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Title: The Age of Justinian and Theodora: A History of the Sixth Century A.D., Volume 2 (of 2)

Author: William Gordon Holmes

Release date: June 27, 2021 [eBook #65717]

Language: English

Credits: Turgut Dincer, Chris Pinfield, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA: A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D., VOLUME 2 (OF 2) ***

Transcriber's Note:

Obvious printer errors have been corrected. Hyphenation has been
rationalised.

Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals. Italics are
indicated by _underscores_. Transliterated Greek is indicated by +plus
signs+.

The Corrigenda at the end include references to Volume I as well as to
this volume.




 THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND
 THEODORA


 LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS
 PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C.
 CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.
 NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.
 BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO.


 THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN
 AND THEODORA

 A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D.

 BY
 WILLIAM GORDON HOLMES

 VOL. II
 _SECOND EDITION_

 LONDON
 G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
 1912


 CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
 TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.


CONTENTS

 CHAP.                                                        PAGE

    V. THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST
       WAR WITH THEM                                           365

   VI. THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS
       AND THEIR ABOLITION BY JUSTINIAN                        420

  VII. THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE
       EMPIRE: INSURRECTION OF THE CIRCUS
       FACTIONS IN THE CAPITAL                                 440

 VIII. CARTHAGE UNDER THE ROMANS: RECOVERY
       OF AFRICA FROM THE VANDALS                              489

   IX. THE BUILDING OF ST. SOPHIA: THE
       ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JUSTINIAN                         529

    X. ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH
       THE GOTHS IN ITALY                                      544

   XI. THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR: FALL OF
       ANTIOCH: MILITARY OPERATIONS IN
       LAZICA                                                  584

  XII. PRIVATE LIFE IN THE IMPERIAL CIRCLE
       AND ITS DEPENDENCIES                                    605

 XIII. THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS
       ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE                                624

  XIV. RELIGION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: JUSTINIAN
       AS A THEOLOGIAN                                         668

   XV. PECULIARITIES OF ROMAN LAW: THE
       LEGISLATION OF JUSTINIAN                                706

  XVI. THE LAST DAYS OF JUSTINIAN: LITERATURE
       AND ART IN THE SIXTH CENTURY:
       SUMMARY AND REVIEW OF THE REIGN                         726

INDEX                                                          761


MAPS

SEAT OF JUSTINIAN'S WARS IN THE EAST                           396

SEAT OF JUSTINIAN'S WARS IN THE WEST                           572




 THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN
 AND THEODORA




 CHAPTER V
 THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST WAR WITH THEM


On the death of Justin the absolute control of the Empire became centred
in the hands of Justinian. Nine years of virtual sovereignty during the
lifetime of his uncle had familiarized him with Imperial procedure, and
nullified the influence of a bureaucracy which might aspire to govern
vicariously by taking advantage of his ignorance of affairs. His tutors
in the art of autocracy were dead or superannuated, and his present
subordinates owed their elevation to his favour and judgment. The new
Emperor was a man of middle stature, spare rather than stout, and on the
verge of becoming bald and gray. His features were sufficiently regular,
his face was round, his complexion florid, and he wore neither beard nor
moustache.[1] Those whom he impressed unfavourably were fond of pointing
out that he bore a striking resemblance to Domitian.[2] He affected a
pleasant demeanour, appeared always with a set smile,[3] and was so
studious of personal popularity that even the meanest of his subjects
might hope for an audience of his sovereign. With an unbounded belief in
his own capacity for discrimination, he was always ready to listen, but
never to be convinced. His assurance communicated itself to those with
whom he came in contact, and his associates rarely ventured to dispute
his opinions.[4] His mode of life tended strongly towards asceticism,
and he yielded no indulgence to his natural appetites. In his diet he
restricted himself to the barest necessaries, he seemed to exist almost
without sleep, and there is no evidence that he was ever attracted
sexually by any woman except Theodora. Without commanding abilities, his
mental activity was incessant, and he was perpetually busy in every
department of the state.[5] He plunged into politics, law, and theology,
with the conviction that he could master every detail and deal
effectively with all questions which might arise for decision. Yet he
was credulous and lent a willing ear to those who brought in doubtful
reports, which he was generally prone to act upon without due inquiry as
to their authenticity.[6]

The Empress Theodora,[7] after her elevation, still presented in most
aspects of her life and character a marked contrast to Justinian. She
was devoted to the care of her person, and a great part of each day was
given over to the mysteries of her toilet.[8] She trusted especially to
sleep for the preservation of her beauty, and passed an excessive number
of hours, both day and night, upon her couch. Gratification of the
senses absorbed most of her time, and she indulged herself in the luxury
of a table always spread with the rarest delicacies. The air of the city
was uncongenial to her, and she resided during the greater part of the
year at the Heraion,[9] a palace over against the capital on the Asiatic
shore of the Bosphorus, where a second centre of Imperial state was
maintained for her benefit with lavish magnificence. But she was ever
vigilant in preserving the closest relationship with the machinery of
government, and in her retirement she meditated persistently on the
exigencies of the autocracy. Her numerous emissaries were to be observed
continually passing and repassing the strait which separated the Heraion
from Constantinople, regardless of tempestuous weather, and even of a
ferocious whale which had long infested the vicinity and made a practice
of attacking the small craft sailing in those waters, often with fatal
result to the occupants.[10] The personal relations of the royal
partners during the whole course of their joint reign, continued to be
of the most intimate description. Justinian not only deferred habitually
to the judgment of his consort, but took every opportunity of making a
public profession of his indebtedness to her co-operation. In Imperial
acts and edicts she appeared constantly as the "revered wife whom God
had granted to him as the participator of his counsels."[11] It may,
indeed, be assumed as certain that the resolution and verve to be found
in the character of Theodora supplied some real deficiencies in the
imperturbable and less acute nature of her husband;[12] and Justinian
was well inclined to justify his extraordinary marriage by insisting
that exceptional advantages accrued to the state from his choice of so
able a consort. Although the spectacle of a Roman empress electing to
lead the life of a prostitute was almost a familiar one in previous
history,[13] that an actual courtesan should be raised to the throne,
was a unique event in the annals of the empire. Nor was Theodora at all
exercised to veil her ascendancy in the affairs of government; on the
contrary, she scarcely refrained from proclaiming publicly that her will
was predominant in the work of the administration.[14] Her pretensions
were generally allowed, and those who sought preferment through Court
influence regularly crowded her ante-chamber, with the assurance that
success depended on winning her favourable regard. Unlike Justinian,
Theodora made herself difficult of access, and an assiduous attendance
for many days was an indispensable preliminary to obtaining an audience
of the Empress.[15] Doubtless but a small portion of each day could be
spared from the seclusion she imposed on herself for the nurture and
elaboration of her person. As both Emperor and Empress by an un-hoped
for chance had leaped to the Imperial seat from the obscurity of
plebeian life, they were proportionately jealous of their authority in
the lofty position to which they had attained without the qualifications
of rank or lineage. Hence they exacted the most servile respect from all
who approached them, and emphasized more than at any former time
humility of speech and abject prostration in the presence of the
sovereign. Any subject, without the exception of patricians or even of
foreign ambassadors, on arriving at the foot of the throne was compelled
to extend himself on the ground with his face to the floor and then to
kiss both feet of the monarch before he was privileged to deliver his
message or to make a request.[16] On such occasions the titles of
"emperor" and "empress," as expressing a merely official hegemony, were
considered to be insufficient, and it was expected that, by substituting
the terms "master" and "mistress," the subject should confess himself to
be the actual slave of his sovereign.[17] In previous reigns the forms
of adoration had been reserved for the Emperor, but Theodora ignored
such precedents and claimed for herself all the homage due to an
independent potentate. In one respect only did the conjugal harmony of
the Imperial couple appear to be seriously disturbed; while Justinian
was strictly orthodox in religion, Theodora gave an uncompromising
support to the Monophysites. The public, however, refused to believe in
the reality of this dissension, and attributed the seeming discord to an
astute policy which obliged the conflicting sects to give their united
support to the throne.[18]

The war with Persia, which had developed in a desultory fashion under
Justin, began to be waged with determination at the outset of
Justinian's reign. A thousand years before this date the Persian Empire,
founded by Cyrus the Achaemenian, had reached from the frontiers of
India to the shores of the Mediterranean, and had even held Egypt
precariously as an integral province. Diverse nationalities marched
under her standard, and immense hosts of Asiatics were habitually
mustered for the achievement of foreign conquest. But this monarchy
proved to be short-lived, and was destroyed in less than two centuries,
after the invasion of Greece by Darius and Xerxes had disclosed the fact
that a few thousands of patriotic Hellenes were of more martial worth
than the vast and heterogeneous armies led by the Persian king. Less
than ten years of actual warfare sufficed to bring the Achaemenian
Empire and its dependencies under the rule of Alexander; and the
indigenous races were kept in subjection by the Graeco-Macedonian
invaders for a longer period than the kindred dynasty established by
Cyrus had endured. The Persian Empire, in its widest extent, as it
existed under the Achaemenidae, was never restored; nor did any
subsequent conqueror issue from the west to repeat the exploits of
Alexander. The Asiatic successors of that monarch, the Seleucidae,[19]
were gradually ousted from their dominions by a wild race which attacked
them from the north, and became known historically as the Parthians.
Under their native rulers, the Arsacidae, they might have restored the
empire of Cyrus, but the simultaneous growth of the Latin power in Asia
Minor and Syria for ever confined the Parthians to the eastern bank of
the Euphrates. The policy of Rome, as defined by Augustus, forbade the
extension of the empire beyond the limits assigned to it after the
battle of Actium; but at least one emperor, the indomitable Trajan, was
ambitious of emulating the prowess of Alexander and designed to advance
on India. Although not uniformly victorious, he transformed the kingdom
of Armenia into a Roman province, and almost reduced Parthia to the
condition of a vassal state.[20] Death, or the more pressing claims of
home affairs, imposed a term to his activity in the field, and his great
schemes of conquest were never again entertained; but several later
emperors, notably Severus, Carus, and Galerius, often demonstrated the
superiority of the Roman forces under competent generalship over their
Oriental antagonists.[21] But after the Graeco-Roman supremacy had
declined to the stagnant mediocrity of Byzantinism this ascendancy could
no longer be maintained; and as often as East and West came into
collision the honours of war almost invariably rested with the Asiatic
power.

For more than five centuries after the overthrow of Darius by the armies
of Macedon the remnants of the Persian race languished in the Province
of Persis, a small state lying east of the Persian Gulf, to which was
allowed a semi-independence by the supreme government. Here was the
original home of Cyrus, and here he matured his plans for the conquest
of Media. From thence was derived the name of Persia, which was applied
by the western nations to the whole land of Iran, the native appellation
of the extensive plateau ranging from the Hindu Kush to the river
Tigris. In Persis was situated Persepolis, the traditional capital of
the Persians, where the sacred fires of the Zoroastrians was kept
perpetually alight in a temple by the Magi. In a drunken freak, or
perhaps as a signal to all Asia that he had succeeded to the sovreignty
of Iran, the ancient city had been committed to the flames by
Alexander;[22] but eventually a capital was reinstated on the old site,
and in later centuries became known as Istakhr.[23] About 200 A.D. a
reawakening of Persian aspirations became apparent, and a new Cyrus
arose at Istakhr to lead his nation to the reconquest of their former
empire. Ardeshír was the grandson of Sásán, who by a fortunate marriage
had united the pre-eminence of the priestly caste with that of the
princely house of Persis. Having gained possession of the local throne
by his superior energy, he began to exercise himself in active warfare
by attacking the neighbouring states, whose princes, like himself, were
the vassals of the Parthian king. At first his operations were
disregarded, and not until he had made himself the lord of a
considerable territory was he summoned by his suzerain to explain his
encroachments. His reply was a defiance and a challenge to battle. In
the war which ensued Artabanus was overthrown by Ardeshír, and the
Parthian dynasty of the Arsacidae was replaced by that of the Sassanidae
(_c._ 227). The Persian now assumed the title of _Shahinshah_, that is
"King of Kings," which had usually been affected by the potentates of
all Iran, and established himself at the Parthian capital of Ctesiphon
on the Tigris, a position more suitable for the seat of government than
the remote Persepolis. The empire thus regenerated by the Sassanians,
held its own among the surrounding powers for four hundred years, until
the general irruption over Asia of the fanatical hosts of Islam.[24]

The dominions of Ardeshír and his successors covered an area almost
equal to that of the Eastern Empire, but were probably much less
populous. The table-land of Iran is far from being so well adapted for
the sustentation of animal and vegetable life as the countries
amalgamated into a single state by the Roman arms. More than a fourth of
the surface is occupied by desert and salt swamps;[25] while the greater
portion of the remainder is broken up by immense mountain ranges, some
of which rise to a height of 18,000 feet. The prevailing population of
this region within the historic period has always been a division of the
Aryan race, of the great Indo-Germanic family of mankind, who at some
early epoch spread themselves across two continents, from the frontiers
of Burmah to the Atlantic seaboard of Europe. Originally the possessors
of a common language, the elements of their speech are to be found in
the Sanskrit, once colloquial throughout the valley of the Ganges, and
in the Erse of the Irish peasant, who inhabits the wilds of Connemara.
Although the face of the country has been scarred by the march of
numerous invaders, and even by religious revolution, the sociological
condition of these Eastern lands has scarcely changed at all during the
millenniums of recorded history; and the Persian citizen or rustic of
to-day is almost a counterpart of those who looked out on the progresses
of Darius and Xerxes.[26] The primitive Iranians were an agricultural
people, and as such showed an attachment to the cattle which composed
their farm stock almost amounting to veneration. But the tiller of the
soil in Iran was often exposed to harsh conditions in the effort to draw
his livelihood from the ground. The land was not uniformly fertile,
climatic severity not seldom hampered the labourer, and predatory bands
of nomads, who raided the country from the north, were a frequent cause
of disaster.[27] Life was a series of vicissitudes, circumstances of
time and place were in general sharply contrasted, and the normal
activities of nature seemed to the peaceful native to be the outcome of
perpetual strife between spirits of good and evil. In Bactria, the
north-eastern tract of Iran, all these conditions were most typically
presented. About 1000 B.C. that region was ruled by King Vistaspa,[28]
under whom flourished the prophet Zarathushtra, the original redactor of
the religion and ethical system accepted by the Persians. He gave a
distinct expression to the philosophical tendencies of his age, and
refined the loose polytheistic conceptions at first held by the Aryans
to the complete dualism in which Ahura-Mazda, the Lord of Wisdom, and
Angra-Mainyu, the Devisor of Evil, became the essential factors of a
definite theological faith.[29] On this foundation an Avesta or Bible of
Mazdeism was elaborated, which laid down the law for the whole conduct
of human life.[30] Among the primitive deities most reverence had been
paid to Mithra, the sun-god, to Spenta Aramaiti, the earth spirit, and
to Anahita, the goddess of the waters.[31] As subordinates of
Ahura-Mazda, these divinities still held an established place, and were
made the immediate objects of the rites and ceremonies imposed on the
pious Iranian. Hence the sanctity of fire, earth, and water became an
article of faith, and it was believed to be a heinous crime to
contaminate them with any impurity. Whatever was evil was esteemed to be
impure, and, therefore, the work of Angra-Mainyu. The Druj Nasu, a
female demon, personifying the lie, was regarded as his universal agent,
and as being present imminently under all adverse circumstances. Such
were the principles of Mazdeism, the rigid application of which, and
they were rigidly applied by the Magi, was productive of many curious
sociological phenomena strangely at variance with the customs of other
nations.[32] Death was considered to be the greatest of calamities, and
hence a corpse became possessed of the Druj, and the most active of all
sources of contamination. That so foul an object should be placed in
intimate contact with the holy elements of fire, earth, or water, was
sacrilege in the highest degree. Cremation and burial were, therefore,
held in abhorrence, and a deceased person had to be borne to some
isolated spot, far from fire and water, there to be exposed on an
elevated bier with the intention that the flesh should be devoured by
wild dogs, birds, etc.[33] Disease was, of course, a grade of demoniacal
obsession, so that sympathy for the sick was almost alienated by
superstition. If an ordinary soldier were taken ill on the march he was
abandoned by the wayside, some provisions being left with him, and also
a stick, with which to beat off any carnivorous animals. Should he
recover, on his reappearance all fled from him as from an apparition
risen out of the infernal regions; nor could he resume intercourse with
his relations until he had undergone a rigorous purification by the
Magi.[34] Owing to the holiness of water great reverence was felt for
rivers, which were protected by law from all defilement; and no good
Zoroastrian would travel by ship lest he should pollute the sea with his
normal excrement.[35] For purposes of cleansing water was used very
charily, and it was sinful to take a bath.[36] The vegetable productions
of the earth were viewed with profound admiration, wherefore the
cultivation of gardens and parks was among the greatest delights of the
Persians.[37] The estimation in which cattle were held was the cause of
some singular legislation and ritual enactments. Thus the urine of the
cow was habitually collected and made use of daily for the purification
of the body by washing.[38] The sheep-dog was an object of extreme
solicitude, so much so that the penalty exacted for manslaughter was
only half as onerous as that inflicted for the crime of giving bad food
to such a precious animal,[39] but even the latter was a mild offence
compared with the infamy of killing a water-dog, the name by which the
otter was identified, as the wretch convicted was sentenced to be beaten
to death.[40] On the other hand, noxious animals were regarded as the
creation of Angra-Mainyu, and the Magi made it a religious duty to kill
them with their own hands, especially ants, serpents, reptiles in
general, and certain birds.[41] In some cases it was permitted to the
subject to take the law into his own hands and to slay the guilty person
on the spot. Such culprits were the highwayman, the sodomite, the
prostitute, and anyone caught in the act of burning a corpse.[42] On the
whole, however, capital punishment was infrequent, and almost any
trespass, even murder, could be atoned for by making a money payment to
the Magi.[43]

