The Project Gutenberg eBook of Letters written in France, to a friend in London, between the month of November 1794, and the month of May 1795
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: Letters written in France, to a friend in London, between the month of November 1794, and the month of May 1795

Author: Watkin Tench

Release date: August 12, 2024 [eBook #74234]

Language: English

Original publication: London: J. Johnson

Credits: Chuck Greif, MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS WRITTEN IN FRANCE, TO A FRIEND IN LONDON, BETWEEN THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER 1794, AND THE MONTH OF MAY 1795 ***





                                LETTERS

                          WRITTEN IN FRANCE,

                                 TO A

                          _FRIEND IN LONDON_,

                  BETWEEN THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER 1794,

                                  AND

                        THE MONTH OF MAY 1795.

                   _By Major TENCH, of the Marines_,

                 LATE OF HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP ALEXANDER.

                               _LONDON_:

            PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, ST. PAUL’S CHURCH-YARD.

                              M.DCC.XCVI.





PREFACE.


The following Letters were written under very adverse circumstances, in
a part of France remote from the beaten track in which travellers
generally keep, and where curiosity has seldom led to observation. As
connected with that stupendous object, which has concentrated the
attention not only of Europe, but of every quarter of this planet where
human communications reach, they are offered to the Public. A
considerable part of the collection was unavoidably dedicated to matters
which must, from their nature, be uninteresting to a majority of
readers; but the author trusts to the importance of the subject to
compensate for the poverty of the relation. Since his return to England
they have been revised; and would have been earlier sent to the press,
had not reasons of a private nature interposed to procrastinate his
intention.




LETTER I.


MY DEAR FRIEND,



On board le Marat,
Brest, 9th Nov. 1794.


A performance of those flattering promises, which we exchanged at
parting, to meet for a few days in London, about Christmas next,
provided the exigencies of service would permit, must be suspended for
the present----to be fulfilled when----is one of those secrets of futurity,
which I dare not trust my imagination to anticipate.

The wayward fortune of your friend has again[A] exposed him to be taken
by the “insolent foe,” after an unsuccessful, but I trust not inglorious
combat, against very superior force. This disastrous event happened on
the 6th instant.[B]-----
----- ----- ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
----- ----- ----- ----- -----

To our great surprize, the enemy’s ships continued to fire upon us after
our colours were struck. At first we conceived, that this unprovoked
prolongation of hostilities arose from their not seeing that we had
surrendered; but when their knowledge of this event could no longer be
doubted, and the firing did not cease, some among us, joining to this
conduct a recollection of the decree of the convention, which forbade
quarter to be extended to Englishmen, were almost ready to believe, that
it was designed to be executed upon _us_; and so irritated were our
seamen, by this apparently wanton continuation of attack, that they had
once nearly determined to renew the fight, and sell their lives as
dearly as possible. At length, however, their firing ceased.

Knowing from sad experience, that in such a situation all distinction of
property is confounded, and that the officers and public stores of the
ship become at once the indiscriminate prey of the enemy and their own
crew, I left the deck, and descended into the bread-room. There I had in
the morning deposited one of my trunks, out of which I filled a
clothes-bag with such necessaries as I thought would be most useful to
me, and left it in the charge of my servant, while I endeavoured to save
a part of what a very large trunk, lodged in the marine store-room,
contained. But this resolution I was incapable of effecting. The
cock-pit, which I was obliged to pass through, presented such a scene of
misery, as banished every feeling, but sorrow and pity. I found myself
encompassed at once by the dead and the dying. The groans of the latter,
joined to the cries of the wounded, on whom operations were performing
by the surgeon, and to the blood which overflowed my feet, filled me
with horror and disgust.


“Sight so deform what heart of rock could long
“Dry-ey’d behold?”-------- Milton.



It “quelled my best of man;” and, after two ineffectual attempts to
penetrate across this stage of woe, I returned to my servant, and made a
few farther arrangements of what was left to me.

By this time the French boats had boarded us, and taken possession of
the ship. When I attempted to ascend to the deck, I found every hatchway
guarded by French sentinels, who refused to let me pass. In vain did I
expostulate with them; all the answer I could obtain was, “_Citoyen,
tels sont mes ordres. Je suis républicain!_” At length I saw a French
officer, and begged his interference, which, after some hesitation, was
granted, and on his speaking to the sentinel, I was suffered to proceed
to the deck, where I found all that confusion and disorder reigning
which I had expected. The Admiral had, I learned, been already sent
away. I enquired for the French commanding officer, and was directed to
a respectable looking old man, to whom I presented my sword, telling
him, at the same time, that I hoped, and trusted, we should be allowed
to retain our private property, and be protected from pillage. He
answered me, that we certainly should. I had, however, but just turned
from him, when a French officer seized on my cross-belt, and demanded
it. On my refusing to comply with this mandate, he said it was arms;
which I denied, and bade him, if he thought I had not made a full
surrender of those, to search me. To all the arguments and protestations
which I could use, this gentleman thought proper to answer by force
only; so that, finding farther resistance vain, I yielded up the belt to
him, when his motive for diverting me of this dangerous implement of
war, at once appeared----a large silver plate, which was attached to it,
being the bait. This he very composedly took off and put in his pocket,
trailing the belt carelessly along after him as he marched away.

The commanding officer being extremely urgent that we should quit the
ship directly, I got leave to make another effort to recover some more
of my effects; but universal plunder and uproar had now taken place. The
store-rooms and cabins were broken open and pillaged, and the most
brutal excesses committed. I was surprized to find the French seamen and
soldiers even more forward than our own, in searching for wine and
spirits, and equally eager to intoxicate themselves: a new trait in
their national character.

About four o’clock I quitted the Alexander, carrying with me my bag,
which was all I had been able to save, and was conducted, with several
other officers, on board Le Marat, a name of ill omen, and not too
predictive, thought I, when I heard it proclaimed, of the virtues of
humanity and generosity. Here I found our gallant and respected
commander, who introduced me to Captain Le Franq, the commander of the
ship, by whom I was civilly received. This gentleman speaks very good
English, which he learned in the last war, when he was a prisoner in
England and in the East Indies. In a very candid manner, he repeatedly
desired us not to be under any apprehensions about the treatment which
we were to receive; for that if he, or any of his officers or men,
should be found guilty of ill using prisoners of war, the republic would
punish the offenders. When we complained to him of having been
plundered, he protested, that he had given the strictest orders to
forbid it to those who had boarded us; and that he was sure they could
not be the authors of our losses, as his officers were all _gentlemen_
(he spoke in English) and his men in a state of the most exemplary
discipline. We answered, that among the great number of boats which had
boarded the Alexander, from every ship in the squadron, it was
impossible for strangers to point out either the names or the persons,
or the ships to which the parties might belong; and that we chiefly
attributed our losses to the precipitancy by which we had been compelled
to quit our own ship. Upon hearing this, Captain Le Franq very fairly
and honourably proposed, that one of ourselves should be selected, and
sent on board the Alexander, in order to bring away whatever could be
found belonging to any of us. We thanked him for his offer, and embraced
it; but the officer who went on this service was able to obtain very
little. Some few articles, indeed, he _did_ recover; and to-day, as many
more of us as chose to go again on a similar errand, were permitted, and
French officers were sent with us, to enforce the order for a search: it
was conducted in a very open and liberal manner, although it ended
almost as fruitlessly as the former, the possessors of their
newly-acquired property having taken effectual means to secrete nine
parts in ten of it from our scrutiny. My large trunk, however, I
discovered, close to the door of the store-room, wherein it had been
deposited. I blessed my good fortune, and sprang to it: but what was my
mortification, to find, that of all its former treasures (having closely
packed it with my most valuable articles) nothing remained but two bits
of black ribbon, serving to fasten my gorget!

We had been more than two hours in Captain Le Franq’s cabin, without
having had any refreshment offered to us, when, at about six o’clock,
supper was announced. The captain, inviting Admiral Bligh, and all of
us, to follow him, led us into the ward-room, where we found the banquet
spread, and all the officers of the etat-major, or ward-room mess,
assembled. I was no stranger (as you know) to the customs of the French
on land, which were never remarkable for delicacy and cleanliness; but I
had never before seen their mode of living on board their ships of war.
Our entertainment was served up on a large clumsy deal table, which was
placed (to speak in sea-language) not fore and aft, but athwart ship,
very awkwardly and inconveniently, surrounded by benches and lockers,
and in place of a table-cloth was covered by a piece of green painted
canvas. Sweet are the joys of hunger, on such an occasion! After a fast
of thirteen hours, and that in a day of such unceasing agitation as we
had passed, neither this circumstance, nor the garlic with which the
meat abounded; nor a want of knives and forks, and a change of plates;
nor the battling of the _mousses_ (dirty ragged cabin-boys) for the
scraps which were left; nor the appearance of the company, who all sat
with their hats, or red caps, on; nor their vociferation of the word
_Citoyen_, the only title they used in pledging each other to republican
toasts, could prevent me from making a most satisfactory repast. Nothing
short of the evidence of my senses could, nevertheless, have made me
believe, that so much filthiness could be quietly submitted to, when it
might be so easily prevented. Indeed, a ship is in all situations very
unfavourable to scrupulous nicety; but no description can convey an
adequate idea to a British naval officer, who has not witnessed it, of
the gross and polluted state in which the French habitually keep all
parts of their vessels, if I may judge from what I see in this. And to
complete the jest, Captain Le Franq has more than once boasted to us of
the superior attention which he pays to the cleanliness of his ship.

In the course of our conversation at supper, we learned, that this
squadron had been purposely dispatched from Brest, to intercept us on
our outward-bound passage, being furnished with exact intelligence of
the time we had put into Plymouth, and of our force and destination[C].

But to proceed with the adventures of your friend in a regular detail.
After supper, Admiral Bligh, and those officers who had saved their
beds, went up into the cabin, where places to sleep in were allotted to
them, while a sail was spread below, for the majority who had lost
their’s, in which number I was included. This humble couch, which was as
good as circumstances would allow our hosts to furnish, or as we could
reasonably expect, would have been perfectly satisfactory to us, had we
been permitted to retire to it. But our entertainers, no longer checked
by the presence of their chief, who had retired, and elated by victory,
and by an anticipation of the triumph which awaited them at Brest, on
the novel and glorious atchievement of capturing a British 74 gun ship,
now called for a fresh supply of wine, and began to sing, in a loud key,
republican songs, which were interrupted only by questions to us, that
delicacy should have withholden them from asking. One of them, taking a
candle in his hand, begged me to look at two prints of heads, as large
as life, of Pelletier and Marat, “Ah!” said he, pointing to the latter,
“behold the friend of the people! he who shed his blood for them!” I
looked, as he had desired me, and thought I saw all the diabolical
qualities, by which that monster was marked in his life-time, depicted
in this portrait. Prudence, however, kept me silent. Poor Pelletier came
in for no share of this gentleman’s eulogy; and as to Robespierre, they
all spoke of him, and “_his reign_,” with great bitterness and
detestation.

We were compelled to rise at a very early hour next morning, the sail on
which we had slept being wanted. I would willingly have walked on the
quarter-deck, according to the English custom; but it was so crowded by
the men, and so greasy and slippery, that I found it impracticable. The
captain, overhearing us talk on this subject, very gravely said, that he
never allowed his people to eat between decks, but always made them do
so upon deck, _in order to keep his ship clean_. When we saw that after
these meals they neither scraped nor washed the decks, we were at no
loss to account for the state in which we found them; and no doubt those
whom it professionally concerned, duly noted this curious improvement in
the œconomy of a ship of war.

About eight o’clock the boatswain and his mates went to the different
hatchways of the ship, and summoned the crew in a loud voice, “_aux
prières_.” My ignorance of what these _prayers_ might be, did not long
continue. The quarter-deck was immediately thronged by men and officers,
who with united voice sang the Marseilles Hymn, with a fervor and
enthusiasm of manner which astonished me. I had heard it at a distance
on the preceding evening; and upon enquiry learned, that it was thus
publickly performed twice a day, by order of the government. The
sublime music of this fine lyric composition, the gaiety breathed by the
_Carmagnole_, and by many other popular airs which are continually in
their mouths, during their most ordinary occupations, must produce a
prodigious effect on the pliant minds of Frenchmen, and highly
contribute to invigorate that spirit of idolatry for a republic, and
that hatred and contempt of monarchy, which it is so much the interest
of their leaders to encourage. I need not point out to you the good
policy of such national establishments, and how deep a knowledge of
human nature they manifest; perhaps no other country is so culpably
indifferent to the foundation of similar institutions as our own. We
fire, indeed, a few lazy guns on the anniversaries of the King’s birth,
accession, and other similar occasions; but we never stimulate the
passions of our soldiery, by recalling to their memories, in periodic
exhibitions, the days on which their forefathers won the fields of
Agincourt, Blenheim, and Minden; nor re-animate the ardent energy of our
seamen, by public recitals of the victories of a Russel, a Hawke, a
Rodney, and a Howe. And yet the histories of the greatest nations, both
ancient and modern, sufficiently demonstrate the power of such
exhibitions over the human mind; and justify me in affirming, that no
people ever rose to superlative dominion who did not employ them. How
would the flame of heroism be enkindled in our youth, on hearing these
celebrations performed by the veterans of Chelsea and Greenwich! And
what still more important sentiments would be diffused through the mass
of our people, if they were frequently reminded of those glorious æras,
when John was compelled to sign Magna Charta; and when the declaration
of the rights of the people was made the foundation of William’s throne!

This digression towards a country, which busy remembrance points to with
unceasing anxiety, could not be suppressed. To proceed with my
observations here:----The republican spirit is inculcated not in songs
only, for in every part of the ship I find emblems purposely displayed
to awaken it. All the orders relating to the discipline of the crew are
hung up, and prefaced by the words _Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité, ou la
Mort_, written in capital letters. The _bonnet rouge_, or cap of
liberty, is erected in several places, and crowns the figure on the
prow of the ship, which represents the demagogue whose name she bears,
and on which is written an extract from the declaration of the rights of
man. In the cabin (to which the officers are entitled to resort at all
times) _Liberté & Egalité_ are pourtrayed in female characters, the
former brandishing a sword, and the latter nursing a numerous offspring,
with impartial attention to the wants of all. But a picture of another
sort also caught my eye: it was pasted on the _outside_ of a door, which
led to the apartment of an officer, and represented the prime minister
of Great Britain conducting to a _guillotine_ his blindfolded sovereign.
The person to whom it belonged, on seeing me regard it with mingled
indignation and contempt, would have begun a conversation on the
subject, had I not prevented him by turning my back and walking away.
Indeed, next to the poor emigrants, Mr. Pitt, or “_Ministre Peet_,” as
they always call him, seems to be the primary object of their
abhorrence. Hated name! never breathed but in curses, never coupled but
with execrations! To hear them, one would suppose that he is the only
man in England hostile to their growing republic. Even Captain Le
Franq, who has certainly hitherto behaved towards us with more delicacy
than the other officers, did not scruple to call him “a Robespierre.” To
argue with these people I find impossible; “but to be grave exceeds all
power of face.” My only resource, on such occasions, is to ask some
question foreign to the subject they wish to talk upon: even here I can
make no progress; I am either repulsed by want of common knowledge, or
bewildered in contradiction. Having established it as a maxim, that some
degree of information may always be gained by talking to men of their
own professions, I am as inquisitive as I modestly can be, about their
naval institutions. But, if my question be heard by more than one, such
shocking abrupt oppositions of opinion follow, and so pertinaciously
does each party defend his assertion on the most ordinary points, that
my only alternative, to prevent a perfect equilibrium of mind, is to
place the little confidence left at my disposal in the champion who has
been least violent and vociferous; agreeably to the old observation,
which says, the still stream is the deepest. Their ignorance, indeed,
upon almost every subject which has been stated, is deplorable. One of
them, in pure simplicity of heart, asked me if London were as large as
Brest? I was contented to answer him, by saying I had never seen Brest.
He was greatly surprized, on being informed that London is a sea-port;
and, to recompense me for my intelligence, told me Paris did not enjoy
that advantage, as he had heard, for he confessed he had never been
there. A second had read Shakespeare, “and did not like him; he was too
_sombre_.”----“Pray, sir, do you allude to any particular play?” He seemed
confounded; but, after some hesitation, said, “Yes, to _Paucippe_.”----“To
Paucippe!” exclaimed I; “you mistake the name, there is not any of his
plays which bears such a title.” He was confident he was right, and
therefore I begged to know the fable of the piece, or the names of the
other characters; but with them, this critical reader did not pretend to
any acquaintance. I need not observe to you, that none of these officers
had ever served in the navy of France, but in the most subordinate
capacities, under the king’s government, except the captain, who had
commanded a cutter under Monsieur de Suffrein, but who had nevertheless
been bred up in the service of the East India company.

We anchored in Brest-Water about three o’clock this morning, and I
presume to hope we shall very soon be sent on shore; but whether, or
not, on parole, does not seem quite clear. They answer with great
ambiguity, and apparent unwillingness, to all questions on this head,
pretending that they are ignorant of what is customary, but assuring us
that we shall be treated well. To be shut up in a prison, in this cold
and dreary season that is coming on, is what I dread to look forward to.
We frequently describe to them the parole which is allowed to all French
officers in England. But, whatever is to be our lot, I shall not wonder
at their taking almost any step to rid themselves of so numerous a troop
of intruders on their society and table. Their own mess consists of
sixteen persons, besides the captain, who lives in common with his
officers, although this association, they tell me, is forbidden in their
naval instructions; but it seems these little deviations are winked at,
in certain cases, to prevent the too weighty tax of a separate table. We
breakfast every morning at nine o’clock on _Gloucester_ cheese (taken
out of an English prize) good brown bread, called _pain d’egalité_,
which they bake on board, and a thin acid claret, of which the Frenchmen
drink very liberally. This does not seem to argue the scarcity of flour
among them, which has been so much insisted upon in England. A hint of
this was dropped, and great derision followed, on their part, at the
idea of starving such a country as France, by cutting off a few casual
supplies by sea. We dine between twelve and one, and sup between six and
seven o’clock. On all these occasions there is a sufficient quantity of
provisions provided, though the dirty state in which it is served up,
would disgust a Hottentot. I have mentioned before, that during our
meals we are surrounded by filthy ragged cabin-boys, whose appearance,
contentions and impertinence, are intolerable. Among this crew of little
blackguards, two were pointed out to me as the son and nephew of
_Delcher_, who is one of the representatives from the Western Pyrenees
to the convention. It is certain, that when I challenged the boys with
it, they confirmed it to me, and seemed to glory in their situation. I
was also shown a third boy, about eleven years old, who is the son of
an _emigrated nobleman_. In him, nature is not quite subdued: “_Le
petit-------- pleure quelquefois_,” said one of the lieutenants to me.

I have forgotten to mention before, that on the day of our being brought
on board the Marat, we were shown their furnace (which is the oven) for
heating shot. It is well contrived, and the balls, by means of a pair of
bellows, would soon be made red-hot; but I doubt not that “even-handed
justice” will oftener render this dreadful implement of destruction,
like “the ingredients of the poisoned chalice, rather the plague of the
inventor,” than the destroyer of the objects of its vengeance. The
motion of a ship at sea must, I apprehend, not only cause its effect to
be very precarious, but its use very dangerous. Be this as it may, every
thing here was prepared, the faggots were laid, and the shot were placed
between them; and they assured us, that in the moment we had struck,
they were just going to heat them for us: a confession which,
considering the odds that we had fought against, was not very
honourable to republican gallantry. All their ships of war, they told
us, were provided with similar furnaces.

In the little time I have been in my new situation, nothing has
surprized me more than the quantity of English articles I every where
observe. The cheese, as I said before, was _Gloucester_; to which I
might have added, that the plates it was served upon were _Stafford_,
and the knives it was cut by were _Sheffield_, while the coats, hats,
and shoes of those who were eating it, were also chiefly of British
manufactures. “_Prize, prize_,” is the only answer we receive to our
enquiries. Surely what one of their officers told me cannot be true!
Seeing me just now looking up one of the arms which help to form this
capacious port, and which is crowded with shipping, he assured me that
they were all English, and not less than 400 in number. It is too well
ascertained, that the French have been, during the present war,
wonderfully successful against our trading vessels. Their frigates, I am
informed, cruize in small detached squadrons to the westward of Europe;
whilst we confine ours almost totally to the Channel, which I presume
to consider a very injudicious disposition of them, in a war wherein the
enemy have no privateers, and when consequently the little ports on the
French coast, within Ushant, should be less objects of our jealousy than
heretofore. Provided our grand fleet can, after a parade off Brest,
return into Spithead or Torbay, without being materially damaged by the
weather, we seem to be satisfied, and conclude that all is going on well
on the waters.

How I shall be able to procure money for bills on London, during my
probable term of residence in this country, is not the smallest of my
inquietudes. I have hinted the difficulty to Captain Le Franq; but from
his real or assumed ignorance, one might be led to suppose, that
paper-money had always been the only currency of France. The little cash
I had by me, I took care to secure in my pocket, which escaped
unsearched. It is, however, very inadequate to administer to my wants,
stripped as I am almost to my last shirt. Small as it is, something like
an attack was made upon it just now. An old _militaire_, who is captain
of the troops on board, came to me, and, with many professions of
esteem, offered to serve me, by giving me, in exchange for English
guineas, twenty-four livres in paper, each; assuring me that I should
subject myself to disagreeable consequences, by offering to purchase
with gold, when I might land. He brought the _assignats_ in his hand to
tempt me: but I begged leave, with a profusion of compliments, to
decline this courteous proposal. Surely gold and _assignats_ cannot be
deemed by all Frenchmen of equal value! _Nous verrons!_ At present all
is mystery to me.----This said captain has a son on board, a fine youth,
who is a corporal in his father’s company.

Admiral Bligh is gone on shore to-day with the French captain, in order
to be taken before the representatives on mission here. He will probably
gain some intelligence of what we are destined to, and we expect his
return with impatience. We are too well acquainted with his feelings and
sentiments, to doubt that he will hesitate to sacrifice even his own
personal comforts to promote ours, and to prevent our being separated
from him.

Upon surrendering our swords we were given to understand, that they
should be restored to us, agreeably to the usages of war among civilized
nations, but nothing has been lately said of this restitution; and the
French officers, on being asked about it, only shake their heads, and
plead ignorance.----How unlike the polished generality which once
distinguished Frenchmen towards enemies, who, in submitting to the
imperious necessity of war, yielded up arms without a stain!------ Adieu!




LETTER II.




Normandie, prison-ship, in
Brest-Water, 1st Dec. 1794.


I MUST continue to write on to you, as if I had the means of regularly
transmitting my letters. In the horrid dungeon in which I am now
immured, it forms my only consolation to talk to you, although you
cannot hear me; and to complain to you, although you cannot succour me.

Two days after the date of my first letter, we were all, except Admiral
Bligh, sent from Le Marat, on board this prison-ship. Such a change did
not much surprize us; for the reception which the Admiral experienced
from the representatives, was so cold and mysterious, as to afford
neither intelligence nor consolation; and Le Franq, who was his
introducer and interpreter, affected utter ignorance of their intentions
towards us.

Our situation here is extremely irksome. The captain of the vessel and
his lieutenants are men of ferocious manners and brutal behaviour,
high-flying patriots, whose supreme delight consists in blaspheming all
revealed religion, and in abusing the English nation. In the day-time we
have nominally the liberty of walking upon the deck; but this privilege
is frequently so curtailed, by the caprices of our gaolers, as to amount
almost to a prohibition. At night we are crowded into a small cabin, and
hardly allowed light enough to undress ourselves by. Luckily, however, I
have recovered my mattress and a couple of blankets. We eat with the
officers of the ship, who are allowed a _traitement_, or table-money, of
three livres six sols a day, besides a ration of provisions, for each of
us; so that the fault does not seem to be imputable to the government.
But either the markets of Brest are extravagantly dear, or these
patriotic gentlemen make an advantage of us; for hardly a day passes in
which we have a sufficiency of any thing but coarse brown, or rather
black, bread, so full of sandy particles as to be almost uneatable. Our
breakfast at first was bread and butter, and a small red wine; but of
late the butter has been taken away, and either Newfoundland salt-fish,
or salt herrings, substituted in its place. These, indeed, are petty
grievances, which would be easily tolerated, were they not incessantly
aggravated by the disagreeable tempers, and debased sentiments, of those
with whom we are obliged to live and converse. We are surrounded by
American vessels, but cannot hold with any of them the smallest
communication. A hope of hearing from England, or of conveying aught to
it, must not be indulged. We have been told, that if we choose to
venture the experiment of sending open letters by the post through
Switzerland, we may do it; but that they must be first taken to the
representatives, who will order them to be read, and forward them, if
they contain information of a private nature only. This precaution is
reasonable enough; but I have been assured by an officer of the ship,
who is in a civil capacity, that I may spare myself the trouble of
sending any, for that to his knowledge they are always thrown aside, and
forgotten, in the office to which they are carried. The number of
prisoners on board is about four hundred, nearly all of whom are
English; and three more vessels appropriated to a similar use, which
also seem quite full, are moored close to us. On the return of some
frigates from a cruize, a few days since, we received an accession to
our number which surprized me:----twenty emigrants----who for the crime of
being Englishmen were taken out of an _American_ ship at sea, after
which the vessel was suffered to proceed on her voyage to Philadelphia,
and the rest of the cargo remained unmolested.

