original settlers were
people who escaped from the fury of the Araucanians, unable to remove to
Peru, or to subsist if they got there, and who were therefore glad of
getting any place of rest and security. There is perhaps no other colony
in the world to which Europeans have carried so few of their arts and
comforts, or where they have attempted to colonize under so many natural
disadvantages. Two instances indeed may be excepted; the project of
Philip II. to fortify the Straits of Magellan, and the unaccountable
settlements of the Norwegians in Greenland. In Chiloe it often rains for
a whole month without intermission, and these rains are frequently
accompanied by such tremendous hurricanes that the largest trees are
torn up by the roots, and the inhabitants do not feel safe in their
houses. Even in January, their mid-summer, they have often
long-continued heavy rain. If during the height of a storm the smallest
opening be perceived in the clouds towards the south, fine weather soon
succeeds; but first the wind changes suddenly to the south, with even
greater violence than it blew before from the opposite quarter, and
comes on with a crash as loud and sudden as the discharge of a cannon.
The storm then passes away with a rapidity proportional to its violence,
and the weather clears up. But at this critical change of the wind,
vessels are exposed to the utmost danger. Thunder and lightning are
rare, but earthquakes are frequent. In 1737 these islands suffered
severely by an earthquake; a few days after which a cloud or exhalation
of fire, coming from the north, passed over the whole archipelago, and,
as is said, set fire to the woods in many of the islands in the group of
the Guaitecas. It is said also that these islands were then covered over
with ashes, and that vegetation did not again appear upon them till
1750, thirteen years afterwards.

Though excessively rainy, the climate is not unhealthy; but no people on
earth ever had more cause to believe that the ground was cursed to bring
forth thorns and thistles, and that man is condemned to eat bread with
the sweat of his brow, as there are none who labour so hard and procure
so little. They are so poor as to have no iron, or so very little that a
family which has an axe guards it like a treasure. Their substitute for
a plough has been already described as made of two crooked branches of a
tree, with a sharp point at one end and a round ball at the other, which
they force into the ground by means of their breast, protected by a
sheeps skin during this rude operation of tillage. Laborious as this
mode must be even in a free soil, it is rendered still more so in Chiloe
by the myrtle roots which everywhere infest their cultivated land. The
little corn they raise can never be left to ripen in the field, on
account of the heavy and frequent rains. It must be cut before it
ripens, and its sheaves hung up to dry in the sun-shine, if the sun
happens then to shine; and otherwise it has to be dried within
doors[117]. Bread is consequently a luxury which is reserved for great
occasions; and the want of which is supplied by means of excellent
potatoes, far better than any that are produced in Peru or Chili.

[Footnote 117: In many parts of Norway, the peasants have to win, or
dry, their corn sheaves spitted on wooden spars set upon stakes in the
open air; and a nobleman in the western Scots Highlands, has shades in
which to dry his corn and hay, where the sheaves are hung upon pegs like
herrings in a curing house. Yet bad as is the climate of Chiloe, Iceland
and Kamtshatka can grow no corn at all.--E.]

Apples and strawberries are their only fruit, both of which are good and
plentiful. The woods produce a plant called _quilineja_, much resembling
the _esparto_ or broom of Spain, from which they manufacture their
cables; and they make smaller ropes from several leafless parasitical
plants which twine round the larger trees like vines or bindwood. A
species of wild cane or reed serves to roof their houses, and its leaves
serve as hay or fodder for the few horses which are kept in this
inhospitable country. In that part of the continent which belongs to
this province, there is a tree, called _alerse_ by the Spaniards and
_lahual_ by the Indians, which supplies the principal part of their
exports, as from 50,000 to 60,000 planks of its wood are sent yearly to
Lima. It grows to a large size, and has so even and regular a grain as
to admit of being cleft by wedges into boards or planks of any desired
thickness, even smoother than could be done by a saw. Neither Agueros
nor Falkner had ever seen the tree; but the latter supposed it of the
fir tribe from description, and supposes it might thrive in England if
its seeds could be brought over, as the country in which it grows is as
cold as Britain, and it is reckoned the most valuable timber of that
country both for beauty and duration. The bark of this tree makes
excellent oakum for that part of ships which is under water, but does
not answer when exposed to the sun and air. They export also the wood of
a tree named _luma_, for axle-trees and the poles of carriages; of a
particular kind of hazle for ship-building, which answers excellently
for oars; they likewise make chests and boxes of a species of cypress,
and of a tree named _ciruelillo_.

Hams are a principle article among their exports, as hogs are the most
numerous animals in Chiloe, where they find their own food in the woods.
Few sheep are kept, yet there are sufficient to furnish wool to give
employment to the women. From this they manufacture _ponchos_, two of
which, give sufficient work to a woman for a whole year, as they work
without a loom. The warp is stretched between a set of pegs, and they
weave in the woof with their fingers, yet make the work remarkably fine,
strong, and beautiful. They make also a smaller kind, called
_bordillos_, which are the ordinary dress of the negroes at Lima.
Besides these, they manufacture blankets and rugs, or coverlets for
beds, and linen cloth; which last is woven in looms.

In summer, when the vessels arrive from Callao, San Carlos is like a
fair, as this is the only opportunity enjoyed by the Chilotans to get
supplied with any thing which is not the produce of their own country,
or to dispose of any portion of their surplus produce. As they have no
money or circulating medium of commerce, the whole trade is carried on
by means of barter, which would leave the islanders at the mercy of the
merchants from Lima, but for the interference of the government. On the
arrival of the first ship of the season, the cabildo or municipal
magistracy of San Carlos, fixes a money price at which every thing is to
be rated on both sides; which means of regulating the market seems
absolutely necessary, as otherwise the Chilotans in buying would be
obliged to give any price demanded by the seller, and in selling would
have to take any price offered. Still it would be much for their
advantage to export their own commodities; but the whole archipelago
does not contain a single vessel large enough to make a voyage to Peru
or even to Chili. Formerly the soldiers who were in garrison in this
province used to receive their pay in clothes and other articles of
which they might be in want; but they were ordered by a late regulation
to be paid in specie; and if this be continued it must occasion an
important change in the commercial situation of Chiloe, by introducing a
circulating medium. In San Carlos there is a garrison of regular troops,
consisting of 33 artillerymen, 58 dragoons, and 53 infantry. The militia
of the archipelago consists of 1569 men, including officers; which have
to do garrison duty, but receive no pay or rations, having to serve
entirely at their own expence.

The inhabitants of Chiloe consists only of two classes of people,
Spaniards and Indians, there being no negroes and no mixed breed or
mestees. The want of negroes is easily explained by the poverty of the
islanders; but we are not told how it happens that the other two races
have not intermixed[118]. This is the more remarkable, as a most
extraordinary change has taken place in the language of these islands
during the latter half of the eighteenth century; insomuch that the
language of the Indian inhabitants consists entirely of Spanish words,
but all the inflexions, the syntax, and the idiomatic manner of
expression are Chilese, that is to say exactly corresponding to the
Moluchese dialect of the Chilidugu.

[Footnote 118: Probably the gradations have not been attended to,
because the nice discrimination of ranks has not been deemed worth while
in so poor a country. Perhaps the mestees and their gradations are all
elevated to the rank of Spaniards, or all depressed to that of vassal
Chilotans.--E.]

Both men and women of the Spanish population in Chiloe go barefooted,
except a few of the principal families who sacrifice convenience to
pride; as in a country so continually wet it is safer to go about with
naked feet than to have them in wet coverings. The men universally wear
the _poncho_. The houses, or hovels rather, are all built of wood, and
the crevices are stopped with sheep-skin or rags. The roofs are all
thatched; and the climate is so rainy that this soon rots and must be
frequently renewed. These dwellings consist of a single room, in which
the family, the cattle, and the poultry, are all accommodated. A few of
the inhabitants who can afford superior accommodation, have houses
divided into several apartments, wainscoted within, and roofed with
deal. Being all of wood, fires are frequent occurrences; but as the
houses are scattered, the mischief does not extend. Owing to the
inclemency of the weather, and the miserable state of the roads, a
family in the scattered and solitary situation in which the houses are
placed, is often weeks, and sometimes months without any communication
with their neighbours. There is neither hospital, physician, nor surgeon
in the whole province. A sick person is laid in a bed or a heap of skins
near a large fire, and remains there till recovery or death supervene.
The missionaries who visited these islands could find no books from
which to teach the children to read, and when they wished them to write
there was no paper. Necessity produced a substitute, and they used
wooden boards or tablets, on which they wrote with a substance which
could be washed out. Such is the miserable situation of the Spanish
inhabitants of the archipelago of Chiloe: yet they dare not leave their
wretched birth-place in the hope of bettering their fortunes. The
small-pox is hitherto unknown among them, and those, who have attempted
to go elsewhere have been cut off by that loathsome disease. In 1783,
the entire population of this dreary province amounted to 23,477, of
whom 11,985 were of Spanish descent, and 11,492 Indians.


SECTION XIV.

_Account of the Native Tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of South
America [119]._


[Footnote 119: This supplementary section or appendix is added to the
second volume of Molina, apparently by the English translator, and is
said to be chiefly extracted from the description of Patagonia by
Falkner. As the subject is new and interesting, we have been induced to
extend somewhat beyond the rigid letter of a collection of voyages and
travels. The picture of man in varied circumstances of savage life, is
one of the most important pieces of information to be derived from a
collection such as that we have undertaken and where direct means of
communicating that intelligence are unattainable, it is surely better to
employ such as on be procured than none.--E.]

The poet Ercilla has made the name of the _Araucanians_ so famous that
it were improper now to change the appellation. But that denomination
properly belongs only to these tribes of the _Picunches_ who inhabit the
country of Aranco[120]. The nations or tribes who inhabit the southern
extremity of South America are known among themselves by the general
names of _Moluches_ and _Puelches_; the former signifying the warlike
people, and the latter the eastern people.

[Footnote 120: It will easily be seen in the immediate sequel, that
Falkner very improperly uses Picunches as a generic term, as it
signifies in a limited manner the northern people. Molina most properly
denominates the whole aborigines of Chili on both sides of the Andes,
Chilese, as speaking one language, the Chili-dugu; names the tribes of
Arauco and those in the same republican confederacy Araucanians; and
gives distinct names like Falkner to the allied tribes: the Puelches,
Cunchese, Huilliches, Pehuenches, and others. Falkner appears to have
chosen to denominate the whole from the tribe whose dialect he first
became acquainted with; and some others seem to select the Moluches as
the parent tribe.--E.]

The _Moluches_ or warlike people, are divided into the _Picunches_, or
people of the north, the _Pehuenches_ or people of the fine country, and
_Huilliches_ or people of the south. The Picunches inhabit the mountains
from Coquimbo to somewhat below St Jago in Spanish Chili. The Pehuenches
border on these to the north, and extend to the parallel of Valdivia.
Both of these are included in history under the name of
Araucanians[121]. Their long and obstinate wars with the Spaniards, with
the Puelches and with each other, have greatly diminished their numbers;
but they have been still more diminished by the havoc which has been
made among them by brandy, that curse of the American Indians, for which
they have often been known to sell their wives and children, and to
engage in savage scenes of civil bloodshed, entailing wide and endless
deadly feuds. The small-pox has nearly completed the work of war and
drunkenness, and when Falkner left the country they could hardly muster
four thousand men among them all.

[Footnote 121: This account differs essentially from the history we have
just given from the writings of Molina, an intelligent native of Chili,
which cannot be repeated in the short compass of a note.--E.]

The Huilliches possess the country from Valdivia to the Straits of
Magellan. They are divided into four tribes, who are improperly classed
together as one nation, since three of them are evidently of a different
race from the fourth. That branch which reaches to the sea of Chiloe and
beyond the lake of Nahuelhuaupi speaks the general language of Chili,
differing only from the Pehuenches and Picunches in pronunciation. The
others speak a mixed language, composed of the Moluche and Tehuel
tongue, which latter is the Patagon; and these tribes, from their great
stature, are evidently of Patagonian origin. Collectively these three
tribes are called the Vuta-Huilliches, or great southern-people;
separately they are named Chonos, Poy-yes, and Key-yes. The Chonos
inhabit the archipelago of Chili, and the adjoining shores of the
continent. The Poy-yes or Peyes possess the coast from lat. 48 deg. to
something more than 51 deg. S. The Key-yes or Keyes extend from thence to
the Straits of Magellan. The Moluches maintain some flocks of sheep,
principally for the sake of their wool, and cultivate a small quantity
of corn.

The Puelches or eastern people, which name they receive from the natives
of Chili, are bounded on the west by the Moluches, on the south by the
Straits of Magellan, on the east by the sea, and on the north by the
Spaniards. They are subdivided into four tribes, the Taluhets, Diuihets,
Chechehets, and Tehuelhets. The _first_ of these or _Taluhets,_ are a
wandering race who prowl over the country, from the eastern side of the
first _desaguadero_ as far as the lakes of Guanacache in the
jurisdiction of San Juan and San Luiz de la Punta. Some of them are also
to be found in the jurisdiction of Cordova, on the rivers Segundo Terzo
and Quarto. When the Jesuits were expelled from the missions, this tribe
could scarcely raise two hundred fighting men, and even in conjunction
with all their allies not above five hundred. The _second_ of these
tribes, called the _Diuihets,_ is, also a wandering race, which borders
westwardly on the Pehuenches, between the latitudes of 35 deg. and 38 deg. S.
They extend along the rivers Sanguel Colorado and Hueyque, and nearly to
the Casuhati on the east. This nation and that of the Taluhets are
collectively called Pampas by the Spaniards, whose settlements in
Tacuman and on the southern shore of the La Plata they have always
infested, and sometimes even endangered. The _third_ tribe of the
Puelches is named the Chechehets, or eastern-people. The country which
they chiefly frequent is situated between the rivers Hueyque and the
first desaguadero or Rio Colorado, and from thence to the second
desaguadero or Rio Negro. They are a tall and stout wandering race
resembling the Patagonians, but speak a quite different language. Their
dispositions are friendly and inoffensive, but they are a bold and
active enemy when provoked. They are now reduced to a small number by
the ravages of the small-pox. The fourth race, called the _Tehuelhets,_
or in their own language the Tehuel-kunnees or southern-men, are the
real Patagonians. These are again subdivided into many tribes, all of
which and the Chechehets also are called _Serranos_ or mountaineers by
the Spaniards. The _Leuvuches,_ who seem to be the head tribe of all the
Serranos, live on the Rio Negro. They speak the same language with the
Chechehets, but with a small mixture of the Tehuel. This tribe used to
keep on good terms with the Spaniards, that they might hunt in security
in the pampas or immense plains of Buenos Ayres. About the year 1740,
however, they were provoked to war by a most wanton and treacherous
attack, and Buenos Ayres would in all probability have been destroyed,
had not these injured people been appeased by the Jesuit missionaries.
The Tehuelhets are more numerous than all the other tribes of these
parts together, and are the perpetual enemies of the Moluches who are so
terrible to the Spaniards, whom they would have long since destroyed if
they had been equally well supplied with horses.

To the south of these are the Chulilau-Kunnees, and the Sehuan-Kunnees,
who are the most southerly of the equestrian tribes. The country beyond
them, all the way to the Straits of Magellan, is possessed by the last
of the Tehuel tribes, called Yacana-Kunnees or foot-people, as they have
no horses. These are an inoffensive race, who are very swift runners,
and subsist mostly on fish. The other Tehuelhets and the Huilliches
sometimes attack this tribe for the purpose of making slaves of the
prisoners. The ordinary stature of all the Tehuel tribes is from six to
seven feet. None of the Puelches either keep sheep or cultivate the
ground, but depend altogether on hunting, for which purpose they keep a
great number of dogs.

The belief in an infinite number of spirits, good and evil, is common to
all the native tribes south of the Rio Plata. From the north of that
river to the Orinoco a different language prevails, accompanied by a
different form of superstition The Puelches do not appear to acknowledge
any of those numerous spirits as supreme over the rest. The Taluhets and
Diuihets call a good spirit _Soychu,_ or he who presides in the land of
strong drink. The Tehuelhets call an evil spirit Atskanna Kanatz, the
other Puelches denominate the same being Valichu. Huecuvu must be
another name for the evil spirit; as the Chechehets give the name of
Huecuvu-mapu or the devils-country to a great sandy desert, into which
they never venture lest they should be overwhelmed.

Among the northern Indians, each cast or small tribe is distinguished by
the name of some animal; as the tribe of the tyger, the lion, the
guanaco, the ostrich, and the like. They believe that each tribe had its
own particular creator, who resided in some huge cavern under a lake or
bill, to which all of that tribe will go after death, to enjoy the
felicity of eternal inebriation. These good creative spirits, according
to their opinion, having first created the world, made the different
races of men and animals, each in their respective cave. To the Indians,
they gave the spear, the bow and arrow, and the _lague_ or ball and
thong: to the Spaniards fire arms. Animals they allege were likewise
created in these subterranean abodes of the spirits, such as were
nimblest coming first out. When bulls and cows were coming out last of
all, the Indians were frightened at the sight of their horns, and
stopped up the mouth of their cavern; but the Spaniards were wiser and
let them out. Thus they explain the reason why they had no cattle till
after the coming of the Spaniards. In. their opinion, all the animals
who have been created in these hidden caverns have not yet emerged. They
attribute all the misfortunes or diseases which happen to men or animals
to the agency of the evil spirits, who are continually wandering about
the world in search of mischief. Their priests or jugglers rather, are
each supposed to be attended by two familiar evil spirits, to whom the
souls of these jugglers are associated after death, and with whom they
go about to do mischief. The jugglers are of both sexes; but it seems as
if it were thought an occupation beneath the dignity of a man, as the
male wizards are compelled to dress like women and are not permitted to
marry. The female jugglers are under no such restriction. They are
generally chosen while children to be initiated in the mysteries of this
profession, from among those who are most effeminate, and such as happen
to be subject to epilepsy or St Vitus' dance are considered as
especially marked out for the service of the jugglers. It is a very
dangerous profession, as these jugglers are frequently put to death when
any calamity happens to befal either the chiefs or the people.

No ceremonies are performed in honour of the good spirits. That which is
addressed to the evil ones is performed in the following manner. The
assistants assemble in the hut or tent of the wizard, who is concealed
in a corner of the tent, where he has a drum, one or two round
calabashes with a few small sea shells in them to make a noise, like the
_maraca_ or rattle of the Brazilian sorcerers, and some square bags of
painted hide in which he keeps his spells. He begins the ceremony by
making a strange noise with his drum and rattle, after which he feigns
to fall into a fit, which is supposed to be occasioned by a struggle
with the evil spirit who then enters into him. During this fit, he keeps
his eye-lids lifted up, distorts his features, foams at the mouth, seems
to dislocate his joints, and after many violent and unnatural motions
remains stiff and motionless, like a person in a fit of epilepsy. After
some time he comes to himself, as if having gained the victory over the
evil spirit. He next causes a faint shrill mournful voice to be heard
within his tabernacle, as of the evil spirit, who is supposed to
acknowledge himself vanquished; after which the wizard, from a kind of
tripod, answers all questions that are put to him. It is of little
consequence whether these answers turn out true or false, as on all
sinister events the fault is laid on the spirit. On these conjuring
occasions, the juggler is well paid by those who consult the destinies.


These southern nations make skeletons of their dead, as is done likewise
by the native tribes on the Orinoco; but it is singular that this
practice does not prevail among the intermediate tribes, that inhabit
between the Maranon and Rio Plata. On such occasions, one of the most
distinguished women of the tribe performs the ceremony of dissection.
The entrails are burnt, and the bones, after the flesh has been cut off
as clean as possible, are buried till the remaining fibres decay. This
is the custom of the Molnuches and Pampas, but the Serranos place the
bones on a high frame-work of canes or twigs to bleach in the sun and
rain. While the dissector is at work on the skeleton, the Indians walk
incessantly round the tent, having their faces blackened with soot,
dressed in long skin mantles, singing in a mournful voice, and striking
the ground with their long spears, to drive away the evil spirits. Some
go to condole with the widow and relations of the dead, if these are
wealthy enough to reward them for their mourning with bells, beads, and
other trinkets; as their customary condolence is not of a nature to be
offered gratuitously, for they prick their arms and legs with thorns,
and feel pain at least if not sorrow. The horses belonging to the
deceased are slain, that he may ride upon them in the _alhue-mapu,_ or
country of the dead; but a few of these are reserved to carry his bones
to the place of sepulchre, which is done in grand ceremony within a year
after his death. They are then packed up in a hide, and laid on the
favourite horse of the deceased, which is adorned with mantles,
feathers, and other ornaments and trinkets. In this manner the cavalcade
moves to the family burial-place, often three hundred leagues from the
place of death, so wide and distant are their wanderings in the
boundless plains to the south of the Rio Plata.