In the sociology of Mazdeism the strangest phenomenon that developed
itself was the tenet that affinity by blood was the highest requisite in
a marriage contract. This principle was inculcated by the priests to an
extreme degree, so that the closer the relationship the more acceptable
was the union affirmed to be in the eyes of the Deity. Not only could
brother and sister marry under religious sanction, but even father and
daughter;[44] and, most repugnant of all to the common inclinations of
humanity, the nuptials of mother and son were expressly enjoined as a
righteous act by the Avesta. This anomalous association of the sexes was
justified partly by the false analogy of certain physiological facts
supplied by the animal kingdom, and partly by an appeal to precedents to
be found in the Iranian mythology. Hybrids were notoriously infertile,
and the congress of horses with asses engendered mules who were impotent
to propagate their kind. Hence the mingling of family blood was
indicated as essential to preserving the integrity of the race. Further,
it was pointed out that the primaeval man, Gaya Maretan, impregnated
Spenta Aramaiti; that is, his mother earth, the result of this
conjunction being a son and a daughter. By this union the brother and
sister became the progenitors of the whole human race. At least one
Parthian, and probably several of the Achaemenian and Sassanian kings,
may be noted as having chosen their own mother for their consort on the
throne.[45] Such marriages were not merely ceremonial, although in some
instances the chief inducement may have been to insure the support of
the Magi for a disputed succession.[46] Incestuous offspring were not
unknown, and the case of Sisimithres, a provincial potentate subdued by
Alexander, is specially mentioned as that of one whose mother-wife had
borne him two sons.[47] Rich Persians indulged themselves with several
wives, besides maintaining numerous concubines, but, as monogamy only
was contemplated by the Avesta, the senior wife was the undisputed
mistress of the household.[48]

The Parthians found it politic to assimilate their supremacy to that of
the Greeks whom they had displaced; and thus to attract to themselves
the influence which had so recently been predominant throughout Iran.
They, therefore, distinguished themselves by the epithet of
"Philhellen," and continued to impress their coins in Greek characters
with that affix, even after the Romans had become most potent in the
East. By degrees, however, the memory of the Greek dominion faded, and
before the middle of the second Christian century orientalism was
completely re-established. Legends in the Pahlavi, or Parthian language,
were adopted for the superscription of the currency, upon which the
Hellenized Serapis now yielded his place to Mithras or the Mazdean
fire-altar.[49] As a scion of the house of Sásán, Ardeshír was naturally
much swayed by priestly influence, and relied on the support of the Magi
as the chief element of his power. By his edicts and inscriptions he
proclaimed himself to be a Mazdayasn, or devout servant of Ahura-Mazda,
and the dynasty he founded was always noted for its firm adherence to
the national religion.[50] On his accession Ardeshír undertook the
restoration of the Avesta, a great part of which had been neglected or
altogether lost, and under the supervision of the Magi he caused a
purification or reformation of the faith of Zarathushtra to be
begun.[51] This work was continued by his successors, but, as no canon
of scripture had been formed, there were many conflicting sects, and not
until the reign of Sapor II[52] (_c._ 330) was the text of the sacred
book fixed beyond dispute. Then Adarbâd, a holy man, produced his
recension of the Avesta among the assembled Magi, and offered to submit
himself to the ordeal of fire in proof of its strict orthodoxy. Molten
brass was poured upon his breast, he passed the test unscathed, and his
reading of the tenets of Mazdeism was never afterwards contested.[53]

Ardeshír did not, however, base his message of fortune solely on an
appeal to the mystical emotions of his nation; but he also sought to
attach them to himself by stimulating their patriotism. He professed
that he would avenge the murder of Darius on the inheritors of
Alexander, and asserted himself to be the rightful ruler of all western
Asia, which had been unlawfully wrested from his ancestors. Thus the
Persian empire, as restored by the Sassanians, was inspired with
sentiments which urged it to maintain an inveterate conflict with
Rome.[54]

Although there is evidence of constant religious commotion in Persia
under the Sassanidae, it does not appear that any considerable number of
the historical adherents of Zarathushtra ever swerved from their faith.
The numerous priestly tribe of the Magi not only surrounded the throne,
but were fully disseminated throughout the provinces as the guardians of
Mazdeism. The valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, however, the most
densely populated district of the empire, was the site of a very
heterogeneous ethnology, with archaeological records which extend
backwards for some thousands of years prior to the descent of the Arians
into Iran. There had existed the kingdoms of Sumer and Akkad, having an
ancient mythology of their own, which was liable to be diversified by
the infiltration of Semitic elements from the south-west.[55] In this
region Mani flourished and was enabled to spread his doctrines, but as
soon as he threatened to pervert the loyal Zoroastrians his downfall was
brought about by the resentment of the Magi.[56] Here also Christianity
essayed to penetrate into Persia, but with the same result, and we
possess some details of the cruel persecution to which Christians were
subjected whenever they came into collision with the established
religion of the state.[57] In some instances, however, Roman heretics,
such as the Nestorians who fled before the face of an orthodox Emperor,
were accorded an asylum in Persia by a politic Shah.[58]

Towards the end of the fifth century a serious ferment in the ranks of
the Zoroastrians themselves was occasioned by the preaching of a
fanatical demagogue named Mazdak. This reformer aimed at nothing less
than a subversion of the existing sociological status by the induction
of a communistic partage of women and property. All practical class
distinctions were thus to be swept away, so that a level affluence
should prevail throughout the land. It appears that in the early years
of his reign Cavades found himself greatly hampered by the arrogant
pretensions of his nobles, wherefore he lent a favourable ear to the new
propaganda, and gave public encouragement to Mazdak. But the power of
the throne was unequal for the achievement of such a revolution; the
Magi and the nobles met in council, deposed Cavades, and, with some
hesitation conceding to him his life, caused him to be imprisoned in a
stronghold called the Castle of Oblivion. From this durance he was
shortly released through the devotion of a handsome sister-wife, who
seduced the fidelity of the gaoler by the promise of her person. Being
allowed to sleep for one night in her brother's apartment, she had him
carried out next morning enrolled in her bed-furniture, for the
exemption of which from inspection she invented a plausible excuse.[59]
Cavades now made good his escape to Bactria, where he spent a couple of
years as a guest of the King of the Hephthalites. Ultimately he obtained
the loan of an army from that monarch,[60] with which he drove his
brother Jamâsp, who had been created king in the meantime, from the
throne. As for Mazdak, it seems that for the next quarter of a century
he was allowed a free hand to propagate his opinions, an attitude of
neutrality being adopted by the Shah and the Magi. His gospel was
accepted by an increasing number of the Iranians, whom he persuaded that
his communism was the only mode of life which accorded with the precepts
of Zarathushtra. At length the growing transformation of the social
system began to be viewed with alarm; a generation of children had
sprung up who were ignorant of their parentage, and in all directions
the ownership of property was falling into abeyance.[61] It was
resolved, therefore, by the Shah and priests in council that the
Mazdakites should be extirpated by the sweeping Oriental device of a
general massacre. In order to achieve this object an assemblage of all
the members of the sect was convened by Chosroes, the designated heir to
the crown, who had ingratiated himself with Mazdak and his disciples
under the pretence of being a convert to their doctrines. It was
represented that Cavades on a certain day would abdicate in favour of
his son, who would at once reinstate the throne on the principle that
for the future the Mazdakites should be its chief supporters. The ruse
succeeded; Cavades received the leaders in state surrounded by the Magi,
asserted his imminent retirement, and desired them to muster their whole
following in a place apart. There Chosroes would join them and institute
the new _régime_ with due formality. They obeyed, and were immediately
surrounded by a division of the army, who cut them to pieces. The
remnants of the sect throughout the provinces were afterwards hunted
down, and got rid of by burning at the stake.[62]

The moment we turn our attention to the Persian court, and begin to
observe the material and ceremonial attributes of the monarch, we
discover the prototype of almost the whole fabric of Byzantine state as
displayed at Constantinople. In the East was found the model of those
accretions which gradually transformed the unassuming Roman Emperor of
the Tiber into the haughty autocrat who overawed his subjects with
pageantry on the Bosphorus; but the native sobriety of Europe always
stopped short of the pronounced extravagance and hyperbole of
Orientalism. The throne of the Sassanians stood between four pillars
which upheld a ciborium.[63] On sitting down, the Shahinshah inserted
his head into the crown, a mass of precious metal and jewels suspended
by a chain, too ponderous to be worn without extraneous support.[64] No
epithet was too lofty for the Persian monarch to assume in his epistles;
he was brother of the sun and moon, a god among men, and in merely
mundane affairs the King of kings, the lord of all nations, as well as
everything else expressive of unlimited power and success.[65] When he
made a progress out of doors the streets were cleansed and decorated in
the manner already described as customary during the passage of the
Eastern Emperor.[66] Personal reverence was, of course, carried to the
extreme point, and even officials of the highest rank kissed the ground
before venturing to address the Shah.[67] The succession to the throne
was strictly hereditary and, although several revolutions occurred
during the four centuries of the Sassanian rule, in every instance the
crown devolved to a prince of the blood of Ardeshír.[68]

A Persian army of this date was very similar to a Roman one, but there
were some essential differences. With the exception of the Royal guards,
which, like those of the Achaemenians, included a body of ten thousand,
called "the Immortals,"[69] and necessary garrisons, a standing army was
not maintained.[70] On each occasion, therefore, the fighting force had
to be levied afresh whenever a campaign was in prospect, but, as a
traditional part of Persian education was that every youth should be
taught to ride and to become an efficient archer,[71] the new recruits
were not necessarily deficient in military training. During a battle, in
fact, they relied chiefly on their missiles, and a Persian horseman was
provided with two bows and thirty arrows.[72] Less importance was
attached to the infantry, but they also consisted of bands of archers.
The cavalry were generally almost as numerous, and in addition a troop
of elephants was often a prominent feature in a Persian army.[73]

The revenue of Persia previous to the sixth century was mainly derived
from agricultural industry; and every inhabitant who cultivated the
ground handed over to the state collectors a tithe of whatever
economical growth his land produced. Cavades, however, from personal
observation became impressed with the disadvantages of this system,
which often seriously hampered his subjects in providing for their daily
wants, and deprived them of the full benefit of the newly ripened
crops.[74] Thus the rustic population feared to be accused of
falsification if they ventured to supply their present needs before the
arrival of an official whose duty it was to inspect the produce of the
soil and of the fruit-bearing trees while still in position, and to
deliver to them their note of assessment. Cavades, therefore, decided on
the abolition of tithes in favour of a land-tax, a sweeping reform,
beset with many difficulties, which engaged his attention for many
years, and was only fully established by his successor.[75] With the
inhabitants of towns and villages, who did not subsist by agriculture,
the Persians adopted the usual expedient, in this age, of imposing a
poll-tax.[76]

The Sassanian Empire did not distinguish itself in the realm of art; and
the scanty remains which have been discovered indicate that their
architectural productions owed much to Byzantine co-operation.[77] As
temple worship was a minor feature of the Zoroastrian religion, which
consisted almost wholly in forms of private devotion,[78] no ruins
pertaining to buildings of that class have been found;[79] but in
several places portions of dilapidated palaces exist, which enable us to
estimate accurately the artistic proficiency of the Sassanians.[80] The
residence of the Shahinshah was a quadrangular edifice built around a
central court. Externally the walls were diversified by two or three
superimposed rows of slender columns, those rising from the ground being
much taller than the upper ranges. The distinctive part of the
architectural design was an arched entrance, wide and lofty, which led
into a great domical hall, from whence small doors gave access to the
various chambers of the palace. All the apartments, at least those of
any size, were covered with a domed roof. To the rather tasteless
exterior decoration of these palaces the remains of an unfinished one
discovered at Mashita, on the edge of the Syrian desert,[81] offers a
striking exception. For several feet from the foundations the walls are
covered with an intricate tracing of carving, in which lions, tigers,
and doves, appear entangled amid the leaves and contorted branches of
some luxuriant vegetation.[82] A considerable number of bas-reliefs have
come to light among the ruins of Sassanian palaces, some of them
illustrating the achievements of the dynasty during its wars with Rome
and various powers, others representing hunting scenes in which are
shown the methods of the chase and the magnificence of the monarch on
such occasions amid his attendant throng of courtiers and guards. The
execution of these works cannot be spoken of as art in the Hellenic
sense, but in chiselling the forms of animal life some approach to
excellence may sometimes be noted, especially in the case of
elephants.[83] As for literature, it appears that the Sassanians
produced little or nothing national, with the exception of priestly
elaboration of the Mazdean scriptures, but in the last days of the
empire, a crude history under the title of _Shahnameh_, that is, a Book
of Kings, was compiled.[84]

The first important commission entrusted to Belisarius by Justinian,
after his accession to undivided power, was the construction of a fort
at Mindo, a village on the Roman frontier between Dara and Nisibis.[85]
As soon as the news of this bold measure was announced to Cavades he
determined to prevent the execution of the work by every means in his
power. He had already despatched a considerable army under two of his
sons through Persarmenia in order to make an incursion into Lazica. This
force he now diverted from its original purpose, and directed them to
march with all speed to the scene of the offensive operations.[86]
Information of the impending attack was immediately transmitted to the
Emperor. He promptly resolved to frustrate it by a counter-move of a
similar kind. The troops posted in the province of Libanus under the
brothers Cutzes and Butzes, two young Thracians, were therefore ordered
to hasten northwards to strengthen the hands of Belisarius. Their
arrival was well-timed, and the Persians found themselves intercepted
before they could make an onslaught against the works. The Orientals
halted and proceeded to encamp themselves methodically over against the
Romans. They then took the precaution to cover their line secretly with
a series of pits, at the bottom of which they fixed stakes, and
afterwards restored the surface so as to give the appearance of unbroken
ground.[87] The young Thracians, rash and inexperienced, neglected to
observe the precise movements of the enemy, nor did they delay to take
counsel with Belisarius, but pushed forwards impetuously to join battle
with their opponents as soon as they were able to dispose their forces
in order for an attack. The Persians calmly awaited the assault until
the Byzantines had entered on the treacherous ground, and became
disorganized by falling into the numerous traps which had been prepared
for them. An indiscriminate slaughter then ensued, most of the officers
being killed, but some of them were taken prisoners, among the latter
being Cutzes. No effort could now avail to save the fort, which was at
once abandoned by Belisarius, who, with the wreck of the army, made good
his retreat to Dara.

 [Illustration: Seat of
 JUSTINIAN'S WARS
 in the East]

After this disaster Justinian promoted Belisarius to the rank of Master
of the Forces in the East, and authorized him to levy an army of the
greatest possible strength. In this task he joined with him Hermogenes,
Master of the Offices, whom, with Rufinus, a patrician, he despatched to
the theatre of war. The latter was well known as a legate at the Persian
court, and he was directed to take advantage of the customary suspension
of hostilities during the winter, which was now at hand, to make
overtures to Cavades for the conclusion of a peace. An interchange of
propositions on the subject was kept up for some months, during which
the Shah maintained an equivocal attitude, until, on the approach of
spring, scouts brought in the intelligence that the Persians were
advancing with a great army, evidently counting on the capture of Dara.
In a short time a taunting message was brought to Belisarius from
Perozes, who was in chief command, charging him to prepare a bath in the
town against his arrival on the following evening.[88] This Perozes was
one of the elder sons of Cavades,[89] and his insolent confidence was
inspired by the success of the recent action, in which he had borne the
principal part. His notice was taken as a serious warning, and the Roman
generals at once set about disposing their forces in order of battle,
anticipating a decisive engagement on the following day. Their army
consisted of about 25,000 men, most of whom were mounted, and they were
drawn up within a stone's throw of the wall of Dara. Belisarius and
Hermogenes, surrounded by their personal guards, posted themselves in
the rear, next to the town. Immediately in front of them was ranged the
main body of their troops, in a long line, made up of alternating squads
of horse and foot. A little in advance of these, at each end, was
stationed a battalion of six hundred Huns.[90] Such was the centre to
which, but at some distance forward, wings were supplied, each one
composed of about three thousand cavalry. A trench, interrupted at
intervals for passage and dipping in to meet the centre, covered the
whole of this formation in front, but excluding the two bodies of
Hunnish horse standing at each reentrant angle.[91] Lastly, advantage
was taken of a small hill lying on the extreme left to form an ambush of
three hundred Herules under their native leader, Pharas.

As soon as the Persian host had established itself on the field, they
were perceived to be much more numerous than the Romans, amounting to
quite forty thousand men. The Mirrhanes, such was the military title
borne by Perozes, drew up his forces in two lines with the design that
when those in front were exhausted they should be replaced by fresh
troops from behind, the movement to become alternating, if necessary,
with intervening periods of rest for each line. The wings were composed
of cavalry, the famous band of Immortals being stationed on the left,
whilst Perozes himself led the van, supported by the heaviest mass of
combatants. On the first day that the armies stood facing each other the
Persians' left wing suddenly improvised a skirmish with those opposed to
them, but retired after a brief collision with the loss of seven of
their number. Later on a Persian youth of great prowess rode into the
interspace and defied any Roman to meet him in single combat. No soldier
seemed inclined to respond, but at length one Andrew, the tent-keeper of
Buzes, lately a trainer of athletes at Constantinople, took up the
challenge. The adversaries charged each other with poised lances, the
Persian was unhorsed, and Andrew, quickly dismounting, cut his throat
with a knife. The Romans shouted with delight, whilst the Persians,
chagrined, determined to retrieve the mischance, and soon presented
another champion. A horseman, middle-aged, but of great weight, advanced
cracking his whip and calling out for some confident opponent. Still no
response from the military on the Roman side. At last Andrew, despite
the express prohibition of Hermogenes, advanced again and braced himself
for the encounter. The pair charged, their lances glanced aside, but the
horses crashed against each other breast to breast, and both animals
rolled over on the turf. The riders essayed to rise, but the athlete
anticipated his heavy opponent and despatched him before he could regain
his feet. It was now almost nightfall, and both armies withdrew from
their positions, the Persians to their encampment, the Romans within the
walls of Dara.