I find that I acted prudently in not parting with my guineas. Since I
have been here, my brother-officer from Le Marat has honoured me by a
second visit, and offered _thirty_ livres for a guinea, pointing out one
of the serjeants of the guard, through whom the business might at any
time be transacted. I again begged permission to decline this benevolent
gentleman’s proposal, and also two others of a similar tendency, which
were made to me here. Nor did the event deceive my expectation; for
to-day a little Jew, who mounts a cockade, and belongs to a frigate in
the harbour, came on board, and secretly gave me two hundred and fifty
livres for five guineas, declaring it to be the market price on shore.
What think you of these specimens of republican honour and delicacy to
children of misfortune, like us? I was so transported by indignation at
those who had thus endeavoured to cheat me, that I could not help asking
them, on their attempting to renew the subject, if the law did not
forbid the depreciation of paper, when bartered for gold. This
regulation, they pretend, relates to French gold only. To exchange a
_louis_ for more than its nominal value in _assignats_ were criminal:
but mark the curious distinction! An English guinea, and a Portugueze
johannes, are articles of merchandize, whose worth depends on the
election of the buyer. Well! I have yet four English guineas left! Let
me look at them! Oh “ye ever-young, loved, and delicate wooers! whose
blush doth thaw the consecrated snow on Dian’s lap,”----and before whom
even the sternness of modern republican virtue melts into thin
air,----tenaciously will I treasure ye up!------ Adieu!




LETTER III.




Normandie, prison-ship, Brest
Water, 7th Dec. 1794.


Admiral Bligh has been allowed to visit us twice or thrice since our
separation took place. He still remains on board Le Marat, with his son,
a little boy of ten years old, and two young midshipmen, who are also
permitted to be with him. Until this day he has been unable to give us
any information, and was even ignorant of what was to be his own lot. He
is now promised to be sent, on his parole, to Quimper, in Bretagne; and
in addition to innumerable proofs of kindness and regard, which I have
experienced from him ever since I have been under his command, he has
honoured me by obtaining leave for me to accompany him, as his
_aid-de-camp and interpreter_. Since my last letter he has been on board
_La Montagne_, to see Vice Admiral Villaret de Joyeuse, the commander in
chief of the fleet here, and who acted in that capacity against Lord
Howe on the first of June. He told me that he was very politely
received, and was pressed to accept of pecuniary assistance, which he
declined; but Admiral Villaret plainly hinted to him, that he was
obliged to suppress much of the regard which he wished to show to him,
from the delicacy of his situation, in the present temper of the times.
Monsieur Renaudin, late commander of the _Vengeur_, who was taken, after
the sinking of his ship, on the first of June, and is just returned from
England, has visited him on board Le Marat. This gentleman declares, in
loud terms, the humanity of the English, and the polite attentions he
received from many of our most distinguished naval officers, whose
generosity left him no want: Of this list I remember the names of Lord
Howe, Admiral M‘Bride, Captain Bentinck, and Captain Schomberg. Monsieur
Renaudin also made a tender of his purse to Admiral Bligh; but I have
reason to believe, that it was not done with that explicit frankness,
which could hope to supersede the offer of Monsieur Villaret, even had
it been made previously to it. By the way, the re-appearance of
Renaudin, does not a little astonish the French; for the convention, in
order to gratify the national vanity, and inflame the minds of the
people against the English, had publickly announced, that Le Vengeur,
with _all her crew_, sunk with colours flying, disdaining to accept of
quarter from slaves whom they despised; and a decree was even passed, to
perpetuate this heroic resolution, by erecting a monument to the memory
of the event.

I am sorry to say, that Monsieur Renaudin echoed the profession of his
commander in chief, in lamenting that the political prejudices which
reign here will prevent him also from acting up to the extent of his
wishes, in attending to the English, and the Admiral in particular. What
evils do not these political phrenzies generate? Be this as it may, I am
all alive at the thought of the scene about to burst upon me; and there
are moments when I am almost tempted not to regret a captivity, which
opens an inlet into this extraordinary country at such a period as the
present; but these momentary illusions flit before the memory of the
scenes I have left behind. Can curiosity, all-powerful as it is, stand
in opposition to love and friendship? Let me, however, but quit La
Normandie, and then we will strike the balance. To-morrow I am to bid
adieu to her darksome round: how joyfully! And yet I shall not leave
without a tear of commiseration those gallant comrades, with whom I have
so lately fought, and so severely suffered.

The few remarks I have been able to make are entirely nautical. I shall
detail them to you when I can revise them at my leisure at Quimper. From
a fear of being searched, I have used some extraordinary precautions to
secure them; and if they be found they will not be easily understood,
for I have so transposed the natural order of the sentences, and so
intermixed words from all the languages which I could recollect (not
excepting that of New Holland) that it would puzzle the interpreter of
the convention to decypher them.-------- Adieu.




LETTER IV.




Le Marat, Brest-Water,
15th Dec. 1794.


That leisure which I so lately looked forward to at Quimper, seems
likely to be afforded to me here. I was removed from the prison-ship on
the 8th instant, and allowed to bring my servant with me, expecting to
be sent immediately on parole; but this event, like the resolutions of
the Dutch councils, seems to be put off _ad referendum_. We receive
daily assurances that it is to take place, and are daily disappointed of
seeing it arrive. I enjoy, however, the society and conversation of the
Admiral; and as he does not speak French, I am the chief medium through
which he communicates with those who surround him, Captain Le Franq, who
is married, living almost entirely on shore. So that here I remain, with
nothing to do but to ask and answer questions from morning to night.
These are chiefly nautical; and as you know my sentiments on the
consequence of all naval concerns to Englishmen, I am induced to believe
you will concur with me in thinking the subject momentous, however trite
the remarks, or unimportant the observations of your correspondent may
prove.

Whether Selden’s assertion, that “we have an hereditary uninterrupted
right to the sovereignty of our seas, conveyed to us from our earliest
ancestors, in trust for our latest posterity,” be perfectly deducible
either from the nature of things, or from the authority of history, I
shall not stay to enquire. But I will venture to affirm, that when we
suffer this right, however acquired, to depart from us, the sun of
England may be truly said to be set for ever.

When the question of the relative naval strength of the two nations is
agitated, which it often is, I am tempted to cry out to my country, in
the words of the Grecian oracle,----“Trust to your wooden walls.”----I am
the more confirmed in this opinion, from reading every day in the
_bulletins_ of the astonishing successes of this people, both in the
Pyrenees, and on the frontier of Holland. They openly boast of being
able, in a short time, to penetrate to Madrid; to force the German
powers to peace; and to totally subdue the Dutch.----And then “_Delenda
est Carthago_.” I accuse not those with whom I converse of using this,
or any other Latin phrase; but you will smile on being told that they
habitually call us Carthaginians, and themselves Romans. They pay us,
however, the compliment of declaring, that we are the only enemies worth
combating. They stigmatize the Spaniards as cowards: at German tactics,
when opposed to the energy and enthusiasm of republicans, they laugh:
Dutch apathy can alarm no one. But this respect is confined to our naval
character. Our impotent interference and puny attempts on the Continent
they treat only with ridicule and derision. This spirit is not new: A
noble lord, now high in rank in the British army, told me nearly twenty
years ago, when we were on service together in America, that when he was
very young, and travelling in France, a general officer, on hearing him
relate that he was designed for the army, expressed his surprize that
any Englishman, to whom the choice was left, should hesitate to prefer
entering into the navy. Are the scorn and contempt of our enemies
necessary to teach us in what our true grandeur, our real national
pre-eminence, consists? It is certain that at present we far surpass
them in the number of our ships, in the dexterity of our seamen, and in
the interior regulations of our service; but I am persuaded, that they
will hereafter strain every nerve to equal and exceed us. I know, that
by very high authority the naval power of France has been denominated
“forced and unnatural;” but let those who apply to it epithets so devoid
of knowledge and reflection, remember the short period in which Louis
XIV. created this navy, and its resurrection in 1778, when, to the
astonishment of all Europe, notwithstanding its wasted and disastrous
condition but fifteen years before, it suddenly started up, singly, to
contest the empire of the sea with Britain, and for four years (until
the 12th of April 1782) poised the scale of victory against its
formidable antagonist.

Nature has denied to France a port in the Channel, capable of receiving
large ships; but if art can supply the deficiency, they seem determined
to employ it to its utmost extent. Whether the works at Cherbourg are
proceeding or not, I cannot exactly learn; but it is certain, that the
scheme of rendering it secure for line of battle ships is not utterly
abandoned; and who can doubt, that it will either be carried on there,
or in some neighbouring port, with accelerated vigour, on a return of
peace? Their warlike spirit now runs so high, and is so universally
diffused, that many years must elapse ere it will subside. It is a train
of gun-powder, to which, in the present temper of the people, a spark
will give fire. A hatred of England is fostered with unceasing care. In
nothing does this inveterate spirit against us demonstrate itself so
bitterly, as in the abhorrence with which they always mention our taking
possession of Toulon: “You gained it like traitors; you fled from it
like poltroons.” On the celebrated measure of making them a present of
four ships of the line, and six thousand of their best seamen, which
were sent to Brest and Rochfort from the Mediterranean, they often make
themselves merry, and us serious, by pointing out the ships as they now
lie near to us, equipped and ready for sea; and by affirming, that the
supply of men thus received enabled them to fit out those cruizing
squadrons which have so sorely distressed our commerce.

How incumbent upon us, then, is it become to guard against the effects,
which a propagation of this principle will inevitably produce! Naval
perfection is, I am well aware, like all other perfections, placed
beyond human reach; but the road to excellence is open. In it we have
advanced before our rivals in all branches of naval superiority but one:
I mean ship-building. Our vessels want length, and in the construction
of their bottoms are undeniably very inferior to those of our enemies.
Hence the continual escapes of the French fleets from ours, by superior
sailing, when we want to bring them to action, which no skill,
diligence, or bravery in our commanders can surmount. We possess models
from which we might learn to correct our errors, and supply our
deficiencies; but these patterns we are more ready to destroy than to
imitate, as if fearful lest comparison of them with our own productions
should demonstrate our inferiority. Thus do we continue obstinately to
grope on in a dark and superannuated track, merely because our ancestors
preceded us in it. The truth is, the art of ship-building has been
cultivated in France by men of science, enlightened by a previous study
of its theory: whereas in England it has been committed to the
management of those, who for the most part have certainly had no room to
boast of a scientific education, or a laborious examination of
principles; and who could justly lay claim to the merit of observation
only. In a country so eminent for mathematical acquirements as ours, is
it not extraordinary, that this most useful branch of knowledge should
have been so rarely applied to national advantage? What treatises on
this important subject can we oppose to those, which have been published
by French academicians, and by Bouguier in particular?

“Oh! for a bridge to pass over two hundred thousand _sans-culottes_!” I
hear often exclaimed. Not that bridge which, according to Milton, Death
consolidated across Chaos, could be more fatal to the remaining
innocence of our first parents, than such a structure, in the shape of a
superior fleet, would prove to their English descendants. To prevent its
erection, or to have a chosen band of pioneers ready to destroy it, must
be our concern. I am, however, well convinced, that hitherto they have
never seriously intended to invade us. This bug-bear has now for more
than a century been employed to affright us; to cramp our foreign
efforts; to diminish our sum of productive labour, one of the most
important of national considerations; and to debauch the manners of our
artisans and peasants in camps and barracks[D].

I have been curious to hear their account of the signal defeat, which
they experienced on the first of June. This ship was not in their
fleet, having been _launched since_; but Captain Le Franq commanded on
that day L’Entreprenant, of 74 guns, and some of the other officers were
also parties concerned. Not the invincible superiority of British seamen
in fighting and managing their ships, but “Treason! treason! joined to
the ignorance, obstinacy, and cowardice of Jean Bon St. André, caused
the loss of the day.” This naval dictator, who from a Hugonot curate at
the foot of the Pyrenees was raised to be a member of the convention,
and delegated by that body to superintend the equipment, and direct the
manœuvres, of a great fleet, is never mentioned but with execration. His
star set with that of his master, Robespierre. I have heard an officer
assert, that he _saw_ him, in the heat of the engagement, seized with a
sudden emotion, start from Admiral Villaret, near whom he was standing,
in the stern-gallery of La Montagne, and run pale and breathless down to
the lower gun-deck, under a pretence of encouraging the men; nor could
he be drawn thence, until the danger was over. “His seamanship,”
continued this gentleman, “consisted in having made one short passage.
He might be a good _ecrivain ou secretaire_; but for the marine! _Oh! le
vilain--------!_” But for him, they say, the action would have been renewed,
agreeably to the wishes and representations of Monsieur Villaret; for
“_the English were beaten, and might have been destroyed_.”----I cannot
help thinking, that if _Jean Bon St. André_ really did prevent a renewal
of the battle, he is not altogether so obnoxious to the reproaches of
his fellow-citizens as they describe him to be, France is not the first
republic which has profited, by declining to combat a victorious
enemy.----A second cause of the disaster of the day arose from Lord Howe
having gained possession of a copy of the French signals, which was
procured by “the guineas of Pitt;” so that he was enabled to divine all
their intentions, and to counteract them. It is certain, that some of
their captains were gullotined, after the return of the fleet to Brest,
but whether on a suspicion of cowardice, or perfidy, I know not. How
consolatory to French vanity are these satisfactory solutions of this
dreadful overthrow! Happy people! who, in all your conflicts against
other nations, conquer by superior skill and bravery only; and are never
vanquished but by disparity of number on the side of your enemy, or by
treachery among yourselves!

An error, which you with myself, and all other Englishmen, have fallen
into about this engagement, I must beg leave to correct, or at least to
offer you my reasons for believing it to be one.----Lord Howe’s account of
the action states, that _two_ ships of the enemy were sunk. Of Le
Vengeur we will not speak; here proof is positive. But I am persuaded
she was the only one. This the French positively assert; and I beg leave
so far to join with them, as to observe, that when in Admiral Montagu’s
squadron (of which the Alexander formed a part) we were chased, on the
_ninth of June_, by the shattered remnant of their fleet, which was
steering to Brest, it was composed of _nineteen_ sail of the line. Now,
I apprehend it to be certain, that on the day of battle this fleet
consisted but of twenty-six ships, _six_ of which were captured and
brought into England; so that it should appear the _seventh_, Le
Vengeur, made up the original number. But beside the strong presumption
which this circumstance affords, I have received assurances from so many
quarters (and particularly from one not remarkably friendly to the
present system) that I am convinced one ship only was sent to the bottom
on the first of June. Indeed, in matters of this nature, owing to the
passions of those engaged, and the innumerable causes which obstruct
vision, we should always receive similar relations _cum grano salis_. In
Lord Rodney’s action of the 12th of April 1782, a French ship, said to
be Le Diademe, was supposed to be sunk; but I believe subsequent
accounts clearly evinced that such an event did not happen. However, the
French are more than even with us upon this head; for I have heard some
of them positively affirm, that they saw three, and others four of our
ships, among which was the Queen Charlotte, go down on the first of
June. And when I assured the gentleman who furnished me with this last
piece of information, “on the evidence of his own senses,” that he had
been deceived, he only shook his head, and continued, like your friend,
a sceptic.

The remainder of this letter shall be dedicated to a detail of those
detached parts of their naval institutions, customs, and present state,
which I have been enabled to pick up. In general I think them inferior,
because less easily practicable, to our own, but many of them deserve
consideration. “_Fas est et ab hoste doceri._”

The discipline of their men struck me at the first view as contemptible;
and yet I must confess that I was surprized by the state of
subordination in which I afterwards found them. The seaman or soldier
addresses his commander by the title of _Citoyen_, and receives in
return the same appellation; but in the five weeks I have lived among
them, I have witnessed only one instance of disobedience. The offender
was a soldier, who refused to assist in performing some of the ordinary
duties of the ship. A court-martial, or _conseil de discipline_ as they
call it, was immediately holden upon him, by order of Captain Le Franq,
who prosecuted. It consisted of a lieutenant of the ship and three
seamen, and of two serjeants and a corporal of the troops. The prisoner
pleaded ignorance of the law on this head; and that when he had
voluntarily enrolled himself to serve as a soldier, it was under an
idea of not being _compelled_ to do that which _ought to be the result
of inclination_ only. This defence was deemed so unsatisfactory, that
the offender was sentenced to three months imprisonment on shore.

All the judicial institutions of their navy, and the punishments allowed
to be inflicted, as well as the cases to which they apply, are strictly
defined. The _conseil de discipline_ is impowered to try only inferior
officers and men. The officers of the _état major_ (answering nearly to
those of our ward-room) and all above them, can be tried only by a board
of officers, who assemble in the admiral’s ship. Neither of these courts
has the power of condemning to death: all offences of a capital nature
must be tried before the revolutionary tribunal. The punishments
enjoined are flogging in certain cases, the number of lashes being
limited; running the gantlope; ducking from the yard-arm; confinement on
shore, or in the lion’s den (boatswain’s store-room); stoppage of pay;
and degradation. The three last extend to officers. A prisoner’s
allowance of wine is always stopped. No man can be punished but by a
sentence of the _conseil de discipline_; and, in carrying on the
service of the ship, it is positively directed, that no “French citizen”
shall, on any account whatever, be struck; but he may be _pushed_ as
violently as may be found necessary. For giving a box on the ear an
officer would be cashiered; but to dash a man’s head against the ship’s
side, so as to crush his nose, or beat out his teeth, by rushing
suddenly upon him, is allowable.

The ranks of officers differ from ours: those only who command
line-of-battle ships, and frigates carrying 18-pounders, are properly
styled captains. Other frigates are commanded by lieutenants; and
vessels of 20 guns or under by ensigns. Common courtesy, however, with
them, as with us, annexes the title of Captain to all commanders.
Agreeably to this classification the pay is regulated, but it is at
present found so grievously inadequate, as to cause great complaints;
and yet the French are unanimous in affirming, that all ranks are not
only better paid, but better fed, clothed, and treated, than under the
old government. Besides his pay, every officer, including the warrant
officers and midshipmen, is allowed a _traitement_, in lieu of the
table which was formerly kept at the king’s expence. The _traitement_ of
admirals and captains is very handsome, and suited to their rank, as
they are enjoined to keep separate tables: that of Captain le Franq is
24 livres a day. No half-pay has yet been settled upon, or even promised
to, the French officers. The seamen are divided into four classes: the
pay of the highest class is 40½ livres a month; of the second 36½; of
the third 33½; and of the lowest 30½.

Their gradations of command are very similar to our own, from the
captain to the lieutenants, ensigns, and boatswain. The office of
_pilote_, which formerly answered to that of master with us, is
abolished. It is particularly enjoined, that the officers be put at five
watches, if the state of the ship will allow of it. The lieutenant of
the watch is stuck up on a little pedestal, which overlooks the
helmsman, whence, except in emergencies, he never stirs during his
guard, the ensign appointed to assist him, who is distinguished by
wearing a gorget, being charged to superintend the execution of his
orders.

The general uniform of both their navy and army is a blue coat, with a
red waistcoat and breeches: the naval facing is white edged with red,
and that of the soldiery red; both services wear gold epaulettes. The
naval button is an anchor, surmounted by the cap of liberty, and
encircled by the words “_La République Française_.”

Of the minute regulations established for dividing prize-money, I cannot
speak; but the general principle on which its distribution is founded
appears to me worthy of attention. Two-thirds of every prize are put
into a common stock, which is shared by the whole navy, and the
remaining third is divided among the captors. A captain receives but in
a proportion of 5 to 1 to a foremast-man; a captain of troops, and a
naval lieutenant, as 4 to 1; a naval ensign, subaltern of troops,
surgeon, and commissary, as 3 to 1; midshipmen, boatswains, gunners, &c.
as 2 to 1; and quarter-masters, and the lowest rank of officers, as 1½
to 1. The first part of this system, which relates to the common stock,
were valuable, if it could be impartially carried into execution; but
from the daily fluctuation of the parties concerned, I do not see how
it could be reduced to practice among us, without giving rise to
perpetual lawsuits. Some modification of the latter part would render
its adoption very desirable in a country where, hitherto, this important
part of the reward of naval toils has been apportioned with the most
cruel and insulting contempt of the feelings and necessities of the
lower orders.

Drugs and instruments of surgery are, I apprehend, very scarce at
present in France, as hand-bills are distributed over the fleet,
enjoining the officers who may board prizes to be particularly careful
in preserving them for the use of the republic. Those belonging to our
surgeons were seized upon this pretence; and, notwithstanding
representations were made to reclaim them, as private property (which
they were) they were neither restored, nor an equivalent for them
offered. Every French 74-gun ship is allowed a surgeon and five
assistants. How many lives might be saved in our fleets, were our
medical establishment equally liberal! Permit me here to observe to you,
that the faculty owe obligations to the revolution. It is well known
that they were heretofore, in France, treated in many instances highly
unbecoming the regard so justly due to a profession, whence mankind
derive so many benefits. Surgeons on board (and I am told on shore) are
now considered with all the respect due to gentlemen, and live in the
society of the principal officers.

The French marine corps, which, similarly to ours, was instituted for
the service of the navy, is abolished, and troops of the line embarked
in their room, who are subjected, by an express order, which I have
read, to all the general regulations of the crew, and placed under the
absolute command of the sea-officers. The detachment on board this ship
belongs to a regiment in the Western Pyrenees: it is composed of stout
healthy young men, who, if not formidable from discipline and knowledge
of tactics, are full of energy and republican enthusiasm. I must here
remark a vulgar error, which prevails too much among Englishmen who have
never travelled out of their own country----that the lower orders of the
French are puny debilitated creatures, inferior to ourselves in physical
powers. Could these persons be present at a muster of the seamen and
soldiers of this ship, they would find their size and strength the same
as their own, and in hardihood they are certainly superior to us. I
never before saw people support cold so well; this is owing to their
having no stoves on board to heat themselves by, a privation which
extends to the officers, not from election but necessity; for Admiral
Bligh’s stove was immediately transported to La Montagne, for Admiral
Vilaret, and one which belonged to the ward-room of the Alexander,
became the prey of Monsieur de Nieully.

All their men seem to be well supplied with clothing. It is furnished to
them by the government at an easy price, which has remained the same,
while on shore it has been trebled. Of this they are obliged to keep up
a stated quantity, and whenever men are turned over from one ship to
another, a list of their clothes is sent with them, and if it falls
short of the prescribed regulation, the men are forbidden to be
received. Each man is supplied with a hammock and two rugs, but no bed.
In case men belonging to ships are compelled by bad weather, or any
other cause, to remain for the night on shore, there is a
receiving-house, to which they can retire, where they are both fed and
lodged until they can be sent on board.

The allowance of every person in the fleet, without distinction, is as
follows, and like every thing else is _decimalized_, or regulated by
periods of ten days. On four of them they have half a pound of fresh
beef, on two of them half a pound of salt beef; on two of them half a
pound of salt pork, and on the remaining two four ounces of salt fish,
with oil and vinegar to eat with it; one pound and a half of soft bread
daily----no butter or cheese; on fresh-meat days, a soup for dinner made
of the beef, with a little thickening in it; every evening a soup
composed of four ounces of rice, pease, or beans, and oil; a wine quart
of thin claret daily----such is the ration in port. At sea, salt beef and
pork are served on the fresh-meat days, and, except in exceedingly bad
weather, bread is every day baked; when this cannot be done, the same
quantity of biscuit, of an excellent quality, is issued. I have seen
them grin, when grinding it, at a recollection of its superiority over
the black unpalatable stuff, which, they say, bore the same name under
the former government. You, who well know the allowance served in our
navy, may, if you please, compare the two institutions, and decide which
is preferable. I am of opinion that this is best calculated to preserve
health, particularly in long voyages and hot climates; but how far
British seamen could be brought to relish its adoption, is not so
evident. Observe that these pounds are _French_, which exceed our common
weight by full two ounces; and that nominal or purser’s pound, which is
used by order on board our ships, by a great deal more.