The Moluches and Pampas bury in large square pits about six feet deep,
the bones being first accurately put into their proper places and tied
together, clothed in the best robes of the deceased, and ornamented with
beads and feathers, all of which are cleaned or changed once a-year.
These skeletons are placed in a sitting posture in a row, with all the
weapons and other valuables belong to each laid beside him. The pit is
then covered over with beams or twigs, on which the earth is spread. An
old matron of each tribe is appointed to the care of these sepulchres,
who has to open them once a-year, to clean and new clothe the skeletons,
for which service she is held in great estimation. The bodies of the
slain horses are placed round the sepulchre, raised on their feet and
supported by stakes. These sepulchres are generally at a small distance
from the ordinary habitations of the tribe. Every year they pour upon
them some bowls of their first made _chica,_ or fermented liquor, and
drink to the happiness of the dead. The Tehuelhets and other southern
tribes carry their dead to a great distance from their ordinary
dwellings, into the desert near the sea-coast, where they arrange them
above ground surrounded by their horses. It is probable that only those
Indians who carry their dead to considerable distances reduce them to
skeletons, from the following circumstance. In the voyage of discovery
made in 1746 in the St Antonio from Buenos Ayres to the Straits of
Magellan, the Jesuits who accompanied the expedition found one of these
tents or houses of the dead. On one side six banners of cloth of various
colours, each about half a yard square, were set up on high poles fixed
in the ground; and on the other side five dead horses stuffed with straw
and supported, on stakes. Within the house, there were two _ponchos_
extended, on which lay the bodies of two men and a woman, having the
flesh and hair still remaining. On the top of the house was another
_poncho,_ rolled up and tied with a coloured woolen band, in which a
pole was fixed, from which eight tassels of wool were suspended.

Widows are obliged to observe a long and rigorous mourning. During a
whole year after the death of their husbands, they must keep themselves
secluded in the tents, never going out except on the most necessary
avocations, and having no communication with any one. In all this time,
they must abstain from eating the flesh of horses, cows, ostriches, or
guanacos, must never wash their faces which are constantly smeared with
soot, and any breach of chastity during this year of mourning is
punished with the death of both parties by the relations of the husband.

The office of _ya,_ or chief, is hereditary, and all the sons of a ya
may be chiefs likewise if they can procure followers; but the dignity is
of so little consequence that nobody almost covets the office. To him
belongs the office of protecting his followers, of composing
differences, and of delivering up any offender who is to be capitally
punished; in all which, cases his will is the sole law. These petty
despots are prone to bribery, and will readily sacrifice their vassals
and even their kindred for a good bribe. They are esteemed in proportion
to their eloquence, and any chief who is not himself eloquent employs an
orator to harangue the tribe in his place. When two or more tribes form
an alliance against a common enemy, they elect an _apo,_ or
commander-in-chief, from the ablest or most celebrated of the _yas,_ or
hereditary chiefs. But this office, though nominally elective, has been
long hereditary among the southern tribes in the family of Cangapol. The
hereditary chiefs, named _yas, elmens_, or _ulmens,_ have no power to
take any thing from their vassals, neither can they oblige them to
perform any work without payment. On the contrary they must treat them
kindly and relieve their wants, or their vassals will put themselves
under the protection of a more generous chief. Many of them therefore
wave the privilege of their birth, and decline having any vassals,
because they are expensive appendages, which yield little profit. But
every-one must attach themselves to some chief, or they would
undoubtedly be put to death or reduced to slavery.

Every man buys his wife from her relations, with or without her consent,
and then takes possession of her as his property. But if the woman
happens to have fixed her affections on another, she contrives to wear
out the patience of her purchaser, who either turns her away or sells
her to the man of her choice, but seldom uses her ill. Widows, and
orphan girls are at their own disposal. The yas or ulmens have generally
two or three wives; and even the common people may have as many as they
please, but wives are dear and they are generally contented with one.
The lives of the women are one continued series of labour. They fetch
wood and water; dress the victuals; make, mend, and clean the tents;
cure the skins; make them into mantles; spin and manufacture ponchos;
pack up every thing for a journey, even the tent poles; load, unload,
and arrange the baggage; straiten the girths of the horses; carry the
lance before their husbands; and at the end of the journey set up the
tents. Sickness or even the most advanced pregnancy give no relief from
these labours, and it would be reckoned ignominious in the husbands to
give them any assistance. The women of noble families may have slaves to
relieve them of these labours; but when in want of these, must undergo
the same fatigues as the rest. Yet the tribes of the southern extremity
of America are not brutal to their women like those in the north, and
the marriages only endure during pleasure, though those who have
children seldom separate. The husband invariably protects his wife, even
when in the wrong; and if detected in any criminal intercourse, all his
anger falls upon the paramour, who is cruelly beaten, unless he can
atone for the injury by payment. Their jugglers sometimes persuade them
to send their wives into the woods, to prostitute themselves to the
first person they meet, which is obviously a device for consoling
themselves from the celibacy to which they are condemned. The husbands
readily obey these directions; but there are women in whom native
modesty overpowers superstition, who refuse obedience to their husbands
on such occasions, and bid defiance to the wizard.

The dresses of all these tribes are formed of skins; but all except the
_serranos_ or mountaineers, weave mantles or ponchos of woollen yarn,
beautifully died of various colours, which when wrapped round the body
reach from the neck to the calf of the legs. A similar mantle is tied
round the waist and reaches to the ankles. Besides these they have a
three-cornered piece of dressed hide, of which two of the corners are
tied round the waist, and the third, being passed between the legs is
fastened behind. The hair is tied up from behind with the points
upwards, by means of a woollen band bound many times round the head; but
they are fond of wearing hats when they can get them from the Spaniards.
They paint their faces red or black, and wear necklaces and bracelets of
sky-blue beads. When on horseback they wear a particular kind of cloaks,
having a slit in the middle through which they put their heads, and the
skirts hang down to the knees or even sometimes to the feet. Their
stockings or boots consist of the skin of a horses thigh and leg, flayed
off whole, dried and softened with grease, and rendered supple by
wringing. The women wear straw hats in shape like those used by the
Chinese. Their defensive armour consists of a helmet of double bulls
hide shaped like a broad-brimmed hat; a tunic or bodice of hardened skin
three or four fold, which is very heavy, but effectually resists the
arrow and spear, and is even said to be musquet proof. When on foot,
they have likewise a large unwieldy shield of bulls hide. The Tehuelhets
and Huilliches sometimes poison their arrows. Their spears are of cane,
four or five yards long, and are pointed with iron; and they use swords
when they can procure them from the Spaniards. They use the _laqui_ both
in war and hunting; but that used in war has a ball, or weight fastened
to one or both ends of the leathern thong instead of a noose. The ball
weighs about a pound. When used single, or with only one ball, it is
aimed at the head of the enemy, to knock out his brains. With the double
_laqui_, having a ball at each end, they can fasten a man to his horse,
and effectually entangle both man and beast.

END OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI.

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER X.

DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPTS TO
CONQUER AND SETTLE THAT COUNTRY BY THE SPANIARDS.

INTRODUCTION.


In the preceding Chapters of this _Second Book_, we have given an
extended account of the _Discovery_ of AMERICA by COLUMBUS, and of the
establishment of the principal Spanish Colonies in the New World, from
authentic Original authors, a large portion of which never appeared
before in any Collection of Voyages and Travels, and some important
parts are now given for the first time in the English language. It is
not the object of this work to attempt giving a regular series of the
History of America, by inserting the establishments of all the European
colonies which have been settled in that quarter of the world, which
would occupy more room than can be conveniently allowed in our
Collection, and for which we do not possess original documents of
sufficient interest. In the present chapter it is only meant to give a
relation of the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512; of
the disastrous attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer that country in
1528; and of the romantic exploratory expedition of Ferdinand de Soto in
the years 1539-1543: All of which is taken from the General History of
America by Herrera, which may be considered as an original and almost
contemporary authority.

Antonio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king of Spain,
appears to have composed his work only a short time after the middle of
the sixteenth century, as he continues the series of events no farther
than 1554; though he incidentally alludes to one transaction which
happened in 1572. The authenticity of his work is unquestionable, as the
author assures us that it was composed by royal command, from all the
best and most authentic sources of information which the crown could
furnish, both in print and manuscript; and that he had carefully
consulted and followed the original papers preserved in the royal
archives, and the books, registers, relations, and other papers of the
supreme council of the Indies, together with all the best authors on the
subject then extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin his
list of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs of the
New World--Those in Italics have been already inserted into this work.

Peter Martyr of Angleria.--Diego de la Tobilla.--Motolinea.--_Don
Hernando Colon_.--Olonsa de Ojeda.--Alonso de Mata.--Enciso.--Gonzalo
Hernandez de Oviedo.--Francisco Lopez de Gomara.--Andres de San
Martino.--Pedro de Zieza.--Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca.--_Bernal Diaz
del Castillo_.--The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas.--The Dean
Cervantes.--Francisco de Xeres.--Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada.--Garibay.
--Pedro Pizarro.--The relations of Cortes.--Nunno de Guzman.--Diego
Fernandez de Palentia.--_Augustino de Zarate_.--The Pontifical History.
--Don Alonzo de Ercilla.--Geronimo Benzon.--Theodore de Brye.--Jusepe
de Acosta.--Father Augustino Davila.--Garcilasso Inga.--Gabriel Lasso
de la Vega.--Don Antonio de Saavedra.

In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts consulted by our
illustrious Historian of America, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, an edition of
Herrera is quoted as printed at Madrid in 1601, in 4 vols. folio. We
have used on the present occasion the Translation of Herrera into
English by Captain John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. printed at London in
1725. Though assuredly authentic and to be depended upon so far as it
goes, the plan of this _General History of the vast Continent and
Islands of America_, is exceedingly ill devised, and very troublesome
for being consulted; as the author endeavours continually to preserve
the chronological series of events throughout the numerous discoveries,
colonizations and conquests of the Spaniards, in all the islands and
continental provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced into
perpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subject; instead of
using a double arrangement, geographical as well as chronological, in
which the narrative belonging to each territorial division might have
been distinctly and separately arranged in chronological order. Thus in
regard to _Florida_, which constitutes the subject of our present
chapter, we have had to travel through every one of the _six_ volumes of
Herrera, on purpose to reduce all the scattered notices respecting the
early discovery of that country under one unbroken narrative.

Owing to the utter impossibility of ascertaining the various parts which
were visited by the Spaniards, in these early peregrinations in Florida
as related in this chapter, we have not given any map of the country on
this occasion, which will be supplied in a future division of this work,
when we come to particular and more recent travels in that province of
North America. Indeed the country originally named Florida by the
Spaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern application of that
name, and appears to have included all Louisiana, with Georgia the
Carolinas and Virginia, and the entire countries on the Mississippi and
Ohio rivers. In fact it was meant as a generic term, including all of
the eastern parts of north America, not previously comprised under New
Spain and its dependencies; just as Virginia was applied in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth to all that part of North America claimed by the
English, which was afterwards partitioned into many provinces, from Nova
Scotia to Georgia both inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposes
of the present chapter is of almost impossible construction, as all the
appellations of towns and territories, especially in the extensive
peregrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are merely the fugacious names of
the caciques or sachems who happened at the time to rule over the
various tribes of savages which were visited by Soto in his singularly
erratic expedition. One point only in the whole course of his wanderings
can be ascertained with certainty, the Bay of _Espirita Santo_ on the
western coast of Florida, in about lat. 28 deg. N. and long. 83 deg. W.
_Mavila_. may possibly be what has since been called _Mobile_, and the
_Rio Grande_ or great river was most probably the Mississippi. All the
other points are involved in impenetrable obscurity, or would require an
extended discussion inadmissible on the present occasion. In the course
of the chapter some conjectures will be attempted respecting the
geography of the wanderings of Soto, and his adventurous followers,
whose sole object appears to have been to search for mines of the
precious metals, in which they were altogether unsuccessful.

One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations of Soto seems
worthy of remark; that the scattered tribes then occupying the southern
portion of North America which he visited, were more agricultural than
when the country came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and not
addicted to the horrible practices of the North American savages of
torturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were afterwards
extirpated by a more savage race from the northwest, who have no
hereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto. From these differences, and
their worship of the sun and moon, the tribes met with by Soto were
probably branches of the Natches, a nation which will be described in
the sequel of this work, and which does not now exist.


SECTION I.

_Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon_.


After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando, Juan Ponce de
Leon was appointed lieutenant of the town and territory of Salveleon in
that island. Learning from the Indians of that district that there was
much gold in the island of Borriquen, now called San Juan de Puerto
Rico, or Porto Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over to
that island, which he reduced[122]. He was afterwards appointed by the
king of Spain to the government of that island, independent of the
admiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De Leon and the natives,
wonderful havoc was made among these poor people by a dog belonging to
the governor, called Bezerillo, insomuch that the Indians were more
afraid of ten Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, on
which account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all the plunder,
as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold, slaves, and other
things, all of which was received by his master[123].

[Footnote 122: Herrera, I. 327.]

[Footnote 123: Herrera, I. 339.]

Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the government of
Porto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined upon making discoveries to the
northwards, that he might gain honour and advance his estate[124]. For
this purpose, he fitted out three ships well manned and stored with
plenty of provisions, with which he sailed from the port of St German
on Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for _Aguada_. Next night he
stood to the N.W. and by N. and on the 8th of the same month came to
anchor at the shoals of _Babecua_, near the _Isola del Viejo_, in lat.
22 deg.-1/2 N. Next day he anchored at one of the Bahama or Lucayos islands
called _Caycos_, and then at another called _Yaguna_, in lat. 24 deg. N. On
the 11th he came to the island of _Amaguayo_, and then passed _Manegua_,
in lat 24 deg.-1/2 N. He came to _Guanahani_, in lat. 25-1/2 N. on the 14th,
where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay to windward of the
Lucayos. This island of Guanahani was the first land discovered by the
admiral Don Christopher Columbus in the New World, and by him called
_San Salvador_. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and on
Sunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, called _Pasqua de Flores_ by
the Spaniards, he saw and passed by an island. Continuing the same
course till Wednesday 30th of March, when the wind became foul, he
altered his course to W.N.W. and on the 2d of April came to nine fathoms
water a league from the land, in lat. 30 deg. 8' N. Running along the land
in search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight fathoms near the
shore. Believing the land to be an island, he gave it the name of
_Florida_, because it appeared very delightful with many pleasant
groves, and all level, as also because first seen during Easter, which
the Spaniards call _Pasqua de Flores_, or _Florida_. At this place Ponce
went on shore to take formal possession.

[Footnote 124: Id. II. 33. We now enter upon the discovery of Florida,
which will be found regularly referred to the fragments of its History,
as scattered through the work of Herrera, at each respective
transition.--E.]

On Friday the 8th of April he continued his course along the coast as
before; and next day changed to the S. and by E. till the 20th, when he
perceived some _bohios_, or Indian huts on the coast, off which he came
to anchor. Next day the ships continued their course along shore, but
met with so strong a current as drove them back though with a fair wind.
The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the force of
the current was so great as to strain their cables. The third was a
brigantine, and farther out at sea; which either found no bottom for
anchoring, or did not perceive the current, so that it was carried to
sea and lost sight of by the rest, though the weather was fair. Being
invited on shore by the natives, Ponce landed, and the natives
immediately endeavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of the
Spaniards, who were forced to fight in their own defence, during which
two of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed with sharp bones.
Night parted the combatants, and Ponce collected his people with some
difficulty, having done very little damage to the Indians, and returned
to the ships. He sailed next day along the coast to a river, which he
named _Rio de la Cruz_, where he proposed to wood and water and to wait
the return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this place by sixty
Indians, one of whom was made prisoner, that he might learn Spanish, and
be able to give information respecting the country. Leaving at this
place a stone with an inscription, he doubled the Cape of Florida on
Sunday the 8th of May, giving it the name of _Cabo de las Corrientes_,
or Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the wind; after
which he came to anchor near an Indian town called _Aboaia_. All this
coast, from Cape _Arracifes_ to Cape _Corrientes_ lies north and south
one point east, being clear and free from rocks and shoals, with six
fathoms water near the shore.

After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on till he fell in with two
islands to the southwards, in lat. 27 deg. N. At one of these, which he
named _Santa Martha_, about a league in circumference, he watered. On
Friday the 13th of May, he sailed along a shoal with a chain of islands,
to one called _Pola_, in 26 deg. 30' N. Between these islands and the
continent is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th of May he proceeded
ten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two white ones which he
called _Los Martires_ in 26 deg. 15' N. He continued along the coast,
sometimes N. sometimes N.E. till the 23d of May, and on the 24th ran
along the coast to the southwards as far as some small islands that lay
out at sea, still believing that he was coasting along the shore of a
large island. As the anchorage between these small islands and the coast
appeared convenient for the purpose, he continued there till the 3d of
June taking in wood and water, and at the same time careened one of the
ships named the St Christopher. At this place the Indians for the first
time came off in canoes to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture on
shore though repeatedly invited. Seeing the Spaniards about to heave one
of the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians laid hold
of the cable as if to draw the ship away; on which the long-boat was
sent after them, and the crew going on shore took four women and broke
two old canoes. No hostilities of any moment occurred, and the Indians
even bartered some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets.

On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in quest of a
cacique named _Carlos_, who was reported by the Indians to have gold, an
Indian came on board who was able to converse with the Spaniards, and
who was consequently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some of
the other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired them to
remain at their present anchorage, as the cacique intended to send gold
to barter. Accordingly, they soon after saw twenty canoes approaching,
some of which were lashed two and two together. Some of these canoes
went to the anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unable
attempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near the ships
and began to fight. The long-boat well manned and armed was sent against
them, and put them to flight, taking four prisoners and killing several
of the Indians. Ponce sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique that
he was willing to make peace with him, although he had slain one of the
Spaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the harbour, and some
of the men landed, when they were assured by the Indians that the
cacique would come next day to trade; but this was a mere feint to gain
time, as at eleven o'clock eighty canoes well equipped and full of men
attacked the ship nearest the shore, and fought till night without doing
any harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come near
for fear of the cross-bows and great guns. At length they retired, and
the Spaniards having staid nine days resolved to return to St Domingo
and Porto Rico, endeavouring to discover some islands by the way of
which they had received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly set
sail on his return on the 14th of June, and sailed among islands till
the 21st, when he arrived at the small islands called _Las Tortugas_, or
the tortoises, because the crews took 170 of these creatures in a short
time of one night in one of these islands, and might have had more if
they pleased. They also took fourteen dog-fishes[125], and killed at
least 5000 seagulls and other birds.

[Footnote 125: Probably Sharks.--E.]

On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S.W. and by W. On the 26th
they saw land, which they sailed along till the 29th, when they came to
anchor to trim their yards and sails, but could not tell what country it
was. Most of the Spaniards believed they were on the coast of Cuba,
because they found canoes, dogs, knives, and others tools of iron. On
the 25th of July they were among a cluster of low islands, still
ignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an island which
appeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to be by an old woman whom
they found in another island, and in which they were confirmed by a
pilot named Diego Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat from
Hispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forwards till the 23d of
September, and refitted the ships, Juan Ponce resolved to send one of
them to take a view of the island of Bimini, which the Indians reported
to contain much wealth, and to have a spring which made old people young
again. Juan Perez de Ortubia was appointed captain of that ship, and
Antonio de Alaminos pilot. They took two Indians along with them to
point out the shoals, which were so numerous that it was both difficult
and dangerous to get through among them. Twenty days afterwards, Juan
Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and was followed some time after by
Ortubia, who had found the island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant,
and abounding in good water and delightful groves; but the wonderful
spring was not be discovered. It is certain that Juan Ponce de Leon,
besides the main design of discovering new islands which all the
Spaniards then aspired to, was desirous of finding out the spring of
Bimini and a certain river in Florida, in both of which it was asserted
by the natives of Cuba and Hispaniola that old people became young again
by bathing in their waters. It is likewise well known that many of the
natives of Cuba, firmly believing the existence of such a river, had
gone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a town there
before the coming of the Spaniards to the West Indies, and that their
descendents continue there to this day. This report prevailed among all
the princes or caciques in these parts, who were all so anxious to find
out this wonderful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake in
all Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many still persist
in the belief that it is the river now called Jordan at Cape _Santa
Elena_, without reflecting that the Spaniards first gave it that name in
1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered.