Next day the troops were drawn out on both sides in the same order, but
the Roman generals, relying on the peace proposals, which they
considered to be still in progress, deemed it possible that a conflict
might be avoided. They addressed a letter, therefore, to the Mirrhanes,
representing the uselessness of further bloodshed at a time when their
respective sovereigns were bent on the resumption of amicable relations.
In his answer Perozes accused his adversaries of ill faith, and declared
his disbelief in the genuineness of their overtures on behalf of peace.
To this Belisarius replied that Rufinus would shortly be at hand with
letters which would convict the Persians of a wanton rupture of their
engagements, and that they should be fixed to the top of his standard at
the outset of the battle. The rejoinder of the Mirrhanes closed the
parley; he expressed unbounded confidence, and reiterated his mocking
request that a bath and a suitable repast should be prepared for him
forthwith within the city. His assurance was, in fact, increased at the
moment, for, that very morning, a reinforcement of ten thousand men had
joined him from Nisibis.[92]

As a prelude to the battle the opposing leaders mutually harangued their
men. "The recent encounter," said the Byzantine generals, "has taught
you that the Persians are not invincible. You are better soldiers than
they, and it is easy to see that on former occasions you suffered
because you disobeyed your officers. The enemy knew it, and came on here
trusting to profit by your want of discipline, but since their arrival
they have been awed by your firm array. You see before you an immense
host, but the infantry are contemptible, wretched rustics, and mere
camp-followers, fit only to dig beneath the walls or to strip the slain.
They carry no arms to assault you with, and merely cover themselves with
great shields to avoid our darts. Bear yourselves bravely, and the
Persians will never again dare to invade our country." On the other
side, Perozes bade his troops to take no heed of the skilful tactics now
first observable among the Romans. "You think," said he, "that your
adversaries have become more warlike because of this imposing formation.
On the contrary, the ditch they have covered their positions with proves
their increased timidity; nor have they, though thus protected, ventured
to attack us. But never doubt that they will fall into their accustomed
confusion the moment we assault them; and remember that your conduct
will hereafter be judged of by the Shahinshah."

Shortly after midday[93] the action was begun by the Persian archers,
and, until the quivers were exhausted, showers of arrows were discharged
from each side so thick as to darken the sky. The rain of missiles from
the Orientals was heaviest, but an adverse wind rendered it less
effective, so that the Byzantines suffered no more than they inflicted.
On its cessation several thousands of the Persians bore down on the left
wing of the Romans and threw it into disorder. Already the flight had
commenced, when the six hundred Huns held in reserve on that side
charged the left flank of the enemy; and simultaneously the three
hundred Herules, rushing down the slope of the hill from their ambush,
fell upon them behind. Terrified by these unforeseen attacks the
Persians turned and fled indiscriminately, whereupon the Romans joined
in a triple band to take the offensive, and inflicted on them a loss of
fully three thousand before they could reach their own lines.
Considering it unwise, however, to proceed too far, the Romans soon
desisted from the pursuit, and retired to their original positions.

A moment later the Persian left wing, including the whole regiment of
Immortals, made a fierce descent on those opposite them, and succeeded
in beating them back to the wall of Dara. At the sight of this defeat,
however, the Byzantine generals ordered the Hunnish reserve just
returned from pursuit to join their fellows of the right wing, and
launched the whole twelve hundred, together with their personal guards,
against the enemy's flank. As a result that wing of the Persians was cut
in two, the after portion being arrested in its charge, and among these
happened to be the standard-bearer, who was slain on the spot. Alarmed
at the collapse of the ensign, those who were fighting in advance, being
the majority, now turned to attack the mass of troops who had gained
possession of the ground in their rear. The discomfited right wing of
the Byzantines, thus freed from danger, immediately rallied and dashed
forward after their lately victorious adversaries. Simultaneously the
general of the Persian wing in action fell before the lance of one of
the leaders of the Roman reserves and disappeared from his saddle. A
panic then seized on the Orientals, and they thought of nothing but
escape by flight. From all sides the Romans rushed to make an onslaught
on them, they became hemmed in by a circle of steel, and were
slaughtered without resistance to the number of five thousand. A general
rout of the Persian army ensued; the infantry, on seeing the destruction
of the cavalry, threw away their shields and fled, but they were quickly
overtaken, so that a great majority of them perished. Belisarius and his
colleague, however, fearing lest the reaction of despair in so great a
host might lead to some disaster, recalled their forces as soon as they
judged the defeat of the enemy to be complete. Such was the victory of
Dara, the achievement of which appears to have been due mainly to the
military talents of Belisarius, whose age at this date (530) was
probably under thirty.[94] For the rest of this war the Persians always
avoided fighting a pitched battle with the Romans.[95]

During the succeeding summer desultory hostilities were carried on in
Armenia, where, as a rule, the Byzantines had the advantage; and two
fortified posts of some importance, Bolum and Pharangium,[96] in the
Persian division of that country, fell into their hands. At the same
time three Persarmenians, who held commands in the Persian service,
deserted and fled to Constantinople. There they were received and
provided for by a fellow-countryman of their own, the eunuch Narses, who
at the moment filled the office of Count of the Privy Purse, the same
who afterwards attained to great military celebrity.[97] This part of
the war was conducted by Sittas, who had become the husband of Comito,
the sister of Theodora.[98] He also had been promoted to the rank of a
Master of Soldiers.

In the meantime Justinian was still desirous of concluding a peace, and
towards the close of 530 his ambassador, Rufinus, succeeded in gaining
an audience of Cavades. In reply to a general appeal the Persian monarch
complained bitterly that the whole responsibility of guarding the
Caspian Gates had been thrown on his shoulders, and that the fortress of
Dara was maintained as a constant threat against his frontier. He also
adverted to the fact that Persia was a poor country, and accused the
Romans of penuriousness in money matters. "Either," said he, "let Dara
be dismantled, or pay an equitable sum towards the upkeep of the Caspian
Gates."[99] He showed no inclination, however, to agree to any specific
terms, and dismissed the Roman emissaries in the evident expectation
that some decisive success would enable him to dictate the articles of a
treaty. He was encouraged by the fact that he was entertaining at the
time several thousand refugees of the Samaritan sect, who had been
driven from their homes in Palestine by religious persecution. Such
internal disorders must lessen the offensive powers of his rival, whilst
the expatriated sectarians were even anxious to bear arms against their
late oppressor.[100]

In the beginning of spring (531) it became manifest that the Persians
had been maturing a plan of campaign based on a strategical diversion,
by which they hoped to surprise the enemy and possess themselves of a
rich booty before their operations could be arrested. The originator of
the scheme was Alamundar, his Saracenic ally, who pointed out to Cavades
that if a descent were made on Euphratesia, the overlying province of
Syria, they might advance to the walls of Antioch through a populous
district teeming with wealthy towns but slightly guarded, and totally
unapprehensive of their security being threatened. "Antioch itself,"
said he, "the richest city of the East, is always given over to public
festivities and theatrical rivalries, and is divested of a garrison.
Well might we capture it and make good our retreat to Persia without
meeting with a hostile force. In Mesopotamia, to which the war has been
confined hitherto, the enemy is prepared for us, and we can inflict no
damage on them without engaging in a perpetual series of battles." His
advice was acted upon, and a Persian general, Azarathes, invaded
Euphratesia with fifteen thousand horse, supported by a numerous body of
Saracenic auxiliaries. The news of their entry on Roman territory was
speedily conveyed to Belisarius at Dara, and he resolved to proceed at
once by forced marches to meet the raiders. His army consisted of about
twenty thousand men, including cavalry and infantry, and he moved with
such rapidity that he succeeded in bringing the enemy to a stand
at Gabbulae, before they had had time to commit any serious
depredations.[101] Azarathes and Alamundar were taken aback at this
encounter, which falsified all their calculations. They were devoid of
confidence in their power to resist a Roman force, especially when led
by a general who had so lately proved his superiority; and they,
therefore, decided to abandon the expedition and to retrace their steps
with all haste to their own country. Belisarius, on his side, was well
satisfied when he perceived that his adversaries were anxious only to
beat a retreat, and he determined to leave them unmolested, but to
follow their movements until he saw them safely over the border of the
province. The two armies were separated from each other by about a day's
march, and they proceeded for several days in an easterly direction
along the bank of the Euphrates, which lay to the left of their route.
Each evening the Byzantines spread their tents on the same camping
ground which had been occupied by the Orientals during the previous
night. They began to cross the northern extremity of the Syrian
desert.[102] In the meantime, however, the Roman troops had become
inflamed with the desire to attack an enemy whom they saw constantly
flying before them; and at length they broke into open murmurs against
their general who, from sloth and timidity, they exclaimed, was
restraining them from a glorious success. Belisarius strove to repress
their ardour by urging that no fruitful victory was possible under the
conditions present, whereas the enemy, if driven to desperation, might
inflict a defeat which would restore to them their liberty of action,
and be attended with disastrous consequences to the surrounding country.
He also represented to his men that their strength was sapped by
incessant marching, and especially by the fasts imposed on them by the
season of Lent, through which they were passing; finally, that a portion
of the army had not yet arrived. At last he was overborne by their
clamours, in which many of his officers joined, and even expressed his
confidence that a general could not fail to conquer when in command of
troops so eager to be led into action.[103]

On Easter Eve the Romans overtook the Persians, and the two armies
encamped in sight of each other at a short distance from the town of
Callinicus on the Euphrates. The day was observed as a strict fast, but
nevertheless on the Sunday morning Belisarius drew out his forces and
disposed them in order of battle. His infantry he placed on the left, so
that their flank should be protected by the river. The centre was
composed of cavalry, among whom he took up his own station, whilst the
right wing was allocated to a body of Saracens under Arethas, a sheikh
who had been induced to become an ally of the Empire as a counterpoise
to the power of Alamundar. On the other side two divisions only were
made, the Persians occupying the right and the Saracens the left. As
usual the engagement was begun by the archers, who consumed nearly
two-thirds of the day in emptying their quivers. The Persians, however,
shot out weakly with relaxed strings, and their darts were to be seen
continually leaping backwards after impinging on cuirasses, helmets, or
shields. But the Byzantine bowmen, though much fewer in number, were
more robust, and almost always succeeded in transfixing those whom they
struck with their arrows. A determined charge on the Romans by the best
troops of the enemy ensued, upon which the tribesmen led by Arethas,
cowed by the superior prestige of Alamundar, fled almost without
striking a blow. As a consequence Belisarius, with his cavalry, was
surrounded on three sides, and subjected to a fierce attack which it was
impossible to resist. A band of two thousand Isaurians, who had been
among those most eager for a conflict, scarcely dared to use their
weapons, and nearly all of them were slain on the spot. A large number
of the centre, however, exhausted though they were with fasting,
defended themselves strenuously, and inflicted great loss on their
opponents. When at length Belisarius saw that there was no hope for the
residue of his cavalry but annihilation, he drew them off rapidly to the
left, and joined those of the infantry who still held their ground on
the river's bank. There, with great presence of mind, he improvised a
phalanx, dismounting himself and ordering all his horsemen to follow his
example. With serried shields and projecting lances they formed an
impenetrable mass which every effort of the enemy failed to break. Again
and again the whole body of the Persian horse rode down upon the
bristling phalanx; but the Romans drove them back with lance thrusts,
and so terrified the animals by clashing their shields, that they shook
their riders off. The conflict was only terminated by nightfall, when
the Persians returned to their camp, and Belisarius, having obtained
possession of a ferry-boat, transferred the remnant of the army to a
safe retreat on an adjacent island of the river. Next day he summoned a
batch of transports from Callinicus, and in a short time all were
securely lodged within the town.[104]

Soon after the battle on the Euphrates Justinian recalled Belisarius to
Constantinople and entrusted him with the organization of an expedition
which he contemplated against the Vandals in the west. The chief command
in the east then devolved on Sittas.[105] As for the Persian generals
who had been opposed to Belisarius in the two leading engagements of the
war, they incurred almost equal odium in the eyes of their royal master.
The Mirrhanes was deprived of the rich insignia of an order of nobility
which conferred a dignity second only to that of the throne; whilst
Azarathes, who claimed the honours of a victorious general on his
reappearance at court, could produce no evidence of his success and,
after a muster of the troops, was upbraided by Cavades for having lost
the half of his army.[106]

At this juncture Justinian seems almost to have despaired of obtaining a
peace on any equitable terms from Persia, although he kept his legates,
Rufinus and Hermogenes, on the confines of both empires in continual
readiness to institute negotiations. He began, therefore, to devise some
means of neutralizing the injurious effect of being in perpetual
conflict with his impracticable neighbour. To provoke a hostile
incursion against his antagonist from some remote frontier might force
him to suspend his assaults on the Empire; whilst the serious
interference with Byzantine commerce due to the import of silk across
his enemy's dominions being in abeyance would disappear if the trade in
that indispensable commodity could be diverted to some friendly route.
The geographical and political situation of Aethiopia or Axum and the
amicable relations of that kingdom with the Empire seemed to satisfy all
the conditions essential to the success of this project. The
civilization of Axum and part of its population had originally been
derived from the Arabian province of Yemen, on the opposite side of the
Red Sea. In the course of time the offspring prospered and turned upon
its parent; and by the middle of the fourth century the Negus[107] of
Axum had become the overlord of his less powerful neighbour, the king of
the Homerites or Himyarites, as the inhabitants of that district of
Arabia were called in this age. Christian missions began to penetrate
these regions shortly after the reign of Constantine, and at the present
time the Axumites were enthusiastic votaries of that religion and of
Rome. Himyar, however, was full of Jews who had fled before Hadrian and
his predecessors after the subjection of Palestine and the destruction
of Jerusalem, and, therefore, of religious dissension; and the
championship of the Cross more than once furnished an occasion for the
Aethiopian despot to carry his arms into the Arabian kingdom for the
maintenance of his rather precarious suzerainty. Only recently, in the
reign of Justin (_c._ 524), the Negus of the day, Elesbaas,[108] had
crossed the gulf, expelled a Jewish ruler, and established Esimphaeus, a
Christian, in his stead.[109]

To Elesbaas, therefore, Justinian determined to apply, and forthwith
detached an ambassador named Julian to enlist his aid against Persia.
The embassy, provided with a letter and suitable presents, took ship for
Alexandria, navigated the Nile to Coptos, crossed the desert to
Berenice, and from thence sailed down the Red Sea to Adule.[110] The
Negus was transported with joy as soon as he heard that a party of Roman
delegates was approaching Axum, and advanced from his capital to meet
them sustained by all the excess of barbaric state. He was standing on a
lofty car adorned with plates of gold, which was drawn by four
elephants. His guards crowded around him, each one armed with a pair of
gilded spears and a small gilt shield, and a company of musicians blew
with exultant strains on their shrill pipes. The dusky potentate himself
was almost devoid of clothing proper, but was decked from head to foot
with a profusion of precious ornaments. On his head he wore a white
turban interwoven with gold thread and four golden chains hung from it
on each side. A linen mantle weighted with pearls and golden nails, open
in front, flowed from his shoulders; and a kilt seamed with precious
metal was dependent from his girdle. A necklace and bracelets of gold,
with arms similar to those borne by his guards, completed his
equipment.[111]

Julian knelt and presented his letter, but was immediately bidden to
rise, whilst the Negus kissed the seal of the missive, and listened to
its contents as read by an interpreter. He at once promised compliance
with all Justinian's requests; an army of his vassal Saracens should
march against the Sassanian realm, and the cargoes of silk from Malabar
should be diverted from the Persian Gulf to be discharged at Adule.[112]
After the lapse of a year another envoy was despatched from
Constantinople, and Nonnosus, one of a family of legates, familiarized
with these regions by constant visits, traversed not only Axum, but
Yemen, in order to stimulate the execution of these important
schemes.[113] In the end, however, the project failed of achievement;
the tribes of Himyar shrunk from entering on a long and arduous journey
over the sandy wastes to attack an enemy whom they believed to be more
bellicose than themselves, while the shipmasters could not be induced to
avoid the Persian ports, where they found eager buyers for all the silk
they could procure.[114] The death of Elesbaas occurred shortly
afterwards, but not before an interior revolt had freed Himyar for a
time from the Aethiopian supremacy.[115]

In the next phase of the war, martial activity centred around
Martyropolis, a fortified town of Roman Armenia, situated on the river
Nymphius. A considerable Persian army, under several veteran generals,
beset the stronghold with all the engines proper to a determined siege
in the warfare of the period. At the same time Cavades, octogenarian
though he was, resolute in his purpose to do all the damage possible to
his adversaries, provoked an artificial irruption of the Huns into Roman
territory, and opened the Caspian Gates to a great host of those
barbarians. At his instigation they carried their depredations rapidly
to the south, and in the autumn of 531 effected a junction with the
Persian forces around Martyropolis. Buzes and Bessas commanded the
garrison of the town, but without confidence in their powers of
resistance to the assault; for not only were the walls easily
surmountable in many places, but the beleaguered were ill supplied with
sustenance, and with warlike machines to repel the assaults of the
enemy.[116] Nor had the Byzantines any troops in the field with whom
they could hope to raise the siege; and Sittas, though posted at only
one day's march from the scene of hostilities, feared to approach nearer
with the slender army at his disposal.[117] From time to time successful
sallies were made by the besieged, and Bessas, who was a bold cavalry
leader, now, as on former occasions, found opportunities of inflicting
considerable loss on the foe; but nevertheless it was felt that a crisis
disastrous to the Romans could not long be delayed.[118] In this impass
a stratagem was concerted and carried out effectively, which blunted the
ardour of the siege and eventually saved the town. As in all ages, it
was the practice to maintain spies in an enemy's camp; and between both
nations there was a habitual interchange of renegades who were anxious
to betray the secrets of their country, attracted by the substantial
rewards which generally accrued to such treason. A man of this class was
now at hand, one whose reliability had been tested by the Emperor
himself, and he was instructed to reveal to the Persian generals with
professed good faith his pretended discovery that the Huns, corrupted by
Byzantine gold, only awaited an opportune moment to change sides in
their warfare. The spy executed his commission faithfully, and his
communication was listened to with consternation by the military
council.[119] The Orientals, distrustful of their uncongenial allies,
relaxed their energies, and the siege was protracted until the severity
of the weather compelled a cessation of arms for the season. The
Persians gladly agreed to a truce and retired into winter quarters, but
the Huns, now freed from control, began to work their way towards the
south with Antioch as their goal, plundering every assailable habitation
which lay in their track. They were pursued unremittingly by Bessas, who
cut up marauding bands, captured their spoils, and finally succeeded in
chasing the survivors out of the country.[120]

In the meantime an event had occurred which produced an immediate change
in the relations of the two empires, and virtually ended the war before
the advent of spring called for a resumption of hostilities. Early in
September Cavades was suddenly prostrated by illness, whereupon he
summoned Chosroes, and caused him to be crowned hastily at his bedside.
A few days afterwards he expired, at the age of eighty-two in the
forty-fourth year of his reign.[121] As usual in Oriental successions
the new Shah was unable to seat himself firmly on the throne without
making away with several of his near relatives who formed a nucleus
around whom malcontents might cluster.[122] Preoccupied, therefore, with
his domestic affairs, he was anxious to be relieved from the onus of a
foreign war, and signified shortly to the Roman legates his willingness
to negotiate a treaty.[123] Rufinus was credited with being a peculiarly
grateful personage to Chosroes owing to his having consistently advised
Cavades, during his long intimacy with him, to elevate his third son to
the throne. It was also reported that the Persian queen-mother was in
secret sympathy with Christianity and, therefore, used her influence
over her son to promote peaceful relations with the Byzantines.[124] But
the lessons of the war had not been lost on Chosroes, and he felt strong
enough to impose conditions so exacting that the Roman plenipotentiaries
were unable to accept them on their own responsibility. Invasion of the
empire in force had been the distinctive feature of every campaign and,
while Persian territory had been subjected only to some desultory raids,
the brunt of the war had been borne by the Byzantines on their own
ground. Under an obligation to perform the double journey in seventy
days, Rufinus posted to Constantinople to hold a special conference with
Justinian. He returned with a virtual consent to all the effective
demands of Chosroes, and in less than a year after the death of Cavades
a treaty was ratified under the reassuring title of "the Perpetual
Peace." By this convention the substantial captures made by each party
were to be exchanged; the fugitive Iberians were to be allowed the
option of residing peacefully in their own country or of remaining under
the protection of Justinian; Dara was not to be demolished, but the
military Duke of Mesopotamia was to remove his headquarters from thence
to an unimportant town at some distance from the frontier;[125] and the
Caspian Gates were to be left in the sole charge of Persia. The two last
articles were concessions on the part of the Shahinshah, to
counterbalance which the Romans agreed to pay an indemnity of one
hundred and ten centenaries of gold (£440,000).[126] Rufinus deposited
the amount in specie at Nisibis, and the war was thus terminated with
some military glory to the Byzantines, but with no inconsiderable loss
of their material possessions, which accrued for the most part to the
advantage of the Orientals.