I remember to have formerly treated the measure of sending a frigate off
Brest, to count the number of the fleet, or to see whether it had
sailed, more lightly than it deserved. I now see that both roads may be
inspected, particularly the outer one; and even of the inner one a
sufficient degree of information may be generally gained by a good
glass. The French boast of the holding-ground in Brest-Water; but if I
may judge from the frequent dragging of anchors which happens in
moderate weather, it must be far inferior to that of Spithead. The
truth is, they are in general shamefully careless in mooring their
ships: they over-lay each other’s anchors, and thereby cause foul
berths, without reflection or ceremony.

Of real seamen they have few left, many thousands of their best having
been drafted early in the war, and sent to serve as soldiers on the
frontiers. Robespierre (whose execution was certainly the triumph of
humanity, but not of the allies) by annihilating their foreign commerce,
destroyed the only nursery which can ever supply the consumption of a
numerous navy. Their ships are, therefore, filled with landmen, who,
previously to their being drafted for actual service, are sent on board
certain vessels fitted on purpose, where they are taught all the
elementary parts of practical seamanship. The number of boys on board is
likewise very great, and for their instruction (as also for that of such
men as may be desirous of improvement) a schoolmaster is allowed to
every ship, whatever be her size. It is enjoined, that these preceptors
be capable of teaching the theories of navigation, gunnery,
fortification, and the common parts of the mathematics; and farther,
that they be men of good moral characters, and great suavity of manners.

They have a naval committee for examining of midshipmen and inferior
officers, to determine whether they be qualified to take charge of
prizes. Nothing short of irremediable necessity will justify a commander
for entrusting a prize to the direction of any person who has not
undergone this examination.

They water their ships in the roadsted from floating tanks, which are
brought alongside, whence the water is forced by pumps through hoses
into the casks on board.

Every ship is furnished, at the public expence, with a superb set of
charts of every part of the known world: those of our country are
particularly excellent: there is hardly a little harbour in Britain or
Ireland which is not laid down in them. With us this important charge is
left to the prudence and honesty of a master; and how many accidents
have befallen our ships by a neglect of it, need not be here enumerated.

I am assured, that there are in the dock-yard here three covered docks,
under which the workmen can carry on their operations in all weathers.

An experiment, of covering by a strong wooden case the rudders of ships
to the water’s edge, which leaves them only just room to work, is now
trying on two or three of their frigates. It is intended to prevent the
rudder from being unshipped, if struck by a sea.

The ponderous guns with which they used to overload their ships are
displaced for others of a size more manageable. No ship now carries
heavier metal than a French 36-pounder. Their first rates have sixteen
ports on the upper and middle deck, and fifteen on the lower, except La
Montagne, whose upper and middle deck are pierced with seventeen ports,
and her lower with sixteen; so that, exclusive of those on her
quarter-deck and forecastle (twenty in number) she mounts exactly 100
guns. They do not, however, in any of their ships, turn their
quarter-decks to so much advantage as they might. In this ship the five
aftermost and most useful ports are blocked up by standing cabins, and
have no guns provided for them.

When the fleet weighs anchor, each ship’s signal to heave up is made in
succession. This method prevents the confusion which we experience in
weighing all together; but, on the other hand, it precludes that
emulation to be first, which a competition causes; they are accordingly
very tedious in performing this operation.

Official _bulletins_ of all public events, which the convention find it
their interest to promulge, are printed on board La Montagne, from a
copy transmitted from Paris, and distributed, at the expence of the
government, to the officers and seamen of every ship. This is a popular
measure, which wonderfully flatters the lower orders, who deem
themselves in possession of all the secrets of state, and conclude that
politics are no longer a mystery. I frequently read these chronicles,
which are always filled with details of victories over their foreign
enemies, and addresses to the convention from the departments. I was
greatly diverted in reading one of the latter, from the “Popular
Society” at Brest, on the occasion of the Alexander’s colours being
presented to the convention, by the Major of Admiral Nieully’s
squadron, who was dispatched expressly to Paris on this important
mission.----“Behold,” says the orator, “_Pitt_ himself virtually brought
to the bar of the convention, when the British banner is prostrated
before your august assembly!” Notwithstanding this flourish, and fifty
more of the same sort, I am told that the inhabitants are strongly
suspected of incivism, and closely watched.

It has been customary to extol the French signals, as superior to our
own; but any man capable of judging, who will compare the two codes,
must be convinced, that those now in use in the English fleet are more
simple in their principle, more exact in their arrangement, and more
easy in their comprehension. The French were long our masters in this
art, which lately our naval officers have certainly carried beyond them.
Their superior dexterity in making and answering them must not be
confounded with the signals themselves. In this respect, from being
earlier and more closely trained, I fear it will be found (though with
many exceptions on our side) that they surpass us. There is on board
every French ship a class of youths, called _pilotins_, who attend
solely to this part of naval duty. They are placed under the direction
of an experienced quarter-master, and hold a rank immediately below that
of midshipman, into which body they are promoted from time to time,
according to their merit.

Of their deficiency of naval stores every day furnishes me with fresh
proofs. The ships by which we were taken had, after a cruize of a few
weeks, scarcely a coil of rope to repair their running rigging, or a
stick to supply any loss which a sudden gust of wind might have
occasioned. But how desperate must the state of France have been, had
the American convoy been intercepted by Admiral Montagu! You know
already in part my sentiments on that extraordinary failure. Let me now
give you fresh cause for amazement; but remember, that I quote the words
of another person without asperity, and without pretending to assign to
what quarter the culpability of that shameful miscarriage on our side
attaches:----Admiral Villaret said a few days since, to a British
officer, who was in Admiral Montagu’s squadron: “_Were you not
astonished to see me chase you, on the 9th of June last, with my
crippled fleet?_”----“_Yes_,” was the answer.----“_My only reason for it
was, if possible, to drive you off our coast, as I momently expected the
appearance of the great American convoy, the capture of which would have
ruined France at that juncture. Why you did not return to the charge,
after running us out of sight, you best know. Had you kept on your
station two days longer, you must have succeeded, as, on the 11th of
June, the whole of this convoy, beyond our expectation, entered Brest,
laden with provisions, naval stores, and West Indian productions._”

If my cheek reddens on recording this declaration of an enemy, it is
with indignation only.

Hitherto I have not witnessed among the French, either here or in the
prison-ship, a single trace of divine worship. The _Decadis_ are indeed
distinguished by a more than ordinary chanting of republican songs, a
display of the tri-coloured flag on the tops of the churches in the
town, and by a party of officers going on shore to the play. Thus, it
seems, liberty wants perpetual resuscitation, while the adoration, or
even the confession, of a Deity, is left to the unassisted operations of
the human mind. From the pompous flimsy reports and orations on this
subject made in the convention; from the _condescension_ of Robespierre,
who _decreed_ the existence of a Deity, to the hardy denial of Dupont,
who proclaimed himself an atheist; must I deduce all I know of the
present state of religion in France. It is, however, worthy of remark,
that a book, intitled “The Republican Catechism,” which is in universal
circulation, and expressly composed for the instruction of the youth of
the community, does not once acknowledge, or even hint at, the being of
a God; and the public instructor of the prison-ship assured me, that,
although the minds of men be now somewhat returning to their former
biass, six months ago an inculcation of this principle, so far from
being prescribed by the legislature, would have subjected the teacher to
punishment. God forbid! that, on such slender _data_ as I profess, I
should stigmatize all Frenchmen with the horrid appellation of atheists,
or even suppose that a belief in revelation is universally subverted:
it were almost to affirm that it had never existed. I have, indeed, in
many conversations, had the misfortune to hear innumerable blasphemies
uttered, and innumerable sarcasms thrown on all worship; but as they
have proceeded from none but weak and ignorant men (to the honour of my
friend the schoolmaster, he always reprobated them) who possibly take
this method of recommending their republican zeal; I shall be very
cautious, until able to acquire better information, of asserting what
are the general sentiments of the French on this head. Whenever the
subject is started, the people, among whom I am condemned to live,
fasten immediately upon some of the monstrous absurdities of the Romish
church, and the impositions of the priesthood, which in truth offer but
too secure a hold for derision and contempt. This trick, of attempting
to confound the impositions of knaves, and the reveries of fools, with
the spirit of Christianity, is too stale and despicable to deserve
confutation. I will not even quote the noble and decisive simile of
Hamlet, which seems to have been conceived on purpose to expose it.
Tremble not, therefore, for the faith of your friend, from such puny
opponents. He will not yield his assent to new systems, until he has, at
least, scrutinized and weighed their effects upon those who inculcate
and practise them; and if upon this test, he finds the professors of
these doctrines to be men of profligate manners and corrupted
sentiments, with the words truth, honour, humanity, and generosity in
their mouths, while they are estranged from their hearts, you will not
suppose his danger of conversion to be imminent.

And now to terminate this long desultory epistle, which I have written
by snatches, when, and how, and as, I could.----Suffer me, however, before
we part, to say a word or two of the political changes which I perceive
to be working. My residence among the French is not yet six weeks old;
and in this short space of time, wonderful has been the alteration of
opinion. When we were taken, I was perpetually stunned with the
exclamations of “_Vive la Montagne_! _Vivent les Jacobins!_” But
suddenly, _La Montagne_ is become the theme of execration, and the
Jacobin club is cashiered. I gained a confirmation of these events oddly
enough. I had observed the disuse of these ridiculous cries for some
days, and had overheard a conversation which had raised my suspicions.
To ascertain their justness, I bade one of the boys call out as before.
“Ah!” said he, “that is forbidden; _à présent il faut crier, au diable
la Montagne! A bas les Jacobins!_” which he immediately ran along the
deck exclaiming. The memory of Robespierre they have uniformly affected
to hold in abhorrence; but if I may trust to a hint, which was imparted
to me on board the prison-ship, very different was once the tone of
Captain Le Franq, and all his officers. They now load the character of
this extraordinary man, before whom, not six months since, they
prostrated themselves like reptiles, with all the assassinations and
misery which have overspread France during the last two years. To him
alone, it seems, every crime which stains the national character is
imputable. At present I will not venture any opinion; but when I get on
shore, I shall direct my enquiries to develope the character of this
celebrated demagogue.

The fleet is preparing to sail; and as all the line-of-battle ships are
known either to the Admiral, his two young gentlemen, or myself, I shall
be enabled, by observing which sail, and which do not, to note down
exactly its strength, provided we be not gone before it. But to-morrow
we are assured we are to be landed.-------- Adieu.




LETTER V.




La Normandie, prison-ship,
Brest-Water, 5th Feb. 1795.


Could what I write reach you in due course, my present place of date
might surprize you, after the assurances which my last held out of going
forthwith to Quimper. Admiral Bligh has been meanly and cruelly treated:
their violated promises to me are of less consequence.

On the day after I last wrote to you, matters respecting our departure
seemed to be drawing to a favourable conclusion. An officer from Admiral
Villaret waited on Admiral Bligh, to beg his acceptance of a loan of one
thousand livres in paper (offering at the same time as many more as
might be wished) and to assure him, that we were to be landed on the
following day. The livres were accepted; and, as we now deemed our
departure certain, we put ourselves, at day-light next morning, in a
state of preparation for our removal. Removed, indeed, we were, not to
Quimper, but to this horrid receptacle, where we have been closely
immured ever since, suffering every mental punishment which low-minded
rancour and brutal ignorance could inflict; and every physical hardship
which this rigorous winter, and occasional deficiencies of food, could
produce. I have not seen a fire during the whole month of January; and
on Christmas-day I was one of _fifteen_ English officers, with the
Admiral at our head, whose dinner consisted of _eight_ very small
muttonchops, and a plate of potatoes. This last circumstance, exciting
both hunger and indignation (as we knew that a _traitement_ was paid for
us by the government, and as we had lately from our encreased number
lived by ourselves) we determined not to bear it without remonstrance,
especially as for several succeeding days our treatment had been little
better; and I was delegated to inform the officers of the ship, that if
they should not use us hereafter more liberally, we would write a
complaint against them to Admiral Villaret. This produced a good effect;
and henceforth we were more amply supplied. In justice to Monsieur
Villaret, I must observe to you, that his character is eminent for
honour and justice; and in spite of appearances against him at first, on
our not being sent to Quimper, we now know, that had his ability been
equal to his disposition, Admiral Bligh would not be here. Of Le Franq I
cannot speak in similar terms. He exhibited a mean exultation at our
disappointment, not altogether unaccompanied with insult; and his whole
behaviour, for some time before we left him, had entirely altered our
first impression of him.

Our detention has, however, been productive of a very desirable event to
the Admiral. In consequence of a late decree of the convention,
directing that all women and children who had been captured shall be
liberated, and permitted to return home, he was enabled to send away his
son, under the auspices of Lady Anne Fitzroy, who had been a prisoner
for many months at Quimper.

The fleet sailed from the outer road on the 30th of December, consisting
of the following ships, under the command of Vice-Admiral Villaret, who
was assisted by the Admirals Bouvet, Vanstable, Nieully, and Renaudin,
and controlled by several representatives.


                             Guns.
        La Montagne,          120
        Le Majestueux         110
        Le Terrible,          110
        Le Revolutionnaire,   110
        Le Neuf Thermidor[E],  84
        L’Indomptable,         84
        Le Tigre,              74
        Le Montagnard,         74
        Le Tourville,          74
        Le Pelletier,          74
        L’Acquilon,            74
        Le Temeraire,          74
        Le Zelè,               74
        L’Audacieux,           74
        Le Marat,              74
        Le Tirannicide,        74
        Le Jemappe,            74
        Le Jean Bart,          74
        La Convention,         74
        La Revolution,         74
        Le Scipion,            74
        Le Nestor,             74
        Le Mutius Scævola,     74
        Les Droits de l’Homme, 74
        Le 31 de Mai,          74
        Le Neptune,            74
        L’Eole,                74
        L’Entreprenant,        74
        Le Trajan,             74
        Le Patriote,           74
        Le Gasparin,           74
        Le Superbe,            74
        Le Redoutable,         74
        Le Fougueux,           74

         And the Alexander, of 74 guns, with at least a dozen
                   frigates, and several corvettes.

Le Republicain, of 110 guns, was intended to constitute a part of the
fleet; but on the night of the 24th of December she broke from her
anchors, was driven on a rock, and bulged, in a manner which does very
little credit to French seamanship. Here she lay until the 9th of
January, when her remains were burned, her main-mast and mizen-mast
being then standing, and her main-top-sail yard across.

When the fleet sailed, the wind was nearly at E. and it continued to
blow here between the points of N. E. and E. S. E. until the evening of
Sunday the 25th of January, when it shifted to South, and next day blew
fresh at S. W. On Thursday the 29th of January it returned to S. E. and
continued in the Eastern quarter until the evening of the 31st, when it
backed to S. W.

On the 12th of January Le Redoutable singly came back into port; on the
28th seven sail more of two-deckers returned, having parted three days
before in a fog from the body of the fleet, which, to the number of
twenty sail, arrived on the second and third of this month, and two
others have got into l’Orient: _no less than the following five having
either foundered, or been purposely run on shore, to prevent their
sinking_.


                       Guns.

Le Scipion,             74
Le Superbe,             74
Le Neuf Thermidor,      84
Le Temeraire,           74
Le Neptune,             74


The condition even of those which have escaped, is deplorable: among
others Le Majestueux had four pumps going when she entered the port. Two
days ago I held a long conversation with the Captain of Le Jean Bart,
who execrated the planners of this destructive expedition to their navy.
He assured me, that it had been remonstrated against in the strongest
terms by the naval officers, and its pernicious consequences foretold;
but the orders from Paris were positive. The fleet cruized in three
divisions, the easternmost of which kept but just outside of Scilly and
Ushant; and the westernmost was once driven as far as 18° W. in the
latitude of 45°; the central division occupied the intermediate space. I
learned these particulars from some masters of English merchantmen who
were taken, and have been sent to this prison. A more effectual plan to
interrupt our commerce could not have been devised. Of its
practicability, had I not lived to see it executed, I should at least
have doubted; but this is an age of political phænomena on the water, as
well as the land. Between fifty and sixty prizes were captured by this
fleet, among which was a transport bound from Ireland to Bristol, having
on board 120 soldiers of a new-raised regiment, who are now confined
here, and do so little credit, by their appearance, to British troops,
that I have more than once blushed, when they have been pointed at by
the French; and I have been asked with a sneer, “Are these the men who
are to march to Paris?” In the list of prizes were also six or seven of
the homeward-bound Oporto fleet, all of which they sunk, with their
cargoes; deeming, I presume, that honest beverage (to use the words of
one of their authors) “a heavy stupifying liquor, fit to be drunk by
Englishmen only.”

Cut off as I am from all communication with English politics, I shall
not presume to guess at the causes which have retained our fleet in
harbour. But some of those which have not retained it, I shall venture
to state. It was not the weather, for that was uninterruptedly fine
until the 25th of January. It was not the wind, for that during the same
period was always easterly, here at least, and our distance from
Plymouth is barely 45 leagues. It was not a want of information, for (to
my knowledge) exclusive of other channels, two English gentlemen, who
escaped from this place in a boat at least as early as the 8th of
January, must have arrived in England by the 12th or 13th. The rigid
caution observed by the French, in not hazarding engagements at sea, is
notorious. In the present instance it has been exchanged for a hardy
audacity. They now boast that they have challenged us to the lists,
which we have not dared to enter against them; but, during the time of
their fleet being out, I have seen them tremble at the probability of
such an event. Had the month of January been as tempestuous as it
commonly is in this climate, our assistance would hardly have been
required to destroy their leaky and crazy ships, in want of naval
stores and able seamen. One hard gale of wind at S. S. W. would have
cost them at least a dozen sail of the line.

What then shall we say? “There is,” my friend, “a tide in the affairs”
of nations, as well as of men: the page of history every where records
it. Hannibal, after the battle of Cannæ, instead of marching to Rome,
turned aside to Capua;----from that moment the Carthaginian fortune ebbed,
never to flow again. The series of rapid conquests, which distinguished
the brilliant campaign of 1776, was finished, not by taking
Philadelphia, dispersing the Congress, and breaking up the new
government, but by occupying winter cantonments in Jersey, where our
victorious army was beaten in detail;----and America was lost. The allies,
after the surrender of Valenciennes, divided their forces;----and since
that fatal separation how has their career of conquest been turned into
retreat, marked only by overthrow, consternation and despair!

On the 31st of December, the Admiral was again reduced to my society,
and that of his youngsters, all the other officers of the Alexander
being sent on shore to the Château, where, according to accounts which I
have received from them, by some letters privately conveyed to me, they
are treated in a manner shocking to humanity.----But I must be contented
with telling you my own story.

On their departure we who were left were again taken into the mess of
the officers of the ship. The military part of this assembly are a set
of worthless wretches; but two of those who fill civil posts are men of
honourable characters, ever ready to pity our situation, and to give us
every reasonable degree of intelligence of the state of the country, and
what is going on; to which _I_ add the advantage of reading daily some
of the Paris news-papers, which are brought on board.

Through these channels I draw not only abundant matter for reflection,
but frequently obtain diversion. “Moderation, and down with the
Terrorists!” resound, I believe, from one end to the other of the
republic. It is in all respects our interest to wish that such
sentiments may be more than nominal. It is certain that a general
dismission of the creatures of Robespierre is taking place. The
indiscriminate advancement of unqualified candidates to offices of trust
and dignity, which to court popular applause universally prevailed until
lately, furnishes to those, who are not over-friendly to a democratic
cause, an inexhaustible fund of merriment and ridicule. Among others who
have just experienced the instability of honours is Tribout, who
commanded the troops at Brest. This man, from beating a drum, and
officiating as a regimental barber, under the old government, had been
advanced by the revolution to the dignity of a drum-major, whence, by an
easy gradation, he at once rose to the rank of a general officer, for
intrepidity displayed in a battle on the frontiers. His elevation,
however, only exposed him to derision in the district wherein he was
delegated to command. Like the unfortunate cat, who at the request of
her master was metamorphosed by Jupiter into a young woman, and who
still retained her feline appetites, some unlucky trait, it seems, was
for ever occurring in this poor man’s behaviour, to remind the
spectators of his earlier professions. When he was on the parade he had
all the flourishes of the drum-major, and at table all the busy
curiosity and oily language of the _frizeur_. After exciting universal
contempt against himself and his employers, during the period of his
command here, he has been suddenly stripped of his full-blown honours,
and condemned to vegetate hereafter on a small pension, which has been
assigned to him; with permission, however, to retain the title of
_General_ Tribout.

The 21st of January was the anniversary of the execution of Louis XVI.
an event which will be annually commemorated by very different
ceremonies and emotions from what distinguished this day, when the
political phrenzy that now agitates Frenchmen shall be evaporated. A
play analagous to the occasion was performed at the theatre, _gratis_;
the towers and forts on shore, and all the ships in the harbour,
displayed their colours; and lastly, to prove their civism, the
_keepers_ of this dungeon put on their best clothes, and provided the
best dinner I have seen since I have been taken. I ate of it, but not
without a sigh for the cause which gave birth to this savage exultation
over the manes of a mild and generous, though irresolute, monarch. And
even here I feel pleasure in saying, all sensations of pity are not
extinguished, all distinctions which should regulate the administration
of justice are not obliterated. This very day a Frenchman whispered in
my ear, “His death (the king’s) in spite of the veil which the
convention threw over the real sentiments of the people, struck the
hearts of the majority of Frenchmen with amazement and horror.” Of the
memory of the queen he spoke less affectionately. He recounted to me
some of the extravagant tales, which have been so industriously
propagated against her; but in defiance of them, what unprejudiced mind
can hesitate to pronounce, that the cruel and ignominious rigour of her
confinement; the brutal and unmanly spirit that dictated the charges
upon which she was tried; and the mockery of all justice with which she
was prosecuted; joined to the violent death inflicted upon this unhappy
princess (against whom report has been so loud, and proof so feeble)
have fixed upon the annals of the revolution a stain, which will be
indelible, while sentiments of tenderness and generosity towards women,
and principles of equity towards the accused, are cherished in the human
breast?

The news of the entire conquest of Holland has caused great rejoicings.
But when the wildness of joy and congratulation had subsided, what think
you was the first reflection which I heard on the subject?----A
calculation of the advantages which will accrue to their marine. By this
acquisition, they hope to be enabled to dispute the empire of the sea
with England. It is publickly reported, that a negociation for peace
with Prussia is proceeding, and will be speedily completed; but to this
I only oppose my silent unbelief.

We often hear of Charette; but the accounts are so extravagant and
contradictory, that I know not what to think. About two months ago I was
persuaded, from all I read in the news-papers, and from what I was every
day told, that he had either surrendered, and sworn fealty to the
republic, or was about to do so; but as the most furious republicans
among my present associates have lately been silent about him, and
answer with reluctance to my questions on the subject, I can only guess,
from their reserve, that all is not agreeable to their wishes, and
consequently that he is still the rallying point of royalism.

I have sometimes my doubts whether it be not their intention to continue
us where we are altogether, and that the promise of being sent to
Quimper is as delusive as every other part of their conduct; but these
are only the suggestions of spleen, on recollecting the frequency of our
disappointments; for an order is absolutely received on board, to send
us hence to a small armed brig, which is to take some coasters under her
convoy to Quimper, as soon as the wind shifts to the N. W. In her, it
seems, and not according to the first intention of sending us by land,
are we to be conveyed to our place of destination.----There!----but hang
gloomy anticipations! the thought alone of being on shore, and able to
warm myself by exercise, must give it a decided preference to a
prison-ship, in which, during this bitter season, we have been cooped
up, and frozen both in soul and body. You would have laughed to see the
contrivances we have had recourse to, to keep up a little warmth, and
restore circulation to our benumbed extremities. The Admiral twice wrote
to the representatives, for permission to walk on shore with the
officers of the ship; but of his first letter no notice was taken; and
to his second only a verbal answer, that “his request could not be
granted,” was returned.-------- Adieu.




LETTER VI.




Quimper, Bretagne,
18th Feb. 1795.


MY DEAR FRIEND,

Lucky! lucky dog! you will exclaim, when you read the word Quimper at
the head of this letter; and are farther told, that I am comfortably
lodged, and seated at an English table. This welcome intelligence will,
I think, soon reach you through a channel by which I shall venture to
send you a packet.