Although this voyage turned out to little or no account to Juan Ponce,
it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for some reward for having
discovered this new country, which he still continued to believe an
island or cluster of islands, and which opinion was retained by the
Spaniards for some years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial on
another account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the West
Indies through the channel of Bahama, which was first performed by the
pilot Alaminos. For the better understanding the voyage of Ponce, it
must be observed that the Lucayo or Bahama Islands consist of three
groups, the _first_, or Bahama cluster gives name to the passage, and in
which the currents are most impetuous: The _second_ is called _De los
Organos_; and the _third_ the _Martyrs_, which are next to the _Cayos de
las Tortugas_, or Turtle Keys to the westwards; which last are not to be
seen from any distance, being all low sands, and in consequence many
ships have perished on them, and all along the Bahama channel, and on
the islands of Tortugas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, are
south and north of each other; and between them are these
before-mentioned islands of Organos, Bahama, Martyrs, and Tortugas,
having a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues across in the
narrowest part between Havannah and the Martyrs, and fourteen leagues
from the Martyrs to Florida. The widest part of this channel is forty
leagues, with many shoals and deep channels between these, but has no
safe passage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But this
passage from the Havannah for Spain, is along the channel of Bahama,
between the Havannah, the Martyrs, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral.

       *       *       *       *       *

No farther attempt appears to have been made towards the conquest and
settlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the year 1528, when Panfilo
de Narvaez made a most disastrous expedition to that country, which will
form the subject of the ensuing section of this chapter; except that
about the year 1525, the licentiate Luke Vasquez de Ayllon sailed with
three ships for that country from Santiago in the island of
Hispaniola[126]. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape Santa
Elena in Florida, where he found an Indian town called _Oritza_; since
named _Chicora_ by the Spaniards, and another town in the neighbourhood
called _Guale_, to which the Spaniards have given the name of
_Gualdape_. At this place is the river _Jordan_, so named from the pilot
by whom it was discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. He
proceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships, and landed
two hundred men upon the coast of Florida; but being himself
unacquainted with military discipline, and little regarded by his men,
his troops were defeated by the natives and mostly slain. The few who
escaped returned to Hispaniola; some alleging that Vasquez was of the
number, while others assert that he was slain in Florida. In this
unfortunate expedition, from which great consequences had been expected,
no other towns but the two above mentioned were seen in Florida; and by
this disaster all attempts for the conquest and settlement of that
country were laid aside for some time, more especially as all the
natives who had been there met with appeared poor and miserable, and
having very small quantities of gold and silver, and even what little
they had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts of the
country.

[Footnote 126: Herrera, III. 367.]


SECTION II.

_Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer
Florida; together with some account of that Country_[127]


[Footnote 127: Id. IV. 27.]

The abortive attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the
command of the expedition against Mexico has been already related. He
afterwards endeavoured to settle a colony at the _Rio de las Palmas_ in
the bay of Mexico, whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno de
Guzman, who had been appointed governor of the adjoining province of
Panuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the territories belonging to
others in his neighbourhood to his own advantage and emolument in the
most unjustifiable manner. In March 1528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba with
four ships and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a force
of about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the voyage, the
squadron was carried among the shoals of Canarreo by the unskilfulness
of the pilot Meruelo, where the ships got aground and remained for
fifteen days constantly touching with their keels and unable to get into
deep water. At the end of this period a storm at south brought so large
an accession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships got
off. At _Guaniguanigo_ they encountered another storm in which they were
near perishing, and met with a third at Cape Corrientes. Three days
after getting to windward of Cape St Antonio, they were driven by
contrary winds to within twelve leagues of the Havannah; and when about
to put in there for shelter were carried back by a south wind to the
coast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April, and came to
anchor in the mouth of a bay where they could perceive some Indian huts
on the shore[128]. Alonzo Enriquez, the comptroller of the armament,
hailed the natives from a small island in the bay, and procured from
them some fish and venison by means of barter.

[Footnote 128: Having no indications whatever of the place of landing,
it is quite impossible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez in his
short and disastrous expedition to Florida.--E.]

Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the boats could
carry, and found the dwellings of the natives abandoned, one of them
being large enough to contain three hundred men. In the houses were
found a number of fishing nets, and along with these a sort of tabor or
drum, ornamented with gold bells. On the day following, Narvaez landed
all the rest of his men, and forty-two horses, the others having died
during the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of the country in the
name of the king of Spain. Some of the Indians drew near that day, but
having no interpreter they could not be conversed with, though it
appeared by their threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards to
leave their country. On the same day Narvaez marched northwards into the
country, with forty men and six horses, and came to a large bay which
seemed to penetrate far into the interior. Having halted at that place
for the night, he returned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo was
sent in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and to
endeavour to procure provisions. Having taken four prisoners, some maize
was shewn them, to endeavour to discover if the natives were acquainted
with that grain, as none had been seen hitherto in the country. They
accordingly offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of it
could be procured, and guided them to the town or village where they
dwelt, where some maize was growing in a field in the environs. In the
same place, they found some Spanish chests, in each of which was a dead
body wrapped up in painted deers skins; and as the commissary Juan
Xuarez considered this to be some idolatrous institution, he ordered the
chests and bodies to be burned. They likewise found some pieces of linen
and woollen cloth, with several plumes of feathers which seemed to have
come from Mexico, and a small quantity of gold. Being interrogated by
signs whence these things were procured, the Indians made them
understand by similar means that there was great abundance of gold in a
province at a very great distance called _Apalache_[129].

[Footnote 129: The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on the
western coast of East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, the
bottom or northern extremity of which is in lat. 30 deg. N. and long. 67 deg.
13' W. where a small river named St Marks enters the sea. The river
Apalachicola, likewise named R. des Cahuilas, or Catahoche, runs into
the western part of the same bay by two mouths, the easternmost of which
is about fifteen miles S.W. of St. Marts River, and western mouth about
twenty miles farther to the W.S.W. The same name is applied to the south
western extremity of the great range of mountains in the middle states
of North America; dividing the Atlantic country from the western waters
which run into the Ohio, called Blue Mountains, Alleghany Mountains, and
Apalachean Mountains. These last divide North Carolina from the sources
of the Tenassee and Cumberland rivers. A part likewise of Georgia, east
from the Apalachicola river, along the northern boundary of East
Florida, is still named the Apalachi country.--E.]

Twelve leagues from thence they came to an Indian town consisting of
fifteen houses, near which there was great plenty of maize just ripe.
Narvaez and others were of opinion that they should march immediately
into the interior, sending the ships in search of a safe harbour on the
coast; but the treasurer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Gabeza de Vaca,
advised that they should all embark till such time as a safe harbour
could be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and the whole land
forces set out upon their march on the 1st of May, being about three
hundred foot and forty horse, every man carrying two pounds of biscuit,
and half a pound of bacon. With only that scanty provision, they
proceeded for fifteen days, finding nothing to eat in the country,
except some _palmetoes_ like those of Andalusia, and without seeing any
towns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time they came to a
river which they crossed, some by swimming and others on rafts or
floats, which employed them a whole day in consequence of the strength
of the current. They were opposed by about two hundred Indians on the
opposite bank, who only threatened them without coming to blows. Of
these they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to their
dwellings, where they found a considerable quantity of Indian corn,
which proved a great relief to their urgent necessities. From this place
two officers were sent with a detachment in search of the sea-coast, in
hopes of establishing a communication with the ships; but all they found
was a creek only fit for receiving canoes.

After a short stay, they marched onwards in quest of the province of
_Apalache_, which the Indians had reported to be rich in gold, guided in
the way by some of their prisoners. After marching fifteen days without
meeting with any inhabitants, they fell in with an Indian chief, who was
dressed in a painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of his
subjects, and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom went
before him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds. On being informed
by signs that the Spaniards were in search of the province of Apalache,
he seemed to intimate that he was an enemy to the people of that
country. The Spaniards gave this cacique beads, hawk-bells, and other
such trinkets, and continued their march. They came that night to a
river which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it on
floats, and were therefore obliged to construct a canoe for that
purpose. Juan Velasquez ventured to attempt crossing it by swimming his
horse, but both were drowned, and the Indian attendants on the cacique
drew the drowned horse from the river and eat him for their supper. On
their arrival at the town belonging to the cacique, they were supplied
with Indian corn, and next day were guided on their way through thick
woods, in which the road was obstructed by many fallen trees, and the
fragments of others which had been shivered by lightning, as the country
was subject to severe thunderstorms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez and
his people came in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived by
any of the inhabitants; and, though weary and hungry they were all in
high spirits, thinking themselves at the end of their labours, and that
they should find some great treasure in recompence of their fatigues.
Some horsemen immediately entered the place, in which they found only
women and children; but the men soon returned and attacked them with
their bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed the
comptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty low huts or
cabins, enclosed among thick woods and morasses in which they found
abundance of maize, deer-skins, mantles, head-dresses for women, and
stones for grinding corn, but no gold. All the country, from the place
where the Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy flat, yet
thickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid-amber, cedar,
savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes; interpersed with many swamps or
morasses which were very troublesome to pass, and many fallen trees
which lay athwart the way. In their march they saw three different kinds
of deer, hares, rabbits, bears, and _lions_[130], with other wild
beasts; and among these an animal called the opossum, which carries its
young in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift for
themselves. The country is cold[131], and has good pasture for cattle.
In the woods and marshes through which they passed they saw many
different kinds of birds, as geese, ducks, herons, partridges, falcons,
hawks, and many others. Two hours after the arrival of the Spaniards,
the inhabitants of Apalache came to demand their wives and children, all
of whom were set free; but as the cacique was detained they were much
displeased, and came next day to assault the place, endeavouring to set
fire to their own houses, but on the appearance of the Spaniards they
fled to the morasses; and next day a similar attempt was made but with
the same consequences.

[Footnote 130: It is hardly necessary to say that there are no lions in
America. The Spaniards must accordingly have given this name to the
cougar, now called the panther by the North Americans, a very inferior
species of the feline race.--E.]

[Footnote 131: This must be considered as in comparison with the climate
of Cuba and Hispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been long accustomed,
as the climate of Florida is certainly hot in reference to any part of
Europe.--E.]

The Spaniards remained twenty-five days at this place, during which time
they made three incursions into the country to some distance, finding it
every where ill-inhabited and difficultly penetrable, owing to similar
obstacles with those they had already encountered. From, the cacique
whom they had in custody, they were informed that Apalache was one of
the best towns in these parts, and that on going farther inland the land
was worse and more thinly peopled. He added, that at nine days journey
southwards there was a town called _Aute_ near the sea, inhabited by a
tribe in amity with him, who had plenty of provisions. Taking this
information into consideration, and especially as the Indians of
Apalache did them considerable injury by frequent assaults, and always
retreated to their fortresses in the marshes, the Spaniards determined
upon returning towards the sea. On the second day of their retrograde
march, they were attacked by the Indians while passing across a morass,
and several both men and horses were wounded, without being able to take
vengeance on their enemies, as they always fled into the water. These
Indians were of large stature and well made, very nimble, and went
entirely naked, being armed with bows as thick as a mans arm and twelve
spans long. They marched in this manner, under continual assaults, for
eight days, at the end of which period they came to the town of Aute,
where they got Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beans, and other
provisions. From this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was sent with
a party to endeavour to find the sea; but came back in three days,
reporting that the sea was far off, and he had only been able to reach
some creeks which penetrated deep into the land. They had already
travelled two hundred and eighty leagues from the place at which they
first landed, in all which way they had seen neither mountain nor even
any thing which could be called a hill[132]. The men were become much
dejected and very sickly, and no longer able to travel so as to
endeavour to make their way back to where they left the ships; in which
miserable condition it was resolved to build some barks for the purpose
of making their way along shore in search of the ships. They accordingly
constructed five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which they
caulked with the husks of palmetoes, making ropes of the manes and tails
of their horses, and sails of their shirts; but were hardly able to find
enough of stones to serve for ballast and anchors.

[Footnote 132: Their wandering had probably been in the country of the
Creeks, in the western parts of Georgia, and the two rivers they crossed
may have been the Catahehe and Mobile; but we have no indications from
which to form any conjecture as to the part of the coast on which they
built their ill-fated barks.--E.]

They embarked on the 22d of September, after having eaten all their
horses, and having lost above forty of their men from sickness, besides
several who were slain by the Indians. Their barks were hardly able to
carry them, and they had no sailors among them to direct their perilous
navigation. After five days painful progress among intricate
creeks[133], they came at last to an island, where they found five
canoes abandoned by the Indians, and on going into a house they found
some dried skates which were a very acceptable though scanty relief to
their necessities. Proceeding onwards with the help of these canoes,
they suffered extremely for want of water, during which five of them
died in consequence of drinking sea-water too freely. Owing to this
necessity they were again obliged to land on the continent, where they
found water and fish ready dressed in some Indian houses. At night these
people attacked them, and the cacique of Apalache whom they had hitherto
kept along with them made his escape, leaving a mantle of sables behind
him so strongly scented with ambergris that it could be smelt from a
considerable distance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather proving
stormy, the barks were all dispersed, and none of them ever more heard
of except that in which Cabeza de Vaca was, which was thrown ashore.
Panfilo de Narvaez and most of his men were assuredly lost in the storm,
or destroyed by the Indians on shore; though there was a foolish report
long current that he had penetrated to the South Sea.

[Footnote 133: These intricacies may possibly have been between Mobile
Bay, and the western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of the
Mississippi.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *


SECTION III.

_Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss of
Narvaez._


When cast on shore, as mentioned at the close of the former section,
Cabeza de Vaca and the people along with him were relieved by the
Indians; and on endeavouring again to put to sea, the bark was overset,
three of the Spaniards were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got again
on shore, naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable plight of
these unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with provisions, sat
down by them and lamented their misfortunes, carried them to their
houses, and made fires by the way to warm them, otherwise they must have
perished with the cold, as they were naked and it was now the month of
November. They were put into a house with a good fire, the natives
dancing all night close by them, which the Spaniards were sadly afraid
was a prelude to their being sacrificed next day. But as they were
plentifully supplied with provisions they began to recover their spirits
and confidence next day. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soon
afterwards joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck of
another bark. At first they were in all eighty men; but in a short time
their number was reduced to fifteen, as they were forced to winter on
the island, exposed to excessive cold and great scarcity of provisions.
Owing to their misfortunes, they called this _Isola de Mal-hado_, or the
isle of Bad-Luck[134].

[Footnote 134: As we have no information in the text which could lead to
suppose that Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, either
before landing on the island of Mal-hado, or in his subsequent journey
to New Spain, the isle of Bad-Luck may have been to the west of the
Missisippi.--E.]

The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their only weapons
being bows and arrows. The men had one of their nipples bored, wearing a
piece of reed in the hole, and a similar ornament in their under lip.
They dwelt in this island from October to February, feeding much on
certain roots. In the months of November and December they caught fish
in a kind of wears inclosed with reeds; but these were not to be got at
any other time. At the latter end of February, when all the roots were
eaten, they were forced to remove from the island in search of food
elsewhere. These natives were extraordinarily fond of their children,
the parents and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year,
after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and washed off the
black paint they had worn in token of mourning. They did not lament for
the death of the old, alleging that they had lived their time, and that
they took away the food which ought to go to the children. All the dead
were buried, except the _physicians_[135], whose bodies were burnt, and
their ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed with
water and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every man was
contented with one wife; but these physicians had usually two or three
each, who lived together very amicably. When a man engages to marry the
daughter of another, he gives her all he possesses, and sends to the
father of his bride every thing he kills, and in return his diet is sent
him from the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enter
the house during the first year of the marriage. Should his
father-in-law or any of the brothers of his wife meet him during that
time, they always look down and pass on without speaking; yet in that
period the woman converses freely with the father or other relations of
her husband. These customs are observed both in the island of _Mal-hado_
and through all the country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. When a
son or brother dies, the people of the house will rather starve than go
in quest of any thing to eat during three months, in all which time the
relations of the family send in all that is necessary for their
sustenance. Owing to this, several families in Mal-hado were in great
straits while the Spaniards resided among them, as many had died and the
survivors strictly observed the custom. The houses in the island were of
mats, and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night stark
naked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province of
_Tegesta_[136], reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral, feed
better than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided, being
extraordinarily expert fishers. Two of them will venture out in a small
canoe to attack, whales when any are seen upon the coast. One of them
steers or paddles the canoe; while the other, being provided with two or
three stakes and a mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whale
rise to the surface, gets upon its head, and immediately drives one of
the stakes into one of the spiracles or blowing holes by which the whale
breathes. The whale immediately dives to the bottom; and when forced to
come up again to breathe, he repeats the operation and plugs up the
other spiracle, so that it cannot get breath and is soon suffocated.
When the whale dies, they fasten a line of withes or twisted branches to
its neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long while for them
to feed upon.

[Footnote 135: So called by the translator of Herrera, but perhaps these
were a kind of priests or conjurers.--E.]

[Footnote 136: In some modern maps _Tegesta_ is considered as the
southern extremity of the province of East Florida.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate companions remained in
the isle of Mal-hado till the end of April 1529, by which time all the
food in the island being devoured, the whole population was forced by
hunger to go over to the continent of Florida, where they fed upon wild
berries. The Spaniards were obliged to act as physicians to the natives,
as otherwise they were refused food. In the exercise of this profession,
they made the sign of the cross on the parts affected, reciting the
_Pater noster_, and prayed to God to heal their patients, who all
affirmed that they derived great benefit from these ceremonies, and
supplied the Spaniards with food in return. There were two languages
used among these natives within a very little distance, those who spoke
the one being called _Capoques_, and the others _Han_. When the natives
happened to meet together after a long separation, they would often sit
down and weep for half an hour before they began to converse.

All the remaining Spaniards, to the number of fourteen, went away along
the coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca behind, who happened to be sick and
unable to travel. On his recovery, he had to search among the water for
roots[137] on which to support himself. Wearied of this uncomfortable
manner of life, and being entirely naked, he went away among a tribe
called the _Charrucos_, who dwelt among mountains, where he fared much
better, as he turned merchant, going about from place to place bartering
such things as they wanted, and in this way he travelled over forty or
fifty leagues of the coast. He dealt in sea-shells like those of snails
which were used as beads, and in a different kind of shells which were
used instead of knives; and in return for these he procured deer-skins,
vermillion, and ochre, with which the natives paint themselves, flints
for pointing arrows, a kind of bitumen with which these arrow heads are
fastened, and reeds with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tufts
of deers hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of this
trade Cabeza de Vaca had liberty to go wherever he pleased, and was well
received wherever he went, receiving provisions in return for his
merchandize.

[Footnote 137: Probably the translator has mistaken the original of this
passage, and Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to the
roots of trees under water.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year 1535, always
well entertained, and always travelling towards the south west to gain
ground in hopes of regaining his liberty by getting out of the country
into Mexico[138]. Though naked and alone, and enduring much hunger and
cold, he enjoyed his liberty, and remained six years in that part of the
country, always in hopes of being able to bring away his two remaining
countrymen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the island of
Mal-hado. At length Alanis died, and he set off along with Oviedo.
Coming to a creek near a mile in breadth, supposed by them to be that
called _Del Espiritu Santo_[139], they were informed by some Indians
that they would find three men like themselves farther on, whose names
they told. They also said that the Indians had slain Orantes,
Valdivieso, Huelva, Esquibel, and Mendez[140]; but that the three who
still lived were very ill used, especially by the boys, who kicked,
beat, and abused them for their amusement. At this time the Indians
treated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that Oviedo went back along with
some of the natives, but Cabeza stayed and they two never met more.

[Footnote 138: Herrera, V. 92.]

[Footnote 139: It is quite impossible to form any reasonable conjecture
as to the situation of this creek, which could not be the bay of
Espiritu Santo in East Florida; nor that of the same name nearly
opposite in West Florida at the mouth of the Missisippi.--E.]

[Footnote 140: There is considerable difficulty to understand the
translation here, as Mr Stevens does not seem to have understood his
original. Orantes appears in the sequel to have been still alive; but we
must take the translation as it is, not having the original to
consult.--E.]