During the whole of this period the barbarians to the north of the
Danube and Euxine were kept in a state of active commotion by various
influences; and, if at any moment the countless wild hordes, who peopled
that immense region, could have been moved by a unanimous impulse to
hurl their combined force against the Empire, it seems impossible but
that the Byzantine administration must have succumbed at once and
finally to the irresistible shock. But there were always three forces in
being which co-operated to avert such a catastrophe, and saved the
Empire for many centuries from sudden annihilation. Its lengthened
preservation in this connection was due to the diverse powers of arms,
of wealth, and of religion. Conversion to Christianity was continually
inspiring a proportion of these semi-savage races with a desire to enter
into amicable relations with the Roman Emperor, in whom they saw the
prime source of the mystical lore which they had just been taught to
regard with awe. Rich presents were despatched to the most accessible of
the barbarian rulers, who were thus induced to pledge their allegiance
to the Byzantine state.[127] These various influences not only protected
the Empire from many impending assaults, but, by animating the
barbarians with invidious feelings against each other, often caused
dissentient tribes to engage in the work of mutual self-destruction.
Lastly, the residue who actually crossed the frontier with hostile
intent were met by the Masters of Soldiers, and with varying success
checked in their advance, or cut to pieces.

The influence of religion, at the same time conjunctive and disruptive,
has already been exemplified in connection with Lazica and Iberia; and a
couple of nearly similar instances, occurring shortly after the
accession of Justinian, will be noticed explicitly in a future
chapter.[128] An illustration of the advantage derived by the Emperor
from the judicious bestowal of treasure on barbarian potentates is also
brought before us during this war with Persia.[129] Two Hunnish kings,
subsidized by Cavades, were on the march to join the Persian army with
an auxiliary force amounting to twenty thousand men. But a queen of the
Sabirian Huns, named Boarex, who had been the recipient of Justinian's
liberality, was able to put a hundred thousand of her nation under arms.
This martial female did not hesitate to attack her kindred; but, falling
on them before they could reach their destination, destroyed the
expeditionary force, slew one of the leaders, and sent the other to
Constantinople, where he was impaled on the shore at Sycae, by order of
the Emperor.[130] On the Illyrian frontier the Masters of the Forces in
that region were in almost perpetual conflict with barbarian raiders.
Previous to 529 the command on the Danube had been entrusted to Ascum, a
Christian Hun, but, being captured by a marauding band of his own race
during a skirmish, he was carried off and permanently retained by them
in their native abodes. He was succeeded by Mundus, a Gepœd of royal
race, who had formerly been in the service of Italy. After the death of
Theodoric, however, he placed his sword at the disposal of Justinian, to
whom he proved a faithful servant not only in the defence of Illyricum,
but shortly afterwards at a critical period of his reign in the
capital.[131]

[1] The minute description of Justinian's personal appearance is due to
Procopius (Anecd., 8), and Malala (xviii, p. 425), whose descriptions
seem to correspond fairly. There are several representations of
Justinian, but it is doubtful whether any of them rise to actual
portraiture. Those found on a large gold medal formerly in a museum at
Paris (stolen 1835) were probably the best (reproduced by Isambert, _op.
cit._; Diehl, _op. cit._, p. 23). He appears in the great mosaics at
Ravenna (see p. 91), and also in a half-length figure in St. Apollinare
of the same town. Further there is a MS. sketch at CP. (Mordtmann, _op.
cit._, p. 65). In addition there is the current coinage, especially the
copper, on which his image is impressed. Generally the face is
pronouncedly round, but, one and all, these likenesses are too crude to
convey any physiognomical information. See also p. 308.

[2] Procopius, Anecd., 8. He relates that after the butchery of Domitian
all his statues were broken to pieces, but his wife afterwards fitted
the fragments of his body together and caused a new figure to be
sculptured from them. There is an almost perfect statue of Domitian in
the Vatican, which may be the one he alludes to, if there is any truth
in his story.

[3] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 425; Chron. Paschal, an. 566. "You would have
taken him for a man with the mind of a sheep," says Procopius, Anecd.,
13.

[4] His character and manners can be collected from Procopius (Anecd.,
6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 22, etc.) and Zonaras, xiv, 8. His personal influence
is well illustrated by the incident already related (p. 303) of his
rescuing a patrician from the mob although at the time he was only a
Candidate; and by his deliberate _mésalliance_ with Theodora being
permitted without a murmur from Church or State. His stolid conviction
may be compared to that of Robespierre, of whom, when he first began to
speak on public affairs, Mirabeau remarked, "That young man will go far;
he believes every word he says."

[5] Procopius, Anecd., 8; 13. In many of his enactments he emphasizes
his unremitting assiduity in the interest of his subjects, _e.g._: "We
shun no difficulties, continually watching, fasting, and labouring for
our subjects, even beyond what can be borne by the human frame"; Nov.
xxx, 11; cf. viii, _pf._; lxxx, _pf._, etc.

[6] Procopius, Anecd., 22. "He was excessively senseless and like a dull
ass that follows whoever holds the bridle," _ibid._, 8. "As to his
opinions he was lighter than dust, and at the mercy of those who wished
to urge him to one side or the other," _ibid._, 13.

[7] There is but one representation of Theodora, that in the companion
mosaic to the one above-mentioned at Ravenna, but the face is too
unfinished and expressionless to give any idea of her features or
character.

[8] Procopius, Anecd., 12.

[9] Procopius, Anecd., 15.

[10] Procopius, Anecd., 15. This Porphyrio, such was the popular name
bestowed on the monster, must have been a cachalot or sperm whale, which
inhabits tropical and sub-tropical seas. It grows to a length of 50 or
60 feet. The males fight viciously among themselves. Small ships have
been damaged by the animal when provoked by an attack.

[11] Nov. viii, 1. Officials, on taking office, had to swear to
Justinian and Theodora conjointly; _ibid._, _jusjur._; cf. Nov. xxviii,
5; xxix, 4; xxx, 6, 11. Zonaras remarks, "In the time of Justinian there
was not a monarchy, but a dual reign. His partner for life was not less
potent, perhaps even more so than himself," xiv, 6; cf. Paul Silent., i,
62. The reign has been compared to that of Louis XIV; but the character
of that monarch was more evident in Theodora than in her husband.

[12] "In fact she was much abler than he was and highly ingenious in
finding new and varied expedients." Zonaras, _loc. cit._

[13] As Messalina, the elder Faustina, Soaemias, etc.; see chap. iv.

[14] Procopius, Anecd., 2.

[15] _Ibid._, 15.

[16] Procopius, Anecd., 30.

[17] _Ibid._

[18] _Ibid._, 10; Evagrius, iv, 10; Victor Ton.

[19] See Bevan's House of Seleucus, Lond., 1902.

[20] The campaigns of Trajan are very imperfectly recorded in the only
extant account, that of Dion Cassius as preserved in the careless
epitome of Xiphilinus; Zonaras, xi, 21. It is certain that he took the
twin capitals of Parthia, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, which faced each other
from opposite sides of the Euphrates, and advanced to the Persian Gulf.
He marched into Arabia, but the evidence that he penetrated to the
Indian Ocean, as Tillemont thinks, is insufficient.

[21] The capture of Seleucia by Avidius Cassius (165), and his brutal
massacre of 300,000 of its inhabitants, mostly Greeks, is often alluded
to as an irreparable blow to Western civilization in the East; Dion
Cas., lxxi, 2, etc. Severus took Ctesiphon in 199; Herodian; Hist.
August. In 283 Carus also took Ctesiphon; Hist. August.; Aurelius Vict.
Under Diocletian, Galerius extended the Empire beyond the Tigris; Aurel.
Vict.; Eutropius, ix.

[22] See Plutarch's account of the affair and his general remarks on it;
Vit. Alex.

[23] In the vicinity of Shiraz; described by modern travellers as a
garden of fertility.

[24] Most information as to the rise, etc., of Ardeshír (Artakhshathr on
coins, that is, Artaxerxes as adapted to their language by the Greeks),
will be found in Tabari with Nöldeke's commentary; _op. cit._; cf.
Zotenberg, _op. cit._, ii, 40. The great value of Nöldeke's book
consists not so much in the flimsy text as in his notes and excursuses
which bring together all collateral information to be found in other
writers of the period. Zotenberg's version is, of course, from the
Persian, the translation of a translation.

[25] The Great Salt Desert in the interior of Persia is somewhat
triangular, each of the sides measuring about 400 miles.

[26] Modern Orientalists are of opinion that the pictures of Persian
life given by James Morier (Hajji Baba of Ispahan, 1824, etc.) may be
applied without much loss of truth even to the age of the Achaemenians.
When we reflect that till 1888 Persia had no railway, and now only eight
miles, the verisimilitude of the statement will be apparent.

[27] See the first Fargard of the Vendidâd where the "Kine's soul,"
representing mankind, bewails her hard lot before the supreme being.
Generally the primitive conditions of life in Iran are well set forth by
Max Duncker, Hist. of Antiquity, Lond. 1881, vol. v.

[28] His actual date is unknown, and his existence at any time not
certain, but Duncker surmises this period.

[29] The Iranian mythology is summarized at length by Duncker, but the
person of Zoroaster is altogether shadowy, and his date can only be
fixed by conjecture. He is, of course, done away with altogether by some
Orientalists, _e.g._ Darmsteter. In later times, as among the modern
Persians (Parsees), the names of the opposing gods were abbreviated to
Ormuzd and Ahriman.

[30] The Persian Bible is written in a language without a name, and, it
may be added, without an alphabetical character. The name _Zend_,
however, is now firmly attached to it among Western scholars through a
mistake of the first investigators, who, always finding it coupled with
_Avesta_, thought it must apply to the language of the sacred text. It
actually means commentary. Zend is a sister tongue of that spoken in the
same age across the Indus, and the oldest specimens (the Gáthas of the
Avesta) by slight systematic alterations can be turned into good old
Sanskrit. The alphabet applied to it, as now preserved, is that of the
Middle Persian or Pahlavi, which was the language spoken by the
Sassanians. Old Persian, the speech of Darius and Xerxes, was written in
cuneiform (Behistun inscription, etc.), like the impressions on the
well-known clay tablets, etc., of the long-previous literature of
Babylonia. The Avesta originally consisted of twenty-one _nasks_ or
books, but less than a quarter is now extant. There is, however, an
epitome of it in the Dinkard, a religious compilation of the eighth
century. The book was unknown to the Greeks and Romans, but Pausanias
(v, 27) mentions that the Magi had a volume from which they read.
Darmsteter (Sacred Books of the East, Lond., 1895, Introd. to Vendidâd)
considers that the composition is almost in its entirety of a date
subsequent to Alexander. The sacred books of the Parsees, as far as they
have been translated, are to be found in Max Müller's series (Lond.,
1880, etc.), just mentioned, vols. iv, xxiii, xxxi (Zend-Avesta), and v,
xviii, xxiv, xxxviii (religious treatises in Pahlavi).

[31] Mithra, so-named, long enjoyed a supremacy among the Aryans both in
India and Persia. Spenta Aramaiti is one of the Amesha Spentas (later
Amshaspands, that is, "Holy Immortals," or Council of Ormuzd, but,
although they appear in the Avesta, Darmsteter (_loc. cit._) argues a
Platonic and, therefore, late origin for them. Thus Vohu Manô ("Good
Thought"), their chief and the premier of Ormuzd, appears to be an exact
counterpart of the Philonic Logos. Anahita stands for the Vedic Varuna,
the waters of the sky, but the name is that of the Babylonian Venus, and
her attributes are partly of the concupiscent type.

[32] The Vendidâd ("laws against the evil ones") is the nask which
contains all the legislation respecting rites and ceremonies, offences,
crimes, etc., punishments to be inflicted, means of expiation, etc. Like
parts of the Pentateuch, it is all in the form of a dialogue between the
prophet and the Deity.

[33] These Dakhmas, or "Towers of Silence," for the disposal of the dead
are well-known to the Anglo-Indians who have resided at Bombay, which
almost all Parsees, the present-day Zoroastrians, have adopted as their
native city. They number about 60,000.

[34] This account is due to Agathias, ii, 23; cf. Herodotus, i, 138.

[35] Agathias, ii, 24; Herodotus, _loc. cit._ Contrary to former belief
(Rawlinson, etc.), the Parthians were pious Mazdeites, as Darmsteter has
shown. Thus, when Tiridates visited Nero, he and his retinue, including
several priests, journeyed overland to avoid defiling the sea; Justin,
xli; Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxx, 17.

[36] One Shah, Balâsh, was, in fact, dethroned by the Mohbeds (Magi) for
having erected public bath-houses; Jos. Stylites, _op. cit._ (Wright).

[37] Xenophon, Oeconom., iv, 13; Xerxes, on his way to Greece, arriving
at a handsome plane tree, adorned it with jewels of gold, and left one
of his personal guards as a custodian of it; Herodotus, vii, 31.

[38] The Bareshnûm, or great ceremony of purification, lasted nine days
and consisted chiefly in the systematic application of _nirung_ or
_gomez_ (urine of kine) to different parts of the body; see West's
translation of the rubric, Sacr. Bks. of the East, xviii, 431.

[39] Vendidâd, xiii, 24 (63). The manslaughterer got off with sixty
stripes, but the bad feeder became a _peshotanu_ and received two
hundred, the maximum, it seems, actually inflicted.

[40] _Ibid._, xiv, 1; iv, 40 (106).

[41] Vendidâd, xiv, 5 (9). Part of the expiation for the murder of an
otter was to kill 10,000 of every sort of noxious animal. The
punishments, or tasks imposed in lieu of, are sometimes so extravagant,
that they can only be intended to emphasize the heinousness of the sin,
a useful principle to elevate the authority of the priesthood; cf.
Herodotus, i, 140.

[42] Vendidâd, viii, 26 (74); 74 (233); xviii, 61 (123); cf. iii, 38
(130); iv, 47 (130). As will be seen from these passages a proselyte to
Mazdeism began a new life with a clean slate. Thus a member of an alien
faith could commute the severest penalty by announcing himself as a
convert to the religion of Zerdusht.

[43] Vendidâd, xiv, 2; cf. Herodotus, i, 137; vii, 194. Punishment was
inflicted with a _sraosha_ (sort of whip), and each stripe was valued at
six rupees. In practice the maximum was 200 stripes for a _peshotanu_ or
culprit of the worst class, whatever the nature of the crime, but when
it was really meant to decree the death penalty the allotted number was
much greater, even up to 10,000; see Darmsteter, _op. cit._, p. lxxxv.
In the entourage of the monarch, however, the same cruel punishments
were maintained as have always been associated with Oriental despotism,
viz., flaying alive (Ammianus, xxiii, 6; Agathias, iv, 23), and even
"the boat" (Plutarch, Artaxerxes; Damascius, Vit. Isidori).

[44] See Herodotus, iii, 81; Plutarch, Artaxerxes.

[45] Phraates V of Parthia. His mother was Thea Urania Musa, an Italian
slave girl presented to his father by Augustus; Josephus, Antiq., xviii,
2. The relations of Parysatis to Artaxerxes and of Sisygambis to Darius
Cod. were very close, but are not known to have been actually conjugal.

[46] These filio-maternal marriages have been generally discredited by
modern historians (Rawlinson, Oriental Monarchies, ii, 351; even partly
by Max Duncker, _op. cit._, v, 220) through their not being in
possession of all the classical evidence and having apparently none of
the Oriental. Probably the first to make the practice known in the West
was Quintus Curtius, and lastly Agathias. But the evidence of Chrysostom
alone, a Syrian reared on the borders of Persia, would be conclusive. As
usual, he anatomizes the subject. Preaching against sexual abandonment,
he says: "Love, you maintain, is not a matter of will.... Whence does it
arise, then? From a beautiful form which strikes the wound, you answer.
Your excuse is an idle one.... Were not Joseph and David handsome, the
latter especially so in the eyes, which is the most attractive style of
beauty? But was any man enamoured of them? By no means, for love does
not arise from mere admiration. Many have mothers most distinguished for
their beauty, but do their sons, therefore, fall in love with them?
Perish the thought! They admire them, but do not yield to a disgraceful
passion. Ah! you will urge, this is a law of nature. Of what nature,
tell me? Because they are our mothers, you say. Do you not know that the
Persians, without any compulsion, cohabit with their mothers? Not one or
two, but the whole nation. Whence it is evident that this disease is not
inspired by beauty, but by a vice of the mind"; In Epist. ii ad Cor.
Hom. vii, 6 (in Migne, x, 451). Contemporary Parsees also wish to
repudiate the idea that their forefathers solemnized these incestuous
nuptials, and treat it as a libel of the Greeks, as modern Mazdeism
yields to no closer union than that of first cousins. The whole
question, however, of consanguineous marriage has been threshed out from
the evidence of the Pahlavi texts by West (Sacr. Bks. of the East,
xviii, 389 _et seq._), who shows how strenuously the Mohbeds laboured to
inculcate the practice as a pious duty. A special term in Pahlavi,
_Khvêtûk-das_, meaning literally "a giving of one's own," was applied to
it. There is no clear reference to the custom in the extant part of the
Avesta, but in the Dinkard epitome (ix, 60; Sacr. Bks. of the East,
xxxvii) great stress is laid on the merit of adhering to it, and in the
same theological compilation a long chapter (iii, 82, 431) is devoted to
the defence and exposition of Khvêtûk-das. As West observes, however, it
is evident from the amount of space and argument expended on the subject
that the priesthood had some difficulty in bending an unwilling laity to
comply with their injunctions. We may note that the Persians were not
the only race addicted to such marriages. According to Strabo (IV, v,
4), they were habitual among the Irish of his time ("mothers and
sisters"); and even the aboriginal Macedonians favoured them, so that
when the _Oedipus Rex_ of Sophocles was played in that country the
audience jeered at the distress of the titular character. An amusing
dialogue between actor and audience then ensued; see Tertullian, Ad
Nat., 16.