We arrived here yesterday: Admiral Bligh brought with him a letter from
an English lady, who accompanied Lady Anne Fitzroy, to Mademoiselle
Brimaudiere, a native and inhabitant of the town; and, on presenting it,
was obligingly told by her, that she had already received notice to
prepare for him, from a gentleman at l’Orient, whose son-in-law, the
captain of the America, was a prisoner in England; and that if he
pleased to accept of such accommodations as her house, which was a hired
one, afforded, they were at his service. This courteous offer, you may
be sure, was immediately closed with, and we took possession of our new
apartments. Here we were also welcomed by two of our countrymen, whom we
found to be inmates of our house----Lieutenant Robinson, late of the
Thames frigate, and Mr. Burley, of the same ship. With these gentlemen
we have formed a mess. The good lady of the house condescends to market
for us; our servants, assisted by the maid of the house, officiate as
cooks; and we live already so much more comfortably than I ever expected
to do during my captivity, that I cannot describe to you the joyful
sensations I have experienced on this change.

We quitted the prison-ship on the 14th instant, to our unspeakable
satisfaction. From our military acquaintances there we parted without an
adieu, from our civil ones not without sentiments of esteem, For the
last nine days before our departure we had separated from their mess,
and lived entirely by ourselves, owing to the following
circumstance:----On some English prisoners being brought on board, one of
the officers of the ship, who is a Provençal, and speaks so
indistinctly, that his own countrymen cannot, without difficulty,
understand him, desired one of our young midshipmen to interpret for
him, which request he would readily have complied with, as he had often
done before, had he comprehended it; but not possessing the gift of
understanding inarticulate sounds, he turned round to his companion, and
said, “Monsieur -------- asks me some question, but as usual I don’t know
what it was.” The other not hearing himself called upon, and not
supposing the matter to be very important, smiled, and both of them, in
all the gaiety and thoughtlessness of fourteen, walked away. For this
enormous offence they were immediately sent for into the cabin, and,
without being suffered to urge a syllable in explanation, were told,
that they were not any longer to consider themselves as entitled to eat
at the table of the officers. The young gentlemen communicated this to
me, and I lost no time in informing the Admiral of it; who finding, on
examination, that they had not committed an intentional incivility,
desired me to explain the business, and to assure Monsieur-------- that the
apparent slight had proceeded from misapprehension. This I attempted to
do, and in return for it was honoured with several scandalous
appellations, as an instigator and abettor of the offenders, although it
happened that I had not been present when the crime was committed. Our
two friends in the civil department also attempted to interfere in their
favour, but were silenced by authority, the insult being deemed of a
public nature, and striking at the dignity of the republic. Admiral
Bligh now declared, that if the young gentlemen were to be thus driven
from the mess, he and I should look upon ourselves as included in the
expulsion. This they would willingly have prevented, and wished to draw
a line of distinction; but the Admiral’s manly resolution cut short
debate, and, on their refusing to yield the point, he and I directly
quitted them with contempt; and with two spoons belonging to our
servants, and a pocket-knife each, which constituted our whole stock of
utensils, we set up our mess forthwith, demanding our rations, but
refusing to receive any more _traitement_. Now was to be seen, for the
first time, in a civilized enemy’s country, a British Admiral, whose
seat was a trunk, and whose table was a trunk, eating a salt herring
laid on a scrap of paper, from want of a plate; or supping at the same
board, with a candle stuck in an ink-horn, on a second herring; or
dipping his spoon in a tub that held our soup, which was part of that
made for the ship’s company, sometimes of beef, and sometimes of
horse-beans and oil. Breakfast, however, by having a little tea and
brown sugar of our own, with the addition of some salt butter, which we
had procured from the shore for our servants, was a repast of real
luxury. This miserable fare, and want of common necessaries, lasted but
two days, when we got leave to employ the cook to market for us, and
dress our provisions. It brought me, however, perfectly acquainted with
the extent of the French allowance, and likewise with the prices of
different commodities on shore, which we found enormously high, and
every day rising. To console us, however, the value of gold, in exchange
for _assignats_, more than kept pace in its increase.----Here I take my
leave of the good ship La Normandie, and her worthy inmates, in full
trust that, in the course of our future correspondence, neither her
name, nor theirs, will ever again pollute my paper!

My observations since I left Brest could not be numerous; but, as I feel
an interest in them, they shall not be suppressed.

The little vessel which conveyed us hither was extremely inconvenient,
and ill-fitted for the purpose; but her commander, Monsieur Conseil, and
his officers, treated us with great civility and regard. She had been a
Jersey privateer, and retains her English name, the Betsy. About noon,
on the day before yesterday, we anchored just within the mouth of the
river that leads to Quimper, within twenty yards of the shore. After so
long a residence on ship-board, amidst men of coarse and ferocious
manners, I could not withdraw my eyes from the scene before me. It was a
clear frosty day, but the deep snow of the winter had been melted by
intervening thaws, and the fields bore that fresh and verdant hue, which
is so re-animating to the human heart. The river was of a moderate
breadth, and on each side stood a parish-church, surrounded by a few
scattering houses. Notwithstanding the keenness of the weather, the
peasantry were dancing in circles in the open air. The small space which
I could see bore no trace of distress or devastation; and so transported
was I with the appearance of all around me, heightened by a recollection
of the past, that I was almost ready, with the shipwrecked philosopher
of antiquity, to cry out to my companions, “Courage, my friends! from
these marks I know we are thrown among civilized beings!”

Our commander, who was of a pleasant unsuspicious temper, begged that
the Admiral would defer going up to Quimper until the next morning; and
offered, if we pleased, to accompany us on shore after dinner for a
walk. This was a welcome invitation, and eagerly embraced. About two
o’clock we landed with our conductor, and set out for a large handsome
looking house, the _château_ of the Marquis de Kersalaun, about a mile
off, which we had seen in the morning, in running along-shore, before we
entered the river. We passed through thick woods, and when we reached
the _château_ found there an engineer, who is stationed on the coast,
in the service of the republic, and is a friend of the Marquis. This
gentleman is permitted to reside here, and also two of the Marquis’s old
female servants. He received us very politely, and led us up large stone
staircases, through various apartments lined with old tapestry, and half
illumined “by rich windows, which almost exclude the light.” He shewed
us also a small chapel within the house, which, though commonly kept
shut up, bears marks of the fury of the times. The _château_ is long and
low, with a turret, which resembles a pigeon-house, on its centre, and
has a fine old avenue leading up to it from the sea-side. Before we left
the house, the gentleman presented to us some excellent cyder, and
lamented, with evident signs of mortification, that he possessed not a
drop of either wine or brandy. From the house he took us into two large
walled gardens, forming oblong squares. In the disposition of these, and
the other grounds surrounding the house, no mark of taste appears, but
they exhibit the hand of wealth and labour. In the centre of the largest
garden stands a circular bason or fountain of considerable size, “which
once,” said our civil and sensible conductor, “was thought an
embellishment to the _château_. Here,” continued he, “ran the leaden
pipes which supplied it, and here were fixed the plates of iron which
secured it; but, as you see, all the former are dug up, and cast into
bullets, and all the latter have been torn off in wantonness. Mark too
the breaches in that wall, through which the cattle and pigs enter; and
how the espaliers are either broken, or rooted up. No means to prevent
these depredations are left in my power. The _château_ was lately
converted into a temporary prison, to contain a party of Englishmen,
who, under the guard of a detachment of soldiers, were sent to cut down
the Marquis’s woods, for the use of the republic. I have less cause of
complaint against the English than against their guards, who were to the
last degree insolent and destructive. Twice did they set fire to the
house by their carelessness”----(we had seen the marks on the floors and
tapestry)----“I complained and remonstrated against them, in vain, to our
municipality: I obtained no redress. But this evil was temporary. The
fatal change which has taken place in our manners, and the
wide-extended spirit of rapine, which it has introduced, has infected
our peasantry. The farmers and tenants of the Marquis, who formerly
pressed forward to serve him (for he was a kind and generous landlord)
are now eager to promote the devastation, and to share in his spoils.
This and this,” (pointing to different marks of fury and ravage) “have
they committed.”----As we went homeward he made us observe, that all the
trees of the avenue were marked, for the use of the republic; “and,”
added he, “are all to be cut down soon, with the rest of the wood on the
estate, in order to be sent to Brest, the whole being in a state of
requisition.” I saw some large groupes of stately firs, many of which
were felled and squared on the spot. I put some questions to him about
the Marquis and his fortune. “He is,” said he, “between eighty-one and
eighty-two years old, and is now at Paris, where he is obliged to
reside, and, in return for stripping him of his estate, he has been
_promised_ a pension. Perhaps, as matters are certainly softening among
us, he may be enabled to make better terms. It is not pretended that he
has committed any crime; but he suffers for those of his two sons, who
have emigrated; and, at the age of fourscore years, he was thought too
dangerous a person to be permitted to dwell on his hereditary estate,
where he offered to remain tranquil, and submissive to the ruling
powers. He was formerly _Doyen_ of the States of Bretagne. In a letter,
which he lately wrote to a friend, he states himself to be in good
health, and to have borne the excessive cold of the winter very well;
but complains that wood was 400 livres a cord, and meat three livres a
pound. The value of his estate was between sixty and seventy thousand
livres _per annum_; but of this to the amount of not more than twelve
thousand lies contiguous to the house. The timber, however, on this
latter part was so valuable, as to be reckoned at twice the worth of the
land.”----It appeared to me, indeed, to be very thickly wooded.

We bade adieu to our obliging informer, and returned towards our ship,
by a different way from that which we had come. On this road I observed
three or four stone crosses, broken and thrown down. When we reached the
landing-place, the peasants were again dancing, with some soldiers,
sailors, and fishermen. We went close to look at them, and, except from
one lady, who told us, in broken French, she did not like the English,
met with neither rudeness or insult. The figure of their dance was very
simple, consisting only of describing a circle, through various parts of
which, with joined hands, they threaded from time to time; and
notwithstanding their wooden shoes, I thought they executed it with more
spirit and less awkwardness than our clowns generally perform. None of
the women were handsome, but they had all healthy cheerful countenances,
and were coarsely but cleanly dressed; their long white caps, which form
a sort of hood behind, giving to the younger ones a very sober and
matron-like appearance. A publick-house, which the dancers of both sexes
frequently visited, was close by, where cyder and a small acid red wine
were retailed. These people conversed entirely in the Breton language,
the sound of which, had I not forcibly felt from other circumstances
where I was, would have made me swear that I was in Wales. I found, upon
trial, that not one in ten of the peasants could speak French, or even
understood it when spoken to them. I asked if the gaiety which I saw was
continual, or only occasional; and was told, that this was the week of
the _carnival_, a period of festivity, which the Bretons of all ranks,
notwithstanding the austerity of the times, have never failed to
celebrate in revelry and dissipation.

I went into several houses. They form a medium between the neatness of
an English, and the filthiness of an Irish, cottage; they are dark and
gloomy like the latter, but the walls are strongly built of stone, the
roofs well thatched, and none of them are without a chimney. There was a
moderate quantity of necessary household utensils in all, and a good
fire burning, over which, in most of them, hung large pots boiling. Here
was no indication of want or distress. “Destruction to the châteaux,
peace to the cottages,” is an aphorism, which has been often repeated in
the convention, to instigate the poor to plunder the rich.

The church-door being open, I walked in, and found it converted into a
barrack for the soldiers belonging to a small fort which stands at a
little distance. There was a large fire burning in it, and it was filled
by the bedding and other effects of the men; but I observed that the
altar was entire. A serjeant, seeing me regard it with attention,
whispered me, that it owed its preservation to him: a piece of
intelligence of which I could not doubt the truth, when he carried me
into a little vestry, which he unlocked with a key that he took from his
pocket. There he showed me the images of our Saviour and the Virgin,
which were here deposited uninjured. I commended the zeal of this honest
halberdier, and we parted good friends, it being time to return on
board.

Next morning after breakfast we were conveyed hither, in one of the
ship’s boats. The distance is about three leagues; and a cold easterly
wind blowing strongly against us, made the passage tedious and
disagreeable. The river winds very much, and gradually narrows, until it
becomes contracted at Quimper to a fresh-water brook, deep enough,
however, to permit vessels, which do not draw more than eleven feet, to
reach the town at high water. Its banks are highly picturesque, very
woody, and rather wild and bold than fertile. They are besides adorned
by many gentlemen’s houses, on a smaller scale than the Marquis de
Kersalaun’s _château_, but built in the same taste, and surrounded by
plantations of fir-trees. Like the _château_ too, they all bear marks of
the unhappy state of the country, the windows being broken, the
garden-walls and fences destroyed, and an air of desolation spread
around them.

About one o’clock we reached Quimper, and were taken to the house of the
commissary of prisoners, whose reception of us did not forebode the
pleasing consequences which followed; for this man of power, when
acquainted with our names and ranks, neither did us the honour to return
our salute of the hat, or to ask us to sit down. However, after having
given a receipt for us to the captain of the vessel, he condescended to
conduct us in person to the house of Mademoiselle B-------- (to whom he is
related) whose polite and obliging reception of us, soon caused us to
forget the republican manners of _Citoyen_ Precini.

We have found here abundance of our countrymen, this town being the
principal _depôt_ of prisoners of war in the Western departments. In
this unfortunate list are Captain Kittoe, of l’Espion sloop of war, and
his two lieutenants; Colonel Caldwell, who is a native of Ireland, and
in the Portugueze service; with many other officers and gentlemen, and
several hundred British seamen.




LETTER VII.




Quimper, 2d March, 1795.


Although placed in a part of France very remote from the capital, and
unfrequented by travellers, I find in all I hear and see abundant matter
of wonder and reflection; and as I advance in my enquiries, the scene
continues to open upon me. To witness the meridian blaze of the
revolutionary government, I am arrived six months too late; its
disastrous lustre is eclipsed. When I testify emotions of astonishment,
I am always cut short by the exclamation of, “Ah! if you had been here
in the reign of Robespierre, or even during the first three months after
his death!”

I am not upon any parole, either written or verbal, but I am
_cautionné_, that is, the lady of the house is bound for my appearance
at all times, in the sum of 3000 livres. Upon this consideration I have
leave to go into all parts of the town, and have ventured to deviate,
in every direction, into the surrounding country, to the distance of
two or three miles, without having hitherto met with interruption.

Nothing could happen more fortunately than our coming here at the
beginning of the carnival-week, during which parties meet every night at
each other’s houses. The evening of our arrival the meeting was held at
Mademoiselle Brimaudiere’s, and was attended by all her friends and
acquaintances, who, as she is a woman well born and connected, are of
the better order, though, as I found in the sequel, of very opposite
political opinions. Formerly these assemblies were closed by sumptuous
suppers; but in the present poverty of the times, they meet only to play
at _passe-dix_. Into this circle I was introduced, and found the greater
part of it composed of well-dressed people of both sexes, who surrounded
a large table, on which the dice were rolling, and the spirit of betting
as keen as it could have been at any former period; handfuls of
_assignats_ shifting their owners every moment; and even children, of
not more than seven or eight years old, were encouraged to stand by, and
receive lessons in this instructive seminary:----“_Ma mere! dix sols
pour!----Ma tante! quinze sols contre!_” resounded from infant mouths on
every side. Among the women were several whom I thought very agreeable
in person, particularly Mademoiselle Kérvélligan, and la Marquise de
Ploeuc. The latter is extremely elegant in her manners, but beams “with
faded splendor.” I could not bear to hear the boorish and disgusting
title of “_Citoyenne_” applied to a fashionable woman; and therefore,
whenever I addressed myself to the marchioness, I called her “_Madame la
Marquise_,” and the rest of the company _Mademoiselle_, or _Monsieur_.
Indeed to this I had acquired a sort of right, by being myself honoured
with the appellation of “_Monsieur le Major_,” when I was invited to
play, which I at once accepted, and formed one of the circle. These good
old-fashioned courtesies also fell occasionally from the rest of the
company; but I observed that they were spoken in a low voice, and not
without trepidation: they are, however, I am assured, fast returning
into vogue.

At a play-table the common centre of union must be the stake, and to
that I found here, as elsewhere, all cares anxiously directed; but,
during some short cessations of the game, I remarked that the company
divided into knots, which seemed jealous of each other. The operation of
a more powerful passion being suspended, their political prejudices were
now revived. I was among royalists, federalists, and fierce republicans
one and indivisible. The fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters of
emigrants, for whose desertion they had been punished, collected with
_bons citoyens_, and _enragés_. Of these last, from not mixing in their
groupe, I can say nothing, except that the dress of some of them was
affectedly mean, and their conversation marked by a boisterous and rude
familiarity, which I knew before were leading characteristics of their
party. If I find myself compelled by necessity to cultivate an
acquaintance with any of this faction, while I remain at Quimper, I hope
I shall not be constrained to extend to them an observation, which I was
forced to pass upon their brethren on ship-board----that I never knew one
man, professing to be a fierce, and flaming republican, who possessed
either the manners which should distinguish a gentleman (setting aside
the forms of courtesy) or that common share of probity, which is
required to keep the links of society together.

In the little knot of royalists to which, you may suppose, I attached
myself, I was not worse received for being an Englishman. Indeed they
spoke quite undisguisedly before me, but it was in whispers. A young
lady, on seeing me gaze with attention upon one of the republican
phalanx, who (like all his colleagues) had worn his hat during the
evening, asked me, which I liked best, the tri-coloured cockade I was
surveying, or the “_cocarde blanche_?” “The cockade of honour, to be
sure,” I answered.----“Softly, softly, for God’s sake!” said she, “or we
shall be overheard and undone.”

One of the company, Monsieur Kérvélligan, is a member of the convention,
and appeared to me, both on this occasion and since, to be a manly
dignified character. I conversed a little with him on indifferent
subjects, as he only played occasionally. He is reputed to possess a
penetrating mind; and it is certain that he very early discovered the
views of Robespierre, and described them faithfully to his friends
here. Monsieur Kérvélligan was proscribed, with many other deputies, on
the 31st of May, when the Brissotine party was overthrown, and compelled
to flee before that of the Mountain. With some of his colleagues, he
effected his escape into Normandy, and thence into the wildest part of
this neighbourhood, where he took refuge among the peasants, by whom he
was known and beloved. These poor people were well aware, that by
betraying him they might make their fortunes; but they were too simple
and honest to violate the duty of hospitality. He frequently ventured to
come into town in disguise, and has often heard himself proclaimed a
traitor, and a reward offered to whoever would bring him in, alive or
dead, to the municipality. Soon after the execution of Robespierre, he
emerged from his retreat, and by a late decree of the convention, is
recalled, with others, to his seat in their body; and intends to set out
to Paris very soon, to resume his delegation. Monsieur Kérvélligan voted
against the murder of his sovereign; and has told his friends here, that
in going, on the day of the question being put to the vote, to the hall
of the convention, he and many other members were several times stopped,
and surrounded by bodies of the lowest class of the people, who clapped
pistols to their heads, threatened them, and swore they would sacrifice
them on their return, if they did not vote for the death of their
sovereign.

During the carnival-week there was a second party, similar to the first,
at our house: and, under the auspices of our good hostess, I went also
to two others, the last of which, on _Sunday_ evening, was at Monsieur
Kérvélligan’s, where the same entertainment was provided, and pursued
with the same avidity. Mademoiselle Kérvélligan I have already mentioned
as a handsome young woman; and her mother, Madame Kérvélligan, is also
very agreeable.

At one of these routs I saw a specimen of genuine democratic manners,
which all who aim to become great men in the state affect to imitate.
The commissary of prisoners, a man allied to nobility, liberally
educated, and once an Abbé, bolted into the room where the company were
assembled, humming the _Carmagnole_, with his hat on, which was adorned
with a red, a white, and a blue feather, and his hands stuck in his
breeches, _not pockets_. In this attitude he stood all the evening, and
thrusting himself among the ladies, had the impudence to enter into
familiar conversation with the Marchioness de Ploeuc, and other women of
rank and delicacy, with all the airs which conscious superiority of
power can instil into a reptile. This brutal manner of mingling in
society, and addressing women, has become, since the revolution, the
_ton_ of republican coxcombs, and during the reign of Robespierre set
decorum and the restraints of civilized life at defiance. It is now on
the decline, except with those who still court the applause of the dregs
of that faction. A courtier of Versailles at his toilet, surrounded by
paints, patches, and perfumery, was, in the eye of reason, a ridiculous
and contemptible animal; but the most effeminate essenced _marquis_,
that ever consulted a looking-glass, was surely preferable to this
indecent blockhead.

In frequenting these little circles, I see many victims of the tyranny
of the government, and hear such anecdotes of it related, as make me
shudder. The marchioness has been stripped of two estates, and the best
house in this town, which is converted into a prison. Two ladies, who
reside in our house, are but just liberated from a close confinement,
under which, with many more of their sex, they languished for fourteen
months. During their imprisonment, in return for the sequestration of
their property, they were allowed _twenty sols_ a day, out of which they
were compelled to pay two for _house-rent_. Monsieur Brimaudiere,
brother of the lady of this house, was _capitaine des gens d’armes_ of
this district, a post of trust and power. When the party of Brissot
fell, he was seized, sent to Paris, and imprisoned for fifteen months in
the _Conciergerie_. During the whole of his confinement he was kept in
the same room, and saw, during that period, 167 persons go out of it to
the guillotine, every day expecting himself to be added to the number.
His fate was close at hand when Robespierre was overturned, and soon
after the death of the tyrant he was liberated, and sent back hither, to
resume his former situation, which he now fills. He describes almost the
whole of this assembly of victims to have been so conscious of their
innocence, and so reconciled to their lot, from the daily exits of
their friends, that nothing but resignation, indifference, or levity,
prevailed throughout the prison, death having ceased, from its
familiarity, to terrify. It was customary to warn, on the preceding
evening, those prisoners who were to be put on their trial the next day;
and by a regulation made among themselves, the party to be tried gave a
supper on that night to the whole room; and, if he was spared for the
present, and remanded back, he was in return treated with a dinner at
their joint expence. “Our dinner entertainments,” said my informer,
“were few indeed; but Oh! the suppers without end which we partook of!”

All my days, however, have not been passed in going to routs, and
listening to details of misery. I have paid a visit to two more members
of the convention, and have been _at church_. On the afternoon of the
19th instant, the representatives Guesno and Guermeur arrived here in
great state, in a coach which had once belonged to their king, drawn by
eight horses, and escorted by forty hussars. “_Voila l’égalité!_” cried
aloud some (I was told) who saw them enter in this pomp. “And,” said my
informer, “as if conscious of their power, and the importance of their
mission, they neither bowed to the crowd which was assembled to gaze at
them, nor spread any lure to engage popular attention, like their
brethren who have heretofore been among us.” They are both natives of
Bretagne, and of good, though not of noble, families. In conjunction,
with several more deputies, furnished with great powers, they have been
delegated by the convention to treat with the inhabitants of La Vendee.
Among other avowed objects of their coming hither, is an enquiry into
the complaints which have been at different times made by the prisoners
of war. Accordingly, two days after, Admiral Bligh, attended by Captain
Kittoe and myself, went to the tavern (which once was the _town-palace_
of the _bishop_ of the diocese) wherein they lodged. We saw them both,
and the Admiral, through Captain Kittoe and me as his interpreters, made
some representations to them, which, if not quite satisfactorily
answered, were at least candidly listened to by Monsieur Guermeur, who
was extremely civil; but his colleague Guesno was less friendly, and
more elevated, keeping his seat, with his hat on, while we remained in
the room, and frequently interrupting our statements. He is said to avow
publickly a hatred of our nation, which in this short conference could
not be restrained. On the following day I was deputed by the Admiral to
wait upon them again, with a letter from him, entreating them to give
orders that the other officers of the Alexander (who are still closely
locked up in the _château_ of Brest, suffering misery and imposition)
might be liberated, and permitted to join us here. Upon reaching their
hotel, I found a crowd of suitors attending at the foot of the
stair-case; but the landlady, on seeing me, assured me I should not wait
for an audience, as an order had been given by Guermeur to admit at once
all English officers who might wish to see him. I profited immediately
by this flattering distinction, and marched through two rows of
impatient Frenchmen, who were expecting what I had obtained. I found him
alone, and was as politely received as on the preceding day. He read my
dispatches with deliberation, and in answer desired me to present his
compliments to the Admiral, and to assure him, that he would write to
his colleagues at Brest, and beg them to comply with the request.