Two days after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians with whom Orantes
resided came to the banks of this creek to eat nuts, on which they fed
two months of the year. Orantes went to visit Cabeza who had been hidden
by some Indians who favoured him, and it was a great satisfaction to
these friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked and
miserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour to proceed to
the south-west, but to remain with the Indians till the nuts were
consumed, and then to remove along with them to another place where they
fed upon _tunas;_ because if they should attempt to escape the Indians
would kill them.

All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, some having been
stoned to death by the natives, and others drowned, among whom was
Panfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa, who was present, related to Cabeza.
Among these Indians who fed upon _tunas_ they endured much hunger, as
there was not enough for them all. In that country there were grey and
black wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary, having very
long hair, but their flesh was coarser than the beef of Spain. Having
concerted to make their escape, the Indians among whom they lived had a
quarrel on account of a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniards
were obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the same
place next year, which they did accordingly, but were again separated on
the very day when they meant to have fled. Yet they appointed to meet
again on the 1st of September, when the moon was full. Two of them came
on the 13th and Orantes on the 14th, when they actually fled. Coming to
a tribe of Indians called _Avares_, they were well received and procured
plenty of provisions, as these people had learnt that the Christians
performed cures. That same night three Indians came to wait upon them
who were troubled with pains in their heads, desiring Castillo to cure
them, and as soon as he had blessed them with the sign of the cross they
became well; in reward for which they brought _tunas_ and venison, and
blazed abroad the wonderful cures which had been performed upon them by
the strangers. In consequence of this so many persons came to be cured,
and brought with them such abundance of provisions that the Spaniards
knew not how to dispose of it, and the Indians made a solemn dance for
joy of the cures. The Spaniards intended to have proceeded farther, but
on being informed that the country through which they meant to travel
was desert, the tunas all eaten, and the climate excessively cold, they
agreed to remain with the Avares all winter, who went five days journey
into the country to feed on a sort of fruit called _yeros_. When they
had settled their habitation near a river, many Indians came with their
sick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them and prayed to God to cure
them, as this was the only means they had for subsistence. Next morning
they were all well to the great satisfaction and astonishment of the
Indians; and for which the Spaniards returned thanks to God, confiding
that he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage.

Departing from the _Avares_, the Spaniards came to certain tribes of
Indians called _Maliconas_, _Susolas_, and _Atayos_, among whom their
wonderful cures were already known, so that many sick persons were
brought to them. But as Castillo was a man who feared God, and despaired
of being able to do them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza de
Vaca was obliged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with him
Orantes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick person in a
very dangerous condition, being almost dead, with his eyes turned in his
head, and no pulse; and so confident were the Indians of his approaching
death that his house was already pulled down according to their custom
on such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat from the dying man, prayed to
God to restore him to health, and when he had several times blessed the
man and breathed on him, the attendants presented him with a bow and
arrows and a basket of _tunas_, conducting him to cure others in the
same manner. After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, and
were informed by the Indians that the dying man had got up, spoken to
his friends, and eaten with them, and that all the rest of their
patients were in perfect health. The fame of these cures spread over all
the country, so that many other sick persons were brought to them to be
healed, bringing presents of provisions. According to their account, the
Spaniards remained eight moons among the _Avares_, neither Orantes nor
Estevanillo having yet performed any cures, though so much importuned
that they were at length forced to comply, being called the _children of
the sun_. Being intent on prosecuting their journey, they fled one days
journey into the country of the _Maliconas_, where they fed for twelve
days on a small kind of fruit till the _tunas_ were ripe. Having endured
much hunger there for some time, they were directed to the habitations
of another tribe which spoke the same language. To add to their
sufferings, they lost their way, and it rained very much which
distressed them greatly, as they were entirely naked. They rested that
night in a wood, where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, when
endeavouring to find out their way, they met a number of women and
children who all ran away to call the men, who conducted the Spaniards
to their village, consisting of fifty houses. The natives gazed on the
strangers with much fear and admiration, touching their faces and
bodies; and when recovered from their fright they brought their sick to
be cured by them, and even forbore from eating themselves that they
might supply the Spaniards with food.

So great is the want of food in all the country from the isle of
Mal-hado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives are often
three days without eating; on which account it is the custom of mothers
to suckle their children till twelve years of age, and they never have
any intercourse with their husbands till two years after delivery. When
a married pair do not agree, it is customary for them to part and form
new connections, but this is never done when they have children. When
the men fall out among themselves they only use their fists or cudgels,
never employing their bows and arrows in private broils; and on these
occasions the women only venture to interpose to part them. These
Indians are very brave, and are as vigilant against their enemies as the
best soldiers in Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, make
loop-holes, lay ambushes, and use various stratagems with great art and
patience, usually killing each other by surprise in the night. They are
very cruel, are always ready on any alarm, and are watchful of
opportunities to take revenge and to gain advantage over any want of
foresight in their enemies. When actually engaged in battle, they have a
strange manner of skipping about from side to side, to prevent their
enemies from taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in a stooping
posture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are exceedingly
various, changing almost at each town.

Coming to another town, the Indians brought their children to touch the
hands of the Spaniards, giving them meal made of a fruit like carobs,
which was eaten along with a certain kind of earth, and was very sweet
and agreeable. Departing from thence, after passing a great river the
water of which reached to their breasts, they came to a town of an
hundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them with great
shouts, clapping their hands on their thighs, and making a kind of music
by means of hollow gourds with stones in them. These Indians received
them with great kindness, carrying them to their houses without
suffering their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked to
them to be blessed. Next day they continued their journey, and were well
received by the next Indians, who supplied them with plenty of venison,
and brought their sick to be cured. They were equally well treated by
the next succeeding tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for their
arrival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed a
strange custom among all these Indians, who, when they escorted the
Spaniards to another tribe, always plundered the houses they came to.
Cabeza and his companions were much concerned at this; but those who had
lost their goods in this manner made quite light of the matter, desiring
them not to be troubled at it, as they would repay themselves farther on
among tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spaniards began to
perceive a chain of mountains which they thought extended towards New
Spain, and to which they now directed their journey accompanied by the
Indians, who pillaged as usual wherever they went. When their guides
retired, their new hosts presented the Spaniards with such things as
they had hidden, being beads, vermillion, and some small bags of silver.

At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the mountainous
country, where the inhabitants were reported to be ferocious, but to
continue in the low country in which the people were extremely
courteous. Many men and women loaded with water bore them company, and
their authority was so great that no one would presume to drink without
their leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded along a river,
having been abandoned by their Indian guides, and were supplied with
some meal made of Indian corn by two women. About sun-set they came to a
village of about twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fear
of being plundered by their guides; but were quite rejoiced on seeing
them come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards were about to depart,
the inhabitants of the former town came in a body and plundered that in
which they had spent the night; telling the inhabitants that these
strangers were children of the sun and cured the sick, though able to
destroy them all, and therefore that they must be respected; they told
them likewise to go and plunder the next town according to custom, and
to carry the strangers on their way. The Spaniards were accordingly well
treated by this tribe, who carried them on for three days to a place
having many houses, sending some before to give an account of what the
others had said of the Spaniards, to which they added much of their own
invention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to lying, especially
where any advantage was expected. The Spaniards were well received, and
their guides plundered as much as they could find and then returned to
their own habitations. From this place the Spaniards travelled above
fifty leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of forty
houses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper hawks-bell
ornamented with a face, which these people valued highly, saying that
they got it from a neighbouring tribe. Travelling from thence seven
leagues over a mountain, the stones of which were iron ore, they came to
some houses on the banks of a river, where the principal men came out to
meet them, having their children on their backs, and presented the
Spaniards, with small bags of fine sand and powdered antimony, with
which they daub their faces, and gave them also beads and cloaks made of
dressed skins. The food at this place was tunas and the kernels of pine
apples, better than those of Spain, but smaller, as were the trees[141].

[Footnote 141: This surely is a mistake of the translator, as pine
apples do not grow on trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. It
may possibly have been pine nuts, or something of a similar kind.--E.]

At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been wounded by an
arrow, the point of which as he said had reached his heart and gave him
much pain, being still there, and he was to all appearance in extreme
danger. Cabeza opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrow
head with much difficulty, after which he stitched up the wound and
staunched the bleeding with the scrapings of a cows hide. The point of
the arrow was exhibited all over the country, and caused much rejoicing.
After some days, Cabeza removed the stitches, and the man was quite
sound, declaring himself free of pain. This cure acquired the Spaniards
so great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased. From this
place they proceeded through so many different tribes that it were
tedious and indeed impossible to mention them all; and all the way each
tribe as they conducted the Spaniards to the next, plundered their
neighbours in succession. Through the whole journey the Spaniards had so
much company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During their
journey the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons, and other birds by
means of their arrows and spears, all of which they presented to the
Spaniards, and would not use them for their own necessities without
leave. Sometimes they were attended by above four thousand persons at
once, which was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eat
or drink till the Spaniards had blessed the food and drink and breathed
on them.

They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues, at the end
of which the mode of their reception was considerably changed as the
Indians who accompanied them ceased plundering; yet the tribe at which
they arrived offered every thing they had, which was divided among the
escort, who then returned to their own dwellings, and this tribe
recovered what they had given away in a similar manner on accompanying
the Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their journey however
the Spaniards had to travel for more than fifty leagues through a craggy
mountainous country, where they suffered extremely for want of food,
till at length they arrived at a plain country where they met with a
kind reception, and where their escort received abundance of goods and
provisions and then returned to their own habitations. As the people
farther on were at war with the tribe where the Spaniards then were, two
women were sent on to inform the hostile tribe of the approach of the
Christians, as it was usual among these people, even when at war, to
continue an intercourse of trade by means of their women. Continuing
their journey, the Spaniards were inclined to change the route more to
the northwards, as no person came to meet them from the tribe to which
the women were sent; but the Indians who accompanied them objected to
this measure, as they alleged that the natives in that direction were
wicked and cruel, and that besides they would be unable to procure food
or water. As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, the
Indians declared themselves ready to go with them wherever they were
pleased to command, even though sure to perish, and they accordingly
went on; but as many of the Indians fell sick, and eight of them died in
this part of the journey, the other tribes were thrown into great
consternation, believing that they should all die upon being visited by
the Spaniards. So great was the dread and reverence in which the
Spaniards were held by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause of
the sickness and death of their countrymen, that they earnestly
entreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them. Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions became apprehensive that this mortality might estrange
the Indians from them, and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put a
stop to the sickness, and accordingly all who were sick began
immediately to recover.

Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo went under the
guidance of a female slave to a village in which her father lived, and
where they saw the first houses that were built in any thing like
regular order, the inhabitants of which cultivated kidney-beans,
pompions, and maize. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went to this
place, dismissing their former conductors. At this town a new custom
began among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spaniards as
had been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were all seated in their
houses, hanging down their heads with their hair before their eyes, and
all their goods in a heap in the middle of the floor, presenting all
they possessed to the strangers. These natives were well shaped and
industrious, and their language easily comprehended. The women and such
men as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made of deer skins.
After remaining two days among these Indians, who directed them to go in
the first place up a river to the northwards, where they would find
abundance of wild cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which direction
the natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they proceeded
for thirty-four days across the country, till they came at length to the
South Sea. In this journey the Spaniards suffered prodigious hardships
and were reduced to extremity by famine, having to pass through the
territories of a tribe which feeds on pounded straw for a considerable
portion of the year, and they had the misfortune to come among them at
that period. At length they came to a better country, in which the
natives had tolerable houses, with plenty of corn, pompions, and
kidney-beans, the people being decently dressed in cotton mantles. From
this place their former conductors returned well pleased with the things
they procured according to the usual customs among the natives. Cabeza
and his companions travelled above an hundred leagues with much
satisfaction in this country, blessing God for having brought them at
length into a land of plenty, as besides vegetable food in abundance,
the natives killed venison and other game, and presented the Spaniards
with cotton mantles, coral beads procured from the South Sea, turquoise
stones, and several arrow heads made of emeralds, which they procured
from a neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes of
feathers.

In this country the women were more modestly clothed than any they had
hitherto seen. Every person, whether sick or well, came to the Spaniards
to be blessed, believing them to be men come down from heaven, so that
their authority was unbounded among the natives. It fortunately happened
that the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever they went,
although they only knew six of the Indian languages, which would have
been of little use if Providence had not preserved them, considering the
vast multiplicity of languages spoken among the detached tribes of
America. Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at war
immediately made peace at their approach, that they might have the
opportunity of seeing the Christians; who thus left them all in amity,
and exhorted them wherever they went to worship the one only true God
who had created the heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and all
other things, and from whom proceeded all blessing. The Spaniards
likewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one another by
going to war or taking away the goods of others, with many similar
instructions, all of which were well received. The whole country along
this coast seemed well peopled, and abounded in provisions, as the
natives sowed maize and kidney beans thrice a-year. In one town the
natives used poisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice of
some kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three days; and
after a days journey, coming to another town, they were obliged to stop
for fifteen days, owing to the river being in flood. At this place
Castillo observed an Indian who had a sword buckle and a horse shoe
hanging from his neck, who alleged that he got them from heaven; but on
being farther interrogated, he said that some bearded men had come from
heaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who had gone
again to sea, where they and their spears plunged under water, but
appeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza and his companions joyfully
gave thanks to God for hearing some news of Christians after their long
and distressing sojourn among the barbarians, and hastened on their
journey to find them the sooner, telling all the Indians that they were
going to order these bearded men not to kill or make slaves of the
natives nor to do them any harm.

In continuing their journey they passed through a considerable extent of
fruitful and agreeable country, which was totally destitute of
inhabitants, all the Indians having fled to the mountains for fear of
the Spaniards. They came at length to the top of a hill where a great
number of Indians had withdrawn, who presented them with a vast quantity
of corn, which they gave to the poor famished natives who had escorted
them thither. Continuing their journey, they observed many indications
of Spaniards having been in the country, and they pressed onwards giving
praise to God that their long and miserable captivity seemed near a
close. One day, while Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance,
accompanied by eleven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, who
were much astonished at being accosted in their own language by persons
in their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza requested to be conducted
to their commander, Diego de Alcaraz, who informed him they were now in
_New Galicia_, and about thirty leagues from the town of San Miguel.
Castillo and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred of the
Indians who had deserted their habitations from fear of the Spaniards.
By their means all the others were induced to return to their houses in
peace and to sow the land. Cabeza and his three companions having taken
leave of the Indians who accompanied them with many thanks for their
protection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called
_Culiacan_[142], where they arrived much spent with long fatigue and
after having endured much hunger and thirst during their arduous and
anxious peregrinations through the vast wilderness from Florida to New
Galicia.

[Footnote 142: Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same name
which discharges itself into the Vermilion Sea or Gulf of California, is
in lat. 24 deg. 50' N. long. 106 deg. 40' W. in the province of Cinaloa. Cabeza
de Vaca and his companions had therefore followed an oblique course from
the north-east in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent,
to the south-west, from about the latitude of 31 deg. to 25 deg. both north; a
journey in all probability exceeding 1200 English miles in a straight
line. The beginning of their journey seems to have been to the west of
the Missisippi, as that great river is not mentioned; neither indeed do
we find any indications of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which they must
necessarily have crossed.--E.]

Melchior Diaz, who was captain and alcalde of the province, received
them with singular humanity, giving praise to God for having delivered
them out of their tedious and miserable captivity, and requested them to
use their endeavours to appease the Indians of that part of the country,
who were in arms against the Spaniards. This they most readily
undertook, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neighbouring
caciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended by thirty Indians,
bringing presents of feathers and emeralds. In conversation with these
Indians about their religious belief, they said they believed in a being
named _Aguar_, the lord of all things, who resided in heaven and sent
them rain when they prayed to him for it; such being the tradition they
had learnt from their fathers. Cabeza told them that _Aguar_ was GOD the
Creator of heaven and earth, who disposed all things according to his
holy will, and who, after this life, rewarded the good and punished the
wicked. He exhorted them therefore to believe henceforwards in this only
true God, to return to their houses and live in peace, to build a house
for the worship of God after the manner of the Christians, and when any
Spaniards came to visit them, that they should meet them with crosses in
their hands, and not with bows and arrows; promising, if they did this,
that the Spaniards would be their good friends and would teach them
every thing they ought to know, that God might make them happy in the
next life. All this the Indians engaged to perform. Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions went on from Culiacan for San Miguel[143], attended by a
few Indians, the natives by the way coming out to meet them in great
numbers with presents, whom they exhorted to become Christians as they
were now subjects to the king of Spain. They all received these advices
in the most friendly manner, requesting to have their children baptized.
While on the road they were overtaken by Alcaraz, by whom they were
informed that all the deserted country through which they had lately
travelled was again well peopled and in peace, and that the Indians were
all occupied in sowing their lands.

[Footnote 143: San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent map of
New Spain by M. de Humboldt; that name may possibly have been given to
the city of Mazatlan, in lat. 23 deg. 15' N. on the coast of Cinaloa.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent of country
through which they had travelled, from Florida on the Atlantic to San
Miguel on the South Sea, could not be less than two hundred
leagues[144], as they declared upon oath before a notary at San Miguel
on the 15th of May 1536, before whom likewise they subscribed a
narrative of all the incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After resting
fifteen days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city of
Compostella[145], a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunno de
Guzman then was, by whom they were kindly received and furnished with
clothes and all other necessaries. From thence they went to Mexico,
where they arrived on the 22d of July, and met with a courteous
reception from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo and
Estevanillo at Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to Vera
Cruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537.

[Footnote 144: Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17-1/2 to the degree, or
about 800 English miles. It has been already stated in a former note
that the direct distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200
miles, probably 1600 allowing for deflections.--E.]

[Footnote 145: San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the most
recent map of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted in
Governor Pownalls map of North America; in which San Miguel is placed
about 27 miles S.E. from Culiacan, and Compostella 230 miles S.S.E. from
San Miguel; all three near the western coast of New Spain, the former in
the province of Culiacan, the latter in that of Guadalaxara--E.]

We learn from Herrera[146], that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca was sent
out in 1540 as governor of the incipient Spanish settlements on the Rio
Plata, in which expedition he was accompanied by his former companion in
distress Orantes. In the year 1545, he was made prisoner by some
mutinous officers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conduct
was cleared by the council of the Indies, yet he was not restored to his
government.


[Footnote 146: Herrera, V. 342, 390, 402.]


SECTION IV.

_Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand de
Soto_[147].


[Footnote 147: Herrera, V. 223--239.--This narrative, as will be seen by
the series of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writer
into detached fragments, in consequence of rigid attention to
chronological order. In the present instance these are arranged into one
unbroken journal, but with no other alteration in the text. It is one of
the most curious of our early expeditions of discovery, bearing strong
internal evidence of having been taken by Herrera from an original
journal, and so far as we know has never been adopted into any former
Collection.--E.]

Ferdinand De Soto, had served with much reputation in Castilla del Oro
and Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro upon the conquest of Peru, being
even promoted for his worth and valour to the distinguished office of
lieutenant-general under Pizarro. On the breaking out of the
disturbances between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so much
disgusted that he returned into Spain, without having acquired the
riches that his services and good qualities deserved, considering the
immense wealth which was found in Peru. Aspiring to undertake some
brilliant enterprise suited to his lofty genius, he petitioned the king
to be allowed to undertake the conquest of Florida, which was readily
granted to him, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence and
graceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his constitution
to encounter the hardships incident to such hazardous enterprises. Since
the entire failure and destruction of Panfilo de Narvaez and his
armament, as already related, no one had hitherto offered to attempt the
reduction of that country till now. Among the terms granted to Soto on
this occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba, which
was to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct the intended
conquest of Florida. On the design of this enterprise being made public,
near a thousand men were soon raised for the expedition, among whom were
many gentlemen of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of the
commander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth.

Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the troops and
all the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th of April 1538,
accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the whole being under the supreme
command of the adelantado Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island of
Cuba, after which the _flota_ was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar,
the factor of New Spain. To shew his proud and turbulent disposition, on
the first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed a cannon shot a-head
of all the fleet to affront the admiral, who immediately ordered a shot
to be fired at him. The ball went through all the sails of Salazars ship
from the poop to the head; and by a second shot, all the side of his
ship was torn immediately above the deck. Salazars ship became
unmanageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the admiral
pushing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other and were both in
imminent danger of perishing in the dark, but by cutting all the rigging
of the other ship the admiral got clear. Soto was so highly incensed by
this haughty conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to be
beheaded; but forgave him on submission and promise of better behaviour
in future.