[47] Quintus Curtius, viii, 4 (19).

[48] Herodotus, iii, 68, 88; Athenaeus, xiii, 3, etc.; Ammianus, xxiii,
6. As usual in the East, women were kept out of sight; Plutarch,
Themistocles. Still, Queen Statira used to drive about openly in public;
_ibid._, Artaxerxes. Cf. Max Duncker, _op. cit._, v, 219.

[49] See Gardner's Parthian Coinage, Lond., 1877; cf. Mordtmann, Zeits.
f. Numis., iv, vii.

[50] See the letter of Tansar to the king of Tabaristân (Ilyrcania);
Journal asiatique, 1894, i (text and French transl.). This, according to
Darmsteter, is the earliest and most authentic document of
Zoroastrianism. The best MS. is in the East India House. From it we
learn that under the Parthians the unity of Iran was gradually dissolved
into a number of principalities, in which each king claimed a practical
independence and set up a fire-altar of his own. Ardeshír extinguished
all these subordinate fire-altars and made himself supreme in his
capital of Istakhr. The letter has been largely interpolated at a later
date, especially by the long apologue of the King of the Apes. Partly
against Darmsteter see Mills' Zoroastrianism, 1905, etc.

[51] He treated the traditions of the old religion pretty freely and
abolished whatever did not accord with his scheme of restoring the
empire of the Persians; _ibid._

[52] Properly Shahpûr, meaning "king's son."

[53] See Darmsteter, _op. cit._, p. xlvii. The story of Arda Viraf's
visit to heaven and hell (part of the lost Spend Nask) under the
influence of a narcotic in the presence of a great conventicle of the
Magi, in search of spiritual guidance for the restoration of Mazdeism,
seems to be a mere legend to be referred to the sixth century rather
than to the times and intention of Ardeshír. It has been cited as
serious history by some former writers.

[54] Letter of Tansar, _ut supra_, cf. Herodian, vi, 3. H. is generally
treated as a romancer, but in this instance he is confirmed by
independent evidence. His statement that Ardeshír had the best of it in
a great battle with Alex. Severus is rejected in favour of that of
Lampridius (Hist. Aug.), who says the Roman was the victor. The war on
this occasion, as often subsequently, was probably quite indecisive.

[55] See Sayce's Babylonians, etc., Lond., 1900, and other works of that
class which condense the results of the excavations in progress on that
site.

[56] See p. 267. Fragments of the Manichaean Bible recently discovered
in Central Asia show that Mani was a native of Babylon.

[57] Sozomen, ii, 9; Theodoret, v, 39. Some were partly flayed, on the
face and the hands, or the back. Others were thrown bound into pits with
mice, etc. The first of these persecutions seems to have sprung from the
religious fervour caused by Sapor's zeal for the faith; the second was
originated by a fanatical Christian bishop, who attacked and destroyed a
Pyreum or Fire-temple. See Hoffmann's Akt. Pers. Märt., Leipsic, 1880.

[58] Asseman, Bibl. Orient., iii, 2. They had the ear of the Shah as
against any of the Orthodox in Persia; John Eph. Com. (Land, etc.), p.
52.

[59] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 145; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, ii, 148. They
were soiled by her menstrual flux, she said. To touch anything of the
kind would have subjected him to a ceremony of purification and,
perhaps, a flogging; Vendidâd, xviii, 5. The scene reminds us of that in
_The Merry Wives of Windsor_, where Falstaff is carried out in the
foul-clothes basket. Procopius relates that she changed clothes with
him, and the Shah walked out disguised as a woman; De Bel. Pers., i, 6.

[60] This was not his first sojourn with the Hephthalites. His father
Peroz, who ultimately perished in a battle with these Huns, had left him
in Bactria as a hostage for the payment of an indemnity. In Tabari the
story goes that on his journey thither he stopped incognito at the house
of a noble (N.) or peasant (Z.), where he was accommodated with a
daughter of the family as an informal wife. When Balâsh was dethroned
(see p. 379), he returned to take up the succession by the same route
and found that the girl had become the mother of a boy, the same who was
afterwards known as Chosroes, his favourite son (see p. 314).

[61] "Hence he set the lower against the upper classes; wretches of
every sort were mingled with the best blood; and it became usual for
those who coveted other people's goods to seize on them; for the
disorderly to riot around; and for libertines to gratify their passions
and approach the noblest women, whom previously they never had a thought
of intimacy with"; Tabari, p. 154 (N.). This passage with the context is
not in Zotenberg.

[62] The details of this affair are incompletely known. The Greeks seem
never to have heard of Mazdak, but confound his followers with the
Manichaeans. The above account is based on that of Theophanes, modified
so as to accord with Nöldeke's views; _op. cit._, p. 457 (Excurs.). He
thinks the surname of Nushirvan ("the blessed") was bestowed on Chosroes
for the part he played in this massacre. Existing Manichaeans were also
involved in it.

[63] Theophylact. Sim., iv, 7; cf. Athenaeus, xii, 8.

[64] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 221. He was concealed with "clothes" until
he settled himself in a dignified position. But in Zotenberg (p. 205)
the clothes become merely a covering to keep the dust off the jewels.
Such differences are perpetual throughout the two versions of Tabari. On
coins and sculptures the Shah wears a crown surmounted by a pedunculated
ball of considerable size. At the siege of Amida (359) Sapor wore a
golden ram's head instead of a crown; Ammianus, xix, 1. Theophylactus
(who is noted for his turgidity) gives a description of Hormidz IV
sitting in state on his throne (590). "He was clad with a regal robe of
precious material. His tiara of gold and jewels was brilliant with the
effulgence of carbuncles. A profusion of pearls glittered around the
crest, scintillating on a sea of smaragdite, so that the eyes were
almost blinded by the dazzling exuberance of the gems. His trousers, a
priceless sample of the weaver's art, were embroidered on cloth of
gold"; iv, 3. Cedrenus (i, 721) also furnishes some curious details as
what was found when Heraclius broke into the treasure city of Gazaca and
rifled the palace of Chosroes Parviz (622). The contents of a private
fire-temple astonished them. "On entering the spherical chamber he found
the impious effigy of Chosroes sitting, as it were, in the heavens among
the sun, moon, and stars, whom the fanatic worshipped as gods.
Sceptre-bearing angels stood around, and the wretch had devised machines
which discharged water like rain, and emitted a sound as of thunder. All
this was consumed by fire."

[65] Ammianus, xxiii, 6; cf. Menander, Leg., p. 335; Theophylact., iv,
8; letters in which Chosroes, Nush. and Parviz, assume all their titles.

[66] Herodotus, vii, 54; Q. Curtius, v, 1 (20).

[67] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 222; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, p. 231, etc.

[68] As evidenced notably in the struggle between the successful rebel
general, Bahram, and Chosroes Parviz; Theophylact. Sim., iv.

[69] Herodotus, vii, 83; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 14, etc.

[70] Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 34.

[71] Herodotus, i, 136. Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._) says the whole nation
was trained to arms, and always ready to enter on a campaign.

[72] Tabari (N.), p. 245. In Zotenberg (p. 228) the number is given as
eight score, which would probably weigh the horse too heavily. Some
injunctions as to armour are given in Vendidâd, xiv (32). Here also
thirty arrows are recommended. For slingers, thirty stones each man is
the fixed number. The horse and his rider were so well shielded with
metal that Ammianus speaks of them as an "iron cavalry"; xix, 1; cf.
xxv, i.

[73] Ammianus, xxv, 1; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 13; Aedif., ii, 1.

[74] In Zotenberg, the reason why Kavádh was led to reform the taxation
is accounted for by an anecdote (p. 241). One day while hunting he
became separated from his party, and sat down to rest himself near a
peasant's cottage. While there, he noticed a child bringing two or three
grapes to its mother, who at once seized them and with great concern ran
to attach them again to the vine, exclaiming that the inspector had not
yet been round to assess the amount of the crop. The absurdity and
harshness of the tithe law was thus practically exemplified to the Shah.
Both versions relate that a strange scribe who ventured to dispute the
soundness of the proposed financial change in an assembly convened to
hear it announced, being convicted of starting a futile objection by
Cavades, was thereupon, at a nod from the monarch, belaboured by his
fellow scribes with their ink-horns till he expired. His point was that
the relations of the land and its owners would vary continually, and he
was met by the statement that there would be a yearly survey to readjust
the burdens.

[75] Tabari (N.), pp. 152, 222; _Ibid._ (Z.), p. 241.

[76] Zachariah Myt., ix, 6.

[77] Besides the objective evidence, there is a direct statement of the
fact; Theophylactus Sim., v, 6.

[78] The practical application of the doctrine of the Avesta has been
described at considerable length by Max Duncker (_op. cit._, v), but the
school of Darmsteter would aver that his exposition applies with more
accuracy to the age of the Sassanians than to that of the Achaemenians,
whom alone he deals with.

[79] Some remains, almost certainly those of fire-temples, exist, but
they are architecturally insignificant, being, in fact, merely low stone
towers a few feet square. The interior was only a cell with just room
enough to accommodate a small altar, on which a perpetual fire was kept
up; see Ferguson, Hist. Archit., Lond., 1874, i, 202; cf. Perrot and
Chipiez, Persian Art, i, 892.

[80] The chief work which gives representations of Sassanian
architecture is that of Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1851.
Many have been copied by Rawlinson, _op. cit._

[81] About twenty miles due east of the northern end of the Dead Sea.

[82] See Tristram's Land of Moab, Lond., 1873, and for a restoration,
Ferguson, _op. cit._, i, 392. The slabs have now been removed to a
Berlin museum, where they are attributed to the Ghassanides, an Arab
dynasty.

[83] See the reproductions in Flandin and Coste, etc., _op. cit._

[84] The work on which the well-known poem of Firdausi was founded
(_c._ 1,000). There is much theological exegesis in Pahlavi, but, except
the Avesta and its commentaries, this is post-Mohammedan. Much of
it has been translated by West, as stated above. The chief works in
the collection are the Dinkard, a sheaf of treatises in nine books; the
Bundahish, or "Story of Creation," a sort of Iranian Genesis, but of
greater length; and the Sad-Dar, a controversial work, in which the
follower of Mazda is taught to refute the "twaddle" of Christians and,
guardedly, of Mohammedans.

[85] For the details of this war we have the first-rate account of
Procopius (De Bel. Pers., i, 12-22), an eye-witness of a great part of
it. Additional information on some events can be gleaned from Zachariah
Myt. (ix, 1-7) and Jn. Malala, both nearly contemporary. The later
chronicles are practicably negligible.

[86] Jn. Malala, xviii, 441; the inference may be drawn by comparing
the passage with Procopius.

[87] Zachariah Myt., ix, 2. The exact wording of the sentence is
doubtful, but the intention is clear.

[88] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 13.

[89] Malala calls him the eldest son, but in Procopius Caoses is the
name given to the eldest; _loc. cit._, 11; see p. 314.

[90] Hunnish Foederati. According to Ammianus (xxxi, 2) they almost
lived on horseback, often not dismounting even to sleep.

[91] See Oman (_op. cit._, 28) for a plan of the battle with remarks. It
does not quite accord with the phraseology of Procopius, but I find it
impossible to understand him in any other way.

[92] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 14.

[93] The enemy, says Procopius, kept the Romans standing in line all
the forenoon to prevent their having their midday meal; they themselves
did not eat till sundown.

[94] Bury (_op. cit._) makes him only twenty-five, but later, in 562,
represents him as being near seventy. His age can only be guessed at
from Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12.

[95] If we adopt Oman's interpretation of the tactics of Belisarius
(which requires the interchange of "+aristera+" and "+dexia+") the
subsequent evolutions of the battle become quite clear. Following the
text as it stands it seems to me that they would have been impossible.
But in the first case "left" is due to an evidently stupid emendation of
Maltretus ("+dexia+" now restored by Haury).

[96] Gold mines worked by the Persians were at Pharangium, and the place
was betrayed by the commandant in order that he might embezzle the stock
of ore which he happened to have in hand; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 15.
Jn. Malala (p. 455) seems to be partly in conflict with the above. He
says the output was formerly divided between both nations, but in the
time of Anastasius was wholly ceded to the Romans.

[97] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 15.

[98] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 430: "He became engaged to her at the house
of Antiochus, near the Hippodrome." This was probably an Imperial
appanage or the house of some noble to whose guardianship the sisters
had been confided on the elevation of Theodora.

[99] Cf. Procopius (_loc. cit._, 16), with Malala (pp. 449-450). He
harked back to the old quarrel with Anastasius over the loan; see p.
176.

[100] Jn. Malala, pp. 445, 455; Procopius, Anecd., 11, 18. I pass over
events in which religion was the chief question at issue, as the whole
can be treated most instructively in a special chapter; see below, chap.
xiv.

[101] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 18; cf. Malala, p. 462. The latter gives
some details as to the mischief already done by the marauders, and
states that the Antiocheans began to fly in terror to the sea coast.
Gabbulae was about ninety miles east of Antioch.

[102] They were at this time almost exactly on the track of Xenophon
when he accompanied Cyrus nearly a thousand years previously through a
country then strange to the Greeks, but now become a part of their
native land. His description is familiar to those of the old school: "In
this place the earth was smooth all over, like the sea, and full of
wormwood. Every other kind of shrub or reed was sweet-smelling and of
the class of aromatics, but there was nothing in the way of a tree....
With the Euphrates on the right we arrived at Pylae. In these stages
many of the beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was no grass,
nor any sort of tree, but the whole country was bare," etc.; Anabasis,
i, 5. He adds that the only occupation the inhabitants had was digging
up mill-stones, which they took to Babylon for sale.

[103] Hermogenes was also present at this time, but only through having
fallen in with the army as he was on his way to Hierapolis, where
Rufinus was constantly stationed as the most convenient post from which
to open up diplomatic relations with Ctesiphon. Zachariah Myt. relates
that Azarathes begged Belisarius to postpone the battle on account of
the "Nazarenes and Jews" in the Persian army, who were also keeping the
fast.

[104] Malala (p. 464), however, shows up Belisarius in a very
unfavourable light. As soon as he saw that the day was lost, he seized
his standard, jumped into a boat, and rowed away with all speed to
Callinicus. But Sunicas, the leader of the cavalry he had abandoned,
dismounted and sustained the attack of the enemy as described by
Procopius. It is safest to believe the latter.

[105] Here again Zachariah and Malala (p. 466) differ from Procopius,
and assert that Belisarius was superseded on account of his failure on
the Euphrates. But subsequent events show that P. is more to be trusted,
and that Justinian attached small blame to Belisarius.

[106] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 18.

[107] "Nejâshi" is the nearest transliteration of the Semitic title; see
Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 195; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, p. 182, etc.

[108] Ela-Atsbeha is the correct name as found on coins; see
Schlumberger, Rev. Numismat., 1886.

[109] Most information about these nations will be found in Godefroy ad
Cod. Theod., XII, xii, 2, and Act. Sanct. (Bol.) lviii, 660-762 (Mart.
Arethas). For a clue to recent additions see Diehl, _op. cit._, p. 392
_et seq._, and below, chap. xiv.

[110] Jn. Malala (p. 457) indicates that the regular route to Axume was
still the same as that described above from earlier writers when I was
sketching the commercial activities of the age; see p. 190. He places
the embassy before the action on the Euphrates, but his chronological
sequence is often wrong. From Procopius (_loc. cit._, 19, _et seq._) it
seems to have been before or at least about the same time. The Berenice
mentioned by Procopius (De Aedif., vi, 2) is not that on the Red Sea
(see p. 190), but on the Great Syrtis.

[111] We owe this description of Soudanese pageantry to Jn. Malala
(xviii, p. 457), who professes to be copying a report published by the
ambassador himself.

[112] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 20; Malala, _loc. cit._

[113] The abstract of Nonnosus's own account has been preserved by
Photius.

[114] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 20.

[115] _Ibid._, 19. Further details in Tabari, for which see chap. xiv
below.

[116] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 21. It should be noted that P. is not now
relating his own experiences, as he returned to Constantinople with
Belisarius.

[117] _Ibid._ He was at Attachae, not far from Amida; cf. Zachariah
Myt., _loc. cit._, 6.

[118] The exploits of Bessas are dwelt on by Zachariah Myt., _loc. cit._,
5 _et seq._ Most details of the siege are given by Malala (p. 468
_et seq._), which, however, I omit here as we shall have more
interesting opportunities later on of studying the mode of procedure at
sieges in this age.

[119] Procopius, _loc. cit._

[120] He became rich through these successes, says Zachariah Myt. It
seems that in such cases the spoils became the property of the army,
and no attempt was made to restore what was recaptured to the former
owners.

[121] Orientalists consider that Malala (p. 471) is best informed here.
Procopius relates that Cavades left a will, on the strength of which
Chosroes was elected Shah by an assembly of the nobles in opposition to
the claim of the eldest son, Caoses; _loc. cit._, 21. Sometimes
Theophanes seems to copy Malala, but in this case he is so ignorant as
to make Chosroes succeed in 525!