Listen now to a relation, which will in some degree evince to you the
infamous height to which imposition, on the ignorance of the people, is
practised in this country.----On the 23d of this month an express arrived,
in the middle of the night, from the other representatives on mission in
this department to those here, which caused great speculation, affording
to one part of the inhabitants of the place as much joy and exultation,
as to the other it was productive of grief and dismay:----“_Peace
concluded with Charette_.”----An event, at once so momentous and
desirable, could not pass without celebration. A drummer was sent in the
morning into the town, who proclaimed at the corner of every street the
important intelligence; and announced, that on the same evening a ball,
in honour of it, would be given by the representatives of the people, to
which all good republicans were invited to repair. This was a bitter
trial to the poor royalists, particularly to those who had been lately
liberated from imprisonment. Many of them, rather than go to such a
commemoration, chose to submit to the imputation of incivism, and to
provoke afresh the arm of power; while others, more compliant, went with
aching hearts, to wear the mask of joy on an event, which, if true,
quashed their final hope. They all, however, consoled themselves in
believing that the information was unfounded. “How,” said they, “can we
credit any thing which our enemies tell us? How many victories have not
we been commanded to celebrate, which were gained only in the fertile
inventions of those who fabricated them, and issued the orders! Did they
not assure us, that the English fleet was defeated, and almost utterly
destroyed, in the engagement of the first of June? Did not--------, and--------,
and--------, who were just arrived from Brest, aver with solemnity and
oaths, that they had seen, and actually been on board, _three English
ships of the line_, in the port of Brest, which were taken in that
action? &c. &c.”

On these specimens of modern Gallic effrontery I leave you to your own
reflections; and shall only observe, that in a very few days the
intelligence about Charette was contradicted, when the royalists, as far
as they dared, returned the laugh upon their opponents.

Be this as it may, the ball was well, or at least fully, attended, by
generals, colonels, captains, serjeants, corporals, privates, and
drummers, with their wives and children; to whom may be added all the
butchers, barbers, bakers, tallow-chandlers, servant-maids, and
fishwomen in and about Quimper, “whose dress, manners, and vociferation,
joined to the offensive smell which proceeded from their persons, drove
me,” said the lady from whom I borrow this account, “out of the room in
about half an hour.” The maid of our house (who is not of an ignoble
stock, although reduced to service) said, she did not deign to dance, as
none but _sans-culotte_ partners offered themselves. Water was the only
refreshment which was served up at this civic feast, and all the
fiddlers of the town were put in a state of requisition to play at it.
My curiosity was strong; but it was impossible for an Englishman to be
present on such an occasion.

I shall now describe a scene to you, which filled me with very different
emotions from this recital.----On leaving the representative, after
presenting to him the Admiral’s letter, as I was going out of the door,
I heard the sound of an organ, proceeding from the cathedral, which was
very near the house: I went in, and found mass celebrating in the
presence of a congregation consisting chiefly of poor people from the
country, with a few of the higher ranks, many more of whom, I was
assured, would have been there, could they have believed themselves
secure from reproach; but the return of religious worship was yet too
young for them to incur the risk----they were all kneeling at their
devotions, with great appearance of fervency, while a fine grey-headed
respectably looking priest, habited in his pontificals, officiated at
the altar. I walked the whole length of the church, through rows of
people on their knees, which formerly might have been deemed disrespect
in a heretic; but I now met with nothing but courtesy and regard, all
seeming conscious that the basis of their persuasion and mine was the
same, however we might differ in external forms of adoration. Here I had
leisure to contemplate the scene of desolation which this venerable
temple presented. At least half the windows of fine old painted glass,
“richly dight,” were broken; all the monuments torn down; and the bones
of the dead exposed to view, and commingled with the ruins of their
tombs, the names and armorial devices being utterly defaced, and the
coffins taken away and converted into bullets. When the service was
finished, I went within the railing which incloses the altar, to look at
a large picture, representing the Ascension, the figures of which are
pierced through in more than twenty places, by sabres and bayonets. An
old man, who was kneeling near the rails, observing my attention fixed
on the painting, told me, that in the vacant side-compartments once
stood two other pictures taken from holy writ; “But,” said he, “they
were so cut and hacked, that _we_ were under a necessity of taking them
away.” A gentleman, who had joined me in the church, informed me, that
the altar and confessionals which I saw had been brought hither from
another church; for that those belonging to this had been either burnt,
or broken into a thousand pieces: nay, that the figures, with which the
altar had been adorned, were carefully separated from it, and
triumphantly guillotined in the middle of the great square of the town.

Cold and republican must have been the eye which could survey such
scenes of barbarous devastation unmoved, and the heart which could
listen to such descriptions of sacrilegious delirium without a sigh!


“-------- Oh! but man! proud man!
Dress’d in a little brief authority;
------------ like an angry ape,
Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven,
As makes the angels weep.” Shakespeare.



Upon enquiring, I learned that the church had been open for public
worship about three weeks, in consequence of a proclamation issued at
l’Orient, on the 13th of January, by the representatives Guesno and
Guermeur, in which liberty of worship is granted to all men in their
own way, on “proper terms,” but not as a national worship; the republic
disavowing a national religion, although tolerating and permitting the
free exercise of all, provided the priests who officiate have taken the
oaths of allegiance to the state. To this last stipulation the thinness
of the weekly congregations is in part attributable, the rigid catholics
holding in detestation the priests who have taken the paths.-------- Adieu.




LETTER VIII.




Quimper, 4th of April 1795.


I should not amuse you with a disquisition on the etymology of the name
of Quimper, or a research into the date of its foundation, were I
capable of furnishing such an entertainment; but I will tell you all I
know of its present state, and of the country contiguous to it.

It is unquestionably a town of considerable antiquity, and when it
formed a part of the possessions of the dukes of Bretagne (ere those
were annexed to the crown of France, by the marriage of Charles VIII.
with Anne of Brittany) sometimes sided, in the wars between the English
and the French, with one party, and sometimes with the other. A massy
stone wall surrounding the old town, the cathedral, and some other
buildings, are believed to be the works of our countrymen.

The town stands in a bottom, encompassed by high hills, and the largest
part of it is built on a neck of land formed by the confluence of two
rivers. I have often thought it like Plymouth; but it is not so large,
although even now extremely populous. Its streets are narrow, winding,
and dirty; and their former names have been changed into others of a
revolutionary sound, such as the street of Voltaire, the street of
Mably, the square of Liberty, &c. &c. The greatest part of the houses
are very ancient and mean; but a few are large and stately, with walls
whose thickness seems intended for endless duration. On entering them, I
was surprized to see the unfinished state of most of the apartments,
which are uncieled, the bare beams and cross-pieces presenting
themselves to view. I shall be within the bounds of truth when I assert,
that of 1500 houses, which are perhaps in the town, not fifty have each
a cieled room, and not ten, or even five, have the whole apartments of
the ground and first floor cieled. The bottoms of the rooms are as
unsightly as the tops, from the gaping chasms of the planks which
compose them; and the dirty state in which the floors and furniture are
kept, is disgusting. Nevertheless in some respects the interior of these
houses deserves regard. The vast mirrors which adorn their best
apartments, and the beautiful plate glass of the windows, far exceed
what are seen in English houses, except those of the first fashion. The
French engravings I prefer to all others, and a few very good ones are
still left here, though defaced, by having their dedications to princes,
_maréchaux de France_, and other great men, very clumsily erased. Of
plate too it is said they formerly displayed sumptuous side-boards; but
these have disappeared, having been either buried or committed to the
crucible. Indeed it was become necessary to adopt one or other of these
measures; for soon after the 10th of August 1792, the democratic lust of
destruction rose to such a height, as to order all family distinctions
derived from ancestry, and all heraldic emblems whatever, to be erased,
not only from the outsides of the houses, but from every article of
furniture. Even the armorial bearings engraved on the most trifling
toys, a snuff-box, a ring, or a seal, were obliterated; and the
post-office took care to detain all letters, of which the seals were
impressed with those shocking emblems of aristocracy. I now eat with
spoons whence the family marks are carefully expunged, the observation
of which led to my enquiries.

A man who has seen only this skirting of France would demonstrate the
highest degree of presumption, were he to pretend to draw a parallel
between it and England; but, to confine myself to what I have seen here,
I may venture to affirm, that civilization, luxury, a general diffusion
of the comforts of life, or by whatever other name you please to call
it, is more advanced in Cornwall and Wales than it was in this province,
even before the revolution.

Formerly there were two public walks on the banks of the river; but the
stately elms which formed one of them have been lately cut down, to the
great dissatisfaction of the inhabitants, in order to be sent to Brest
for keels of ships.

The cathedral is a large edifice, of majestic appearance, but strikingly
irregular in its exterior. Over its principal door is written “_Le
peuple Français reconnait l’Etre Suprème_.” All the other churches and
monasteries, which are numerous, have been converted (as the property of
the state) into hospitals, stables, magazines, or manufactories of
salt-petre. The church applied to this last use is well adapted to the
purpose. I went with an English gentleman to see it, and no objection
was made by the people whom we found there at work to our inspecting
every part of their process, which is very simple.----Against one of the
side walls are piled large heaps of wood-ashes, and near them two rows
of casks with perforated bottoms, which are filled with the ashes
thoroughly wetted. The water, after passing through the ashes, is
received into tubs, and constitutes a vegetable alkaline lixivium. The
opposite side of the church is filled with the ruins of old houses, and
heaps of earth dug out of stables, slaughter-houses, and cemeteries,
which last are full of the wrecks of humanity. These, after being
macerated and mixed with the liquor drained through the wood ashes, are
evaporated over a slow fire, until exhausted of the superfluous watery
particles; after which the remaining part is put into large shallow
coolers, on the sides of which the salt-petre shoots into crystals.

The workmen employed here are only twelve in number, and the quantity of
salt-petre made is about fifty pounds a day, which, according to their
account, costs only four livres and a half a pound; but this must not be
depended upon, for they did not know the quantity of wood consumed. The
wages of these people are inconceivably low, only 50 sols a day, and a
ration of bread. Until lately they were paid only 35 sols, the addition
having been made in consequence of the increasing dearness of the
necessaries of life: even now 50 sols will scarcely buy a pound of the
worst veal brought to market. They complained of its insufficiency, and
told us, that manufacturers in England were paid as much for two hours
work; “but, nevertheless, it is for the republic.” Either from this
conjecture of the liberality of our country, or from some other cause,
they treated us with particular respect, and answered all our questions
with the most ready civility: not an interested civility, for they
neither received, nor gave us room to suppose that they expected, any
gratuity.

I quitted the place with strange sensations. The process which I had
witnessed was whimsically shocking. When I saw amidst the earth the
bones tossed about, “mine ached at the remembrance.” This earth, said I
to myself, once, perhaps, belonged to men whom these houses sheltered,
and against whose descendants in La Vendée it may, when fabricated into
the _breath of destruction_, volly forth, in the shape of bullets, the
coffins which once enclosed their forefathers. There is certainly no
discovery which entitles to higher admiration the inventive genius of
man, than that of artillery, in all its wonderful combinations; but, at
the same time, it must be confessed, that no stronger proof of our
miserable degeneracy and infatuation can be produced, than our
application of it.

The bishop’s town-house I have mentioned. At a distance of less than a
mile down the river stands what was once his country residence; but it
is now the property of a naval officer, who bought it at a sale of
national domains. I walked out to it the other day, and found it neither
very large, nor very magnificent. It commands a good prospect of the
river, and is pleasantly situated at the head of a large garden, filled
by stone steps and strait walks. I found a gardener at work in it, who
shewed me a superb orangery, where, in large wooden cases, stand the
finest orange and lemon-trees which I ever saw growing out of their
native climes, and bearing ripe fruit in the month of March. I asked the
gardener about the last bishop, who was a constitutional one, and was
told, that he was guillotined about a year ago, at Brest, for being a
federalist. I had heard so before.----“Was not he,” said I, “dragged away
suddenly, and denied the consolation of taking leave of his family, who
were in the house?”----“I believe,” answered the gardener, “he was; but
those things were so common some time since, that no body attended to
them. I mind my work, and ask no questions.”----I gave him an _assignat_
of small value, which he expected, and went away.

But a building which would have excited my curiosity more than the
palaces of bishops and the houses of nobility, I arrived here too late
to see----a Temple of Reason, built for the exercise of the new religion
of France.----It stood on the summit of a lofty hill, close to the town,
and consisted only of a few posts, from which rafters met at the top in
a point to support the roof, the sides being open. Within it was
adorned by festoons of oak-leaves, and was backed by at tree of liberty.
It was the favourite rendezvous of the party of Robespierre, under whose
auspicious reign it was erected. Here they swore eternal enmity to
kings, and extirpation to aristocrates; and here their dances and sports
were held, and the laws were read. In July last (not above ten days
before the fatal _neuf Thermidor_) all the unmarried young women, and
even all the children of the town, down to seven years old, were
compelled to march in procession up the hill, preceded by the mayor and
a band of music, and to take an oath never to marry any but true
republicans and _sans-culottes_. About three months ago this edifice was
either blown down, or its foundation secretly undermined in the night;
and only a few broken posts and a little thatch now proclaim, “_Ilium
fuit_.”

If the stories which are told of the extravagancies which this place
gave birth to did not come from those who witnessed them (both French
and English) their possibility might be doubted. I shall trouble you
with only one of them.----A young republican of this town, on being
ordered as a soldier to the frontiers, took a young woman of the place,
and swore her here to be true to him; but even this test of the reality
of her intention not being sufficient to quiet his jealous scruples, he
absolutely wrote a letter to the convention, which was laid before them,
stating his situation, and intreating that the girl might be put in a
state of _requisition_, in her maiden capacity, until his return; lest,
in his absence, she might be exposed to the allurements and seductions
of aristocrates, who went about seeking to injure good republicans and
_sans-culottes_ like him. Can it be believed that a national congress
should afford a serious hearing to such nonsense? Yet so it was; and she
was actually commanded to remain single until the young man should
return.----Not a very gallant compliment to the lady’s constancy of
temper, you will say! To do justice to the French, I must however
observe, that all ranks and parties of them now deride the remembrance
of these degrading follies.

There are two coffee-houses in the town, which are numerously resorted
to by both the English and the French, notwithstanding an inscription
placed over the door of one of them, forbidding any but good patriots to
enter. The sign of this coffee-house gave rise lately to a refined piece
of affectation:----it was a lion devouring a human body, and so
exquisitely susceptible are the feelings of the present reigning party
become, that they ordered the man of the house to blot out the body,
“_it so reminded them of the days of Robespierre_.” Accordingly the lion
only now is seen. Here I go daily to read the Paris news-papers, and
meet not with any interruption. For this privilege it is expected that
something be spent: a dish of excellent coffee costs 15 sols, and a
glass of _liqueur_ from 20 to 40 sols. Persons of all ranks and
professions, officers, soldiers, and their wives, and the people of the
town, mingle here promiscuously.

The market-place is spacious and convenient. In the centre of it stands,
on a square pedestal, a statue of Liberty, with inscriptions on each
side, some parts of which have been recently white-washed, to obliterate
them. Among these I could decypher the word “_Montagne_,” and a few
others of analogous signification, which a change of opinion has
suddenly expunged from the vocabulary of French patriotism.----The
market-day is still Saturday, when patroles of soldiers are sent on all
the roads which lead to the town, to prevent forestalling, by compelling
the country people to bring all their commodities into the market-place.
Besides large heaps of wooden-shoes, the market generally affords some
poultry and game, but not much butchers meat, except lean veal, of which
I have never seen a want. Fish would be plentiful, were the boats
permitted to go to sea; but, from a fear lest they should give
information to the English, the fishermen are either interdicted, or
subjected to so many difficulties, by being compelled to give security
and take soldiers in their boats, that most of them have given up their
employment. Of bread I have not since I have been here seen any
deficiency; but I have been informed it was once, in the depth of last
winter, so scarce, as to occasion a proclamation to be issued, that
whoever sold it to a prisoner of war should be punished. We have always
been able to procure it for _assignats_. It is for the most part very
brown and coarse, but some whiter and finer is made, and publicly
exposed to sale, in spite of the law, ordering only _pain d’egalité_ to
be used, which every body laughs at, and nobody thinks proper to
enforce. The worst quality of all this bread is a grittiness, being full
of small sandy particles, arising from two causes----the softness of the
grindstones----and the corn not being sufficiently washed, after the oxen
have trodden it out, which is practised here instead of thrashing. This
may serve to evince, in how small a degree calculous complaints are
generated, by swallowing in our food similar materials to those of which
stones and gravel in the human body are composed. The Bretons are
remarkably healthy, and, I have been assured, are in general free from
those diseases. Neither has any symptom of them been found among the
English prisoners.

The prices of all articles in the markets and shops are increasing every
day rapidly, owing to the depreciation of _assignats_. France is
nominally dear, but to a man who possesses gold it is at present,
perhaps, the cheapest country in the world. Meat is three livres a
pound, and tolerable wine eight livres a bottle; but then a guinea will
openly fetch 300 livres, and a _louis d’or_ 350; the difference arises
from the ignorance of the peasantry in regard to the former, and their
consequent dislike to exchange them.

There is yet a little coasting trade carried on here. It was once more
considerable, but they never had any foreign commerce. The shops are
numerous, but not overstocked with commodities, and the shopkeepers
always recommend their goods, not only to us, but to their countrymen,
by saying they are “English,” which is too true: they are the spoils of
our merchants. I have been well informed, that previously to the war a
prejudice in favour of our productions ran so high here, and over all
this part of France, that hardly an article of dress and furniture of
French manufacture could be sold. You cannot conceive with what avidity
those prisoners who are artificers are sought out and employed. You will
laugh to be told, that one of the representatives, either Guesno or
Guermeur, sent for an English shoemaker to make him a pair of boots, and
even prolonged his stay for a day, rather than depart without them.
Perhaps a better speculation than to send here a small cargo of our
popular manufactures, in a vessel drawing not more than eleven feet,
when peace shall be restored, and liberty of exchange unshackled, could
not be projected. France will then open her _mines of gold and silver_.
In other words, immense quantities of specie and other valuables, which
are at this day buried, will be dug up and brought again into
circulation. Some part of these concealments will undoubtedly be lost to
their owners; who, after having entombed them, have either been chased
from their native soil to return to it no more, or else have paid the
debt of nature without communicating their secret. Ages hence their
children will turn them up from the bosom of the earth; and, on seeing
the effigy of the most unfortunate of kings, will recal to remembrance
the most calamitous period of the history of their country.

Nothing surprized me more, on my arrival here, than to see beggars in
every part of the town. The French officers at Brest had assured me,
that there were no longer any in the republic; the government
undertaking to make a provision for those, who might have no ostensible
means of subsisting. In consequence of this intelligence, I had dressed
up a fine speculation, in favour at least of one change effected by the
revolution.----If, said I, the noble and opulent are stripped and have
fallen, yet the oppressed and miserable part of the community have
emerged from that gulph of wretchedness, into which, under the ancient
government, the most numerous class of inhabitants were plunged. The
country, which has not in it any citizen so destitute as to want a
sufficiency of food and raiment, cannot be so unhappy as we in England
are fond of representing it.----What then was my astonishment, on entering
Quimper, to find in every street, and in its environs, wretches of both
sexes, who, with a livid aspect, and in a faltering voice, solicited of
passengers a morsel of bread to appease their hunger, or that of a
starving husband, wife, or child! It was in vain to answer me, that
these persons, by application to the municipality, might be
relieved;----so may all our poor, by applying to the workhouse or
parish-officer; but who, nevertheless, will venture to affirm, that we
have among us no victims of hunger?----As I advance in my actual
observations I gain a knowledge of facts, which lay open the real state
of the country, and better enable me to appreciate the condition of the
people, and the evils derived from equality incorrectly understood.

The inhabitants of this town formerly consisted, besides the working
people, only of petty shopkeepers, and of many of the neighbouring
gentry, who, though not nominally rich, were able, in this cheap
quarter, to keep town-houses, in which, during the winter, they resided
in great plenty and hospitality. These patricians are said to have held
the _bourgeois_ at an immeasurable distance, but to have been very
charitably disposed towards the wants of the poor. The taste for gaming,
which I have spoken of, is not new. It always flourished here; and
formerly, during the week of the carnival, and some other seasons of
festivity, it was not uncommon to find adventurers here, who had made a
journey from Paris to get a pluck at the _Noblesse Brétonne_.

For two miles around the town I know the country pretty well, having
always been fond of walking and making excursions. In these little
rambles I keep, however, in the most unfrequented tracks, and always
meet with civility from the peasantry, though by the soldiery I have
been twice compelled abruptly to return. The parts I have traversed are
diversified by hill and dale, and very like the wilds of Devonshire,
with a stream dashing through every bottom. There are innumerable
copses, but large trees, except firs, are hardly ever seen. The soil is
almost universally light and sandy, and abounds in lime-stone. Every
cottage has an orchard, but the cyder is not reckoned equal to that of
Normandy. I often inspect the labours of the husbandmen, and wish I
could talk to them. Except some fine meadows near the town, through
which two beautiful streams flow, the ground is chiefly employed to
raise corn. The corn-fields are very neatly divided into lands, and
their implements of husbandry, particularly their wheeled ploughs, are
much superior to what I had expected to find. Nevertheless, either from
the lightness of the soil, or want of skill on the part of the
cultivators, the crops of wheat are very moderate, not above five or
six for one.----They raise a few parsnips, and feed their horses with them
to great advantage; but I have not seen one field of turnips, cabbages,
or carrots, as a winter stock for cattle, and very little clover. I have
not yet conversed with any man, who has the least knowledge of what a
succession of crops means: to fallow seems to be the only assistance
which they give to worn-out grounds. They testify only ignorance and
amazement, when an Englishman explains to them the attention bestowed
upon this important part of farming, and a cultivation of artificial
grasses among us. Potatoes are yet planted only in gardens and small
patches; but the culture of them every day extends, having more than
once been recommended by authority. They frequently call it _la racine
Anglaise_, and many of the young people relish the potatoe; but their
fathers and mothers, to whom until lately it was a novelty, prefer the
most ordinary vegetable to it. It is a very common practice to irrigate
not only meadows, but higher lands, which demonstrates an intelligent
spirit; the little troughs, which, steal along through almost every
field the streams which the bounty of nature has supplied to the
country, are well contrived, and answer, as I have observed,
effectually. Upon the whole, what I have been able to see and hear of
the management of grounds here, notwithstanding the great deficiency I
have pointed out, exalts it above the humble opinion which I at first
sight formed of it. You know my fondness of agricultural pursuits, and
the impediments which have constantly arisen to prevent my indulgence of
it.

The cattle are very small and mean, worse, I think, than any breed I
ever noticed in the wildest part of North Wales, and certainly inferior
to the moor breed of Devonshire and Cornwall. I speak only of countries
which I know. Even in the meadows, though better, they are unaccountably
small, considering the pasture. The sheep are proportionably diminutive.
Admiral Bligh and I had one day the curiosity to put in the scales a
hind quarter of lamb, which was purchased in the market for our table,
and it weighed, the kidney and a bit of liver included,
exactly----_thirteen ounces and a half_.----At Brest we had remarked the
smallness of the meat brought on board, several of the quarters of
mutton not weighing more than three or four pounds each. The horses are
low and hardy, but, by continual importations from other parts of
France, are very superior to the cattle and sheep. The women here ride
astride.

The houses of the peasantry are like those I described on my landing. I
should oftener enter them were it not for dogs, which are chained close
to the doors, by one of which I was seized by the thigh, and bitten
through a thick pair of trowsers. Certainly the distresses of the times
are greatly felt by all ranks of people in France; but in the cottages I
have never seen want. One of the chief articles of the meals of the
peasants is a sort of pancake, called _crape_ (I spell like an
Englishman) made chiefly of buckwheat flour, and eaten with milk. These
people are, indeed, a separate race from the body of the French, and
have a language and customs of their own, to which they are tenaciously
attached. I much lament that I cannot speak Welch, although so many of
my happier days have been passed in Wales. As to French, it is of no
more use to me among these natives, at the distance of half a mile from
the town, than if I were at Ispahan or Delhi. Almost all the gentry can
speak this language. The Bretons and Welsh preserve another resemblance:
the latter do not love _cwrw_ (ale) better than the former do brandy.
The evening of a market-day here presents as drunken a scene as I ever
beheld in England; but these good folks do not appear to be so
quarrelsome in their cups as ours generally are.

The diocese of Quimper stands in a district called Cornwall. The truly
old British words _Pen_, and _Caer_, are affixed to the names of
innumerable places in the circumjacent country; and mark the origin of
this people, were we to seek no other proofs.