The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long before this a
Spanish ship commanded by Diego Perez had an engagement of four days
continuance with a French privateer, separating courteously by mutual
consent every night, and recommencing furiously every morning; but the
Frenchmen slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on his
arrival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repair the Havannah, which had been
burnt by some French privateers, and he ordered a fort to be built for
the protection of that place. Having sent some persons of skill to
discover and examine the harbours along the coast of Florida, and
appointed his lady to administer the government of Cuba in his absence,
he prepared to enter upon the great object of his expedition.

Accordingly, having embarked nine hundred men and three hundred and
thirty horses, he sailed from the Havannah on the 12th of May 1539, and
came to anchor on the last day of that month in the Bay of _Espiritu
Santo_ on the coast of Florida[148]. He immediately landed three hundred
men, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single native. About
day-break next day the Spanish detachment was attacked by a prodigious
multitude of Indians, and compelled to retreat precipitously to the
shore. Basco Porcallo de Figuero was sent with a party to their relief,
as the Indians pressed hard upon them with incessant flights of arrows,
and the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or discipline
knew not how to resist. On the approach of Porcallo the Indians were
obliged to retire in their turn; yet killed that commanders horse with
an arrow, which pierced through the saddle lap and penetrated a span
deep into the horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marched
about two leagues inland to a town belonging to the cacique
_Harrihiagua_[149], who had fled to the mountains lest he should be
called to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had been here
formerly along with Panfilo de Narvaez. None of these were now alive in
the country except one man named Juan Ortiz, who had been saved by the
wife of the cacique, who abhorred the cruel disposition of her husband.
By her assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to another
cacique named _Mucozo_, who protected him and used him well. Having
learned where this man was, Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with sixty
horsemen to bring him to the camp, wishing him to act as interpreter
with the natives. At the same time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with an
escort of fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indians
were all stark naked, except that each wore a small clout, but their
heads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers. They all carried
bows in their hands, and all had quivers well filled with arrows.

[Footnote 148: It has been already mentioned that there are two bays of
this name, one in _East_, and the other _West_ Florida. There can be no
doubt that the one here mentioned in the text is the former of these, in
lat. 27 deg. 48' N. long. 83 deg. 20' W. It lies on the western coast of East
Florida, and runs about 35 miles into the land, dividing at its head
into two coves or bays named Hillsborough and Tampa.--E.]

[Footnote 149: This name considerably resembles the names of men and
places in Hispaniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua to
have been cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cuba
to Florida, as mentioned in the first section of this chapter.--E.]

Immediately on seeing the horsemen, the Indians ran for shelter into the
wood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw Spaniards went full speed
after them in spite of their commander. Ortiz alone remained in the open
plain, and was assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped to
one side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian language
having forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made the sign of
the cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan Ortiz. Answering in the
affirmative, Nieto took him up behind him on his horse and carried him
to his captain Gallegos, who was gathering his men that had dispersed in
pursuit of the Indians. Some of the natives never stopped till they
reached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased, and seeing
one of their companions wounded they exclaimed bitterly against Ortiz,
as it had happened through his inadvertence. Soto was much pleased that
he had got Ortiz, whom he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind to
the Indians who had accompanied him, and ordered the one who had been
wounded to be carefully dressed; and sent by them a message to the
cacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind usage of Ortiz, and offering
his friendship.

Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his whole
employment under his first master had been to carry wood and water, and
he had never ventured to go out of sight of the other who used him well,
lest he might be suspected of endeavouring to escape; but he had been
told that the interior of the country was pleasant and fertile. Mucozo
came to visit Soto, who entertained him and gave him some Spanish
trinkets to secure his friendship. Soon afterwards the mother of the
cacique came weeping to the Spaniards, demanding to have her son
restored, and begging that he might not be slain. Soto endeavoured to
sooth and reassure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offered
with much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safety, as
she was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that Ortiz should taste
every thing in the first place. Mucozo remained a week among the
Spaniards, amusing himself with the novelty of every thing he saw, and
making many inquiries respecting the customs of Spain. During this time
Soto endeavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country,
remaining always with his troops at the town belonging to Harrihiagua,
because near the Bay of the Holy Ghost. At this time he dismissed the
ships, that his men might have no hopes of getting away from the
country, following in this measure the example of many ancient and
modern commanders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. He
reserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular occasions.

Soto used every means to acquire the friendship of Harrihiagua, giving
strict charges that no damage should be done in his country, being
extremely unwilling to give the first cause of offence, but nothing
could prevail on that cacique to enter into any friendly connection. As
some of the men were sent out daily, under a strong escort, to bring in
forage for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by a
multitude of Indians, making such hideous yells as scared them for some
time. Before the Spaniards could recover from their panic, the Indians
laid hold of a soldier named Grajal, whom they carried off without doing
any other harm. More Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indians
were pursued on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when they
were found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and making merry with
their women, and bidding Grajal eat, as they told him they would use him
better than Ortiz. On hearing the trampling of the horses all the men
fled, leaving the women and children with Grajal, whom they had
stripped naked. The Spaniards returned well pleased with Grajal and the
women and children, all of whom Soto set free along with some men who
had been made prisoners formerly, on purpose if possible to conciliate
the cacique and his subjects.

After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a detachment of
sixty horse and an equal number of foot under Gallegos to explore the
country beyond the districts belonging to Harrihiagua and Mucozo, which
belonged to a cacique named _Urribarracuxi_. On asking guides from
Mucozo for this expedition, he refused it saying that it would be
treacherous to furnish guides for doing injury to his friend and
brother-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no injury, and he
might send his friend notice of their intended visit, as they were
resolved at all events to go. In that part of the country they found
many wild vines, walnut-trees, mulberry, plum, oak, pine, and other
trees resembling those which grow in Spain, and the open fields appeared
pleasant and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was at
the distance of seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned, and could by no
means prevail upon him to come out of the woods or to contract any
friendship with them, though he likewise entirely refrained from doing
them any harm. Gallegos sent back word to inform Soto of the nature of
the country he had explored, and that there were plenty of provisions in
the town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take Harrihiagua
prisoner, his lieutenant Vasco Porcallo went out with a party on that
service, though Soto advised him to send some other person. When
Harrihiagua learnt the object of this expedition, he sent word to
Porcallo that his labour would be all in vain, as the roads were so bad
he would never be able to reach the place in which he dwelt. Porcallo
however persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his men refused to
enter, he spurred on his horse to set a good example; but his horse soon
floundered in the morass and Porcallo fell off and was nearly stifled.
Considering that he was well up in years and had a good estate, Porcallo
considered this as a warning to him to desist from such dangerous and
fatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave to return to
Cuba, and distributed his horses, arms, and provisions among the troops,
leaving his son Gomez Xuarez de Figuero well equipped behind him to
continue the enterprise, which was better fitted for younger men, and in
which Gomez acquitted himself like a man of honour.

On receiving intelligence from Gallegos of the pleasantness of the
interior country, Soto determined to advance with the bulk of his men,
leaving Calderon to command at the town belonging to Harrihiagua with
forty horsemen, to secure the ships, provisions, and stores. On this
occasion he gave strict orders to Calderon, to give no offence to the
Indians, but rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto did
not think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might be
burdensome to him and his people with so great a force, though that
friendly cacique offered to entertain him. But he recommended to Mucozo
to be kind to the Spaniards who had been left at the Bay of the Holy
Ghost. Soto marched N.N.E. to the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglected
to make proper marks in the country through which he travelled, which
was a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the sequel. On coming
to the town of Urribarracuxi, he used every possible endeavour to
prevail upon that cacique to enter into friendship, but quite
ineffectually. Endeavouring to penetrate farther into the country in
search of that cacique, they came to a morass which was three leagues
over, and the road through which was so difficult as to take two days of
hard labour; and next day the advanced party or scouts returned saying
that it was quite impossible to proceed farther in that direction, on
account of a number of rivers which took their rise in the great morass
and intersected the country in every direction. Three days were
ineffectually spent in searching for some way to pass onwards, Soto
being always among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During this
period the Indians made several excursions from the woods and morasses
to assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but were generally repelled
without doing any harm, and some of them made prisoners, who, to regain
their liberty, pretended to shew the passes to the Spaniards, and led
them to such places as were not fit for the purpose. On their knavery
being discovered, some of them were torn in pieces by the dogs, which so
intimidated the rest, that at length one of them undertook to guide
them, and very easily brought them into the open country.

Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass, which had two
large trees and some branches laid across its narrowest part to serve as
a bridge. Soto sent two of his soldiers who were good swimmers to repair
the bridge, but they were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whom
they difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as the
Indians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon repaired, and
the army passed over into the province or district of another cacique
named _Acuera_; who, upon receiving an offer of peace, sent back for
answer that he would rather have war than peace with vagabonds. Soto
continued twenty days in this country, during which time the Indians
killed fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body, whose
heads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards buried the bodies of
their companions wherever they found them; but the Indians dug them up
again and hung their quarters upon trees. In the same time the Spaniards
only killed fifty Indians, as they were always on their guard and kept
among the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of Acuera, to which they
did no harm, Soto continued his march inland for _Ocali_, keeping a
direction a little to the east of north, through a fertile country free
from morasses. At the end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, a
town of about six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse,
acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his people had
withdrawn into the woods, and at the first message desiring them to come
out sent a civil evasive answer, but complied at the second summons with
some apprehension.

Going some days afterwards accompanied by this cacique to examine a
river over which it was intended to lay a bridge, there appeared about
five hundred Indians on the other side, who shot their arrows towards
the Spaniards, continually crying out "go away with you, vagabond
robbers!" Soto asked the cacique why he permitted his subjects to behave
in this manner; to which he made answer that many of them had thrown off
their obedience because he had entered into friendship with the
Spaniards. Soto therefore gave him permission to rejoin his subjects, on
promising to return, but which he never did. The proposed bridge over
this river was constructed of two cables stretched across, having planks
laid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for the purpose
in the woods. By this means the whole force inarched across with the
utmost ease and satisfaction, the Spaniards on this occasion becoming
engineers and pioneers to build bridges and construct roads, after the
manner of the ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniards made
prisoners of thirty other Indians to shew them the roads, whom they
treated well and presented with baubles so much to their satisfaction,
that they conducted the army for sixteen leagues through a fine open
country to the district of _Vitacucho_ which was about fifty leagues in
circumference and was then divided among three brothers.

On coming to a town called _Ochile_ about break of day, the Spaniards
surrounded it before the natives were aware; but on hearing the drums
and trumpets they ran out, and finding all the avenues blockaded they
stood on their defence though the cacique was invited to enter into
friendship. He continued for some time to resist; but as his people
perceived that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing them
any harm, they represented this to their chief, on which, making a
virtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was well treated. After
this, he accompanied Soto, with many of his people, and conducted the
Spaniards into a spacious and delightful vale in which there were many
scattered habitations. The cacique sent likewise to acquaint his
brothers that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries,
only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way, and did no
harm to those who accepted their friendship. One of the brothers
returned a favourable answer, and treated the Spaniards with great
respect; but the eldest and most powerful of the three, would not allow
the messengers to return, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers,
who he said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangers
that, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one half of them
and boil the other. But as Soto sent another kind message to him, he
consented to visit Soto accompanied by five hundred warriors gaily
adorned after their fashion, and was received with much civility and
presented with such ornamental trinkets as pleased him much. He was
greatly astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and asked
pardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to make
amends by his future good conduct. This cacique, named _Vitacucho_, was
about thirty-five years of age, strong limbed, and of a fierce aspect.
Next day the Spanish army entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. It
consisted of about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great many
others scattered all over the country. All the towns in this country
have no other names except those of the caciques to which they
respectively belong. After remaining two days in this town making merry,
the two younger caciques asked permission of Soto to return to their own
districts, which was granted, and having received some presents from
Soto, they went away well pleased.

Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Soto
and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For this
purpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that it
was proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had come
into their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his design
to four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom he
informed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aid
him in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roast
some of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the
loftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pine
and rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep the
secret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that they
approved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, and
that nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged,
determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold
themselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of the
impracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline and
vigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to Juan
Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of the
officers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thought
best to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standing
vigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention of
the cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare.

When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates for
putting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty cacique
requested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whom
he had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might be
acquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practised
among the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war,
in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion he
courteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it was
likewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friends
by displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forces
accordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever might
occur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had
now in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique.
The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were found
drawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their left
wing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were well
equipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes of
feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on the
ground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appear
that they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position before
mentioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.

Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army,
each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards in
order of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle of
the plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of the
Indians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it was
previously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal for
attacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fully
instructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence the
attack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who
attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to the
instructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting his
horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost on
every occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took up
their arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeated
flights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they
chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soon
got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated the
main body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seeking
for safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes.
All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners.
About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake,
which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and the
Spaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with their
fire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in the
water, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted,
many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming,
till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others.
They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning till
midnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrender
though assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblest
surrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the rest
observed that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostly
surrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hours
in the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired,
hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in the
water till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pity
such resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to
them, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all out
half-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reason
of their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willing
to convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying in
his service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing a
desire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men were
about thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads about
eighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho,
in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return home
vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to these
youths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presence
of Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for having
broken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they
would take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better for
the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table every
day, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbarians
by kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary.

The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men,
who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacucho
gave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniards
while at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement for
the execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual
was at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, he
started up on a sudden and gave a loud _whoop_ or war cry, which was the
appointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violent
a blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell
upon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were at
dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from the
cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some with
fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever they
could get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as the
Spaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all the
Indians were slain.

Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called
_Osachile_ after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which could
not be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to that
employed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a body
of Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to
drive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets and
cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got over
by swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge was
constructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all the
rest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the
army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled for
some time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whence
they discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put to
flight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving at
Osachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place
could never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were made
prisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they had
hitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessary
for the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass the
winter, and as there had been much talk about the province or district
of Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days at
Osachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache.
After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came to
a swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by a
considerable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which several
were killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day.
But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove the
Indians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which was
fordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was a
bridge of trees made fast together.

Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side,
above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty to
penetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in one
day. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets
led the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers and
cross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make a
clear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of the
forest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops of
surrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through the
wood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed by
the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very little
service among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, the
Indians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out of
this forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther,
killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make any
opposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that they
were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country.
The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated lands
belonging to the _Apalaches_, but the Indians still continued to annoy
them, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp.

Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession of
fields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and were
frequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and then
ran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to a
deep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified by
palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But a
hundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way with
their swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with much
obstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but some
of the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched four
leagues next day with little opposition: and the day following were
informed _Capasi_, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distance
of two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give them
battle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some of
his men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which they
now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, having
several other small dependent towns or villages, and many detached
cabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The country
was fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the natives
numerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out in
different directions to explore the country. Those who penetrated
northwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent,
fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who went
south towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticable
country, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.

It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in this
place; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to be
constructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supply
of his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which the
army had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the
Holy Ghost[150], to bring away the cavalry that had been left there to
rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the only
cacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name different
from that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with the
Spaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed that
Capasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight
leagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed his
fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with great
bravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi was
brought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or
so much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and was
therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his hands
and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to his
quarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no more
disturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turned
out quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even more
disorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the command
of Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards.

[Footnote 150: Although in the text the general direction of the march
of Soto is mentioned as to the N.E. there is every reason to believe it
must have been to the west of north, into the country of what are now
called the _Creek_ Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the
winter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of
Apalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. There
still is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of the
Mobille river.--E.]

Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of the
perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he were
permitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which the
head men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders on
seeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his
permission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual on
a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique then
issued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, having
some important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted their
guards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; but
when day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of his
attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels falling
asleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after which
his Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former,
as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of
themselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must have
been carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to have
got away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted of
this excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as the
Indians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men for
their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection of
his soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with military
discipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger he
expected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise.


SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida_[151].


[Footnote 151: Herrera, V. 507.--541.]

We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend the
winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on the
bay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men who
had been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the
command of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali,
Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river was
flooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were up
in arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniards
had to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, and
selves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessary
to go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in
passing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than they
really were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives and
children were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned the
place, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four large
fires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade,
to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them.
They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wetted
in passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions from
the stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once were
allowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case of
attack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of the
approach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party
mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fast
upon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on their
march with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the town
by day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journey
with as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever they
found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing through
the wilderness.

On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was taken
very ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that day
near twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp[152] in the evening,
and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep them
warm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting to
pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but about
noon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third day
after, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, they
observed the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used a
pool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at these
appearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men were
much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and his
troops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians.
About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, they
came in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving the
town. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their
friends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equal
satisfaction.

[Footnote 152: A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81 deg. N. on the
frontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers of
St Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and
the latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache.--E.]

When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visit
him, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way,
which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which
likewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to
fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in a
friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques were
not of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anasco
consulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As the
stores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally
by Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed to
Apalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo.
It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two of
the brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered when
detached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, while
Calderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness,
seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land for
Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest going
by sea along with Anasco.

On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, and
was hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkable
happened during this march till they came to the great swamp, except
that one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his
breast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that they
have been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reason
the Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which is
stuffed with cotton, called _escaupiles_, to defend both themselves and
their horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition or
difficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians
attacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he was
again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indians
constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and
threatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his men
reached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of their
wounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the
Bay of Aute[153], whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now
collected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent Diego
Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards,
ordering him to return in two months with a particular description of
all the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonado
executed these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovered
a very excellent harbour, called _Achusi_, sixty leagues to the
westwards of Aute[154], whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto
then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carrying
letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cuba
that he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the country
was pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over.

[Footnote 153: No bay is now known of this name, but it may possibly
have been that now known by the name of Mobille.--E.]

[Footnote 154: This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerably
to the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to
the entrance of Ouachas Lake.--E.]

It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the town
of Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans in
the fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the woman
in his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with his
bow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life on
account of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was so
desperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended he
gave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that
it stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his
lance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtain
intelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order to
prepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among the
Indians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one about
seventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travelling
merchants.

From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen days
journey farther on, there was a province called _Cofachiqui_[155], which
produced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing to
the Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which to
march forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in
Apalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, the
Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with their
arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefully
avoiding to encounter them in the open fields.

[Footnote 155: Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws.--E.]

The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking the
field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and on
the third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden
bridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevated
situation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which was
still in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested here
two days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the camp
without orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they had
got two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escaped
with two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards now
entered that called _Atalpaha_, the first town they came to being
abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind,
who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was for
peace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of his
interpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intention
was to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might be
supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were his
intentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if he
conducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on better
treatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatched
some of the common people to desire the natives to return to their
houses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town,
where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observed
during three days that Soto remained there.

From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along the
banks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all the
inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered the
province of _Achalaqui_, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited,
having very few young men, and the old people being mostly
short-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march through
this bad country they came to the province of _Cofachi_, where, besides
other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed,
having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida,
where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill
them, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition,
Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, to
send a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to pass
through his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at the
appearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always his
wish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, rather
than force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of _Cofa_ with
the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with which
the cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom he
appointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful,
Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to a
brother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniards
attended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumes
of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs.
After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town,
leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This
country abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indians
as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; but
flesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had no
domesticated animals.

Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions and
a strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross a
desert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next province
of Cofachiqui[156]. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians to
carry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards.

[Footnote 156: The word _Cofa_ seems to have signified lord or chief
among these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text,
named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui.--E.]

On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a good
soldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise.
On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of his
forces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between
him and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip the
present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon their
enemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiant
strangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs,
flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command,
and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. On
this, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables,
thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he put
upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume of
feathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathers
is considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can be
bestowed.

There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar,
named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night before
commencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as
if in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms on
this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. He
alleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to kill
him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him about
and beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if they
had not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from two
Christians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian like
them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction,
by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Soto
gave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night and
baptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable to
walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!

The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adopted
by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rear
guard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep in
the centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, each
appointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaqui
they entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for six
days, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers to
cross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wall
above the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they all
got safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were much
at a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, so
that they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness.
Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that among
eight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had always
been at war with the people to whose country they were going, no one
should know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them had
ever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of complete
armies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when they
chanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and as
the people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did not
venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they were
unacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he might
rely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, who
had no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased take
what hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were not
sufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his men
should be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evil
intentions.

Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who was
likewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years.
They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thing
of the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening they
arrived at a great river which could not be forded[157]. This
circumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had only
seven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could make
rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four several
detachments in different directions to explore the country, with orders
to return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians,
to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indians
who carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out
every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds,
some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave to
the Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for their
necessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied the
army to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh
daily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their
misery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave them
a good example.