[122] Some details of this dissension are given by Procopius; _loc.
cit._, 23. A party conspired to set up a younger Cavades, grandson of
the elder through his second son Zames, who was debarred by reason of
his being blind of one eye. Ultimately this Kavádh fled to CP. (_c._
546), and it is supposed that he is the authority whence Procopius
derived his knowledge of Persian history. The historian, however, gives
vent to his suspicion that this fugitive was an impostor, the real
pretender having most probably perished.

[123] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 22; Jn. Malala, p. 471. According to the
first the Roman legates sued for peace with cringing flattery, whereas
Malala states that Justinian's reply to an announcement from Chosroes
that he had ascended the throne was, "We do not acknowledge you as king
of Persia, nor do we permit our legates to visit you." Moreover he
taunted Chosroes with having invited the Huns, and only after the latter
had repudiated all responsibility for their acts were diplomatic
relations established.

[124] Zachariah Myt., ix, 6, 7. He says that she was privately a convert
to Christianity after a cure wrought upon her by a hermit when
physicians had failed.

[125] To Constantina: cf. De Aedif., ii, 5. A great deal of money was
then spent in rendering it worthy of its increased importance. It
appears to have been about eighty miles west of Dara.

[126] The terms of the peace are only clearly expressed by Procopius,
_loc. cit._, 22; De Aedif., ii, 5.

[127] Justinian's policy is well exemplified in a letter said to have
been written by him to a Hunnish chief: "I sent presents to you,
intending to honour the most powerful of your nation, and taking you to
be that one. But, while the presents were on their way, I hear that
another has seized them, asserting himself to be the most potent among
you. Now see to it that you prove yourself to be his superior. Take what
you have been deprived of and revenge yourself on him. Otherwise we
shall consider him to be the first, and he shall be favoured by us
accordingly, and our presents will be lost to you." As a result of this
attitude of the Emperor intestine wars broke out among the Huns, who
thus mutually destroyed each other; Jn. Antioch. (Müller), fg. 217;
Alemannus, p. 400.

[128] See ch. xiv, below.

[129] Jn. Malala, pp. 427, 430; Theophanes, an. 6,020, etc.

[130] _Ibid._ Malala says she was won over by "gifts of hospitality, a
collection of silver vases, and a considerable present in money."

[131] Jn. Malala, p. 450; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.




 CHAPTER VI
 THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS AND THEIR ABOLITION BY JUSTINIAN


The systematic teaching of philosophy at Athens had its origin in the
dialectic of Socrates, whose mental bias impelled him to a persistent
search after the fundamental truths which underlie the sociological
organization of mankind. His constant effort was to discover what
principles should be instilled into young men in order to render them
worthy members of the community; and in pursuit of this object he made a
practice of perambulating the city intent on applying his method of
question and argument to all persons accredited with any kind of
knowledge. Thus he laboured unremittingly in earnest effort to elicit
sound opinions or to convict of fallacy. Every Greek town was adorned
with a gymnasium, and large cities, such as Athens, possessed several
institutions of the kind. Established for the physical training and
athletic development of youth, a gymnasium consisted of covered halls,
of porticos provided with sculptured stone seats, and of a small park or
exercise ground shaded with plane and olive trees.[132] Ultimately the
gymnasiums assumed something of the form of the colleges of a modern
university, and were resorted to habitually by teachers of young men,
sophists, rhetoricians, and philosophers, in order to procure pupils,
and to lecture to classes already formed. In such localities Socrates
found most scope for his activities,[133] but, after his death by a
judicial sentence in 399 B.C. as an innovator and theological sceptic,
his system of inciting the youth to seek after genuine knowledge was not
publicly professed for a number of years. In the course of a decade,
however, the Athenians repented of their severity, and Plato, who had
been his principal disciple, was allowed to resume Socratic instruction
in a suburban gymnasium called the Academy,[134] situated on the
north-west of the city. This institute proved to be the first permanent
school of philosophy founded at Athens, and was always known as the
Academy, although Plato soon removed his classes to a private garden
which he acquired in the vicinity, where he built a Museum, or Hall of
the Muses, for their accommodation.[135] Plato had numerous successors,
all of whom continued to teach in the same garden, which was inherited
regularly for many centuries by the chief of the Academy.[136]

The most remarkable pupil of the original Academy was Aristotle, a
native of Stageira, but he, after protracted studies, finding that his
thirst for knowledge remained unsatisfied by the dreamy and inconclusive
philosophy of his master, determined to follow a more practical path of
inquiry according to the bent of his own genius. Observation and
correlation of facts, sociological, zoological, and physical, assumed
the greatest importance in his eyes, and he thus became the founder of
natural science in the widest sense. The Stagirite essayed to teach in
various places, and was successful in impressing his views on many of
those with whom he came in contact. His growing reputation attracted the
attention of Philip of Macedon, who soon claimed his services for the
tuition of his son Alexander, and embellished his native town as an
inducement for him to open a school there.[137] In a few years, however,
the young prince passed from his class-rooms to the throne, and
Aristotle migrated to Athens, where he fixed on the Lyceum,[138] a
gymnasium in the eastern suburbs, for the scene of his prelections (_c._
355 B.C.). More than half a century had elapsed since the foundation of
the Academy, and Plato had now been dead for many years. In the shady
walks of the Lyceum Aristotle continued to give instruction for a dozen
years, and it is understood that he usually kept on foot, moving about
while discoursing with his disciples, whence the sect received the name
of Peripatetics,[139] that is "promenaders."

The third philosophical school at Athens was established, about
twenty-five years later than that of the Peripatetics, by Zeno of
Citium, in Cyprus, who is reputed to have been inspired by reading
treatises emanating from the followers of Socrates.[140] Zeno convened
his disciples in the heart of the city, in a colonnade called the
Painted Stoa or Porch, whence the name of Stoics became attached
popularly to his philosophical coterie.[141] As the founder of Stoicism
was an immigrant from the near East his mind was overcast by the
Oriental sense of resignation under oppression;[142] and an ethical
doctrine of doing and suffering in a world of adversity was the gift of
the Porch to the humanity of the period. The circumstances of the times
created and gradually increased the need for such a philosophy in the
West. Grecian liberty passed under the despotic sway of Macedon, and
later, under that of Rome, whilst the Latin Republic at length succumbed
to the ambition of its military chiefs, and an arbitrary emperor usurped
the place of a spirited democracy. Thus the tenets of all those ardent
souls who shunned the servility of a court, and chafed under political
restraints which they were powerless to throw off were derived from
Zeno.[143]

The foregoing schools were essentially of a theological cast, and
inculcated more or less dogmatically an attitude of veneration and piety
in respect of a divine providence, but the leading feature of a fourth,
founded about the same time as that of the Stoics, was a frank
repudiation of any form of religious ritual. Epicurus was an Athenian by
blood, but his youth had been passed abroad;[144] and he claimed to have
originated, without the aid of a master,[145] the rule of life which he
taught to his disciples. At the age of thirty-five he settled in his
ancestral city (306 B.C.), within which he purchased a garden for the
reception of those whose inclinations were in harmony with his peculiar
doctrines.[146] The vanity of human effort, and the superiority of a
simple life of ease and contentment, formed the burden of the Epicurean
didactic. In seclusion the tranquil mind might apply itself to
intellectual pleasures, as oblivious of the gods as they themselves
evidently were of the restless race of mortals. Death was merely the
term of life, and no anxiety as to a hereafter should ruffle the
placidity of a man of philosophical temperament. As "Know thyself" was
the germinal thought of the Socratic school, so "Live unknown" was that
of the Epicurean. An asceticism of this hue, which advocated the
suppression of all energy, whilst allowing a mild, but aesthetic
indulgence of the passions, was extremely acceptable to the average man
of the period, for whose sensuous nature it afforded the consolations of
Stoicism without the strain inseparable from that vigorous
doctrine.[147]

The philosophers of these four sects maintained their position at Athens
as dictators of human thought for more than five centuries before their
vitality began to be chilled into immobility by the new life which was
arising in the widely Christianized Empire. When Marcus Aurelius halted
at Athens in 176, on the return from his Asiatic expedition, he found
the schools in a flourishing condition, and gave them a firmer
constitution by bestowing a fixed salary of 10,000 drachmas (£400),
payable by the Imperial treasury, on the heads of each of the four.[148]
It is improbable that this subsidy was assured to them for long after
the death of that emperor (180), or that they could have claimed it
successfully in the disorganization of the Empire which followed the
murder of his son Commodus (192). But Pagan philosophy was still
independent of state aid, and the first step in the dissolution of these
schools had its origin within when their individuality was submerged by
the tide of eclecticism, upon which Neoplatonism rose to pre-eminence
about the middle of the third century.[149] Henceforward Athens had a
serious rival in Alexandria, and somewhat later in Pergamus,[150] whence
the mysticism and theurgy of Plotinus and Iamblichus enthralled the
senses of almost all non-Christians by the fervent hopes to which they
gave birth. The teaching of the Academy, of the Peripatetics, and of the
Porch, were the soul of Neoplatonism, but the Epicureans were abhorred
by the new school as being most hostile to their vivid theistic
aspirations, and at this juncture that sect must have rapidly become
extinct.[151] Subsequently to 425, the year in which the Auditorium at
Constantinople was founded by Theodosius II,[152] the Athenian
rhetoricians, so famous in the youth of Julian and Gregory
Nazianzen,[153] appear to have suffered greatly in prestige, but long
before that date the teaching of philosophy was in the way of becoming a
lost art at Athens. The disappointment of Synesius at finding no trace
of the schools, when he landed in Attica about 410, has already been
adverted to.[154] If, however, he had carried his investigations a
little deeper he would have discovered that in at least one quarter the
traffic in the honey of Mount Hymettus was not the sole care of the
dwellers on the Cephisus. The garden of Plato, even at that date, was
still possessed by the philosophic succession,[155] and the actual
occupant, the venerable Plutarch,[156] had achieved a reputation which
deserved the devotion of several eminent disciples. Yet the school was
languishing, and even after the murder of Hypatia, the holder of the
professorial seat, Syrianus, was apprehensive lest he should find no
worthy successor.[157] But a movement of recuperation was at hand, and
surviving Neoplatonists soon began to turn their eyes towards Athens as
the appointed retreat of the sect. A new votary had arisen, gifted with
the genius to revive their hopes, and to infuse a fresh enthusiasm into
their almost moribund philosophy.

One evening in the summer of 431 a youth of nineteen, having made the
voyage from Alexandria, disembarked at the Piraeus and was received on
the shore by Nicolaus, a countryman of his own, and some other friends
who had been apprised of his coming. Proclus belonged to a Lycian
family, but was born at Constantinople, and he had already won a
reputation as a student of extraordinary powers and promise. This youth
was regarded as the last hope of the expiring school, and when the
custodian at the entrance of the city exclaimed, "I should already have
shut the gates, had I not seen you approaching," the utterance was
hailed as an omen symbolical of its resuscitation. Before entering
Athens, Proclus complained of thirst and fatigue, and by a fortuitous
circumstance rested in a seat and had a drink from a fountain, which
were known as those of Socrates. Such auspicious occurrences redoubled
the expectations which were kindled by his advent, and even the aged
Plutarch issued from his retirement to superintend the initiation of the
new pupil.[158]

The general doctrines of Neoplatonism, as a practical religion, had been
fixed by Plotinus and his immediate successors, and nothing remained for
later devotees but to elaborate the details of the system by analysis
and disquisition. The execution of this task fell to the Athenian
school, and for more than a century its members busied themselves in
spinning a fine web of scholasticism around the fundamental principles
of their faith. Its roots were traced backwards to Plato and Aristotle,
and the complexity of every fibre was demonstrated by the aid of certain
mystic hymns, supposed to be of ancient date, termed Orphic and
Chaldaean oracles.[159] Proclus, as had been anticipated, succeeded to
Syrianus, and from his labours in this field resulted a second summer of
Neoplatonism, which bloomed for fully fifty years.

The theology of Plotinus had been comparatively simple, but it became
more complicated in the hands of Iamblichus, whilst in those of Proclus
it assumed a comprehensiveness and extension which enabled it to find a
place for all metaphysics and mythology within reach. The great
conception of the Lycian philosopher was his ternary system, by which he
succeeded in deducing the whole invisible world, as well as the
objective universe, in a series of triads from the supreme One to the
remote apogee of matter itself.[160] All these speculations he embodied
in a number of vast treatises,[161] several of which are extant and have
been rendered into modern languages by some thinkers of the last
century, who found his cosmology more illuminating than that of the
creed of Christendom.[162]

The life of Proclus was written by his disciple and successor Marinus;
and from this document we gain some insight into the mode of life of a
pious Neoplatonist. The Athens of that day seems to have retained at
least the external aspect of the classical capital as it has been
described by the early topographers. The principal monuments of
polytheism were still erect, and Proclus had the satisfaction of
occupying a house between the temples of Aesculapius and Dionysus, from
which he could behold the Parthenon. The sect was strongly inclined to
vegetarianism; and abstinence from animal food, though not strictly
enforced, was advised in deference to the possibility of
metempsychosis.[163] They worshipped the heavenly bodies and practised
daily a set form of adoration to salute the sun and moon at their
rising, meridian, and setting. Every month a ceremonial bath in the sea
was considered to be essential as a tribute of respect to the divinity
of that element, Poseidon. Although celibacy was not enjoined, it was
approved by the example of the great lights of the sect, who never
married, but they were not on that account precluded from illicit sexual
indulgence to a moderate extent.[164] The life of Proclus was an
exceptionally busy one owing to the interminable ritual he imposed on
himself; for, in fact, he declared himself to be the "priest of all
religions,"[165] and he laboured incessantly to act up to that
character. As a teacher he was indefatigable, lecturing five times
daily, apparently to crowded audiences in a theatre, whilst his evenings
were devoted to philosophic colloquies. He was, of course, reputed to be
highly favoured by the gods, and his biography is almost as full of
marvels as a Christian Gospel. Celestial visions were frequently
vouchsafed to him, especially on the occasion of the sacrilegious
removal of the statue of Athena from the Parthenon by order of the state
officials. The goddess incontinently appeared to Proclus and announced
that henceforth she would dwell with him in his own house.[166] He was
an adept at incantations, by means of which he procured a rainfall in
time of drought and arrested the progress of an earthquake which
threatened destruction to Athens. The sick were often restored by his
prayers, which, however, he seems to have relied on merely for the
purpose of invoking success on the orthodox medical treatment. Proclus
attempted to wield some power in local politics, and at one time
incurred the enmity of the predominant party, doubtless the Christians,
so that he deemed it wise to retire into exile for a twelvemonth.[167]
He died at the age of seventy-three (485) and was buried near Mount
Lycabettus in a bilocular sepulchre with his master Syrianus, for whom
he always entertained the greatest veneration.[168]

After the death of Proclus, the Neoplatonic school of Athens was
probably somewhat eclipsed, but considerable activity was still
maintained, and votaries continued to be drawn to it from Alexandria and
other parts of the Empire.[169] Although it was recognized by the
devotees that the evolution of metaphysical doctrine had reached its
final stage, the endless task of commenting on Plato and Aristotle still
kept their pens busy, and they continued to exercise their ingenuity in
reconciling the views of those masters.[170] In 529, however, their
labours were abruptly brought to a conclusion by a decree of Justinian
that there should be no more teaching of Pagan philosophy at
Athens.[171] The piety or enthusiasm of Proclus had led him to declare
that he would welcome the destruction of all writings except the Timaeus
of Plato and the oracular hymns,[172] a confession which reminds us that
devotion to some special study is apt to blind our perceptions to the
value of all extraneous knowledge. An Imperial Proclus would doubtless
have emulated the example of the Emperor Julian and aimed at the
suppression of Christianity. Justinian was a devout student of the
Nicene theology, and arrogated to himself the chief place among the
doctors of the Church.[173] He was naturally proclive to fanaticism, and
it could scarcely be expected that his mind would be less warped by his
restricted studies than that of the Pagan philosopher, nor that he would
display a tolerant disposition on finding himself in the seat of power.
It became his settled conviction that profane learning was an idle
pursuit, and he decided to enrich his treasury by forfeiting the grants
which still continued to be paid to physicians and professors of liberal
education.[174] As the result of this policy a general illiteracy began
to pervade the Empire,[175] but ultimately Justinian was induced to
restore the stipends.[176]

When the philosophers of the day found themselves reduced to silence by
an Imperial prohibition they took counsel together and resolved to
desert an empire in which their only prospect for the future was
isolation. As they glanced around them in search of a new sphere of
activity, the West, almost relapsed into barbarism, presented no aspect
hospitable to philosophy. From the East, however, a ray of illumination
had recently penetrated to their classic retreat and warmed them with
the hope of being received as welcome immigrants at the court of the
Persian monarch. In that kingdom, it was rumoured, the posture of
affairs was one of such ideal felicity that the dream of Plato,[177] as
to the occupant of a throne being at once a prince and a philosopher,
was fully realized. Everything was under the sway of the just and
honourable; thieves and bandits and perpetrators of iniquity were no
longer born there; so that the most precious property might be left
unguarded in the desert with the certainty of its remaining intact until
the owner should reclaim it. The youthful Chosroes, whose accession had
lately been announced, was the author of this beatific revolution. An
enthusiastic student of Greek literature, he had applied himself to the
study of Aristotle with a zeal equal to that of Demosthenes when he made
repeated transcriptions of Thucydides. The works of Plato were not less
familiar to him; nor could the subtleties even of the Timaeus and the
Parmenides escape the acuteness of his intelligence. This alluring
picture determined the most eminent representatives of the proscribed
school to seek their fortune in Persia. They formed a band of seven, the
chief among them being Damascius and Simplicius, who are known to modern
philosophers through some treatises of value which have survived to the
present day.[178] But no sooner had they crossed the Euphrates than
their disillusionment commenced. Everywhere criminals were numerous and
crime was very imperfectly repressed. Those in authority showed
themselves to be pompous and arrogant, and oppressed their inferiors
without measure; whilst, although polygamy was permitted, the sexual
instinct could scarcely be gratified without the added zest of adultery.
Already they felt repentant of their migration, but they pushed onwards
until they arrived at the court. There, indeed, they were received with
marked distinction by the Shahinshah, who condescended to converse with
them affably, and encouraged their attendance on his person. In
philosophy, however, they found that he had tasted merely the rudiments,
and had never approached the sublimities of their fine conceptions. The
political views common to barbarian monarchs had been in no way modified
by his superficial knowledge, nor did it avail to induce even a
semblance of agreement during the discussions they held with him.
Chosroes was proud of their apparent homage, and would have retained
them with him at any cost, but the ethics of the Orient were
insufferable in their eyes, and the party gave the most convincing proof
of their sincerity by declining his generous proposals and electing to
return to the precarious life of their native land. At the moment of
their departure the peace negotiations with Justinian were pending, and
Chosroes showed no little magnanimity by insisting that the treaty
should contain a clause granting them the right to occupy their former
abodes and to indulge their metaphysical speculations secure from
official molestation.[179]