The town is surrounded by the _châteaux_ of the gentry. Very few of the
right owners live in them, and many of them are going fast to decay.
Every where I see the dove-cotes demolished, which were the earliest
victims of the first revolution; and I cannot lament their overthrow.
The game-law now established gives liberty to every one to kill what
game he may find upon his own ground, or that which he rents; and if any
person, without leave, shoot on his neighbour’s ground, he pays for each
offence a fine of ten livres. How superior is this simple regulation,
conceived in a spirit of equity, to a perplexed and odious code of penal
statutes for the preservation of hares and partridges! Let me bring you
acquainted with two other laws, which owe their birth to the
revolution.----One of them is just passed, and exempts from the punishment
of death, even after delivery, women who are tried for any crime when
pregnant. “Can a woman so situated,” asks the framer of the decree,
“become a mother in that tranquil state of mind, which is so necessary
to ensure the physical good of her offspring? Besides, could we forget
humanity, does not the republic act impolitically in probably preventing
the birth of a new citizen; (for women in this condition almost ever
miscarry) or in condemning the mother to bring forth a half-formed
being, which is usually distorted in mind and body, incapable of serving
the state, and of propagating its species?”----I am sure I hear you join
me in unqualified applause of the principle of this humane and
considerate institution.----The other interdicts a duel, in all cases
whatever, under the penalty of death to the survivor or survivors.----The
late king of Prussia said, that to determine whether single combat, in
certain cases, ought, or ought not, to be abolished, required a congress
of all the monarchs in Europe. Had he lived to witness the shocking
grossness of speech and manners, which prevail among modern Frenchmen,
for want of this or some other curb of a private nature, I think his
uncertainty would have vanished, without troubling the crowned heads to
assemble.----At least mine has.

The French often boast of the unexplored subterranean treasures of their
country; and some among them are sanguine enough to believe that they
shall rival England in her collieries. There are near Quimper two veins
of what is called _charbon de terre_ worked; but I have been assured by
an English surgeon, that on analysis he found it to be _not coal_. I
picked up a piece, one day, at the mouth of a pit, carried it home, and
put it into the fire, where it became red-hot, without consuming. To
what use it is applied by those who extract it, I know not. It is,
however, certain, that they have several times been industrious in
trying to find out miners among the English prisoners; and in a few
instances have succeeded in seducing our men to go and work at some
mines (of what I do not know) which are said to lie near Brest.

The inhabitants of the town, or troops of the municipality as they are
called, are obliged to do the ordinary duties here, when the regular
soldiers are absent. In certain cases, however, they are allowed to
perform this service by proxy. The present price of a substitute is ten
livres a day, which is judged to be more than the worth of a day’s
labour, though it will not purchase more than a pound and a half of
bread, a pound of veal, and a bottle of indifferent wine.

I have not yet said any thing to you of the French regular troops whom I
have seen since I have been landed. There is not at present any complete
regiment here, but there are detachments of infantry from several.
Every day I see the different guards parade, march off, and relieve; and
twice I have seen a detachment exercise, and perform their evolutions,
which, though few and simple, were very awkwardly executed. Certainly a
stranger, who should neglect to calculate the force of other causes,
would start, on being told, that before these raw levies (to use Mr.
Gibbon’s words, as nearly as I can recollect them, on an occasion not
very dissimilar) the disciplined legions of Germany, the sons of
chivalry of Castille, the gallant nobles of their own country, and even
the hardy freemen of Britain, have been compelled to flee. In vain would
he look for those usual indications of excellence, and prognoses of
success, silence, attention, and the exact performance of movements in a
great body, which we find in an individual.----In their room he would see
battalions, composed indeed of stout and healthy young men, but clumsily
and confusedly drawn up, with uneven ranks and broken files, whose bold
looks, slovenly attire, and unrestrained carriage, would seem to
proclaim equal defiance of their enemies and their leaders. Talk to
them, and they will try to make you believe, that they wish to decide
all battles by the bayonet only; and yet at this weapon they would to a
certainty be beaten by the English, were the forces on each side in
every other respect perfectly equal; for their bayonets, which I have
measured, are shorter, and worse fitted for purposes of destruction,
than ours. When they charge, nothing is more common than to hear them
talk to each other, and fancy an Englishman, an Austrian, or a Spaniard,
beneath their point, and crying for quarter.----I acknowledge freely, that
the bravery of the French is as unquestionable as the light of the sun;
but this in itself is inadequate to the atchievements which we have
recently witnessed. To that lively courage which stimulates them to
perpetual attacks; to their enthusiastic ardour in the cause of their
invaded country; and above all to their undiminishable numbers, must be
attributed those extraordinary events, which have confounded all
political calculation, and filled Europe with amazement, consternation,
and mourning.

The present pay of the common soldier is ten sols a day and a ration of
provisions, but no wine when quartered in towns. They are furnished by
the state with necessaries; so that the money is for pocket expences
only. The name of the general officer now commanding here is Klingly. He
is a native of Alsace, and one of the largest men I ever saw, being at
least six feet four inches high, and proportionably stout. I have once
dined in his company, and sat next to him, when he told me, that he had
been in England, and, among other parts of it, at Castle Howard, the
seat of Lord Carlisle; but in what capacity he had visited there, he did
not explain to me.----His birth is reported to be obscure, and his
advancement sudden.-------- Adieu.




LETTER IX.




Quimper, 15th April, 1795.


By a news-paper, which I lately read, I find that the miseries and
complaints of the English prisoners here have at length been
communicated to our government; and that Sir Morton Eden is absolutely
arrived in France, in order to negociate the terms of an exchange. This
subject, which I have forborne to touch upon before, is a very serious
one; and a relation of the sufferings which the prisoners of war here
have undergone, from the injustice and cruelty of their treatment, would
form a most afflicting narrative. The following statement, which was
drawn up on the spot, by the Honourable Mr. Wesley[F], and transmitted
to Mr. Pitt, you may depend upon as a genuine and faithful
representation.




“Quimper, 18th October, 1794.


“In the beginning of July last, the prisons of Quimper contained
about 2,800 fine young men, about which period a jail distemper
broke out among them, which has already carried off upwards of
1,200. This disease still continues to rage with violence, and is
not to be attributed to any general ill state of the air, but to
the following local circumstances.

“First----Want of cleanliness, from there being no necessaries
provided, whence the whole circumambient air becomes contaminated
by so many people.

“Secondly----Bad provisions, and those in very small quantities, the
daily allowance for seven prisoners being only six pounds of bad
black bread; every fourth day these seven persons receive also two
pounds of salt pork among them; and on the intermediate days they
are served with a scanty mess of horse-beans. They have bad water,
and no wine, or any spirits of any kind; nor have even those who
possess the means leave to purchase those articles.

“Thirdly----Want of bedding and clothes, the commissary of the prison
of Pontenazan, near Brest, having stripped the greater part of the
victims, who had the misfortune to pass through his hands, of their
clothes, bedding, and money[G].

“Fourthly----Want of proper hospitals and attendance on the sick; the
hospital, which is intended for English prisoners, being too small
to receive half the number that are seized with the fever. The
remainder are carried into a damp room, and laid upon straw,
without any covering; and the above-mentioned prison allowance is
their only support.

“This is a fair and impartial statement of the situation of our
unfortunate countrymen. The winter, should they remain here, will
open a new scene of distress, as the few who may be spared, will
then perish by cold and hunger, as they will be absolutely
destitute of clothes, blankets, and other necessaries.”

After this it were almost unnecessary to pursue enquiry farther; but as
some well-authenticated anecdotes have been told to me, which, besides
their relation to the subject, strongly tend to evince the temper of the
times at different periods, and thereby become in some measure
associated with the general politics of the country, I shall give them
to you, after first premising, that I believe the greatest part of these
nefarious and disgraceful proceedings are attributable not to a
deficiency of either proper liberality, or proper directions, on the
part of the present French government, but rather to the villany of
their subordinate agents, who have violated the latter, in order to
profit by the former. We know that a _traitement_, in _assignats_, to
officers, who are prisoners, has been decreed by the convention, and its
rate settled; although, from the multitude of offices through which it
has to pass, and the obstacles and impediments thrown in our way when we
attempt to trace the cause of the stoppage, hitherto we have not been
able to recover any part of it. It is also fair to state, that since a
new commissary of prisoners has been appointed here, the daily ration of
provisions, by being equitably issued, is found very tolerably
sufficient. Farther, in justice to the people I am among, let me
declare, that since I have been landed (except a petty instance or two
of splenetic insult) I have had no cause to complain of oppressive
treatment, or to lament the want of as reasonable an extension of
liberty as I could expect.

I have said, that in the winter bread was forbidden to be sold to the
prisoners, and so was fuel, notwithstanding the severity of the season,
and although no allowance of it was issued to them. Had not the humanity
of some of the inhabitants of the town induced them to step forward to
their relief, in defiance of the penalty of imprisonment, many of the
English must have perished from cold.

The care of Lieutenant Robinson, of the Thames frigate, will set the
conduct of the agents of tyranny in its proper light. This gentleman
was taken in the latter end of October 1793, when _terror_ was the
_order of the day_, and in the engagement, which led to the capture of
the ship, lost one of his legs above the knee, and was severely wounded
in the other. On his arrival at Brest he was sent on shore to an
hospital, and attributes his being now alive to a good constitution
only; for he was neglected by the surgeons, and obliged to eat food in
the highest degree improper for a wounded man. He once applied to the
chief commissary for permission to send a person to buy some eggs,
vegetables, and other refreshments for him, and was brutally refused.
Mr. Robinson found, however, in some nuns, who were compelled to attend
here, tender and careful nurses. These poor women were subjected to the
grossest insults, and the harshest treatment. They had accustomed
themselves, from motives of religious commiseration towards the sick, to
employ their leisure hours in praying by the couches of those who chose
to hear them; but this pious and humane practice was interdicted to
them, by an especial mandate from the representatives on mission here;
and two of them, who were found guilty of transgressing the order, were
dragged to prison, amidst reproaches, taunts, and execrations.

Some months after, when his cure was advanced, though far from
completed, Mr. Robinson, in a hope of changing for the better, requested
to be removed to Pontenazan prison, about two miles from Brest, which
was the general receptacle of the English. Thither he was conveyed in a
cart, with several more sick prisoners, and thrust into an old
rope-house, containing 700 people, who shortly after were increased to
1,400. This room contained no beds for the sick, and his stump was not
healed. At first they were allowed to walk for air in the day-time in an
inclosed court; but this indulgence did not last long, and thenceforth,
on _no occasion whatever_, was a prisoner suffered to go out of the
room. Nay the windows were forbidden to be opened, though it was the
beginning of summer. However, upon this interdiction being communicated
to the representatives at Brest, they ordered the windows to be kept
closed on _one side only_. This rigorous crowded confinement soon
induced putrid diseases, which swept off twenty and thirty persons a
day, who were thrown without covering into a large hole, and quick-lime
heaped on the bodies. The daily allowance of the prison was a pound and
a quarter of black sandy bread, four ounces of salt pork, a pint of sour
wine, and at night a soup, of horse-beans boiled in water. The pork they
were obliged to eat always raw, for there was neither a kitchen, nor any
fire allowed, by which it could be dressed; and the sentinels were
strictly forbidden to permit the prisoners to send out and make
purchases of fuel, or aught else that they might need.

This huge dungeon contained people of all ages. One day the commissary
of prisoners pointed out to Prieur de la Marne (one of the members of
the convention on mission) some little children, who were in a destitute
miserable condition, and asked what should be done to relieve their
wretchedness. “They are young vipers,” cried this gentle and
compassionate representative, stamping with fury, “turn them out to
graze; grass is good enough for the English!”----This same Prieur, who is
now “shorn of his beams,” and in arrest, is well known for his
severities and oppressions in Brittany. It seems, that he entertained
hardly a more favourable opinion of the people of Brest, than of the
English; for at one of the meetings of the popular society there, after
a great execution, he affirmed that the town did not contain three real
patriots; and that all persons who wore mourning for traitors (meaning
those who had just been guillotined) were sharers in their guilt.

On the 5th of last May, Mr. Robinson, with other prisoners, was ordered
to Quimper, at the distance of forty-five miles from Brest. A man on
crutches, who had but one leg, and that crippled, might be supposed to
be entitled to the indulgence of a vehicle for his conveyance. But when
this unfortunate officer asked how he was to be transported to the place
of his destination, he received for answer----“Walk, to be sure!”----In vain
did he represent his utter incapacity. He was commanded to set out with
the other prisoners; and complied. At the end of a mile he found himself
totally exhausted, and must have lain down to perish on the road, or
await the casual humanity of passengers, had not the soldiers who formed
the escort, lifted him into a cart, which conveyed the baggage. When
they reached Quimper in a heavy rain, they were all put, without
distinction, into an old convent, and during the whole of this day
received for food and bedding----_straw_ only.----Finding himself wet and
feverish, and possessing neither dry clothes or a bed, Mr. Robinson
requested, as a favour, that he might be allowed to sleep for the first
night at any house in town, observing to his keepers that he could not
run away; and offering, in case of compliance with his entreaty, to
defray not only his own expence, but that of the sentinel who might be
placed over him.----He was peremptorily refused.

Soon after Lady Anne Fitzroy, and her brother Mr. Wesley, arrived here.
He who recollects the former courtesy and gallantry of this once
polished nation will scarcely believe, that an attempt could be made to
immure a young, helpless, and beautiful woman, within the walls of a
common prison. “The age of chivalry is indeed no more!” By much
supplication, and after considerable difficulty, her ladyship obtained
permission to hire an apartment in an adjoining house, and to be served
by a _traiteur_ with what she wanted for herself and her attendants. She
was, however, forbidden to hold any communication with the people of the
town, and a sentinel was placed over her to enforce the order. In the
process of her confinement, liberty of walking in a garden, at the back
of her prison, was granted to her ladyship; and this signal indulgence
was followed up with leave to walk in the town, or to be carried in a
sedan which she had borrowed, guarded, however, by her sentinel, lest
her machinations might endanger the republic. The humane beneficence
exerted by Lady Anne and her brother, to all ranks of their poor
countrymen in captivity, are proclaimed here in terms of the most
enthusiastic applause and gratitude. Misery, in whatever shape it
appeared, excited their compassion, and called forth their bounty. They
supplied the unhappy sufferers in the common prison with raiment,
bedding, and food, without which assistance many of them must have
perished.----You will observe, by one of my former letters (which, long
ere this you must have received) that I had not the good fortune to see
her ladyship. Admiral Bligh was more lucky, when he carried his son, in
last January, on board the ship she was in, to receive her protection.
We have known, for some time past, that they arrived safely in England.

Were it necessary to continue the subject, after what you have read, I
am sorry to say, that it is in my power to adduce many more instances of
premeditated systematic neglect, cruelty, and oppression, with which
prisoners have been treated in this part of France during the present
war. Many of the evils they have endured must indeed be placed to the
account of Precini, the commissary, the same blockhead whose indecent
democratic manners, in a company of ladies, so much disgusted me soon
after I came to this place. This man has at length been superseded, and
his office filled by a very plain honourable character, who extends to
all in his department not only strict justice, but every fair and
consistent indulgence, which the ameliorated state of public sentiments
allows. The dismission of his predecessor, which was of the
unceremonious kind, we chiefly owe to the representations made by
Captain Kittoe, who had long witnessed his iniquity, and combated it,
after a long struggle, successfully. The defence which this gentleman
made at the _club_ (or popular society) of the town, before which he was
denounced, for “harsh and unjust usage of the prisoners of war,” shall,
however, be recorded in his justification. He did not deny that he had
issued to them bad and unwholesome provisions; but this, he said, was
only in compliance with orders he had received; in proof of which he
named a representative, who had publickly directed, that the
store-houses at Brest should be searched for damaged biscuit, “which,”
said he, “is good enough for those-------- of Englishmen!” Had the charges
against him turned on this single point, he must, therefore, have been
acquitted of them; but it was clearly proved against him, that he had
been guilty of innumerable acts of oppression and peculation.

While Precini locked up and cheated the prisoners, there were not
wanting others to sport with their misery. I dare say you have often
read, in extracts taken from the Paris news-papers, of a noisy speaker
in one of the sections, distinguished by his ridiculous assumption of
the name of Brutus. This man is now a private sentinel, although but a
few months since he was a general officer, and commanded the troops
here. He was (like Tribout) originally a barber. During his command he
took great delight in harassing the prisoners, and adding to their
distresses. In one of these freaks an unlucky prognostic occurred of the
decline of this great man’s glory. Some Englishmen who had broken out of
prison, in order to effect their escape, were retaken, and brought back.
To amuse himself, Brutus ordered them to be shackled with the heaviest
irons which could be procured, and in this condition marched them
several times round the prison-yard; in the centre of which, encompassed
by his satellites, he stood, enjoying their pain and aukward movements.
A Guernsey-man, who was of the number, as they passed by the General,
looked him full in the face, and cried, “_Chacun à son tour_.” At the
moment it caused only an increase of the universal merriment; but the
prediction seemed to be in some measure verified, when, soon after,
Brutus’s truncheon was taken from him, and a musquet put in its place.

This letter will be forwarded to you by Mr. Robinson, the gentleman
whose name is so often mentioned in it. After a captivity of eighteen
months, he has received permission, in consideration of his wounds, to
return to England, on condition of sending back a French officer of
equal rank to himself.-------- Adieu.




LETTER X.




Quimper, 30th April, 1795.


At length the clouds of misfortune begin to separate, and a gleam of
hope (though remote) breaks athwart the gloom, and points to England;
whence I have lately received letters from those who are dearest to me,
in which class I need not say you are included. You were right to be so
brief and guarded in your expressions; although, as it happened, your
letter reached me unopened, through a private channel. I observe what
you say to me of the steps you are taking to bring about my exchange.
Several Englishmen whom I know have lately effected theirs; and to my
great joy (though I shall deeply feel the loss of his society and
protecting influence) the Admiral every day expects an order to arrive
from the maritime agent at Brest, for his liberation. A Captain Courand,
who, on the 1st of June, commanded _Le Sans Pareil_, of 84 guns, is to
be exchanged for him, and is now in France, pressing the committee of
public safety to ratify the agreement, and forward the necessary
passport. You must observe, that Admiral Bligh is exchanged for a
_Captain_, because at the time of our sailing from England, in September
last, he bore only that rank, in which capacity he commanded the
Alexander, and consequently as such only could be exchanged. Innumerable
are the obstacles which I foresee to prevent my accompanying him, when
his passport shall arrive; but, as I am on very good terms with the
commissary, I shall at least endeavour to obtain leave to go to Brest,
in order to solicit permission from the representatives there to pass
over into England, for the purpose of procuring a French officer of my
rank to be returned in exchange for me. If success attend my petition
(of which I am not in utter despair, as it will be backed by the
interest of the Admiral) I shall be the bearer of my own letter; and if
I miscarry, he will convey to you this sequel of the adventures and
observations of your friend.

Deprived as you are in England of all communication with this country,
except through the circuitous route of Switzerland and Germany, I often
hear you ask me, What are the present politics and sentiments of the
French? A man at the distance of five hundred miles from the metropolis
can poorly answer such a question; but if you will be contented with a
description of what the politics and sentiments of the people of Quimper
and its neighbourhood are, according to the best information which I can
procure; and accept of a string of opinions, derived from conversing
with strangers, and from reading news-papers and fresh publications, as
a solution of your enquiry, behold me ready to contribute to the extent
of my ability to your gratification.

Here the friends of royalty, federalism, and an undivided commonwealth,
struggle against each other with reciprocal vibrations. Federalism is,
however, on the decline, and its supporters, attached as they are to the
local prejudices which they contend for a continuation of, perceive the
impossibility of carrying their point, and are fast melting into the two
other great masses. Royalism, though bent to the earth, is not crushed.
Its partizans are still numerous, and its hopes sanguine, too sanguine,
I fear, for accomplishment. My political principles are, you see,
unchanged since we parted; and I still think a limited monarchy the best
of governments. Had I been born a Frenchman, I should have struggled as
hard for the revolution of 1789, as I should have resisted with all my
might that of 1792. Much as I hate despotism, I am scarcely less a foe
to democracy; a sentiment which accords pretty well with those of my
royal friends here. Since I have resided among the French, I have met
with only one person, a lady (whose husband had once a place in the
household, and has emigrated) who has expressed to me a wish to see the
old system restored. She, poor woman, cannot separate the splendour of a
court, and the unlimited power of a king, from the prosperity and
happiness of the people, always describing the latter as a direct and
necessary consequence of the former. I am surprized to find that the
royalists prefer Count d’Artois to his brother, Monsieur. They call the
Count a bold and decided character, although they do not spare his
former profligate dissipation. To the little Louis, “_le monarque au
berceau_” as they call him, they look rather with regret than
expectancy, not unmingled with apprehension, lest violence or treachery
should be used against him; but this fear I think groundless, because
his preservation will best serve the interest of those whom he is among.
I am assured that his morals are corrupted, and his health
destroyed.----Unhappy infant! what a lesson on the instability of human
grandeur does he furnish!


“_Un faible rejetton-------- entre les ruines_
_“De cet arbre fécond, coupé dans ses racines._”
Henriade, 7th Canto.



The royalist party is strongest in the country, and the republican in
the town. The most numerous class of inhabitants in the latter, the
little housekeepers, find their importance increased, and their vanity
flattered, by becoming members of clubs and political societies, and
being admitted into municipal posts and honours. Doubtless, even in this
part of France, which has long been regarded with a jealous eye by the
government, the royalists are not equal in number to their formidable
antagonists: they will, however, I am confident, fly to arms, if ever a
favourable opportunity of attacking their oppressors be presented to
them. Whenever I find myself (which sometimes happens) in a little knot
of these good people, almost all of whom have either fathers, brothers,
sons, husbands, or other near relations emigrated; and when I listen to
the downfall of the convention, and hear them, by the restoration of a
king, restore themselves to their forfeited honours and estates; it
brings to my remembrance what passed, seventeen years ago, among the
loyalists of Maryland, where I was then, as now, a prisoner of war. I
hear similar fallacious calculations made, unsupported expectancies
indulged, and ardent resolutions adopted, to end, I fear, in similar
disappointment. The paper-money, divisions and mistrusts of parties, my
own situation at both periods, and other circumstances, render the
parallel very striking to me. To dash, with rude hand, the cup of
consolation from the lips of these unfortunate people, were the extreme
of cruelty; but when they appeal to me, by asking whether armies of
Englishmen and emigrants may not be expected to execute their airy
speculations, I cannot become a partner of the deceit, by administering
to the delirium. Whatever might once be the opening presented to us for
the attacking of France in her vitals, by a co-operation with the armies
of La Vendée, that season is passed, never to return. To commence, at
this declining period of the contest, such a system, were almost to
proclaim, that while we believed it possible to subjugate France by a
coalition of exterior force, we disdained to profit by the arms of
Frenchmen, in a cause which we called their own. Besides, if a
publication, which is stuck up in all parts of the town, dated the 1st
of _Floreal_, at Rennes, and signed by ten representatives, and
twenty-two _Chouan_ chiefs, with Caumartin at their head, may be
believed, the Vendeans have made their peace, and submitted to the
republic, after having for more than two years caused the most powerful
diversion in favour of her external enemies. But this my friends here
intreat me to despise; and, when I point out to them its marks of
authenticity, assure me, that Charette will never lay down his arms, but
on the condition of royalty being re-instated; that he is only
temporizing, and will soon break out stronger than ever. I listen in
silence, and know not which way to turn my faith.----What shall I say of
this extraordinary character, Charette! who, whatever be his future
intentions, has hitherto, certainly, displayed extraordinary powers of
mind, and Antæus-like arisen fresh from every fall. I am acquainted with
two people who personally know him, and describe his talents, courage,
and perseverance, in terms of enthusiastic admiration. The French do not
scruple to affirm (but here I suspect their love of exaggeration, not
unmixed with national vanity, to preponderate) that the war of La Vendée
has cost to the republic more men than all her foreign conflicts united.
If, instead of men, perplexity and vexation were substituted, the
account would be more credible.

The proclamation which announces a conclusion of the war of La Vendée is
not the only one, which strikes at this moment the public eye, in
Quimper. His Prussian Majesty, Frederic William, our good and faithful
ally, has, we are told, also made his peace with the republic. When I
recollect his threatening bombastic language, and the mighty irruption
made into Champagne, not quite three years ago, by this pigmy in the
shoes of a giant, I can compare him to nothing but the month (April) I
write in, which is said to come in like a lion and go out like a lamb.
The French themselves cannot help adverting to his former menaces, and
sneering at them, when compared with his present meekness and tender
concern for the effusion of human blood. The preamble of the
proclamation states, that, “in Pilnitz, a part of his Prussian Majesty’s
dominions, the first partitioning treaty of the territory of France was
executed. That now the republic has demonstrated to kings and ministers,
that she is not only victorious but invincible, she will prove to them
that she is generous, and willing to grant peace, upon terms consisting
with her dignity, to all her enemies. And, that henceforth the stability
of her government, not only to conclude, but to guarantee, treaties and
alliances, ought not to be doubted, &c. &c.”----A peace with Spain,
likewise, is reported to be in great forwardness; so that it is
probable, before the end of this year, England alone will have the
contest to maintain; and well, I trust, it will be maintained by our
victorious fleet?