[Footnote 157: In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, it
may even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse or
Hogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredly
marched in various directions through the interior country of North
America, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, and
Georgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by the
Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws.--E.]

Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned on
the sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan de
Anasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemen
to inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of the
river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several towns
still higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. The
messengers brought with them many ears of _zara_[158], and some cows
horns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hitherto
seen any cows in the country. The Indian general _Patofa_ and his men,
who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whom
they could lay hands on, taking off their _skulls_[159], and plundering
the temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects were
secured. This town was in the province of _Cofachiqui_; and as the
Indians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto
now sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done under
his auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the other
chiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they went
away well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through a
pleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives
on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed by
Patofa and his people.

[Footnote 158: This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera,
perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians.--E.]

[Footnote 159: This ought in all probability to have been translated
_scalps_.--E.]

Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on Juan
Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a little
before night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard the
barking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; but
on going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two
Indians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was on
the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemed
to be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested the
horses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed.
Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal number
of foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing the
Spaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to them
across the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indians
ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who was
seated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive the
natives in state, as the customs of these people required. On
approaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to the
sun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they
asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered by
means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and required
nothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that they
willingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were very
scarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had lately
raged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands,
who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had delivered
their message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awnings
were seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, into
one of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other.
Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; and
immediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, which
her people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse,
she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in her
country, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions for
relieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one of
these, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She said
likewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town,
which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the town
to accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that the
whole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in a
courteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would be
perfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he was
speaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck,
and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name to
Soto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands without
transgressing the rules of decorum[160]. Soto stood up and received it
with much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore
on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who now
returned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring her
beautiful appearance and good behaviour.

[Footnote 160: The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being
found in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the
idea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps of
this part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where it
sweeps round from a S.W. to a N.N.W. direction, is distinguished by the
appellation of the _Muscle Shoals_, and it is well known that the
fresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls.--E.]

After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, on
rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. The
Spaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, and
the country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of
the princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leagues
from this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by her
daughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severe
reproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knew
nothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful
message to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was
accompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, who
seemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, they
stopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a tree
to partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indian
took the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiously
made of reeds, having heads of bones with _three points_[161] all of
them feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifully
painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy as
the finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed with
flint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that the
Spaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his
own throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead.
The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion he
had killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believed
was disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco was
still proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were going
blindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herself
from them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in his
power, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number was
small they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return to
head-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turned
back.

[Footnote 161: Perhaps this ought to have been _triangular_ pointed
heads.--E.]

Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in two
canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under the
conduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place of
concealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected that
Peter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in that
province; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and
great plates of _ore_[162] which was very light and mouldered away like
earth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderful
quantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to go
into a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried,
to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre
rather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were
reposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In these
repositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in which
the bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds there
were great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments both
for men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the
abundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officers
weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumber
his troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more than
fifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learn
their value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged that
they might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his
captains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of
beads or rosaries.

[Footnote 162: These large plates of _ore_, were probably
silver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text may
have been bright yellow pyrites.--E.]

Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called _Tolomeco_, in
a temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite the
residence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging on
the walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like those
formerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were great
numbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves,
and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and
breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved to
continue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess of
Cofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the better
convenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, and
confiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this order
they moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed to
such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must have
perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stones
were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, they
came to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N.N.E. The
sailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed past
Cofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of
_Santa Ellena_; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, it
appeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache to
Xaula[163]; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the
Holy Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all[164].

[Footnote 163: Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800
English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain and
probably changing direction, this estimate does not assist in
determining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach,
even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio.--E.]

[Footnote 164: The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the
particulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to correct
or reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no
establishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the places
he visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten
Spanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into Upper
Canada.--E.]

The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which was
subject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, being
induced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purpose
to recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one day
through an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopled
mountain[165], though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves,
waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues.
Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess of
Cofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of _Guanale_ to receive the
Spaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. While
on the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag from
his wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he
offered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meant
soon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for them
to ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw his
pearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they
were picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards,
as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. The
Spaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march from
thence they reached _Ychiaha_, a town situated on an island in the river
about five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry every
where concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told him
there were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, and
presented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have been
of extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed to
prize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place of
his ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto
presented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with which
he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a party
of Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reported
that they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that they
had been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise were
ordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon brought
up large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open their
shells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. A
soldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them,
almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which he
presented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; but
the general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, and
in return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money,
its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generous
and obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself and
them, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed
their entire confidence and affection.

[Footnote 165: If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed the
Tenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been the
Cumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers.--E.]

From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where the
cacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to have
taken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, and
still preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leaving
Apalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and
having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of
_Coza_, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding it
every where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every where
received in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. At
the town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by a
thousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs.
The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of the
river, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. While
dining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend the
winter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it was
better land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through.
Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessary
for him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that he
might be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and that
he might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which he
would return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place,
more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set out
towards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turn
that he might march back by a different route to explore the country,
meaning to make his way to the port of _Anchusi._

In five days march he reached _Talisse_, a town fortified with
entrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territories
of the cacique of _Tascaluza_, who was in enmity with the cacique of
_Coza_, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidate
Tascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, only
eighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reached
higher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments
of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, who
received him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a great
number of men standing round him; and though the different commanders
came up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto came
forwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet
him. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped,
and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantly
supplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their march
on the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them,
one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to ride
upon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. He
was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did not
seem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march,
after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river,
which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied with
rafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two
Spaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them,
they answered in a haughty manner, _they were not given to our keeping_,
so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause of
jealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique had
assembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretence
of serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to view
that place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. They
reported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was a
much better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida.

As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances very
considerable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and his
subjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the van
in person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot.
He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, he
arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming up
for a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain,
enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and the
interstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like a
wall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, there
was a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, having
many loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted of
eighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained a
thousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square or
market-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and had
dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in which
the general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen,
saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of the
Spaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that,
when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to proper
quarters.

Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled,
on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he had
been long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council to
attack them in their present divided state, before the rest of the
Spaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed,
which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had a
large force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselves
perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat was
dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sent
with a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refused
admission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indian
came to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerly
vagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is no
enduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled at
some Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, who
happened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft him
to the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows at
Gallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which the
Indian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, but
Gallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment these
Indians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousand
warriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushed
out into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.

The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mount
their horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; while
others cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them.
Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of the
Spaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who now
arrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, making
room for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established their
ranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a charge
on the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to get
in at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley of
arrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet
without turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As the
Indians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indians
back to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and the
fight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining and
losing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded.
Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept
close behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from his
horse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at the
head of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred men
with axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard and
some loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helping
each other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate.
Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which they
deemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, and
from the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire by
the Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, and
charged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his
spear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, an
arrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so that
he could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, he
continued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged to
stand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite
through the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not break
the shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cut
off.

The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houses
were all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of the
Indians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of their
own weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women
began to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, and
partizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows,
which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed only
with stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action.
The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behind
the van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of
trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hastening
forwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many of
the Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to make
head against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the
arrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made a
furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who still
continued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them with
great slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lasted
nine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541[166].

[Footnote 166: The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having
landed in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, the
transactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year
1540.--E.]

During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to be
taken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries,
no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all these
things had been plundered along with the other baggage at the
commencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried into
the town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight
Spaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly of
their wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entire
loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were much
missed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It was
reckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom
were found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. The
dead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as the
streets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of four
thousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousand
perished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were all
stifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, many
were found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some of
them four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza could
not be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in the
flames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which he
had anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received of
their arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reported
by some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talisse
complaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggage
of the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience,
as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. These
women said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbands
at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarlet
and silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to divide
the Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that all
the women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collected
on this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinary
festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction of
the Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on this
occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestments
for celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only have
ordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion,
till after their return among Christians.

The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursions
into the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twenty
Indians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were no
warriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all the
bravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle.
At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and Gomez
Arias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was much
inclined to have established a colony at the port of _Achiusi_ or
_Anchusi_[167], to carry on trade with another establishment twenty
leagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers,
who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike a
people, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in the
battle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for
exposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they had
found no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelled
over. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he had
expended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraid
his men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a
condition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to
penetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted at
seeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards in
any of his undertakings.

[Footnote 167: It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this
place may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creek
formerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay.
The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now called
Mobille. We know that the _b_ and _v_ are often interchanged in the
Spanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia and
Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. In
the present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila,
and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mere
conjecture.--E.]

When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel,
Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for three
days, after which they entered the province of _Chioza_, where the
natives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandoned
their town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river in
which were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indians
collected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass the
Spaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which he
concealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men,
who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these
attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it was
found impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force of
Indians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privately
built in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were then
drawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of
their horses and mules. These were launched into the river without being
perceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men were
embarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the river
with the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundred
Indians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the
alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of the
Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continually
shot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas got
straight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way down
by the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from the
first piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, and
made four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but at
length were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperate
charges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore;
but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelter
in an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of the
piraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing the
Spanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in the
neighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with the
Spaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears,
they evacuated that place during the night.

The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work for
future service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days they
reached a town called _Chicoza_[168], well situated in a fertile
country among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees.
Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to be
fortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and all
the provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this place
they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen making
frequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions.
Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions were
immediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselves
and presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair to
the Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefs
sent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanish
general. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards;
and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town about
midnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments they
set up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlike
instruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tied
round their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses being
thatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to their
alarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his _escaupil_ or cotton armour,
mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first to
kill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions of
danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Some
sick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; but
Captain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury on
the enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an
Indian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leaned
forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravely
rescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. At
length after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained to
fly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from the
burning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night,
the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them being
burnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few that
broke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shots
of arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through both
shoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on the
opposite side.

[Footnote 168: This word seems to have almost the same sound with
Chicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior have
crossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32 deg.
30' N. a short way above the Natches.--E.]

Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named _Chicacolla_,
about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortified
these new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles,
spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which had
been burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins[169]. At this place the
Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they suffered
extreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessively
cold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards in
the late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similar
attempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, they
withdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned however
every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some;
and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round,
they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they
should come nightly from so great a distance.

[Footnote 169: More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as
goats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of North
America.--E.]

The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner at
Chicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542[170], when they
resumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advanced
guard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort which
appeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewing
it, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite to
dislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with night
attacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they might
preserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces of
the country. This fort, called _Alibamo_[171], was of a square form,
each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so low
that the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what has
been already said respecting Mavila.[172] The general therefore gave
orders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those who
were best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready to
begin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all
adorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and faces
painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of the
Spaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent the
discharge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove the
Indians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, making
dreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, the
Indians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw
themselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands of
the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of the
Indians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but a
squadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that on
the whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in this
battle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to
single combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer to
cover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame for
two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through the
breast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through the
neck of the Spaniard.

[Footnote 170: Herrera persists in the error already noticed of
advancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he has
only accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been now
only in the spring of 1541.--E.]

[Footnote 171: At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian
village called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows
into the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part of
Georgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called the
Alibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quite
adverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of the
Yazous.--E.]

[Footnote 172: These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have
given rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some
speculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in
civilization than the present race of savage hunters.--E.]

At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want of
salt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of which
several died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was no
coming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them to
make a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their
food by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put to
much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity of
languages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteen
others besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with in
traversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such of
their women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able to
understand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, the
Spaniards came to another town named _Chisca_, on a river to which they
gave the name of _El Grande_[173] or the Great River, as it was the
largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most of
the inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escape
to the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficult
ascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old and
sick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom he
threatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women and
servants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail the
residence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclined
to carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, he
very courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique
and his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousand
Indians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there was
great difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with the
Spaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the natural
ferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiser
prevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they might
recover their wives and children, and retrieve their property without
bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from being
destroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that the
Spaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of the
cacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the town
restored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions.

[Footnote 173: From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely
be a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi.
According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell in
with this river in 1541, about the lat. of 34 deg. 30' N. in the country of
the Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already
supposed Chicoza to have been situated.--E.]

Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for the
sick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained the
friendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and went
four days along the river in search of some place in which it could be
crossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and
closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbers
of canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it was
deemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for which
purpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean time
four Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the
sun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, bidding
him welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The general
returned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions for
his forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to
visit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but it
was afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians on
purpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home.
In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river,
although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by
means of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as they
kept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were so
large as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of
whom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the river
with sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidated
by the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned the
opposite bank of the river and dispersed.

After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about four
hundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near another
river[174], and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, and
abundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards were
courteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named
_Casquin_[175], who resided at a different town higher up the river, and
sent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, they
proceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populous
country, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who received
and entertained them with great attention and kindness.

[Footnote 174: This other river may have been the St Francis, which
flows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is
supposed to have crossed.--E]

[Footnote 175: The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a
small river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side
of the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The
situation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto is
supposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but the
roaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence,
as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting.--E.]

Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, after
making his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded the
Spaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had given
them victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians:
Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, of
which they were in great want." The general answered, that though he and
all his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy.
Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and all
the forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemn
procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and some
Indians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all the
soldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayers
were recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarters
chanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing
at this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, and
others on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loud
shouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answer
their humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain to
satisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemn
thanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at their
intercessions.

Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march,
accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water and
other necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand of
his warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoining
tribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war.
During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp,
when they came in sight of Capaha[176], being the frontier town of the
next tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch forty
fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed from
the great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side,
which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the
cacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeing
the approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and sheltered
himself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjects
accompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followers
of Casquin, who took the whole scalps[177] of all they killed to carry
home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners,
among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewise
demolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about the
bones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymen
which were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done
before the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informed
by Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even have
destroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto.

[Footnote 176: On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country
of the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which
may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text.--E.]

[Footnote 177: On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by
Stephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we have
ventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of
the North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the
original trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as more
portable.--E.]

On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitive
cacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would not
hear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution to
take ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander
was making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested him
to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means of
which the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. In
the mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of their
enemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course set
free some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and had
been lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent them
from running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a great
part of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briars
and brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the only
accessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto
ordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land along
with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard was
drowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the rest
managed so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which the
women and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry of
consternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade,
in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects of
Capaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who had
never ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them with
ample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. The
subjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave
opposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their cacique
could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, and
would have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniards
that were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Being
thus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against the
Indians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed to
pursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourable
opportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and the
Spaniards accordingly retired unmolested.

Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin, Capaha sent
four messengers to Soto, apologizing for having before refused peace,
which he now sued for, and requested leave to wait upon him. Soto was
well pleased with this, and returned a suitable answer. Accordingly,
Capaha came next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finely
adorned with plumes of feathers; and before waiting on the general went
to the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he gathered together the
bones with anxious care, kissed them with much reverence, and replaced
them in their chests or coffins. On coming into the presence of Soto, he
paid his compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-six
years of age gave an intelligent account or the affairs of his country.
Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed him as follows: "I suppose
you are now well pleased at having seen what you never expected, for
which you may thank the power of these valiant strangers: But when they
are gone, you and I shall understand each other. In the mean time I pray
the sun and moon to send us good seasons." Being informed of what Capaha
had said, the general without giving time to Casquiu to reply, assured
Capaha that he and his Spaniards had not come into the country to
inflame the enmity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After more
friendly discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends with
Casquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto. After the
repast, the two women who belonged to Capaha and had been taken
prisoners were brought in and restored to him, at which he seemed well
pleased, yet presented them to Soto, who declined accepting them; but
Capaha desired him to give them to any one he pleased, as they should
not stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among the
followers of the Spanish army.

At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of salt, when
they were informed by some Indians that there was plenty to be had, and
likewise of the metal they called gold only about four leagues from
thence. Soto accordingly sent Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Moreno
under the guidance of these Indians to the place, ordering them likewise
to examine diligently into all the circumstances of the country they
passed through. They returned after eleven days with six loads of rock
salt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine copper; and reported
that the country they had passed through was rather barren and thinly
inhabited. On receiving this report, the general resolved to return in
the first place to Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west,
having marched northward all the way from Mavila, in order to remove to
a distance from the sea. After resting five days at Casquin, they
marched other five days down the river, where at a town in the province
of _Quiguate_ the inhabitants fled without any hostilities, but they
returned in two days and the cacique made an apology for his absence. In
the interval, the inhabitants of that place wounded two of the
Spaniards, which the general thought proper to overlook under the
present circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn of seven
days, they arrived in five days more at the province of _Colima_,
marching still down the river, and were received in a friendly manner.
At this place they found another river having blue sand, which was salt
to the taste. The Spaniards being much in want of salt, steeped some of
this sand in water, which they strained and boiled, and procured
excellent salt to their great joy; yet some ate of it so voraciously
that ten of them died.

Departing from this province of Colima, which the Spaniards named _De
Sal_, or the Salt Country, they marched four days through an uninhabited
wilderness, after which they came to a province called _Tula_[178]. On
approaching the first town, the whole population both male and female
came out to oppose them, and a battle ensued in which the Indians were
defeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along with the
fugitives; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused to submit or
surrender they were all massacred. After this, on Reynoso Cabeza de
Vaca[179] going into one of the houses, he was suddenly beset by five
women who had hidden themselves in a corner, who would have stifled him
if he had not been rescued by two soldiers who came in upon hearing his
cries for assistance, and who were forced to kill the women before they
could extricate him from their hands. From this place Soto sent out
parties of his cavalry to view the country. When any Indians were made
prisoners in these excursions, they used to throw themselves on the
ground, exclaiming "_either kill me or leave me_," refusing obstinately
to accompany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country. At
this place the Spaniards found several well dressed cows hides, though
they could never learn from whence they came[180], and likewise other
good skins of various kinds. Four days after the arrival of the
Spaniards at this place, they were attacked one morning early by
surprise by a large party of Indians, in three several places at once,
all calling out _Tula! Tula!_ continually, which was considered as a
watch-word to know each other in the obscurity and confusion of the
attack. The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking the
blessed virgin and their patron apostle St Jago for aid, as they were in
the utmost peril. In this battle the Indians fought with great clubs, a
weapon which had not been seen before in Florida. The Indians continued
the assault with such obstinacy till after sunrise, and the Spaniards
had been so completely surprised, that they were forced to lay aside all
punctilios of military discipline, each using his utmost individual
efforts for safety, and the officers even submitting to fight
occasionally under the command of their inferiors. At length the Indians
were repulsed, and retired unpursued by the Spaniards, of whom four were
killed and a good many wounded.

[Footnote 178: It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula on
another occasion by Herrera.--E.]

[Footnote 179: This may have been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de
Vaca, whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous expedition of
Panfilo de Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section of
this chapter.--E.]

[Footnote 180: It is however well known that buffaloes are found in
various parts of North America.--E.]

While the Spaniards after the battle were surveying the dead, and
looking at the dreadful wounds made by their swords and spears, an
Indian started up from among the dead, on which Juan de Caranza ran to
attack him. But the Indian gave him such a stroke with a Spanish
battle-axe he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him in
the arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him, but was soon
disabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next, and made several thrusts at
the Indian who skulked behind a tree, but at length gave Salazar so
violent a blow on the neck that he dropped from his horse. The fourth
Spaniard who came against this single Indian was Gonzalo Silvestre, who
conducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a blow aimed at him
by the Indian, he gave him in return a back stroke with his sword on the
forehead, which glanced down his breast, and cut off his left hand at
the wrist. The Indian rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre,
who warded it off with his target, underneath which he with another back
stroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and many others
went up to see this Indian who had made himself so remarkable by his
valour, and to admire the wonderful cut he had received from Gonzalo
Silvestre; who was well known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by his
valour and dexterity.

After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards departed from thence,
accompanied only by one Indian woman and a boy belonging to that place,
the former having attached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and the
other to Christopher de Mosquera. In two days march, they came to the
territory of Vitangue, through which they marched for four days, and
then took up their quarters in a well built town, which they found
abandoned. The situation of this place was advantageous, as it was
inclosed with good palisades and there was plenty of provisions both for
the men and horses; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Soto
resolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the Indians
were continually troublesome, and rejected every proposal for peace.


SECTION VI.

_Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto_[181].


[Footnote 181: Herrera, VI. 1--30.]