No long time elapsed before the Shahinshah was consoled for the loss of
Damascius and his companions by another Byzantine immigrant, who was
more fitted to play the part of court philosopher than the earnest
Neoplatonists. A certain Uranius, nominally a physician, having skimmed
the works of the philosophers, pretended to a profound acquaintance with
them, and made a somewhat unenviable reputation at Constantinople by his
garrulous and argumentative disposition, as well as by his usually
dissolute mode of life. Having managed to attach himself to Areobindus,
the ambassador elect to Persia, he arrived there in his suite, and soon
captivated the ear of Chosroes by the glibness of his rhetoric and his
pliability in adopting fulsomely the sentiments of the despot. He
discoursed with the Magi, and flattered them by admitting that their
ontology was in perfect accord with that of the deepest thinkers of the
West. Chosroes avowed that he had never met with his equal, and made him
the recipient of the unprecedented distinction of sharing his viands
with him at the royal banquets. After Uranius returned to Constantinople
the monarch opened a familiar correspondence with him, and retained him
as his intellectual adviser. The glorification of this charlatan at the
Persian court guides us to estimate accurately the extent of the
philosophical acquirements of the Shahinshah, and indicates how far his
amateur studies contributed to his mental elevation.[180]

The extinction of the Neoplatonists as a religious fraternity followed
the compulsory closure of the Athenian school. The surviving members
continued to work in seclusion at their favourite theses, and even
produced some commentaries to which students still resort in order to
elucidate the history of philosophy.[181] But, although Neoplatonism was
objectively defunct, the soul of the movement was irrepressibly vital,
and many of the Catholic ecclesiastics had long been in secret sympathy
with the mystical tenets of the sect. Some of the Christian fathers had
been nurtured in the same intellectual atmosphere as the first
Neoplatonists, and had sat in the same class-room with Plotinus as
hearers of Ammonius at Alexandria. A stealthy admirer of Proclus had
adapted his ternary system with great ingenuity to the Christian
hierarchy, and produced his treatise as the composition of Dionysius the
Areopagite, who was known to have been a companion of St. Paul. The
Pagan triads of the Athenian scholarch reappeared under Biblical names,
and a long array of Cherubim, Thrones, Principalities, Virtues, Powers,
Archangels, and Angels, were ranged in orderly sequence as a heavenly
host proper to intervene between the homoousian Trinity and the
earth.[182] The moment Neoplatonism became obsolete as a visible creed,
the Greek fathers did not recoil from giving a welcome acceptance to
this gorgeous fabric, which in due time travelled westwards to be
promulgated among the Gallic churches by the famous Scotus Erigena.
Throughout the Middle Ages the spirit of the Alexandrian School was rife
among the German mystics,[183] and later even among English
Platonists.[184] Nor scarcely was it repressed in the nineteenth century
until the growth of physical science and evolutionary philosophy gave a
deathblow to the belief that knowledge could be drawn from our inner
consciousness by processes of mental incubation in the closet.

[132] Vitruvius (v, 11) is the source for the topography of the
gymnasium, Becker-Göll's Charicles for the elaboration of scattered
details.

[133] The liveliest picture of Socrates debating in a gymnasium will be
found in Plato's Lysis.

[134] Diogenes Laert., Plato, 9, 14; Pausanias, i, 30; cf. Pliny, Hist.
Nat., xii, i.

[135] Diogenes Laert., Speusippus, 3.

[136] Damascius, Vit. Isidori, 158; Suidas, Plato.

[137] Plutarch, Alexander, 5.

[138] Diogenes Laert. _in Vita_, 4, 7.

[139] Zeller, in his History of Philosophy, prefers this explanation of
the name. It is also held that they were so designated merely because A.
taught in the +peripatos+ or promenade of the gymnasium.

[140] Diogenes Laert., 3.

[141] Diogenes Laert., 6, 7.

[142] Cyprus was at first Phoenician; later at various times Greek,
Egyptian, and Persian.

[143] The best known Roman Stoics are Cato of Utica, Seneca, Lucan the
poet, Helvidius Priscus, Arrian, Epictetus, and the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius.

[144] Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 1.

[145] _Ibid._, 7.

[146] Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 9, 10; Pliny, xix, 4.

[147] The chief Roman Epicureans were Lucretius, the poetical expositor
of his system, Horace, Atticus, and the younger Pliny.

[148] Dio Cass., lxxxi, 31; Philostratus, Vit. Soph., ii, 2. The action
in Lucian's "Eunuch" is laid at this time, and seems to represent a real
contest. The castrate claimed one of the salaried positions, but an
outcry arose in view of his emasculated condition. The most obvious
objection taken appeared to be that a philosopher should be adorned with
a long beard. "In that case," he retorted, "your best plan would be to
elect a goat." The litigation had to be referred to Rome, but with what
result we are not told.

[149] See p. 258 _et seq._

[150] In the time of Julian Pergamus was the most active centre of
Neoplatonism; and his principal tutors, Aedesius, Chrysanthius, and
Maximus, taught there. For their ridiculous practices, half
charlatanism, half fanaticism, see the lives by Eunapius.

[151] "Away with every word of Epicurus and Pyrrho!" exclaims Julian.
"Thanks to the gods, most of their books are now lost." Frag. Epist.
(H., p. 386).

[152] See p. 207.

[153] Among the most noted of these teachers was Proaeresius, who is
described as a colossus, nine feet high. During a visit to Rome he made
such an impression that a statue was erected to him with the
inscription: "The Queen of Cities to the Prince of Eloquence." He,
however, was a Christian, and, therefore, was forced to resign by
Julian. By way of a set off to this giant, another very able
rhetorician, Alypius, was a pigmy; see their lives by Eunapius.

[154] See p. 207.

[155] Damascius and Suidas, _loc. cit._

[156] Usually referred to as the son of Nestorius to distinguish him
from the well-known writer of lives, who lived under Trajan.

[157] Marinus, Vita Procli.

[158] Marinus, Vita Procli. The schools of rhetoric were not extinct at
this date, as they are stated to have made overtures to Proclus, but he
refused to engage himself to any of them.

[159] It is generally agreed among scholars that the writings of Orpheus
now extant are spurious productions emanating from the Neoplatonists
themselves, who, as a pious fraud, expanded very scanty relics to
considerable bulk with the object of providing an old traditional basis
for their theology. In this age the daughters of philosophers, like
Hypatia, often worked with their fathers, and, when advanced enough,
gave instruction to the classes. Thus Aclepigeneia, the daughter of
Plutarch, was the only one versed in the so-called Chaldaean lore, and
she in that department became the preceptress of Proclus; Marinus, _op.
cit._ The work of Damascius (Vit. Isidor.) is dedicated to a certain
Theodora who, with her sisters, had been pupils of himself and Isidorus.
The course of study is shown to have been prolonged and comprehensive,
extending sometimes over a decade or more. It included rhetoric,
dialectic, literature in prose and verse, mathematics, and astronomy
(Ptolemy's system), besides the philosophy of Plato, Aristotle, and the
Neoplatonists; Photius, Cod., 181. From a passage in Olympiodorus
(Creuzer, Frankf., 1820, ii, pp. xii, 141), it seems that to the last
the school continued to be open free to students as in the days of Plato
himself. The fact is also indicated by the anecdote related of
Proaeresius and his friend Hephaestion. Armenians both of them, they
arrived at Athens so destitute that they possessed between them only
clothing sufficient for one person. When, therefore, one went out to
hear a lecture, the other had to remain within wrapped up in some old
bed coverlets; (Eunapius in Vit.). Presents must, however, have been
received, as it is mentioned (Damascius and Suidas, _loc. cit._) that
under Proclus the funds of the Academy rose to the amount of 1,000 gold
pieces.

[160] Vacherot has arranged a table, in which the numerous divinities
admitted by Proclus are seen according to their roll of precedence;
Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1846, ii, p. 378. A comprehensive work by
Jules Simon with the same title came out almost simultaneously. Zeller
(Philos. d. Griech., v, pp. 548, 808) defines the position of matter
according to the views of Plotinus and Proclus. The first considers it
to be the original evil, but with the latter it is neutral, and bad only
in relation to that which is better. These notions, however, are
embedded in pages of refinements, so that no real finality is attained.

[161] By the age of twenty-eight Proclus had finished his commentary on
the Timaeus, which exceeded in bulk the whole writings of Plato. Half of
it is lost, but the portion preserved makes a ponderous tome.

[162] Victor Cousin and Thomas Taylor. The latter professes himself to
be a complete convert to the religion of Proclus, and the former, who
was a leader of thought, almost goes as far. The difference in
theological standpoint between Christians, Stoics, and Neoplatonists is
explained by the historians of philosophy. The Christian triune God
exists apart from the universe, which he produces by his own voluntary
act. With the pantheistic Stoics the Deity is pervasive without limit,
and in all best things most immanent. Thus the good man may be his most
perfect manifestation, and in no degree less than Zeus himself. But the
essence of Neoplatonism is the Oriental conception of emanation, and in
this pantheism everything is viewed as progressively inferior in
proportion to its distance from the transcendent source, _i.e._, the
One. In this system the good man cannot be equal to the Deity; he can
only endeavour to elevate himself to reunion with his source by ecstatic
detachment from all lower grades. In the other systems the world had a
beginning and end in time, but the eternity of the cosmos was a
necessary dogma of Neoplatonism.

[163] See Porphyry's elaborate treatise, De Abstinentia ab Esu Carnium.
He tries to prove the quasi-humanity of animals; they have a language of
their own, which some men have understood, etc.

[164] Proclus, like Plotinus, acted the part of a father to all the
young people of his acquaintance. Porphyry, somewhat late in life,
married a widow named Marcella, stating that he only did so in order to
fulfil the paternal office towards her children. Yet fornication was not
a Neoplatonic sin, and even Proclus resorted to it restrainedly. A
letter of Porphyry to Marcella, a condensed manual of ethics, is extant,
and has recently appeared in an English dress.

[165] Or literally, "the hierophant of the whole world."

[166] Marinus also informs us that he was on terms of great cordiality
with Pan, but according to another authority this god had died some
centuries previously. Plutarch (De Defect. Orac., 17) tells us, on the
report of "a well-known man of very sound character," that a vessel
sailing in the Ambracian Gulf touched one evening at the Isle of Paxae.
Shortly, a voice from the land thrice summoned Thames the Egyptian, one
of the crew, and gave him the injunction, "When you come to Paloda,
announce that the Great Pan is dead." The mandate was obeyed, they put
in at a deserted spot, and Thames, standing in the bows, shouted the
required information. Immediately the whole ship's company heard "a deep
groan, proceeding as it were from a multitude of men." The news was
carried to Rome, and Tiberius, after interviewing Thames, decided to
hold an inquest. All the savants of the Court sat on the deceased, and,
without viewing the body, pronounced him to be Pan, the son of Hermes
and Penelope. The witness in this case was doubtless of the same class
as those who from time to time contribute marvels to the reports of the
Psychical Society and the Occult Review.

[167] The alumni of the school went and taught in other places; for
instance, Agapius, a hearer of Proclus, under whom Jn. Lydus studied (De
Magist., iii, 26), the same, perhaps, who was the "big wig" of the
medical faculty at CP., about that time, and made a large fortune, as
related by Damascius and Suidas. Damascius (Vit. Isidori) gives an
account of the practice of Jacob Psychristus, an eminent physician of
the latter part of the fifth century. He trusted chiefly to purgations,
baths, and diets, used the knife and cautery sparingly, and repudiated
bleeding. On visiting CP. he found the profession there neither
experienced nor learned, but relying on a routine derived from their
predecessors, which they followed in a blind and careless manner.
Pamprepius, one of the ablest disciples of Proclus, deserted the Academy
for the Byzantine court, and attached himself to Illus, the great rebel
in the reign of Zeno; but ultimately he was executed by his patron for
having ventured on predictions which were falsified by the event;
Suidas, _sb. nom._ (Malchus); Theophanes, an. 5976, etc.

[168] Marinus, _op. cit., ad fin._

[169] Of this period there is a sort of chronicle extant in the form of
a life of Isidore of Gaza, who became scholarch next after Marinus. The
whole work has been abridged from the original of Damascius by Photius
(Cod. 242), and portions of it are given by Suidas, apparently in full,
under various biographical headings, _e.g._ Aedesia, Archiadas,
Asclepiodotus, Domninus, Hegias, Hermeias, Hierocles, Pamprepius,
Salustius, Serapion, etc., all philosophers of this later time. The
narrative is stuffed with nonsense to an even greater extent than the
life by Marinus, and gives instances of prophecy by crystal-gazing, of
casting out of devils, etc. Curiously enough, it contains some of the
earliest recorded observations of electric phenomena, viz. an ass of
Tiberius and a horse of Severus that emitted sparks; that fire issued
from the body of Walamir, father of Theodoric the Goth, without singeing
his clothing, etc.

[170] Syrianus had devoted himself particularly to this task, and his
extant commentaries are a necessary part of the armament of the modern
Aristotelian.

[171] Jn. Malala, xviii, 451. Alemannus (_op. cit._, p. 459) cites an
anonymous Greek chronicle, in which astronomy as well as philosophy is
prohibited.

[172] Marinus, _op. cit., ad fin._

[173] Jn. Ephes. Com., p. 249.

[174] Procopius, Anecd., 26. Olympiodorus (_op. cit._), writing probably
just before the closure of the schools, notices that these confiscations
had been going on for some time. It seems that Justinian began
systematically to seize on the property of all teachers he disapproved
of.

[175] Zonaras, xiv, 6.

[176] The Pragmatic Sanction addressed to Pope Vigilius (554) indicates
the restoration; sect. 22. It would seem that state aid must have been
in abeyance for twenty years or more, as the evidence of Procopius
extends to 550.

[177] Republic, vi, etc.

[178] The commentaries of Simplicius on Aristotle, besides being of
considerable bulk, are the most valuable of that class of writings which
have come down to us. They have been repeatedly published since 1499.

[179] The narrative of this migration to Persia is due to Agathias (ii,
28, _et seq._), who does not, however, mention that they were driven out
by legislation, but represents them merely as dissatisfied with the
religion of the Empire. He speaks of them with the greatest respect;
they were the "fine flower" of the philosophy of his age.

[180] Agathias, _loc. cit._ Quicherat (_ad calc._ Dübner's Plotinus,
Paris, 1855) endeavours to refute Agathias in respect of his low
estimate of the intellectual attainments of Chosroes. In the first place
he relies on a Syrian MS. discovered by Renan in the British Museum,
which is an epitome of Aristotle's Logic, purporting to have been made
by Paul the Persian, a Nestorian priest, for the use of Chosroes. This
neutralizes the objection of A. that the niceties of Greek philosophy
could not be rendered in the rude Pahlavi, it being known that the
Shahinshah was obliged to have recourse to translations. Syriac,
however, is a language of considerable literary refinement. Further he
publishes a MS.—not long unearthed at St. Germains—a Latin version by
Scotus Erigena(?) of the solutions given by Priscian, one of the seven,
to certain "doubts" entertained by Chosroes. The work is incomplete, but
nine of the questions which puzzled the monarch are dealt with, viz. the
soul, sleep, dreams; the routine of the seasons; why doctors differ; the
tides; rain and lightning; variation of animal and plants after removal
to a different climate; and the venom of serpents. Indisputably Chosroes
was a very able ruler, and it is clear that he evinced great curiosity
in every department of knowledge, but that he could have studied with
the assiduity necessary for the attainment of erudition is a scarcely
tenable supposition; and the episode of Uranius falls in very aptly with
what we should predicate as likely to be the outcome of his desultory
inquisitiveness.

[181] Damascius profited by his Persian experiences to give an account
of Babylonian dualism in one of his treatises. This work has received
considerable attention of late. See books by Ruelle, Paris, 1889, and
Chaignet, Paris, 1898.

[182] See Bigg's Neoplatonism, Lond., 1892, for a tabulated synopsis.
There were also earthly triads, which included the sacraments and the
various orders of priests, etc.

[183] Simon and Zeller stop short at the fall of the school of Athens,
but Vacherot has devoted a third volume to tracing out the diffusion of
Neoplatonic ideas in Western thought throughout the Middle Ages until
recent times. Mystics such as Jacob Boehme, Molinos, Madame Guyon, etc.
(Quietists), are connected with this stage of the fantasy.