If then the coalition be on the point of its dissolution, and Charette
has laid down his arms, either we must abandon the subjugation of
France, or seek for other means to accomplish it, which, if they exist
at all, are internal. Nothing can be more dazzling and imposing than the
great success of the French against their foreign enemies, and the
seeming ease with which the vast machine of the republican government
moves; but this smooth exterior conceals a hollow and ulcerated inside.
The numberless abuses subsisting in the multiplied public offices, which
defy control or abolition; (what think you of its being asserted in the
convention, that in the post-office department more than _thirty-nine
thousand_ persons receive salaries?) the depreciation of _assignats_,
which proceeds in a ratio continually increasing, a piece of money,
which eight weeks since sold for 140 livres, now fetching 400; and,
above all, the enormous public expenditure, which almost defies
computation; are causes of the most serious alarm to the supporters of
the revolution. The last of them, if not checked, must produce a
national bankruptcy, and overturn this government, as it did the
monarchy; but whether to give birth to a new form of democracy, or to
the restoration of a king, who shall say!

By the report of the new financier, Johannot, made to the convention----


                                                           livres
The national expence of the month of _Nivose_ last was     23,374,450 - or - £.18,522,632

The receipt of taxes in the same month was                 57,168,733 - or - 2,501,132
                                                           ----------       -----------
Excess of expenditure, rejecting shillings and pence, and
  reckoning a livre at 10½_d._b                           366,205,717 - or - £.16,021,500
                                                          -----------        ------------

In the succeeding month, _Pluviose_, the difference was still more
enormous: it exceeded the receipt by 443,164,244 livres, or
£.19,388,435. “The trappings of royalty” would poorly keep pace with
this unprecedented profusion, which is hourly increasing, by the
inevitable augmentation of salaries to all the public servants, both
civil and military. The naval officers have had a considerable addition
to their pay since I left Brest; and, as a signal to all beneath, the
stipend of the members of the convention has been increased from
eighteen to thirty-six livres a day.

I do not pretend to know the nature and extent of the present taxes; but
I remember the favourite scheme of a heavy land-tax, in lieu of all
others, was trumpeted forth at the commencement of the revolution, not
that it dates its birth at so recent a period. Our principle of taxing
consumption, they treated with great contempt; but I have reason to
believe they will soon adopt it, as I have lately read a most spirited
and ingenious attack on Cambon, and some of his predecessors, in which
it is extolled. The most considerable of the present imposts is a duty
of 20 _per cent._ on all lands and houses. This was calculated to
produce 260 millions, and makes the annual value of landed property
(including buildings) to be 1300 millions of livres. Let us suppose
(dreadful supposition!) that a third part of this is sequestrated, and
in the disposal of the government. Call this 440 millions; and farther,
let us presume, that all these houses and lands will be sold at 25 years
purchase (which, if the nature of a part of the property, and the fears
of reclamation, particularly of the estates of the later emigrants, be
considered, is perhaps too much) the amount will be 11 milliards. This
is the calculation of the most sanguine of the French with whom I have
conversed on the subject; and even this, terrifying as it is to compute
or read, seems likely to be insufficient. Johannot reckons the national
means at 15 milliards 226 millions, even after the allowances, which
justice and humanity dictate, shall be deducted from them; and proposes
to coin immediately 150 millions of copper, in order to afford support
to the declining credit of _assignats_. I need not tell you, that I
possess no _data_ to formally controvert this statement of the
financier; but I beg leave to observe, that his whole report, which I
have carefully read, is conceived in those sanguine and flattering
terms, which appear to me to have sprung from a pre-concerted
determination of exhibiting the favourable side of the picture, and
keeping the people in good-humour. I have heard it publickly derided,
and have been told that both its premises and conclusions are false. In
addition to the allowance which he hints is to be made to the relations
and creditors of emigrants, under certain restrictions, is to be placed
a complete restitution of the properties of the Brissotine party, and
all who suffered under the tyranny of Robespierre: at least such
expectations have been holden out in the convention. He also states,
that there are now eight milliards of _assignats_ in circulation, and
that only three milliards more need be added to them. For the justness
of this last declaration his word must be taken, as he does not tell us
why he limits to this sum the future emission.----Query, How are the
creditors of the old government to be considered, when the day of
liquidation shall arrive? A lottery, it seems, is projected, of all the
forfeited houses; and the scheme, at least here, appears to be
relished.----There is yet another source of revenue, of a delicate nature,
which I sometimes hear and read boasted of:----requisitions from the
conquered countries; and confiscations of the church lands in the
Austrian Netherlands.----How far these will be practicable to any great
amount, I leave to you to determine. Remember, that the comparatively
trifling levies, which have been already made upon the Belgians, are
said to have rendered the French name odious in that country.

But little facts sometimes impress conviction on the mind, when a
laboured detail has failed.----Until lately there were not any _assignats_
in circulation of more than two thousand livres each in value; but, on
the petition of the army contractors, _assignats_ of ten thousand livres
each have been fabricated, “in order to lessen the _expence of
carriage_, which is become enormous.”----One of the Paris papers, two
months ago, assigned as a reason for raising its price, the increasing
value of paper, which was then 80 livres a ream. “How,” asks the editor,
“can it be otherwise, when government, by contract, is every day
supplied with six thousand reams for its consumption in printing off
_assignats_!!”

All _assignats_ of the value of more than 100 livres, bearing the effigy
of Louis XVI. were proscribed some time since, except in the purchasing
of national domains. This was one of the last piratical manœuvres of
Cambon, and was every way worthy of the financier or Robespierre.
However it somewhat contributed to lessen the immense load of
circulating paper.

When I sum up the component parts of this stupendous system, and
contemplate it in the aggregate, I must confess myself to be staggered,
and almost ready to pronounce against the ability of this wonderful
people to continue the contest in which they are engaged. But, after
revolving the subject in every point of view in which it presents itself
to my mind, I am decidedly of opinion, that not even a national
insolvency would produce the effect, which some of the powers combined
against them sought in its commencement. The dismemberment of France
cannot be accomplished, without the extermination of its inhabitants,
even though Mr. Playfair write a second profound disquisition to
demonstrate its necessity and practicability; and how far a “_bellum
internecinum_,” against twenty-four millions of people is either in its
principle to be desired, or in its accomplishment to be expected, may
at least exercise the casuistry of humble searchers of truth, like you
and me.

That the French wish for peace, cannot be doubted by those who are in a
habit of reading their daily chronicles, and listening to their
sentiments; but even this event, desirable as they feel it to be, they
will not purchase at the expence of the integrity of the empire, or by
suffering any power, or combination of powers, on earth, to dictate to
them what shall be their form of government, or even to interfere in the
most inconsiderable point about their internal regulations. Such, upon
my honour, I believe to be the unalterable determination of a large
majority of the French nation. A peace with us they especially covet. I
shall not now stay to examine what are the impediments on our side to
its completion. We are accused of wishing to monopolize the trade of
Europe to both the Indies. According to the latest accounts I have read
from one of them, notwithstanding our rapid conquests in the beginning,
the tide of victory seems to be so far balanced, as to render the event
dubious; and even if we finally succeed in that quarter, it may become
a question, whether “_le jeu vaut la chandelle_.” The yellow fever, and
the resistance of a million of men, suddenly awakened to a perception of
their rights, are antagonists not to be despised. “Emancipate the
negroes, and the commercial ascendancy of England is for ever
destroyed,” said Danton. My opinion is very different; and I am
persuaded, that if the Charibean islands were at this moment independant
states, our shipping would not be less numerous (for our immense capital
would flow into other channels) nor would sugar, rum, coffee, and
Barbadoes water, be less attainable to administer to our luxury. If the
opulence of England be founded on the basis of African slavery; if the
productions of the tropics can be dispensed to us only by the blood and
tears of the negro, I do not hesitate to exclaim----“Perish our commerce;”
let our humanity live!

By the way, I am often asked, why we joined against them in a
confederacy, whose aims (they say) were as irreconcileable to each
other, as to justice. This query I have so little satisfaction in
answering, that, for the sake of argument, and to prevent being totally
overborne, I retort it upon them, and accuse them of being the
aggressors: a contest in which nothing is gained or lost, for both
affirm, and both deny.

It is, nevertheless, certain in the mean time, that a hatred of us, as a
nation, is universally diffused among the favourers of the revolution.
When declaiming on this head, their extravagance is sometimes not
unentertaining. They have collected, and believed, without examination
of their absurdity, a number of wild and ridiculous tales about us: such
as that there existed a scheme to set the Duke of York upon the throne
of France; that Marat and Robespierre were in the pay of Mr. Pitt, and
acted by his directions, &c. &c. They stun one, indeed, with repetitions
of the name of Mr. Pitt, and execrations of his politics, which, I often
tell them, is the highest compliment they can pay him. “His father,”
said an orator in the convention, “infused into him, in his infancy, his
hatred of France, and, like Hamilcar of old, swore him to eternal enmity
against the French name.” But, perhaps, another great man, whose share
in provoking the war, and sounding the knell of peace, has not been
inconsiderable, may feel disappointed on being told, that his name in
this part of France is never mentioned, and is even unknown. The
splendid pebble, with which Mr. Burke, after the first revolution,
endeavoured to perturb the lake of French tranquillity, has not yet
spread its undulations to this distant shore.----To descend from Mr. Burke
to his vaunted antagonist Tom Paine, I was, on coming into France,
curious to learn what had become of this wandering demagogue, whom the
delirium of the moment had rendered conspicuous. For a long time I could
get no intelligence of him: to some his name was new; and others, with
difficulty recollecting it, said he was guillotined. My enquiries
remained unsatisfied, until I chanced to read in a news-paper a decree
of the convention for his release from arrest, with other deputies of
the party of Brissot. From this time, until a few days since, I had
ceased to think about a being, whose name was never mentioned when a
news-paper again presented it to me, in a report of Courtois to the
convention, dignified by the title of “founder of liberty in the two
worlds.” Notwithstanding this consolatory panegyric, I am of opinion
that Mr. Paine is not destined to shine on the theatre of French
politics. But whither shall he retire to better his fortune, and re-lume
his fame? America would _now_ prove a sterile and unproductive soil for
the transplantation of such a genius; while ungrateful Europe (the
French dominions excepted) shutting every avenue against him, bids him
wander, like a second Cain, without an asylum, or a resting-place.

To return to my subject.----The present period is certainly an interesting
one in the history of the revolution. The convention is not popular, and
every day loses ground in the affection of the people. You can form no
adequate idea of the closeness with which its proceedings are
scrutinized, and the asperity with which they are attacked, in the
news-papers, and in private circles. Since I have resided among the
French, freedom of opinion and speech has made an extraordinary
progress. Heads which, six months ago would have “’bided but the
whetting of the axe,” now declaim unintimidated, and unrestrained. Has
the proposition of Merlin de Thionville, for the dissolution of the
convention, and the election of a national assembly, yet reached you? It
was strongly defended, and strongly reprobated. For the present, Merlin
has been prevailed upon to withdraw his motion; but, I think, it will be
resumed soon: the royalists eagerly long for it, and predict, from the
moment it shall be decreed, the restoration of monarchy, provided the
election be free and general; but this is not expected, as a proposal,
in case it must be adopted, has been already started, to oblige the
people to elect a majority of the present legislators. In the mean time
the new constitution is loudly clamoured for by the republicans. Sieyes,
who is at length emerged from behind the curtain which had so long
concealed him, and others, are said to be preparing it; and a very
beautiful metaphysical theory of impracticability, I doubt not, it will
prove. Let this be as it may, I dread an agitation of these questions,
and become doubly desirous to get out of France before they are started;
for, during the time of the election, we shall at least be locked up
and half starved, if no worse befal us.

But another question, which involves more important consequences than at
first appear, _viz._ Whether the leaders of the ancient committee of
public safety, Barrere, Collot d’Herbois, and Billaud de Varennes
(Vadier having escaped) shall be tried, or not? has during the last six
weeks almost absorbed every other consideration. It was, in fact, an
experiment of the strength of the two parties, the moderates and
terrorists, which divide the convention. The latter are generally
supposed to be completely overthrown; but, in my opinion, the middle
step, of inflicting, without a trial, the punishment of exile (some say
to Cayenne, others to an island on the coast of Brittany) upon culprits
whose crimes exceed credibility, is not only unjust, but evinces
something like a compromise. The royalists, the Brissotines, and all
others who have been lately freed from confinement, greatly dreaded the
escape of these monsters, in the consequent triumph of their party. Poor
Madame Kérvélligan, while it was pending, did us the honour, with some
more ladies, to dine with us. You cannot picture to yourself terror like
her’s, lest the moderates should be defeated. She took from her pocket a
paper, and read to us from it, with great encomiums, the speeches in the
convention of Legendre, Isnard, and others who had declaimed against the
_prevenus_; while she was enraged in an equal degree against those who
had defended them, and resisted the return of the proscribed deputies
(her husband is of the number) into the bosom of the convention, until
they should be purified by trial. Lecointre of Versailles was not spared
upon this occasion. Mr. Kérvélligan is now in Paris; and who can wonder
at her perturbation? Of the seventeen months which he lay concealed, she
was shut up eleven a close prisoner in the château of Brest. If she do
not hear from him by every post, she is miserable; not knowing, in the
present temper of the times, who may be spared in a popular commotion.
She and others declared to me, while the struggle lasted, that so
exasperated were the two parties against each other, that they should
not be surprized to hear, that they had had recourse to arms, and
butchered one another in the senate-house. The days and nights of the
12th and 13th of _Germinal_ were particularly terrible. The convention
during the whole of them remained at its post, most of the members being
armed with pistols to prevent assassination. In this commotion, of which
part of a narrative, written by one who was on the spot, has been read
to me, the cry of “_Vive Louis dix-sept!_” was once or twice heard, but
it was faintly uttered, whilst “_Vive la republique_, and give us a
constitution!” resounded on every side.

Immediately after this disturbance was quelled, expresses communicative
of the event were dispatched into all the districts. The courier to this
place arrived a little before noon on the 9th instant, and the drum was
forthwith beat in every quarter of the town, inviting all “_good
citizens_” to repair at two o’clock to the cathedral, to hear the
account from Paris read, and to adopt measures in consequence of it.
Being assured of not giving offence, I went at three to the place of
appointment, and found the municipality, and about 150 people of the
lower order, including a few officers, several soldiers, and many
women, collected. They were listening to a man who was mounted into the
pulpit, and reading to them a _bulletin_, stating the circumstances of
the attempt which had been committed on the national representatives,
and of its suppression; also the names of certain members whose arrest
had been decreed; and lastly, that General Pichegru was called in, to
preserve by an armed force the peace of Paris from the machinations of
royalists and terrorists. Every body wore their hats, and no insult was
offered to us Englishmen, several of whom were present. When the reading
was finished, an address to the convention was voted, on the patriotism
and energy they had displayed; and several people got into the pulpit,
and spoke in their turns. From these orators, a blacksmith was
universally allowed to bear away the palm, haranguing with great fluency
against the terrorists, and surprizing his auditors by the keenness of
his sarcasms, and the justness of his observations. The speech of one
who ascended the tribune was simply, “_Vive la republique!_” which was
received with many plaudits. In conclusion they decreed, that the
members of the ancient committee of _surveillance_ of the town (which
has long been suppressed) shall be deemed suspected persons, be
disarmed, and obliged to appear every day before the municipality; and
that henceforth they shall not be eligible to any office of trust or
power in their commune.

A mention of the committee of _surveillance_ leads me to bring you
acquainted with that infernal institution, which, of all engines that
ever were placed in the hands of a government, was surely the most
effectual to over-awe the citizens, and to promote the cause of
despotism. The number and cost of this host of licensed spies were not
less extraordinary than their power, which authorized them, without
assigning any reason but a suspicion of incivism, to enter the houses of
all the inhabitants, whom they pleased to say had been denounced to
them; to seize upon their persons, in order to deliver them over to the
revolutionary tribunal; and to break open their cabinets, and inspect
their papers. There are in France forty thousand communes, and every
commune had its committee, which, upon an average, contained ten
members, the number in part depending upon that of the inhabitants. The
salary of every member was five livres a day.


    If therefore we multiply            40,000
                                by          10
                                  ------------------------
    the number of members will be      400,000
                                             5
                                  ------------------------
    and the expence per day          2,000,000 livres;
    which multiplied by                    365
                                  ------------------------
    makes the annual expence       730,000,000 livres, or, at
    10½_d._ each, £.31,937,500.


The committee of _surveillance_ of Quimper consisted of twelve members,
whose names and occupations were as follows:


         Botibon,   retail shopkeeper,
         Harier,    butcher,
         Moreau,    musician,
         Becam,     taylor,
         Cariou,    taylor,
         Keroch,    barber,
         Rose,      barber,
         Roland,    merchant’s clerk,
         Morivan,   hog-butcher,
         Le Moine,  gardener,
         Montaigne, brazier,
         L’Hot,     printer’s devil.

They were to a man the creatures of the creatures, ten gradations deep,
of the committee of public safety. In such hands were the liberties and
lives of Frenchmen deposited! Even on the day I write, the institution
is not totally abolished, but is momently expected to be so. It is still
retained in towns which contain forty thousand inhabitants, or more, but
is seldom allowed to exercise its powers.

The number of persons guillotined in Quimper was only four, two priests
and two women. The _guillotine_ was kept in the cathedral, but performed
its office on the parade. It was customary to send to Brest those who
were denounced, which was more convenient than to try them on the spot,
where witnesses might have established their innocence: of this class
there were many victims. I was told, when at Brest, that 172 persons of
both sexes had been executed there. The operation is said to have been
performed on 32 of the number in somewhat less than nineteen minutes.

It is impossible to pronounce the word _guillotine_, without associating
with it its grand mover Robespierre, that modern Procrustes, who sought
to contract or extend to the standard of his own opinion, a mighty
people; before whom neither elevation of virtue or talents could erect
a shield, or insignificancy of birth and situation creep beneath a
shelter. Without aiming to become his defender, I must, however, be
permitted to observe, that many of the relations, which, on authority
seemingly good, I every day hear and read of his towering ambition and
capricious cruelty, are too extravagant to be credited, and, if true,
too degrading to our nature to be repeated. In the general horror and
indignation excited by his remembrance, I am sensible (especially among
this declamatory people) that truth will often be sacrificed to passion.
There is, besides, a second reason, that increases the distrust with
which I listen:----to screen themselves from odium, all the subordinate
tyrants fix upon him, and attribute to his orders, the innumerable
butcheries and acts of oppression which they have perpetrated.----They who
were once his closest imitators, are now loudest in their outcries
against his memory; which, in many instances, is loaded with the crimes
of his contemporaries. I had not been taken twenty-four hours when
Captain Le Franq, either from credulity, or a wish to impress me with an
early belief of his not being attached to a sinking party, told me,
among similar tales, that Robespierre had, in the townhall of Paris,
caused himself to be proclaimed, “Maximilian the First, Emperor of the
French.” Upon finding that a man, whose relative rank and situation in
life entitled him to respectable sources of information, could thus,
either from ignorance, prejudice, or a less laudable motive, be guilty
of so gross a misrepresentation, it became doubly incumbent upon me to
restrain my belief.

However outrageous the execrations of the French now are on hearing his
name, they do not surpass the adulation with which they once approached
the idol of his power. I wish I could send to you the _Gazette
Nationale_ of the 30th of _Pluviose_, which belongs to a collection of
news-papers that I have access to, and contains a report of the 16th of
_Nivose_, made to the convention by Courtois, in the name of the
committee appointed to examine the papers of Robespierre. Never before
was flattery so gross and servile used as some of these productions,
which were addresses to him from different districts, _communes_, and
popular societies. The statue inscribed to the “_immortal man_,” and
the poetic incense afterwards offered at his shrine by Boileau, fade
before it. He is called in them the glorious, incorruptible Robespierre,
who covers, as with a shield, the republic by his virtues and talents;
who joins to the self-denial of a Spartan, or a Roman of early date, the
eloquence of an Athenian. Even his tenderness and humanity of
disposition are praised. One man congratulates himself on a personal
resemblance of him; and another, at the distance of 600 miles, is
hastening to Paris, to feast his eyes with a sight of him. He is
compared, not by an individual but by a body of people, to the Messiah,
“_annoncé par l’Etre Supreme, pour reformer toute chose_;” and
afterwards he is said to manifest himself “_comme Dieu, par des
merveilles_.” On some occasion a _Te Deum_ was performed for him, the
burthen of the ditty being, “_Vive Robespierre! Vive la Republique!_”----I
feel ashamed to transcribe any more of these impious and contemptible
absurdities. I beg of you, however, to remark, when Courtois’s report
shall fall into your hands, that amidst the papers which have been
scrutinized of this extraordinary personage, though incontrovertible
evidence of his restless and sanguinary disposition appears, yet nothing
bearing the marks of an arranged plan for mounting a throne, or erecting
himself into a dictator, was found. Some trifling hints are once or
twice thrown out, which the reporter does not fail to magnify; but
Robespierre, if he ever really entertained such a project, was too
circumspect to commit it to writing; and knew too well the loose nature
of man to entrust his secret, until it were matured in his own mind, and
could tempt to confederacy by its probability of accomplishment. I never
reflect on the sudden and total apostacy of the French from this man and
Marat, without indulging a hope that the versatile levity of sentiment,
and unceasing desire of change, which characterize the nation, will at
length point, in a spirit of repentant loyalty, founded on an
unconquerable determination to be free, to the descendants of their
kings. And this hope I am always willing to sustain, by calling to mind
our restoration of Charles the Second; but at the same time I confess,
that (at least for the present) my observations pronounce it to be
rather a conclusion which I desire, than a consummation which I expect.

By posterity then must Robespierre be judged. No scrutiny will reach his
virtues, however it may exalt his genius. Vigour of mind he undoubtedly
possessed, and he joined to it (except in moments of inebriation, to
which he was sometimes addicted) profound dissimulation; but there exist
unquestionable proofs, that he was a poltroon, which single flaw in his
composition rendered his downfall certain. A combination of other causes
might have prolonged his elevation, but could not have preserved it to
the end of his existence. On how many occasions did Cromwell’s personal
intrepidity, and firmness of nerve, uphold him and his authority!

We owe candour more to a review of the worst than of the best of
characters; and no man was ever more entitled to an indulgence of it
than Robespierre.

The papers of the other members of the committee, of which Robespierre
is believed to have directed all the springs, are also laid open, and
are equally curious and shocking as his. There are among them orders,
ready signed and sealed, for bringing to trial, and executing, those
whose names might be inserted in the blank spaces. Juries, a venerable
institution derived from _us_, have hitherto had very little claim to
the gratitude of the French. In a report made to the convention by
Saladin, in the name of the committee of 21, on the 13th of last
_Ventose_ (3d March) it is stated, that the managers of the committee of
public safety, Barrere, Collot, Billaud, &c. held every evening
conferences with the public accuser and the president of the
revolutionary tribunal, who rendered to them an account of their
proceedings, and received their instructions for the work of the next
day.----On the following account you may also rely. A judge and jury were
sent to Paris, from a place 200 miles distant from it, to give an
account of their principles, for having condemned two men to ten years
imprisonment, who, in the opinion of a representative who was present in
the court, ought to have suffered death. The crime of the prisoners was,
having said, that “they wished to see the tree of liberty of their
commune cut down.”----The sentence was ordered to be quashed; they were
tried again; and guillotined.

An extract of a letter, signed Darthè, found, after his execution, in
the cabinet of Le Bas, is as follows. “_Le comité de salut public a dit
à Le Bon, qu’il esperait que nous irions tous les jours de mieux en
mieux. Robespierre voudrait que chacun de nous pût former un seul
tribunal, et empoigner chacun une ville de la frontiere._” After this
gentle wish (allowing it to have been uttered) which breathes more
closely that of Caligula than any other that modern biography affords,
you will, perhaps, think I have been too lenient to the memory of
Robespierre. Remember, I only wish to apportion his share of guilt. The
convention, by banishing the triumvirate, “until they can be tried at a
period of more tranquillity,” not only demonstrate a fear of the Jacobin
party, but a secret apprehension lest many of themselves should be
implicated in the transactions which such an enquiry would unfold. Hence
the violent opposition to a publication of their papers by many of the
moderate party, as well as that of their opponents. How indeed, in
consistency, could those men, from whom they derived their powers, now
turn their accusers?