Soto and his men accordingly took up their quarters in the town of
Vitangue at the latter end of the year 1541[182]. As during their abode
at this place, the Spaniards often went out to kill deer, rabbits, and
roe-bucks, all of which were plentiful and good in the surrounding
country, they were frequently on these occasions way-laid by the
Indians, who discharged their arrows at them from ambushments and then
made their escape. A great deal of snow fell during the winter, but as
the Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisions, among which was
excellent fruit, they lived in tolerable comfort and in plenty. The
cacique of the province, desirous of becoming acquainted with the
strength and numbers of the Spaniards, that he might know how best to
attack them, sent several messages to the general under pretence of
offering to visit him. At first the Spaniards admitted these people into
their quarters even under night; but at length Soto began to suspect
some sinister purpose, by the frequency of these messages, and gave
orders that no more of them should be admitted at night, reproving those
who did not chastise and turn back these unseasonable visitors. In
consequence of these orders, one of the centinels killed an Indian who
impudently endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, for
which he was much commended by the general.

[Footnote 182: At this place the text returns to the true date of 1541,
quite conformable with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fully
confirming our observations respecting erroneous dates in the text on
former occasions.--E.]

Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in different
directions to endeavour to procure Indians for carrying the baggage, who
brought in very few. Upon this Soto set out himself on a similar
expedition, with 100 horse and 150 foot. After a march of twenty leagues
into the province of _Naguaten_, which was very populous, he attacked a
town by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with many
prisoners. In April 1542, the Spaniards broke up from their winter
quarters at Vitangue, and in seven days through a fruitful country
arrived without opposition at the chief town of Naguaten, where they
found abundance of provisions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixth
day after their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, to
excuse himself for not having visited the general and offering his
services. Soto received this messenger with much civility, and sent back
a courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came attended by 500 servants
with a large quantity of provisions, saying they had been sent by their
lord to attend upon the general, but the cacique never made his
appearance.

On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had marched two
leagues, they missed a gentleman of Seville, named Diego de Guzman, who
had always hitherto behaved himself well, but was much addicted to
gaming. On inquiry it was found that Guzman had lost every thing he had
at play the day before, among which was a good black horse and a
beautiful young Indian woman to whom he was much attached. He had
punctually delivered up every thing he had lost, except the woman, whom
he promised to yield up in five days. It was concluded therefore that
the reason of his disappearance was from shame of having abandoned
himself to gaming, and owing to his love for the woman. On this
occasion, the general required of the four chiefs belonging to Naguaten
to restore Guzman, or that he would detain them as prisoners. They
accordingly sent to inquire after him, and it was found that he had gone
along with the woman to the cacique, whose daughter she was, that the
Indians used him well, and that he refused to return. Upon this, one of
the four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire the
reason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested a letter to the
deserter to that effect, saying that it was not reasonable he and his
comrades should be reduced to slavery for the fault of another person
who renounced his country and deserted from his commander. Soto
accordingly ordered Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend and
townsman of Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour and
advising him to return; promising in the name of the general that his
horse and arms should be returned, or others given in their room. The
Indian who carried this letter was ordered to threaten the cacique with
having his country laid waste if he did not restore Guzman. The
messenger returned in three days, bringing back the letter, having
Guzmans name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answer
peremptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the cacique
sent a message, declaring that he had done nothing to oblige Guzman to
stay, and did not think himself obliged to force him back, but would on
the contrary be well pleased if many others of the Spaniards would stay
with him, all of whom should be well used: And if the general thought
proper on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his power and
to ruin the country, he certainly might do so, but it would in his
opinion be extremely unjust. Perceiving that it was impossible to induce
Guzman to return, and that the cacique was in the right, Soto dismissed
the four chiefs with some presents, and continued his progress.

After five days march through the province of Naguaten, the Spaniards
entered upon a new territory called _Guacane_, inhabited by a fierce and
warlike tribe, who obstinately refused to be at peace with them. In all
the houses of this tribe, _wooden-crosses_ were found; supposed to have
been occasioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had taught in
their progress through some other provinces of Florida, from whence
these crosses had been conveyed to this province and several
others[183]. Soto, having now lost half of his men and horses, was very
desirous to establish some colony, that the fatigues and dangers which
had been endured by him and his men might turn out to some useful
purpose. With this view he was now anxious to return to the great river,
repenting that he had not built a town at _Achusi_, as he once designed.
He had now a strong inclination to found a colony in some convenient
situation near the great river; where he could build two brigantines to
send down to the sea, to give notice of the large and fertile provinces
he had discovered, considering that if he should happen to die, all the
fruits of his labours would be lost. Having marched eight days through
the hostile province of _Guacane_, he proceeded by long marches in
search of the great river through seven extensive provinces, some of
which were fertile. In some of these the Spaniards were received in a
friendly manner, as they used every possible means to avoid war, because
their numbers were so much diminished, and they feared the summer might
pass away before they could reach the great river. Having entered the
province of _Anilco_, they marched thirty leagues through it to a town
of four hundred houses, having a large square in which the residence of
the cacique stood on an artificial mount on the bank of the river, which
was as large as the Guadalquiver at Seville. On their approach to this
place, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the Spaniards; yet
as soon as they drew near, all the Indians fled without shooting a
single arrow, and crossed the river in canoes and on floats, carrying
off their women and children, only a small number being taken by the
Spaniards. Soto sent several messages to the cacique requesting peace,
but he constantly refused to be seen or to send any answer.

[Footnote 183: In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is said
to have reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Red
river, in lat. 36 deg. N. and about 230 miles west from the Missisippi.--E.]

Leaving Anilco, and crossing the river on which it stood without
opposition, the Spaniards marched through an extensive unpeopled
wilderness overgrown with wood, and came into the province of
Guachacoya. The first town they came to was the capital of the province,
and was situated on several hillocks at the side of the great river, on
one of which hillocks stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken by
surprise, as he had received no intelligence of the approach of the
Spaniards in consequence of being at war with Anilco, the cacique of
Guachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to defend his town, and made
therefore a precipitate retreat across the river with his people in
canoes and floats, carrying off as many of their effects as they could.

The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabiting the various
districts or provinces of Florida, were not intended to deprive each
other of their dominions, neither did they ordinarily engage in pitched
battles with their whole forces; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes and
mutual surprises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, in
the hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths through the
wilderness. Sometimes they burnt the towns of their enemies, but always
retired into their own country after any exploit; so that their warlike
enterprises seemed rather for exercise in the use of arms, and to shew
their valour, than for any solid or public purpose. In some places they
ransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made them lame of a leg
in order to retain them in their service, more from pride and vain glory
than for any substantial use or benefit[184].

[Footnote 184: It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of the
cruel manner in which the North American Indians were in use to put
their prisoners to death. Probably that practice was then confined to
the tribes farther to the north and west.--E.]

Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guachacoya, the cacique
became acquainted with the unfriendly reception they had received at
Anilco. Though a barbarian, he could perceive the advantage which might
be derived from that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, by
an alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four of his
inferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attended by a
considerable number of Indians loaded with fish and fruit, and desiring
permission to wait upon him at the end of four days. Soto accordingly
received the messengers with great courtesy, and sent back a friendly
answer; yet the wary cacique sent fresh messengers every day to see in
what disposition the Spanish general was. At length, being satisfied
that Soto was disposed to receive him well, he made his appearance
attended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after their manner, in fine
plumes of feathers, and rich furs, but all armed. Soto received them in
a friendly manner, and had a long discourse, with the cacique in one of
the spacious rooms belonging to his residence, by the intervention of
interpreters. At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which all
the Indians who were present bowed their heads and extended their arms,
in token of salute; some saying, _the sun preserve you_, others _the sun
be with you_, and others _may the sun make you great_, with other
complimentary expressions of similar import. Among other discourse at
this interview, the cacique proposed to Soto to return into the province
of Anilco to take revenge on the cacique for his enmity, and offered to
supply 80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and up that
of Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues, when the rest of the
army marching by land might form a junction in the centre of the enemies
country. As Soto was inclined to take a full view of the country,
meaning to form a settlement between these two provinces, where he might
build his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordingly
orders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de Guzman was
ordered to embark with his company on board the canoes, which were
likewise to carry 4000 Indians, and who were expected to join the forces
which marched by land at the end of three days. Soto and the rest of the
Spanish forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya with
2000 warriors, besides a large number carrying the provisions.

They all met at the time appointed, and as the Anilcans were unable to
oppose the groat force which came against them, the Guachacoyans entered
the town killing all they met, without regard to age or sex; committed
all imaginable barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering and
trampling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their countrymen and
other trophies which the Anilcans had hung up in commemoration of their
victories. On seeing the barbarity of his allies, Soto sounded a
retreat and ordered the Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town,
wishing anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischief, and to prevent
it from being set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual, as the
Guachacoyans thrust burning brands into the thatch of the houses, which
soon took fire, and the town was utterly destroyed. The Spaniards and
their allies now returned to Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders for
cutting down and hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, and
to prepare iron work for their construction; designing when the vessels
were finished to cross the river into a province named _Quiqualtangui_,
which was very fertile and populous, the cacique of which had a town of
five hundred houses, but who could never be induced to listen to
proposals of peace from the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn by
the sun and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers,
and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general endeavoured to
appease him with presents and fair words, being always generous towards
the leaders of the barbarians, endeavouring to bear with and soften
their savage manners, and to conciliate their friendship. By this wise
conduct he had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long a
time among so many fierce and savage nations.

While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a violent fever,
which increased upon him so that he soon perceived it would prove
mortal. He made therefore his will, and endeavoured to prepare for death
like a good Christian. That nothing might be left unprovided for, he
appointed in presence of all his officers and principal followers Luis
Moscoso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the king might
order otherwise; and after commending the virtue and bravery of
Alvarado, he entreated and commanded all to yield him implicit
obedience, even taking their oaths to that purpose, and represented to
them how necessary it was for them all to be united and obedient, for
their own preservation among these barbarous nations. He then took an
affectionate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed this
life on the seventh day of his illness, after performing all the duties
of a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a comely appearance and
pleasant countenance, and of affable and generous dispositions. He was
an excellent soldier, and managed his weapons with much dexterity both
on foot and on horseback; skilful and experienced in all military
affairs; always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in every
enterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary, yet easy to
forgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers when that might be
done without lessening his authority. At his death he was only forty-two
years of age, and had expended his whole fortune, exceeding 100,000
ducats on this romantic and fruitless expedition. His death was
universally lamented among his followers, as he had acquired their
universal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct. It was
thought necessary to bury him under night, that his death might not be
known to the Indians, nor the place of his interment, lest they should
insult his remains; but in spite of all their precautions the secret was
revealed; for which reason they hollowed out a log of oak into which
they put his body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at a
place where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feet deep.

When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alvarado assembled his
officers to hold a council upon the present state of their affairs.
After thanking them for admitting him as their commander, and making a
statement of their numbers, arms, and ammunition, he desired they would
determine upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness and
inveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom they were surrounded:
Whether to prosecute what had been previously resolved upon by their
late lamented general, or to devise some other measure for extricating
themselves from the country, declaring that he was ready to proceed
according to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officers
thanked him for the compliment he paid them, but referred the
determination respecting their future proceedings to himself, and again
submitted to obey him as their commander. The death of Soto had made a
great change in the minds of the Spanish forces, who now determined to
abandon the country they had taken so much pains to discover.
Accordingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched above 100
leagues to the westwards, through a barren and desert country[185]. On
leaving Guachacoya they were joined by an Indian youth of about sixteen
years of age, whom they did not observe till the fourth day of their
march. Suspecting him of being a spy, Alvarado asked him who he was and
what was his object in following them. He said that he had fled from
Guachacoya, because the chief whom he served was at the point of death,
and he had been appointed to be buried alive along with his master, as
it was the custom of the country to inter women and servants along with
great personages, to minister to them in the next world.

[Footnote 185: Though not directly so expressed in the text; it may be
inferred from circumstances in the after part of the narratives that the
present object of Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to find
their way by land to the northern part of New Spain.--E.]

At the end of the 100 leagues of wilderness, the Spaniards came to a
province called _Auche_, where they were well received, and where they
rested for two days. Still determined upon proceeding to the westwards,
they were informed that they had a desert wilderness of four days
journey to cross, and received a supply of provisions sufficient for the
journey, with a guide to conduct them through the wilderness. But after
having marched for eight days in that direction, still in the
unhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three days without
Indian corn, they discovered that they had been imposed upon and were
likely to perish of famine. Alvarado now ordered a dog to be let loose
upon the faithless guide; who acknowledged that he had received orders
from the cacique of Auche to lead them into the heart of the desert that
they might there perish, because he did not think himself able to
contend with them in arms. He craved pardon therefore of the general for
having obeyed the orders of his chief, and engaged to lead the army in
three days more, still proceeding to the westwards, to an inhabited
country where they would find provisions. But the Spaniards were so
incensed against him for leading them into the present alarming
situation, that they would not listen to his apology or promises, and
permitted the dogs to devour him. Thus left in the utmost want of
provisions, and utterly ignorant of the country, the Spaniards held on
their way towards the west for other three days, during which they had
to subsist upon any wild plants they could find; and at length came to
an inhabited though barren country. They here procured the means of
subsistence, particularly beef, and saw many fresh cows hides, though
the Indians never shewed them any cows[186]. While the Spaniards were
proceeding on their march through this province, which they denominated
_De los Vaqueros_[187], or the tribe of cow-herds, they observed an
Indian approach from the skirts of a wood, and believing he might have
brought some message from the cacique, they permitted him to draw near.
But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an arrow at five or six
soldiers who stood together, who fortunately escaped the danger by
stepping to a side; but the arrow flew among some Indian women who were
dressing provisions for their masters, pierced one of them quite
through, and wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On the
alarm being given, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at hand,
overtook the Indian before he could get back to the wood, and slew him.

[Footnote 186: Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beef
and the hides were assuredly acquired by hunting the wild American
buffaloe or bison.--E.]

[Footnote 187: In this rare instance our maps throw some light on the
text. Nearly in the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 800
miles west from the Missisippi, there is a nation named the Apaches
Vaqueros, probably the same indicated in the text. The route thither
from the Missisippi leads through several tribes of savage Indians,
named Ozages, Paducas, and Kanzez.--E.]

Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through this province of
the cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of vast mountains still farther
to the west, which from their own scouts and the information of the
Indians, they learnt were barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were also
informed, that if they bent their course to the right hand, they would
come into a desert country; but that to the left, though a longer way,
they would travel through inhabited and plentiful countries[188].
Considering what they had endured in their late march through the desert
intervening between Auche and the country of _Los Vaqueros_, they had
determined upon giving up their first plan of proceeding by land to
Mexico, thinking it better to return to the great river, and so proceed
to the sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their late
general. They accordingly took long marches to the _southwards_, taking
care not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased by frequent
attacks while leaving the country of the cow-herds. On one of these
occasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow, which penetrated through
his greaves and thigh, and passing through the saddle lap, ran two
fingers breadth into the horses side, the arrow being made of reed with
no other head than the reed itself hardened in the fire and sloped to a
point. The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow being
previously cut off between his thigh and the saddle, and he was left to
cure himself, as he had formerly performed many wonderful cures on his
comrades with only oil and wool, assisted by prayers. But since the
battle of Mavila, in which all the oil was lost, he had never attempted
to cure either others or himself, though twice wounded before, believing
that the cure could not be performed without oil and dirty wool. In this
distress, he swore that he would not submit to the surgeons, and would
rather die than allow them to dress his wound. Having no oil, he
substituted hogs lard, and procured some wool from an Indian mantle, as
the Spaniards had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and to
the astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that he was
able to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now begged pardon of the
soldiers for having allowed so many of his comrades to perish, by
refusing to cure them, as he had believed the efficacy of his mode of
cure depended on the oil, but as he now found that it consisted in the
holy words he had pronounced over the dressings, he desired they might
again recur to him when wounded, and he would exert himself as formerly.
This soldier, named Sanjurgo Gallego, was very chaste, a good Christian,
ever ready to serve all men, and had many other virtues[189].

[Footnote 188: There is some ambiguity in the text, from which it is
difficult to ascertain whether the left and right hand of their general
line of march is now to be respectively considered as south and north,
or the contrary. But as coupled with their intended return towards the
great river, now to the east, the _left_ means probably the _north_, and
the _right_ the _south_.--E.]

[Footnote 189: Though not mentioned in the text, it is not improbable
that Gallego had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of
_holy_ oil, or chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to have
consisted in the application of bland oils, and leaving nature to
operate, without the employment of the ancient barbarous methods of
cure, by tents, escharotics, cautery, and heating inflammatory
applications; which in modern times, abandoned by surgeons, have been
adopted by farriers.--E.]

After leaving the territories of the cow-herds, the Spaniards marched
for twenty days through the lands of other tribes. Being of opinion that
they had declined too much from, the direction of Guachacoya, to which
place they now proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed their
course eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards the _north_, so that
in this way they crossed the direction they had formerly gone in their
march from Auche to the country of the cow-herds, yet without perceiving
it. When at length they reached the great river, it was the middle of
September, having travelled three months from leaving Guachacoya; and
though they had fought no pitched battle during all that time, they
were never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost forty
soldiers during this last useless and circuitous march. The Indians on
every opportunity shot all who happened to stray from the main body, and
would often crawl on all fours at night into their quarters, shoot their
arrows, and make their escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to their
distresses, the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow and
excessive cold weather. On coming to where they proposed quartering for
the night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry, they were obliged to send
parties in advance to secure them, generally, by force, and after all
were mostly under the necessity of procuring provisions by means of
their swords. Besides all this, they were often forced to construct
rafts or floats on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied them
five or six days. The horsemen were frequently obliged to pass the night
on horseback, and the infantry to stand up to their knees in mire and
water, with hardly any clothes to cover them, and such as they had
always wet. Owing to these accumulated hardships, many of the Spaniards
and their Indian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded to
the horses, so that sometimes four or five men and horses died in a day,
and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure to bury for haste in
pursuing their march.

In this miserable condition they came to the great river about the
latter end of November[190]. In their march on the west side of the
great river, from leaving the territory of Guachacoya to their arrival
at their new winter quarters, they had marched by estimation 350
leagues, and lost 100 men and 80 horses by the way, without counting
their Indian servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit of
their long and painful march westwards in quest of New Spain, and of
refusing to follow the plan which had been devised by their late general
for descending the great river to the sea. At this period they were much
gratified by finding two contiguous towns on the great river of 200
houses each, which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river.
They were now reduced to 320 foot and 70 horse, or 390 in all, who now
remained of 900 men and 330 horses which had landed in the bay of
Espiritu Santo at the end of May 1539, four years and a half before. Yet
inured to hardships and accustomed to conquer, they immediately attacked
and gained possession of these towns, from which the inhabitants fled,
having heard of the irresistible valour of the Spaniards from other
tribes. They had the good fortune to find plenty of provisions in these
towns, and to remain undisturbed by the Indians, so that they soon
recovered from their fatigues; yet several died in consequence of their
past sufferings, and among the rest Juan Ortiz, their chief interpreter
and an excellent soldier.

[Footnote 190: They were already said to have reached it in the middle
of September. The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera; or
they took from the middle of September to the end of November, in
descending the right bank of the great river to where they passed the
winter, having come to it much higher up than they intended.--E.]

Having determined to take up their quarters at this place, they
fortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for the winter. This
province, called _Aminoya_, lay seventeen leagues farther up the river
than Guachacoya, to which they had endeavoured to direct their course on
returning from the province of _Los Vaqueros_. Being somewhat recovered
towards the end of January 1543, they set to work to cut down and
prepare timber for building their brigantines. At this place, an old
Indian, who had been unable to make his escape along with the rest,
objected to their staying in their present quarters for the winter,
saying that the river was in use to overflow every fourteen years, and
that this was the expected season of its doing so. They refused however
to profit by this information, of which they had sufficient reason to
repent in the sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river was
soon known in all the neighbouring districts. Upon which the cacique of
Anilco, to prevent them from favouring the Guachacoyans as formerly,
sent an embassy to Alvarado, offering his friendship and making mighty
promises. The ambassador sent upon this occasion by Anilco was his _Apu_
or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit and other
things to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian, servants to attend upon them
and supply their wants. Having delivered his message, the Apu sent back
the answer to the cacique, and remained with the Spaniards. The cacique
of Guachacoya came likewise to wait upon the Spanish general, with a
great present, to confirm the former friendship, and though he saw the
lieutenant of his enemy among the Spaniards, he took no notice of the
circumstance. On consultation about the brigantines, it was found that
it would require seven of them to accommodate all the people; and the
timber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in earnest, and
occupied their utmost diligence all the months of February, March and
April 1543, during all which time they were amply supplied with all
necessaries by Anilco, who even furnished them with blankets and mantles
to defend themselves from the cold. These articles of clothing were
manufactured by the Indians from an herb resembling mallows, which has
fibres like those of flax; and the dresses which are made of this
substance are afterwards dyed according to their fancies. On the present
occasion, the Spaniards reserved the new blankets and mantles furnished
by Anilco for sails to their brigantines, and broke up those which were
old and useless to serve as oakum for caulking their vessels. Of the
same materials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage for their
brigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables; and in every thing
the cacique Anilco, to whom they had formerly done so much injury,
assisted the Spaniards to the utmost of his power, while Guachacoya was
exceedingly dissatisfied at seeing the intimacy between them.