To conclude an odious and debasing subject. The “_noyades_, _fuzilades_,
and _republican marriages_” of Carrier at Nantes; joined to the exploits
of Collot d’Herbois at Lyons, who chained together, at one time, four
hundred people, in the great square of the city, and fired upon them
with grape-shot, until they were exterminated; with many others equally
diabolical, which shall not pollute my page, almost tempt one to
believe, that a majority of the nation were at one time accomplices in
its crimes and miseries. They have, indeed, at length awakened from
their delirium, and sigh at the dreadful retrospect.

I have written until my paper is exhausted, my eyes bedimmed, and my
imagination haunted by racks, wheels, and _guillotines_ dyed in human
gore.----Therefore good night! and adieu until to-morrow, when I will
resume my pen!




LETTER XI.




Quimper, 1st May 1795.


Amidst such scenes as I was yesterday condemned to describe, it were
impossible but an universal corruption of manners must follow, and it
has accordingly arrived. That the French should pant to be free, who can
doubt, or who can blame? But it has happened to _them_, as it must to
every people who are suddenly hurried into extremes, without the
national mind being in any degree prepared for the change which has
taken place. This people possesses not the stability of character, or
the austere self-denying virtues, of the ancient republicans. Many of
the present leading demagogues of the convention do not even affect a
common regularity of manners; and, if the public journals, which do not
spare them by name, may be believed, wallow in the most scandalous
sensuality. I read the other day a description of a drunken scene
between one of the Merlins and a brother deputy, which was pourtrayed
with much humour. I mention this to shew you, that the editors of
news-papers here are not more afraid of the executive power than on your
side of the water. When I compare the present number of the convention
to what it was at its institution, not three years since, and recollect
the causes,----self-murder, public execution, desertion, and
banishment----which have occasioned the diminution, I stand petrified with
amazement and horror. What stronger proof of the depravity of this
legislative assembly can be adduced than their perpetual deliberate acts
of treachery towards each other, in betraying private conversations,
which have passed among themselves? Their annals are full of it. How
many of their members have been hurried by it to the _guillotine_; and
how many more have been supplanted in the public favour by the
informers!

The thirst for dissipation is not lessened; but whence the means which
enable many of the French to pursue it in its present form are derived,
is a mystery. If the excessive and daily increasing price of commodities
be considered, nothing is more inexplicable than how those who have
only stipulated incomes contrive to subsist upon them. I live with the
most rigid frugality, and yet cannot bound my expences within less than
250 livres a week. It is certain that false _assignats_ abound; and the
tongue of malevolence has not scrupled to assert, that many of them have
been issued from the national treasury, “in order to lessen the public
debt, when the day of presentation for payment shall arrive.” Remember,
I do not pretend to state this as more than the whisper of party. It is
evident that the habits, which this plenty of the medium of exchange,
however obtained, creates, are destructive of all industry. This little
town is crowded by men and women, who, like the Athenians, do nothing
from morning to night “but tell and hear of some new thing.” The
national fickleness demonstrates itself no less in private than in
public opinion. In Paris alone, in the month of last _Nivose_, 223
divorces took place, 198 of which were solicited by the _wives_. Nothing
is more specious than a facility of divorce. To render the chain of
union indissoluble were, indeed, to realize the punishment of
Mezentius; but to permit its separation upon every trifling and
momentary caprice, is to corrupt society in its source. You know that
marriage is here a civil contract only, which I have seen entered into
at the _bureau_ of the municipality, and which consists merely in the
parties declaring, before certain witnesses, their wish to be united,
and entering their names in a register; but of late all but flaming
republicans have thought it necessary to strengthen the engagement, by
privately superadding the ceremony of the church.

The national taste has suffered equal degradation. The dramas of Racine,
and the odes and epistles of Boileau, are supplanted by crude
declamatory productions, to which the revolutionary spirit has given
birth. The French have been almost as ingenious as ourselves. It was a
discovery reserved for the present age, that Pope was a mere versifier;
and that the immortal compositions of the two before-mentioned writers
are harmonious tinklings only, devoid of fire of fancy, and elevation of
genius. There has been a report presented to the convention, on the
_Gothicism_ which has overspread the land, and exterminated in its fury
more than two thirds of the works of art and taste, which ennobled
France. It will be handed down to posterity, in the chronicles of the
revolution, as a fact that marks the spirit in which it has been
conducted.

Notwithstanding the various arms by which religion has been persecuted,
she again begins to lift her head. A report, presented by Boissy
d’Anglas, from the united committees of public safety, general security,
and legislation, to the convention, containing ten articles in favour of
public worship, has been adopted and decreed. By these the republic
acknowledges no national religious institution; nor grants salaries to
the priesthood; nor furnishes any place for the performance of worship,
&c. &c.; but it expressly forbids, under pain of punishment, every one
from preventing his neighbour from the exercise of his devotion.

In consequence of this decree on the back of the proclamation issued by
Guesno and Guermeur, and of assurances from the constituted authorities
that they shall not be molested, the moderate catholics here assemble on
every Sabbath in the cathedral, the use of which (as an indulgence) is
granted to them; but the more rigid, fearless of the law (which forbids
it) hold little meetings at each other’s houses, where the non-juring
clergy officiate. This is known to the police; but the predilection of
the country people, who flock in great numbers to these assemblies,
renders it convenient to wink at them, and has hitherto restrained all
attack upon them.

I went upon Easter Sunday to the cathedral, and found a numerous
congregation there. The altar was lighted up by twelve large waxen
tapers; the holy water was sprinkled upon the congregants; and the
incense was burnt, with the accustomed ceremonies; but even here
democratic spleen manifested itself in disturbing what it is no longer
allowed to interdict. In the most solemn part of the service, the
_Marseillois Hymn_ was heard from the organ: that war-whoop, to whose
sound the bands of regicides who attacked their sovereign in his palace
marched; and which, during the last three years, has been the watch-word
of violence, rapine, and murder[H]! How incongruous were its notes in
the temple of the Prince of Peace! A black-guard-looking fellow close to
me, whom I knew, by his uncombed hair, dirty linen, ragged attire, and
contemptuous gestures, to be a _veritable sans-culotte_, joined his
voice to the music, and echoed, “_Aux armes, citoyens!_” Fear alone kept
the people quiet; and of its influence in this country I have witnessed
astonishing proofs, which demonstrate, beyond volumes of reasoning, the
terror inspired by the revolutionary government.

As the observance of the Sabbath advances, the _Decadis_ sink into
contempt. I had heard much of civic feasts and other patriotic
institutions celebrated upon them; but since I have been here, nothing
of the sort has occurred. The national flag is displayed on the public
offices, and if there is no pressure of business, the clerks have a
holiday. A few zealous republicans also shut up their shops; but at
present for one shop shut on a Decadi, there are six on a Sunday; for,
however their owners may differ on political questions, a sense of
religion is not extinguished in the mass of the people, even of the
town. I have, nevertheless, been assured, that six months ago, to have
shewn this mark of respect for the Sabbath would have been a certain
mean of drawing down the resentment of the predominant faction. On every
Decadi the laws are appointed to be read in the cathedral, and the
municipality attend. I had once the curiosity to go to this meeting, and
found the number of auditors, which I counted, exclusive of the reader,
and those who attended officially, to be twenty-seven persons, of whom,
to my surprize, five were old women.

Were I not bound to attend an appointment at twelve o’clock, in the
event of which I am deeply interested, methinks it were a curious
speculation (to which I incline) to try to develope what will be the
probable state of France, when peace with all her neighbours shall be
restored to her. The thinking part of the nation survey, not without
alarming anticipation, the consequence of a million and a half of armed
men, to whom a habit of indolence is become familiar, being turned loose
upon a country whose specie has disappeared, whose foreign commerce is
annihilated, and whose manufactures must be _born again_, for hardly a
trace of their having ever existed remains: add to this, that the
government, by being no longer revolutionary, will lose its strong
executive spring: and that the people are split into innumerable
parties, which hate each other with irreconcileable inveteracy.

National prejudices and political antipathies I consider as a vile state
engine, which, in the hands of a few crafty men, has for more than five
thousand years wrought the misery of the human race. Englishmen and
Frenchmen, the Charib and the Hindoo, the philosopher of Europe and the
naked savage whose wanderings I have witnessed at Botany Bay, shall one
day, I presume in humble confidence to trust, be assembled before the
“living throne,” of a common Father; and look back on that diminutive
speck, which in the boundless ocean of infinity nothing short of divine
irradiation could make visible to their eyes;----to review with
unqualified contempt, sorrow, and repentance, those false principles,
and sanguinary conclusions, which rendered it unto them a theatre of
contention and horror, and caused their days to be “few and evil!”

If such be my sentiments, I have no right to wish calamity to France. I
do not.----May she conclude peace with her neighbours; and labour to
settle her own government; and render happy her numerous children! But
when I look forward to the completion of such an event, I think I
foresee so many long years of havoc, which have yet to urge their course
in this devoted country, that I will drop the curtain, and hasten to
meet-------- --------. Adieu.




LETTER XII.




Plymouth, 11th May, 1795.



MY DEAR --------,

Congratulate me. The circumstances which led to my obtaining permission
to come to England, prove me fortunate beyond example; and as I think
them honourable to French generosity, I shall not omit to record them.

I arrived here yesterday, in a little Danish brig bound to Copenhagen,
which ran off the Sound, and made a signal for a pilot. One of the
Cawsand boats in consequence pushed out to us, and received Admiral
Bligh, his two young gentlemen, and myself. We were soon landed; and I
am happy to tell you that I found
---- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- --------
---- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- --------

The packet which accompanies this will explain to you my hopes, and the
measures which I intended to pursue, at the time it was written. The
Admiral’s liberation and passport arrived on the 2d instant; and, on
his request for his _aid-de-camp_ and interpreter to accompany him, the
good commissary made no scruple of furnishing me with a passport to go
to Brest, upon pledging myself to return, in case my application to the
representatives might be rejected. Having bidden adieu to my friends, I
set out on the following morning on horseback, with the Admiral and the
two boys in a carriage, the best the town afforded, without springs, and
with traces made of ropes. Our sudden departure was in consequence of
knowing that an embargo, which had subsisted for some time, was just
taken off, and that several American vessels were ready to sail for
England. We travelled about thirty-six miles, through a country which is
full of young promising corn, indicating a plentiful crop, and appearing
not to have suffered from wanting husbandmen to sow it. About four
o’clock we reached a village, whence there is a ferry about ten miles
across to Brest. Here we embarked, with more than a dozen country
people, who were carrying the produce of their farms to the next day’s
market. Only one of them could speak French, who satisfied the
curiosity of the rest about us. They made their supper of _crape_, and
were abundantly thankful to us for a remnant of a piece of cold veal
which we had brought with us, some bread, and a little wine, which they
ate as luxuries. Owing to a contrary wind, it was midnight before we got
abreast of the harbour’s mouth; when we learned, by hailing a vessel, to
our unspeakable mortification, that all the Americans had sailed in the
course of the day. The circumstance of having missed, by being a few
hours too late, an opportunity, the fellow of which might not arrive for
months, joined to the apprehensions and perplexity of men in our
situation, on entering into a garrison-town like Brest, at so
unseasonable and suspicious an hour, rendered our feelings very
unenviable. We wanted the boatmen to land us at the town, and to shew us
to an inn, where we might be accommodated with beds; but this they
peremptorily refused to do, telling us, that we might every moment
expect to be hailed by one of the forts, and ordered on shore to give an
account of ourselves. This happened, as they had foretold, in a few
minutes, when we were summoned through a speaking-trumpet to land
within some pallisades at the point of the dock-yard. A serjeant and a
file of men received us, and conduced us immediately to their officer at
the guard-house, a tall well-looking young man; who after having
inspected our passports, and listened to our wishes, very civilly
offered to accommodate us as well as he could in his guard-room, or, if
this proposition were not agreeable, to send a serjeant with us to knock
up an inn. We were grateful for his politeness, and begged to accept the
latter, requesting permission to leave our baggage under his care until
morning, which was complied with, and a serjeant was directly sent away
with us. We had, however, but just passed one of the barriers of the
dock-yard, when we were stopped by a municipality patrole, who,
notwithstanding our conductor’s explanations and remonstrances, carried
us all forthwith to their guard-house, and gave us to understand, that
we must pass the night there as well as we could. This treatment enraged
us; and I bade them recollect that they were offering an unnecessary
indignity to a “_General Anglais_,” who had not entered Brest without
ample and sufficient authority, and who would certainly represent their
interference and impertinence, on the next morning, to his friend
Admiral Villaret, and the members of the convention on mission here.
This resolute tone, to which the Admiral desired me to give full force,
had quickly its effect, and this _bourgeois_ collection of tinkers and
taylors thought proper to send us under an escort to a neighbouring inn;
but it was now become so late, that, after having knocked at the door
for more than half an hour, we were obliged to return to the
guard-house, and take up our lodging there: the Admiral sitting up, on a
bench, by the fire, and the two youngsters and I lying down on the
guard-bed with the soldiers.

In the morning we took our leave with very little ceremony, and repaired
again to the inn, where we found admission. After breakfasting, and
rendering our dress as decent as we could without our baggage, we went,
as we had been directed at Quimper, to the office of the maritime agent,
and produced our passports. He received us very properly, and furnished
us with tickets to shew in case of being stopped----an event not unlikely
to happen to English officers walking in their uniforms about the
streets of Brest. Our next visit was to Monsieur Villaret, whose
reception of Admiral Bligh, and whose undeviating conduct to us both
while we remained here, was friendly, polite, and flattering in the
extreme. I had never before seen him, and had now the honour to be
introduced to him by Admiral Bligh, as his _aid-de-camp_. His frank and
gentlemanlike manners at once won my esteem. He appears to be between
forty and fifty years old, is of an engaging countenance, well made, of
a middle size, and has a military carriage. Upon hearing where we had
left our baggage on the preceding evening, he directly dispatched his
own coxswain for it, and it was brought to us safe and entire. But his
goodness to me (as the friend of an officer whom he so highly respected
for his gallant defence of his ship, as Admiral Bligh) must be
particularly stated to you. No sooner was the predicament in which I
stood made known to him, than he offered his interest to back my
application to the representatives; and insisted that we all should
immediately set out to their office to undertake it. Upon our arrival
there, we were introduced to one of them, Champeaux, an old man, who at
Admiral Villaret’s intercession consented at once, without starting a
difficulty, to my being allowed to accompany my Admiral, and promised me
a passport.

Our only difficulty now was to find a conveyance. Admiral Bligh
therefore expressed a wish to his friend that he might be suffered to
hire a boat, which he would engage to send back immediately on being
landed on the nearest part of the English shore. This proposition
(which, considering the times, was rather of a delicate nature) was
acceded to by Monsieur Villaret; who added, that he would take care that
she should be properly fitted and victualled for us; however in the
afternoon a lucky occurrence prevented us from putting his generous zeal
to serve us to farther proof:----An American gentleman, who knew our
situation, brought a little Danish master of a brig to our inn where we
had dined (Admiral Villaret being engaged to the representatives) with
whom we presently concluded an agreement for our passage. As the Dane
wished to depart on the next day, it became again necessary to trouble
Monsieur Villaret to urge the completion of our passports for sailing
out of the harbour; and for this purpose he appointed to meet us at nine
in the evening, at the house of the representatives. Thither, at the
hour agreed upon, we repaired, and found him. He conducted us into a
spacious garden, and introduced us to the representatives, Topsent,
Vernon, and Harmand, who received us with great cordiality; and when
they learned that Admiral Bligh had been all day in town, chided Admiral
Villaret for not having brought us with him to dine with them. These
gentlemen, however, declined taking any part in granting the passports
until the arrival of their colleague Champeaux, who was momently
expected. We, therefore, continued walking on the terrace, and
conversing on general subjects, which unavoidably led to the grand and
only enquiry that seems to agitate the minds of Frenchmen:----the politics
of the day, as connected with the revolution.----They spoke in respectful
terms of our national character, and pathetically lamented the war
between England and France, calling it an unhappy and fruitless contest
to both parties. It was, they said, past human comprehension to account
for the ceaseless implacable enmity between two nations, which by their
valour, opulence, and enlightened character, were fitted to hold the
balance, and dictate the tranquillity of Europe. I listened in silence.
These men had no _sans-culottism_ about them, either in their manners,
language, or dress; the two first were civil, moderate and correct, and
the latter was gentlemanlike and respectable. Had it been my desire, it
was not my interest, to interrupt or oppose them. I ventured, however,
once or twice to slightly demur at one of their propositions, in order
to draw out their sentiments more fully; which occasioned these words
(from Vernon, I think) to be repeated with emphasis, “_France will be a
republic! and England neither shall, nor ought to, interfere in our
internal concerns_.” This conversation made a deep impression upon me,
and was, I am confident, introduced in order that the Admiral (to whom I
interpreted it) might communicate it on this side of the water. It
differed but little from others which I had often heard on the same
subject during my captivity; but the rank and situation of the speakers
from whose lips it fell, render it memorable to me.----Finding that
Champeaux did not come home, about ten o’clock we retired to our inn,
being first given to understand, that I might be sure of meeting him in
his office at six o’clock next morning, being the hour at which he
always entered upon business.

At a few minutes before six on the following day I renewed my visit, and
waited but a short time before I was admitted to Monsieur Champeaux. He
was sitting in his office, in an elbow-chair, dressed in a flannel
jacket abominably filthy, and smoking a short black pipe, exactly such
an one as the old women in Ireland carry about in their mouths. It
brought to my mind Sir William Temple’s descriptions of those old
burgomasters, who formerly, with so much plainness, wisdom, and
integrity, conducted the affairs of the Batavian republic. I had no more
reason to complain of my reception now than on the preceding day. He
told me that he did not wonder at my impatience, and that I should wait
for what I wanted only until a clerk should come in. “But,” added he,
“our clerks are _fainéants_.” Ah! thought I, if this honest gentleman
could take a peep, at this early hour, into an English public office,
where vigilance for the common weal never slumbers!----His affable
compliance removed a mountain from my mind. I now took an opportunity of
presenting Admiral Bligh’s compliments to him, and requesting, as an
acknowledgment of his politeness, that he would name some French
officer, a prisoner in England, whose release he might be interested
about, and that he might depend on his being sent home. The old man
bowed, and, recollecting himself for a moment, wrote down the name of a
_Quarter Master_, who was taken in l’Atalante frigate, and is now in
prison at Kinsale in Ireland, begging that I would give it to the
Admiral with his thanks, and perfect reliance on his good faith. I
continued to wait; but no clerk entering, although some other company
did, I slipped out, and planted myself on the stair-case, where I had
not remained long before a grave sober official-looking character came
forward.----“Pray, sir,” said I, “do you belong to the office?”----“Yes,
citizen.”----I told him my business in few words, and having been
similarly situated in an English office, when I begged his assistance,
looked as if I would be _grateful_. “Are you sure, citizen, that you
have seen the representative?”----“Perfectly sure.”----“The representative
Champeaux?”----“Yes.”----“Then follow me, and your business shall be
done.”----With a bounding heart I accompanied him into his office. When he
had finished writing the passports, he took them in to the
representative to be signed and sealed, and I amused myself as well as
impatience, not unmingled with fear, lest some unforeseen impediment
should be started, would allow, by looking about the room in which I was
left alone. Opposite the door was written, in large characters,
“Whatever servant of the republic shall accept of a fee or gratuity, for
transacting the public business, shall forfeit his place, and be farther
punished.” There was also stuck up on the wall a satirical print of
certain characters among us, who shall be nameless, in very ludicrous
attitudes and situations.----He soon returned with the passports
completely executed, and presented them to me, in such a manner as
convinced me, that to have offered a reward to him, for having simply
performed his duty, would have been construed into an insult, and
perhaps have been attended with unpleasant consequences to myself.

I hurried to the Admiral with my credentials, and we lost no time in
getting on board, and urging our departure from the port, which to our
unutterable joy took place about eleven o’clock last Tuesday. A
northerly wind prevented us from arriving here till yesterday.

The shortness of my residence in Brest, and the state of hurry and
anxiety in which it was passed, almost preclude me from offering to you
any remarks about it. It is very strangely laid out, on the side of a
hill, and long flights of steps connect different parts of the town. It
is certainly much larger than either Portsmouth or Plymouth, and
contains some handsome public buildings, exclusive of the naval arsenal,
which, you may be sure, I did not enter after the first night, when it
was too dark to make any observations. The French are said to be making
vigorous preparations here; but when we ran through Brest-Water, there
were only nine or ten sail of the line ready, or nearly ready, for sea.
As we sailed along, I cast a look of exultation at my old jail La
Normandie. At the harbour’s mouth we were boarded by a guard-boat, the
officer of which offered not any interruption to us, upon seeing our
passports.

I had almost forgotten to mention that before we embarked we heard that
Le Franq, the captain of Le Marat, was cashiered, for being a
_Robespierrist_; and that he, with many others, was obliged to shew
himself twice a day at the office of the municipality, as a caution
against his elopement. We did not see him, and by no means thought him
entitled to much commiseration.----Admiral Villaret gave us the
information.

To the civility of Mr. Anderson, the American consul, we were indebted,
not only now, but when we were formerly at Brest. My two old friends of
the prison-ship, on hearing of my arrival, found me out, and came to sup
with us at our inn.

Our expences ran very high during our short stay at Brest. We dined, at
a very middling ordinary, at fifteen livres a head; and for tolerable
wine after dinner were charged nineteen livres a bottle; every other
article being proportionably extravagant.

I wait here only for -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- Expect to see me
in town in a week.-------- Adieu.

                                                   _WATKIN TENCH._



THE END.


FOOTNOTES:

[A] The writer was taken prisoner in the last war in America.

[B] Here followed a minute relation of the battle, which the
Alexander sustained for two hours and a quarter, against three ships,
each of her own strength, and just before she struck against _five_. But
as all the circumstances of the action, and of the causes which led to
it, have been detailed by him, who like Cæsar, knew not only how to
execute, but to narrate deeds of glory, I have thought it right to
suppress my description; and beg leave to refer the reader to the
official letter of Captain, now Rear Admiral Bligh, which appeared in
the Gazette, either about the latter end of January, or the beginning of
February, 1795.----The names and force of the squadron by which we were
taken, were as follows, under the command of Contre-Amiral Neilly.


                                   Guns.
        Le Tigre,                   74
        Les Droits de l’Homme,      74
        Le Jean Bart,               74
        Le Pelletier,               74
        Le Marat,                   74
        La Fraternité,              40
        La Gentille,                40
        La Charente,                40
        Le Papillon,                14



[C] The Alexander sailed from Portsmouth on the 13th of
September, having under her command the Canada of 74 guns, the Adamant
of 50, the Thorn sloop, and a convoy bound to the Mediterranean. Owing
to foul winds we put into Plymouth on the 16th, whence we sailed on the
26th of the same month. The Adamant and Thorn, with the merchant ships,
parted from us off Cape St. Vincent. The Canada was in company when we
were chased, saw us engage, and strike. Her signal was made, to join and
support us; but this, which she attempted, a manœuvre of the enemy
prevented her from executing: Captain Hamilton, who commanded her, then
very properly began his retreat. Malevolence was not wanting to attack
his character upon this occasion; but I am happy in bearing my
testimony, that farther perseverance on his side was not wished by us,
as it would have caused only an useless effusion of blood, and the
capture of two British ships of the line, instead of one.

[D] Since the above was written, I have read Major Cartwright’s
opinion on this subject; and am only more thoroughly convinced from his
arguments, that neither a “_Saxon militia_,” or any other militia,
beyond the regular establishment of the kingdom, is necessary for our
preservation from invasion, which can be effected by a strong naval
force only.

[E] Formerly Le Jacobin, the ship supposed to be sunk on the
first of June.

[F] Brother of the Earl of Mornington, who with his sister Lady
Anne Fitzroy, was taken in a packet, by French frigate, on their passage
from Lisbon.

[G] This commissary was ordered by the representatives then at
Brest, to take a blanket from each prisoner who possessed two, and to
pay him for it. He executed this commission by turning out of bed, into
the court of the prison, all the prisoners, in the middle of the night,
when he took away _not half, but all their blankets_, without making any
recompence whatever for them. Their complaints of this robbery produced
no notice or redress.

[H] I was once carelessly humming, at a fire-side, the
_Carmagnole_; when a lady, suddenly interrupting me, exclaimed, “For
God’s sake cease that hateful tune! It brings to my remembrance nothing
but massacres and guillotines.”












*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS WRITTEN IN FRANCE, TO A FRIEND IN LONDON, BETWEEN THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER 1794, AND THE MONTH OF MAY 1795 ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.