On the other side of the river there lay a large and fertile province
called _Quiqualtanqui_, the cacique of which was a haughty warlike
youth, who believed that although the Spaniards were now building
vessels to convey them out of the country, they might yet return in
greater numbers to enslave the natives. For this reason he determined to
destroy them, and assembled forces from all parts of the country, both
those of his, own tribe and from all the tribes around. Having concluded
an extensive confederacy and begun his preparations for war, he sent a
friendly message to Alvarado to lull him into security, advising all his
confederates to do the same. The general gave them all favourable
answers, yet kept himself carefully on his guard. _Quiqualtanqui_
invited Anilco to join in the confederacy, instead of which he gave
notice of it to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stood
affected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having hostile
intentions, as he made no communication of the conspiracy. The
confederates continued to send frequent messages and presents to the
Spaniards to discover what they were doing; and though repeatedly warned
not to come to their quarters under night they took no notice of it. One
night that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in the second
watch, the moon shining very bright, he observed two armed Indians in
their plumes of feathers, passing over the ditch on a tree that lay
across instead of a bridge. These men came to a postern which they
entered without asking leave, on which Silvestre gave one of them a cut
on the forehead, on which he immediately fled. The other Indian, without
waiting for his wounded companion, got into the canoe on the river and
gave the alarm to his party. The wounded man, missing the tree across
the ditch, swam over and cried out for assistance when he came to the
river, on which some of his friends came and carried him off. At
sunrise, Quiqualtanqui sent four messengers demanding that Alvarado
should punish the centinel for having been guilty of a breach of the
peace, more especially, as the wounded man was a chief. Four other
messengers arrived at mid-day on a similar errand, saying that the
wounded chief was at the point of death; and four more came in the
afternoon affirming that he was dead, and insisted that the centinel
should be publicly punished, since the action he had committed was an
affront to all the Indians of the confederacy. Alvarado boldly answered,
that they had been previously and repeatedly warned never to come to the
Spanish quarters under night, being always welcome and honourably
treated through the day. He added that though sincerely sorry for what
had happened, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had only
done his duty according to military discipline, neither would his
soldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates thought
fit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alvarado was a man of
invincible courage and wise conduct; yet resolved upon executing their
design against the Spaniards as soon as possible.

Being eager to get away from the country, the Spaniards laboured
indefatigably in fitting out the vessels, even the best gentlemen among
them using the utmost diligence; while those who were not handy in the
several occupations about the brigantines employed themselves in hunting
and fishing to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish taken
on the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of such
enormous dimensions, that the head alone weighed forty pounds. The
confederate Indians under Quiqualtanqui continued their warlike
preparations, being much encouraged by knowing that Ferdinand de Soto
was dead, that the number of the Spaniards was very much diminished, and
that very few horses were left. So confident were they of success, that
two of their spies desired some of the Indian women who served the
Spaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from their
bondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to be slain. But the
women disclosed this to their masters. When the night happened to be
very still, the noise of many people could be heard from the opposite
side of the river; and the Spaniards could distinctly see numerous fires
at regular distances, as of the quarters of a large army. But it pleased
God to confound the evil designs of these Indians, by an inundation of
the river, which began on the 10th of March 1543, and increased with
prodigious rapidity, so that on the 18th which was Palm Sunday, when the
Spaniards were in procession, for they observed all the religious
solemnities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there was
no going along the streets for long after but in canoes. This inundation
was forty days of rising to its greatest height, which was on the 20th
of April, at which time it extended above twenty leagues on each side of
the river, so that nothing could be seen in all the country around but
the tops of the trees, and the people had to go every where in canoes.

During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent twenty
Spaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin, blankets, and cordage
for completing the equipment of the vessels, and these men were sent in
four canoes lashed two and two together, to prevent them from being
overset by the trees which were under water. On coming to the town of
Anilco, they found it destroyed, though twenty leagues from the Spanish
quarters, and the inundation had extended five leagues farther. Gonzado
Silvestre who commanded these Spaniards was greatly in favour of the
cacique Anilco, because he had restored to him a youth who had
accompanied the Spaniards on their march to the westwards, who perfectly
understood the Spanish language, and was so much attached to the
Spaniards as to be very averse from returning to his father. On this
occasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every thing of which he was in
want.

It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the latter end of
April; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May there was no going about
the streets of the town on account of the deep mire with which they were
filled. This was the more distressing to the Spaniards as they were
barefooted, all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoes
they had since been able to make, being of untanned leather, were like
so much tripe as soon as wet. At the latter end of May, the great river
returned to its usual channel, and the confederated Indians again drew
their forces together to execute their original design against the
Spaniards, of which they received intelligence from Anilco; who likewise
informed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by the
confederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise, and even
offered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed warriors, and that
if they chose to retire into his country the confederates would not dare
to attack them. Alvarado returned thanks for these friendly offers, but
declined accepting them; because as he intended to go down the river and
to quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take refuge in
the territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of his warriors, as
either of those might draw upon him the confederated hostility of his
neighbours: But he promised, if it should please God ever to put it in
his power, Anilco should not have cause to repent the service he had
been of to the king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to the
Spaniards. In conclusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue any
farther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to the
confederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so puffed up by the
friendly offers of Anilco, that they endeavoured to persuade Alvarado to
accept the proferred aid, and prosecute an offensive war, thinking it
easy to subdue these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of his
present weakness, and determined to leave the country as soon as
possible; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide too much
on the fidelity of Anilco.

Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the information received
from Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from the confederated caciques,
intended to spy out the posture of the Spaniards, to enable them to
concert measures for the intended attack. Having rigidly examined these
pretended messengers, it was debated among the leaders of the Spaniards
what ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Some were for giving
them fair words, as had been the practice hitherto; but it was finally
resolved to punish them in an exemplary manner, that the caciques might
know their treachery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent the
execution of their designs. Accordingly though the messengers on this
occasion were very numerous, thirty only were selected who had their
hands cut off, and were sent back in this guise to their employers, with
a message signifying that the Spaniards had all along been aware of
their villainy. This severe example proved successful, insomuch that the
confederacy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to their
respective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only built seven great
boats, they thought they might possibly be more successful by water, and
they agreed to collect a great number of canoes to attack them while
going down the river.

As the Spaniards believed that their only safety depended upon going
down the river as soon as possible, they hastened the completion of
their vessels; and as they had not enough of iron for the construction
of whole decks, they satisfied themselves with quarter-decks and
fore-castles to secure the provisions, laying planks only a midships.
Every thing relative to the brigantines being completed, they gathered
all the Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit they could procure; made
bacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen they
carried with them alive, and two boars and two sows which they gave to
each of the two caciques who were their friends. With the lard of the
slaughtered swine, they tempered rosin instead of pitch and tar for
paying their vessels. They likewise provided a number of canoes; part of
which were lashed two and two together to carry thirty horses which
still remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the rest were
distributed among the brigantines, each having one at her stern to serve
as a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the brigantines were launched into the
great river, and on St Peters day, the 29th of that month, every thing
being in readiness, the brigantines and canoes having defences made of
boards and skins to fend off the arrows, they took leave of the friendly
caciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail down the great river.

Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, that when one had
occasion to land the other might remain on board in charge of the
vessel. About 350 Spaniards embarked, all that remained of 900 who had
originally landed in Florida. Near thirty Indian men and women were on
board each vessel, all of their own free will, as they declared they
would rather die with their masters than remain behind. Accordingly on
St Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after Alvarado had given
regular instructions to all his officers and encouraged his men, they
began their voyage, holding on their course down the river both with
sails and oars, all that night and the next day and night. But on the
following day they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belonging
to the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as to have
twenty-five paddies on each side, and carrying many armed men besides
the rowers. These large canoes were called the _admirals_, as being
supposed to have the principal commanders on board. One was painted red,
another blue, and others of several colours; the men on board having
their bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were their
bows. All this splendid shew, with the variegated plumes of feathers on
the heads of the warriors, made a grand display. While they rowed after
the Spaniards, they kept time to their songs, which were said by the
interpreters to signify, "That the vagabond strangers should all be
slain on the water, and become food for the fishes."

After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the Indians
divided their fleet of canoes into three equal squadrons, plying up
close to the bank on the starboard side; and when up with the
brigantines, the van forming a long and narrow line a-head, crossed the
river obliquely passing close by the brigantines, into which they all
successively threw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniards
were wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades. The other
squadrons did the same in regular order, and as the brigantines
continued on their course, the squadrons of canoes continued
successively to repeat similar charges, both day and night, expecting in
this manner to destroy all the Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards held
on their way for ten successive days and nights, continually assailed in
this manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in their turn by
means of their crossbows, all their musquets having been turned into
iron work for the brigantines, having become useless as all their powder
was expended. At the end of these ten days, the Indian fleet drew back
from the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. The
Spaniards, still advancing came in sight of a small town, and supposed
from the Indians leaving them that they were now near the sea, having
run by estimation 200 leagues, as they used both sails and oars, and
went straight down the river without stopping in any place. Being
desirous of procuring provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 men to land, with
eight horses; and as the Indians immediately abandoned their town, they
procured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In this town likewise they
found leather made of goats skins, some white, and some of various
colours, and other skins of different kinds well dressed, and many
mantles. They found here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells in
length and an ell broad, adorned at regular distances with strings of
pearls and small tufts of seed pearl, regularly placed. Gonzalo
Silvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this rarity to his
share, which was supposed to be some ensign of war, or some ornament for
their dances.

As many Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and the canoes were
returning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado ordered the trumpets to
sound a retreat to recall Silvestre and his men on board. On this
occasion the Spaniards were obliged to abandon their horses, which the
Indians immediately shot to death with their arrows. When the party was
all returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed their voyage down
the river, followed by the canoes, which did not now retain their former
order, but followed in several separate squadrons. On the thirteenth day
of their voyage down the great river, one of the brigantines happening
to fall about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians immediately
attacked and even boarded it, and would in all probability have made
themselves master of it, had not the other brigantines come up to its
rescue. However the Indians carried off the canoe from the stern, in
which were five sows that had been reserved for a breed.

On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevanez, a desperate yet
clownish fellow, who was vain of the reputation he had acquired by his
intrepidity, took away the canoe from the stern of the brigantine in
which he was embarked, and persuaded five other soldiers to accompany
him, saying that he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and to
obtain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he was
going to speak with the general. When he had got clear of the
brigantine, he immediately made towards the enemy, crying out _fall on
them! they run!_ When Alvarado saw this mad action he endeavoured to
recall Estevanez by sound of trumpet, and sent about forty men after him
in several canoes under the command of Juan de Guzman, to bring back
Estevanez whom Alvarado intended to hang for his breach of discipline.
At the same time the brigantines furled their sails and rowed up against
the stream to support the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered the
water for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way on
purpose to separate the Spanish canoes from the brigantines; on which,
quite frantic at seeing them give way, Estevanez pushed on, followed by
the other canoes which were sent to bring him back. The Indian canoes
then drew up in form of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes were
well advanced among them, those Indian canoes which formed the horn or
point on the right, attacked them so furiously athwart ships that they
sunk them all, by which means all the Spaniards were drowned, and if any
happened to appear above water, they were either shot with arrows, or
had their brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniards
perished, only four escaping of all that were in the canoes. The Indians
held on their pursuit of the brigantines all that day making continual
rejoicings for their victory. On the _seventeenth_ day at sun-rise, when
the Indians had paid their adorations to the sun with hideous cries, and
a prodigious noise of drums, horns, and trumpets, they ceased the
pursuit of the Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase about
four hundred leagues.

The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be _fifteen_ leagues
across, from which they concluded they were near the sea, yet did not
venture to quit the main stream for fear of hidden danger. Thus holding
on their course, on the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to the
sea, computing that they had run little short of 500 leagues[191], from
the place where they built their brigantines. Being ignorant whereabout
they were, they cast anchor at an island, where they rested three days
to recover from their long fatigues and continual watching, and to refit
their brigantines. They here computed how far they had been up the
country, and as already mentioned estimated the distance from where the
brigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues: And as the river
was there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a league over, they
conjectured that the source of the river might be still 300 leagues
farther up the country, or 800 leagues in its whole course. When the
Spaniards had been three days in this island, they observed seven canoes
to issue from a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come towards them.
When within hearing, a gigantic man, as black as a negro, stood up in
the headmost canoe and addressed them in the following harangue:
"Wherefore do you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbing
its inhabitants? Get you gone speedily by one of the mouths of the great
river, and let me not find you here after this night, or I will kill you
all and burn your ships!" After this he withdrew among the reeds, and
Alvarado sent Gonzalo Silvestre with 100 men in the remaining canoes to
examine the inlet among the reeds. Of these men seventeen were armed
with cross-bows and three had long bows taken from the Indians, as the
want of musquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arms of their
enemies, at which they were become skilful. On getting into the creek or
inlet among the reeds, Silvestre found sixty small canoes drawn up in
readiness to receive him, which he immediately attacked, and overset
three of them at the first shock, wounding many of the Indians; and as
all the rest of the canoes immediately fled, Silvestre and his party
returned to the brigantines.

[Footnote 191: Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17-1/2 to a degree, or
about four English miles, would amount to about 2000 miles of voyage
down the Missisippi; but we have no sufficient warrant in the text to
ascertain the league used by Herrera, neither is it probable that the
Spaniards on this occasion could make any computation nearly accurate.
The only reasonable conjecture on this subject is from the number of
days employed in descending the river, which the text informs us was
_nineteen_, three of which we may suppose were occupied in different
stoppages. We know likewise from Imlays Description of Kentucky, p. 126,
that the ordinary rate of descending the Missisippi is about 80 miles a
day. On these data, the Spaniards made a voyage down that river of about
1280 English miles, from which we may conclude that they had wintered
somewhere about the situation of New Madrid, in lat. 36 deg. 30' N. or
perhaps nearly opposite the junction of the Ohio with the great
river.--E.]

Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the Spaniards now
bore away to the westwards to endeavour to find their way to New Spain,
always keeping the coast of Florida[192] on their starboard-side or
right hand. They knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chart
nor compass to guide their course, neither had they any instrument to
find the latitude; but they satisfied themselves in the hope of reaching
New Spain by following the coast. During all the first day and night,
they continued to sail among the fresh water of the great river. After
this they held on their course for fifteen days without any thing
remarkable taking place; only that they were under the necessity of
landing every day to procure water, as they had no vessels in which to
carry any store on board. At the end of that period they got among a
parcel of small islands, which were frequented by such multitudes of sea
fowl that the entire surface was covered by their nests, so that there
was scarcely room to tread. These furnished an ample supply of
provisions, though their flesh had somewhat of a fishy taste. Next day
they landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure water;
and while looking about in search of shell fish, some pieces of bitumen
were found resembling pitch, and upon farther search they were fortunate
enough to find the source whence it flowed. On finding this convenience,
they thought proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which had
become leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted along with
a proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occupied them for eight days,
during which time they only saw eight Indians, to whom they gave some
trinkets they had yet remaining, without asking any questions respecting
the country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes centered
in arriving in New Spain.

[Footnote 192: It has been already noticed that the term Florida is used
in the whole of this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied to
all of North America to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. Immediately on
leaving the great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, the
coast is new known under the name of Louisiana.--E.]

They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible to the
shore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north wind, and
likewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had nothing else now to
eat, for which reason they always made some stay wherever they found
good fishing-grounds. They continued always in this manner, coasting the
land which lay to starboard, the wisest among them being quite ignorant
whereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding this course
they must at length get to New Spain if not swallowed up by the waves.
At the end of fifty-three days after leaving the great river, the north
wind of which they had been so long in dread began to blow with great
fury[193]. On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close under
the land sought shelter in a creek; but the other two, being somewhat
farther out at sea, were in great danger of perishing. They were all
stark naked, having only clouts hung before them, and were almost
drowned with wet and benumbed with cold, as part of them had continually
to bale out the water from their vessels while the rest handed the
sails. At length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to shape a
course to the westwards, and having been twenty-six hours in great
distress without food or sleep, they discovered land about sunset. One
young man who had been twice before upon the coast said that he now
knew the land, though he could not say in what country it was: But he
said that part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore,
while that which had a white appearance was a clean soft sandy beach,
and advised them to endeavour to make for that part before night, as if
the wind should drive them on the black coast there would be no
probability of saving their lives. The officers of the brigantine in
which this young man was endeavoured by signs to make known what was
intended to the other vessel, and then made direct for the white coast
followed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels aground on the
sandy beach, after which they lightened both vessels by carrying every
thing on shore, and propped them up to keep them from oversetting.
Having thus landed, two men undertook to go in quest of the other
brigantines.

[Footnote 193: By this time their course must have long been almost due
south along the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of Nuevo
Santander.--E.]

Next day three parties were sent out in different directions to discover
the country. The two parties which went along the coast to the right and
left soon returned with some broken pieces of earthen ware, of the kinds
which are made at Talavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave them much
satisfaction to think that they must now be in the neighbourhood of
their countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the country with the
third party, at the end of a quarter of a league saw some Indians
fishing on a lake[194], and two others gathering fruit from the trees.
The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold of these two Indians, but one of
them escaped by swimming over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in a
cottage two small baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanish
hens, and some conserve of _maguey_. Still holding fast the Indian,
Silvestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and to all the
inquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were, his only answer
was _Brezos! Brezos!_ which, as they afterwards learnt, was meant to
signify that he belonged to a Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. On
rejoining his companions, Silvestre found them rejoicing at the sight of
the broken earthen dishes; but they were still more gratified at seeing
the Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reassured on finding he
was in the hands of Spaniards, told them they were in the province of
Panuco, and that the other brigantines had gone up the river Tampico to
that city, which was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belonged
to one Christoval de Brezos; and that a cacique resided only at the
distance of a league and a half who could read and write. Accordingly
they gave the Indian some toys and sent him to the cacique; and in four
hours afterwards the cacique came to them attended by eight Indians,
loaded with fowls, fish, fruit, and Indian corn, and brought them paper,
pens, and ink, that they might write an account of their arrival and
situation to the governor of Panuco.

[Footnote 194: Probably the lake of _Tamiagua_, a few miles south from
the river _Tampico_, into which, as will be found in the sequel, the
other five brigantines had got at the beginning of the storm. In this
case, the two brigantines had run upon a spit which separates that lake
or lagoon from the sea.--E.]

The two men who had gone in search of the five brigantines, found them
in the river Tampico, so that the whole company met at the end of eight
days, all barefooted and almost entirely naked, having only some scanty
coverings of the skins of deer, bears, and other animals. The governor
of Panuco treated them with much attention, and sent advice of their
situation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to be sent without
delay to that city, and sent them four horse-loads of shirts, shoes, and
other necessaries, besides medicines and sweetmeats. After recovering
from their fatigues, the men were ready to destroy their officers for
not having settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls and
rich furs. On their march to Mexico, which was made in several
detachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere ran to see them
pass as so many monsters. At Mexico they were clothed and kindly treated
by the rich inhabitants; and as discord soon broke out again among them,
for having abandoned so fine a country as Florida, the viceroy appeased
them by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in person along
with them, when they should all have good pay, and that he would provide
for them in the mean time. When clothed, some of the adventurers
returned into Spain, others remained in Mexico, and others went into
Peru, while some entered into monasteries; and thus all these brave
soldiers were dispersed.

Those persons who had been sent by the late general, Ferdinand de Soto,
when he first advanced into the interior of Florida, to bring him
supplies from the Havannah, faithfully obeyed his orders, as they sailed
from thence four several years, and plied all along the coast to find
him, but could never hear any tidings of him or any of his men, till, in
the year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that the
remains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico.--_This relation
has been faithfully taken from that which was transmitted to the king,
immediately after the close of that unfortunate enterprise_.

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.





















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