[184] Cudworth, one of the "Cambridge Platonists," is the central figure
of this group. In his True Intellectual System of the Universe (pp. 900,
fol., 1678, an inceptive fragment of a larger(!) work never completed)
he appears as a modern Plotinus labouring in the realm of metaphysics
under the obsession of Hebrew and Orthodox mythology in which he had
been nurtured, but in verbosity and expansiveness he well outdistances
his prototype. He is inclined to believe in ghosts, and thence to draw a
theistic proof of the existence of a "supreme ghost," _i.e._ the Deity.
See Tulloch's Rational Theology in England in 17th Century, 1874, ii, p.
240 _et seq._




 CHAPTER VII
 THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE: INSURRECTION
   OF THE CIRCUS FACTIONS IN THE CAPITAL


The keystone of Justinian's administration was his lavish expenditure of
money. Every enterprise that could engage the attention of a monarch
incited him to emulation, and in arms, legislation, civil reform, public
works, and religion, he aspired to equal the achievements of the
greatest princes. Hence the persistent need for a well-filled treasury,
and the constant injunction to the Rectors in the provinces. "Above all
things apply yourselves to gathering in the imposts"; whilst the subject
is urged by the frequent reminder, "Pay up your taxes promptly, our
great undertakings cannot be accomplished without money."[185]

For centuries, as we have already seen,[186] a latent anarchy had
prevailed throughout the Empire, but the evils of such a condition had
always been less apparent under a quiescent administration. Moderation
in the bureaucracy in the capital gave a measure to the proceedings of
its deputies in the provinces, and doubtless had a restraining
influence, at least that of example, over the rural aristocracy who
almost arrogated to themselves a local sovereignity. The considerate,
though firm rule of Anastasius, appears to have reduced to a minimum the
most flagrant abuses, whilst his studied parsimony, which led to the
accumulation of large reserves,[187] must have lessened the severity of
fiscal oppression. The latter advantage was extended into the reign of
Justin, and, while Justinian was dissipating the great funds left by his
uncle's predecessor,[188] his reputation for benignancy was not
imperilled by rapacity in collecting the tributes. Soon after his
accession, however, to undivided power, he found himself without other
resource than the property of his subjects for the supply of his
financial requirements. Then the maintenance of the exchequer assumed
the highest importance in his eyes, and every conceivable device for
swelling the revenue was resorted to, while little or no regard was paid
to the equity of the means employed.[189] As an inevitable result all
the worst features of the Byzantine political system underwent an
exacerbation during the first few years of Justinian's reign. The
species of effectivity demanded by the Emperor induced the rise of the
most unscrupulous persons to high office; a statesman became the
equivalent of an extortioner, and the native venality of the governing
class showed exuberant throughout all its grades. Assured of the
Emperor's favour as long as he could be noted for his zeal in directing
the flow of gold towards the treasury, every servant of the state
grasped at private affluence by means of illicit exactions, or an overt
accessibility to bribes.[190]

As a consequence of his unexpected advent to power, Justinian was
scarcely affected by the prejudices peculiar to monarchs born in the
purple; and hence, disregarding conventionalism, he usually chose the
most direct and practical methods for carrying out his designs. He
was willing on occasion to usurp the functions of any of his
subordinates,[191] and, in the selection of his instruments, he promoted
the most likely candidates to the highest posts without reference to
their rank, seniority, or antecedents. Among his earliest coadjutors in
the capital were two remarkable men, Tribonian, a lawyer, and John of
Cappadocia, a financier, whose activities became the leading feature in
the politics of the age. The former was a native of Pamphylia,[192] and
began his career as an advocate in the praefectural courts of
Constantinople.[193] As Master of the Agentes-in-rebus[194] he attracted
the notice of the Emperor, who soon claimed him as his personal
assessor, and raised him to the quaestorship.[195] Tribonian was a man
of great learning in the law and an assiduous reader, whence he was led
to form a library of legal books such as existed in no other custody at
the time.[196] He was gifted with a remarkable suavity of manner, and
was so artful a flatterer[197] that, although he had not become a
convert to Christianity, and was even said to be an atheist,[198]
Justinian deferred to him as his favourite minister. Tribonian, however,
was beset by the vice of avarice, and, though his forensic erudition was
invaluable to the Imperial council in relation to the subject, he
resorted to it for no other purpose than to make a traffic of justice.
His legal decisions were always at auction, and, under ordinary
circumstances, his interpretation of the law was fitted ingeniously to
meet the requirements of the highest bidder.[199]

The approach to the Imperial tribunal had to be sown with gold before a
suitor could advance within sight of an adjudication on his appeal. To
pass the sentries who were on guard at the portals necessitated the
disbursement of a tangible sum.[200] Then the attention of the
referendary, or attorney who put the case into shape prior to its being
submitted to the court, could not be captured until he had been largely
bribed.[201] Lastly, the Quaestor had to be satisfied pecuniarily in a
ratio adequate to his assessment of the value to the claimant of a
favourable decision. Justinian was initiated early in the artifices by
which legal chicanery could be made to subserve to undue gains, and
became a prime sharer in the profits to be drawn from this mercenary
jactitation of the law.[202] Hence the venality of the Emperor's Court
of Appeal soon incurred obloquy in the capital, and a resentment was
kindled among the citizens against his administration.

Yet the ills inflicted on the community by distorted judgements were
slight and partial in comparison with the financial tyranny of John of
Cappadocia after he had attained to the rank of Praetorian Praefect.
Devoid of literary education, and even inefficient with the pen,[203]
this man began his career in an unimportant clerical post under the
government.[204] While serving in this capacity he came in contact with
Justinian, whose favour he courted with an astuteness popularly supposed
to be the distinguishing mark of natives of his province.[205] Having a
singular aptitude for figures, and being extremely ready with expedients
for solving any knotty question,[206] he won over the Emperor by laying
before him many subtle schemes for amplifying the incidence of the taxes
and proportionately swelling the revenue.[207] These allurements assured
him a speedy promotion to the position of logothete, from which he
ascended with little delay to the dignity of an Illustrious, and soon
made an easy conquest of the praetorian prefecture of the East.[208]
Once in the supreme seat of deputed power he had to justify his
elevation to the Emperor by the signal success of his methods; but he
was no less intent on making his potent office inordinately profitable
to himself.[209] Every fiscal enactment which had ever passed into law
was unearthed from the archives of the Empire, and applied factitiously
to compass the transference of the money of the subject to the coffers
of the state.[210] The discovery of a name sufficed for the creation of
a claim, and demands were issued for an endless succession of duties,
tolls, tallages, censuals, cess, and customs, together with arrearages
and apportionments of unpaid imposts, which foreshadowed the reduction
of every possessor of property to a common level of indigence.[211] All
persons of means were noted by the agents of the fisc, and called on to
pay according to the impression formed as to their resources. No excuses
were accepted, protestations of inability were disbelieved, and, in
order to meet the case of recalcitrant subjects, a torture chamber was
fitted up in a secluded spot of the Praetorium. Here was collected an
assortment of chains, manicles, pedicles, instruments of compression for
the hands and feet, in short, every kind of apparatus which was suitable
for subjecting the members to a state of painful strain or constraint.
To this den defaulters were hurried, and by means of rackings and
suspensions were forced to surrender whatever they possessed unless
actually killed by the severity of the torture.[212] Such was John's
method of procedure at his own headquarters, but for the provinces he
picked out emissaries of approved brutality, and despatched them into
all districts with injunctions to follow his example.[213] Under this
régime the Court of Appeal of the Praetorian Prefect was, of course, as
venal as that of the Emperor and Tribonian; and the formalities of a
trial were almost dispensed with, so that a hasty dispatch of the cases
might facilitate the gathering in of the bribes.[214]

The infamy of the Cappadocian, as an officer of state, was almost
surpassed by his mode of life as a private citizen. He rapidly
accumulated wealth, and at once applied himself to spend it in
gastronomical and libidinous excesses of the most unbridled
description.[215] His first care was to erect a palace of such vastness
and magnificence that, in the hyperbolical language of an official of
the period, it could only be characterized by the epithets which writers
on the wonders of Egypt had applied to the architectural piles reared by
Sesostris and the Pharaohs.[216] In the halls of this resplendent
edifice he passed his time in a continuous round of feasting and
sensuality, only terminating his orgies with the rise of Lucifer, whilst
his attention to business was deferred until the appearance of
Hesperus.[217] Surrounded by a throng of courtesans and debauched
youths, he gorged himself with the most costly delicacies until his
overloaded stomach ejected its contents over the marble pavements or the
persons of those who sat next to him.[218] To glut his appetite the
woods of the Euxine were depopulated of their pheasants, whilst the sea
was raided for luscious fish to such an extent that, according to the
conceit of the same author, the molluscs, expanding their shells to
serve as wings, fled through the air instead of through the water, to
escape the voracious Cappadocian.[219] As for his religion he made no
account of Christianity, but pinned his faith to sorceries and
incantations. If ever he appeared at church he did so in the habiliments
of a pagan priest, and ministered to himself with the mummeries of some
occult cabbalism instead of following the established ritual.[220]

The appointment of John to the office of Praefect of the East took place
early in 530, and before the end of the following year his system
resulted in producing a state of misery and destitution throughout the
Empire unparalleled in any former age. The visitations of his agents
became more dreaded among the rural population than an incursion of
barbarians.[221] Everywhere the adaeratio of the annones[222] was
carried to excess; and, while money was demanded instead of the
contributions in kind as usually accepted, the agricultural produce was
often left to perish on the ground.[223] Injudicious measures of
retrenchment were the principal cause of this evil. By a false economy
the public posts and the military train were in great part suppressed,
with disastrous results. A limited supply of asses was substituted for
the considerable number of horses, camels, and mules formerly
maintained.[224] Hence, while the department of public intelligence and
the commissariat of the army were seriously affected, the farmer also
suffered from the greatly lessened demand for fodder. With the crops
left unexpectedly on their hands, and the means of carriage almost
abolished, the wretched rustics were driven to despair in their efforts
to dispose of their stock. Thus the roads were constantly filled with
straggling bands of women, heavily laden, and often with infants at the
breast, obliged to cover a long route in order to effect a shipment at
the sea-ports; whilst the wayside was littered with the unburied corpses
of those who succumbed under the excessive toil.[225]

Such were the hardships the Byzantine population had to suffer as a
consequence of the obligations imposed on them directly by the Imperial
government, but these were largely aggravated by their being forced to
minister to the private needs and even lustful passions of all those in
power throughout the Empire. Every impost was augmented by an overplus
which went into the pocket of the agent who exacted it or through whose
hands it passed. The Rector of the province, generally an impecunious
aspirant to place and fortune, had paid a large sum to the bureaucracy,
and borrowed it at usury, for the bestowal of his codicil.[226] He
proceeded, therefore, to his local seat of power accompanied by a body
of creditors to whom he had guaranteed the liquidation of their claims
out of the revenue of his vicegerency;[227] and he had, moreover, to
make a provision from the artificially swollen taxes against the time
when he hoped to retire from office into a position of leisured
affluence.[228] When an army passed through a district, not only were
the soldiers quartered on the inhabitants, who for the time being were
expelled from their proper dwellings, but contributions for the support
of the troops were levied under every sort of false pretence, even by
persons who had no authority whatever to collect funds for the
commissariat.[229] To all this was added the constant oppression by the
local magnates of their weaker neighbours, whose lands they seized,
advertising by notices fixed to the ground that they assumed them as
their own property.[230] At the same time the owners were claimed as
serfs, bound for the future in service to an overlord.[231] In the main
these proceedings were quite arbitrary, and differed in no way from
professed brigandage, but as a rule they were conducted under the shadow
of legality by giving them the form of distraints or evictions in
respect of money lent.[232] Attended by a numerous body of armed
retainers the wealthy landowners made a descent on the coveted
homestead, plundered the household, drove off the cattle, and abducted
wives and daughters for the purpose of concubinage.[233] But not in all
cases without resistance being offered; where such attacks were
anticipated, the small farmers prepared for them, and with the aid of
the local peasantry joined battle with the raiders. Thus the provinces
were almost constantly the scene of a miniature warfare.[234] In the
midst of these disorders the Rector held the balance of justice and
inclined the scale towards whoever weighted it with the heaviest bribe.
Often, in fact, he was himself one of the worst offenders; and in his
capacity as collector of the revenue, or under the pretence of giving
police protection, he plundered and committed outrages in every
direction throughout the country.[235] And in such license he was
usually afforded countenance and example by the logothetes and other
officers, who were superior to him in authority, during their special
visitations as agents of the fisc.[236] These harpies resorted to every
imaginable device for embezzling money, and especially by presenting
long bills to the decurions for public works which were never
executed.[237] They also invented legal pretexts to commit outrages on
the families of the debtors, and wives, virgins, and youths were
regularly debauched by them.[238] In some localities even the collection
of the tributes was regularly opposed and attended with bloodshed.[239]
As for convicted criminals, even they could feel no assurance of having
to suffer only the statutory punishments, but according to the temper of
the judge they had to undergo a penalty, and hands and feet were lopped
off continually, with little or no regard to law or humanity.[240]

All the evils and abuses of the Byzantine system were magnified and
multiplied by the ruthless policy of John, and at Constantinople the
widespread discontent began to show signs of tending to a crisis. Every
class was more or less affected, and the numberless sufferers were
increasingly associated in the capital. Advocates went without
employment, since it was considered useless to protract trials by
pleadings or the examination of witnesses.[241] The shipping interest
was ruined by the imposition of onerous port dues and the establishment
of custom-houses at the approaches to the city, both in the Hellespont
and the Bosphorus.[242] As a result numbers of those engaged in maritime
commerce burnt their vessels, and a shortage of foodstuffs distressed
the inhabitants.[243] At all times the briskness of trade was sapped for
the mercantile class by the privileges granted to the religious orders
and their abuse of the concessions. Not only were there eleven hundred
shops free of excise belonging to St. Sophia,[244] but all other
churches, as well as monasteries, hospitals, poorhouses, and orphan
homes, claimed a like immunity. Nor did the list end even here, for the
three grades of nobles arrogated to themselves an equal right to trade
with remitted taxes.[245]

The Blue Faction were favoured by Justinian and his consort, who
accorded them such indulgence that they considered themselves to be
above the law. Their affiliation to the throne caused them to enjoy
great credit among the ordinary citizens, wherefore they decided to
distinguish themselves objectively by adopting a peculiar uniform. Thus
they discarded the use of the razor and wore full Persian beards,
allowed their back hair to grow long, in imitation of the Huns, and
donned richly embroidered tunics furnished with sleeves which bellied
out in an extraordinary fashion from the wrist up to the shoulder.
Secure of impunity for any excesses they might commit, the more vicious
members carried weapons day and night, ostensibly for the purpose merely
of chastising their sworn enemies, the Green Faction, but in reality
with the intention of robbing and murdering peaceful inhabitants. Under
the pretence of carrying on their historical feud, they assassinated in
the streets, despoiled private houses of their valuables, and even
outraged wives and daughters. Similar enormities on the part of the
Greens were severely dealt with by the magistrates, but they were
terrorized by the dominant Faction into ignoring their misdeeds. Those
who defied the malefactors by acting impartially paid for their
integrity with their lives. The better spirits of the Blue Deme bewailed
the lawlessness of their fellows, and the Emperor made fitful efforts to
repress the disorders, but Theodora resisted any attempt to restrict the
licence of her favourite clan.[246] Numbers of the Greens were driven
from their homes by the ceaseless persecution, and, finding themselves
everywhere in discredit, avenged their wrongs on society in general by
taking to the road and practising brigandage by the most merciless
methods.[247] In a lesser degree every city of the Empire presented a
scene of confusion similar to that which reigned at Constantinople.[248]

Into a capital thus agitated by numberless grievances of its own, a
varied crowd of fugitives from the provinces began to pour, in the
autumn of 531. Their proper abodes had been made uninhabitable for them,
and they fled in terror from the local tyrants to seek redress at the
hands of the autocrator. Peasant farmers with their wives, priests,
monks, and nuns, often accompanied by their lawyers, thronged the city
as they pressed onwards to lay their appeals at the foot of the
throne.[249] They clamoured incessantly in all the public places, so
that to meet the emergency it became necessary to revive a number of
forgotten magistracies, praetors and quaesitors,[250] who might hear
complaints and appease the rising tumult. On all sides the populace
reviled the bureaucracy who had brought about such an impass, and, as
the old year went out, a general feeling prevailed that the existing
order of things must come to an end.[251]

With the opening of January, 532, the season of the Consular Festivals
was at hand, but both in this year and the previous one ardour for
parade had been deadened by political distraction, and the appointment
of a consul was passed over. Preparations were made, however, for a
display in the Circus, and it was hoped that something of the deepening
gloom might be lifted by the diversion thus afforded. But the result
disappointed expectation, and the assembly of the people in the vast
area provided an opportunity for the actively smouldering discontent to
work its way to the surface and to burst into flame. The possibility of
the throne becoming vacant had been brooding in the minds of the
Factions, and, as usual, when confronted with that contingency, there
was a tendency to a temporary accord between the Blues and Greens.[252]
On a Sunday, the eleventh day of the month, Justinian, with the
customary pomp, took his seat in the Cathisma.[253] A protest against
the administration had been previously concerted, and the Greens, as
being frankly discountenanced by the Emperor, were most forward to
evince their hostility. At first a respectful tone was adopted, and the
Autocrator was acclaimed with the usual formulas, "Many years to
Justinian Augustus! May you be victorious!" The Greens then raised a cry
that the people were oppressed, and prayed to be delivered from their
sufferings. A heated dialogue between the throne and the demagogy then
ensued, which ended in bitter recriminations passing from side to side.
On such occasions the Emperor made use of an officer called a _Mandator_
as his mouthpiece, whilst the Demarch acted as spokesman for the Faction
concerned. At the outset one Calopodius was named as the object of
complaint, doubtless the executive officer of the Praefect of the City,
whose brutality in preserving order had awakened the resentment of the
masses: _D._ "I am oppressed; I can bear it no longer, God knows." _M._
"Who is in fault? we know of no one." _D._ "Thrice August, I fear to
name him." _M._ "Of whom do you complain? We have no idea of the person
meant." _D._ "Master of us all, it is Calopodius the centurion." _M._
"Calopodius is not in authority." _D._ "May the lot of Judas be his! God
will pay him out." _M._ "You have come here to insult the magistrates,
not to look on at the games." _D._ "I say, may he suffer like Judas!"
_M._ "Hold your tongue, Jews, Manichaeans, Samaritans!" _D._ "Oh, you
call us Jews and Samaritans! Holy Virgin, be with us!" _M._ "I do, and
bid you all to get baptized in the name of the One."[254] _D._ "Oh,
bring the water; let us be baptized as you say." _M._ "I will have your
heads cut off." _D._ "Oh, we must not speak the truth for fear of losing
our heads. Take no offence, Emperor, I have some right to liberty." _M._
"Rascals, will you risk your lives?" _D._ "Would that Sabbatius had
never been born! Then a son of his would not have been a murderer. Who
killed the wood-seller at the Zeugma?" _M._ "You killed him." _D._ "Who
killed the son of Epagathus?" _M._ "You killed him also, and you say the
Blues did it." So far the Blues had maintained a sullen silence, but at
this suggestion some of them were roused to taunt the Greens. Presently
the latter all trooped out of the Circus, exclaiming, "Goodbye to
justice! We will turn Jews; better to be a Pagan than a Blue." Thus
Justinian and the Blues were left alone at the performance.[255]

In the evening of the same day Justinian determined on an effort to
quell the sedition by making an example of those who had been most
insolent to him in the Hippodrome. Seven persons, drawn from both
factions, were seized by Eudaemon, the Praefect of the city, and led off
to execution. Four were decapitated and the remaining three were hung;
but in the case of two of the latter the rope broke, and the culprits
fell to the ground. At the sight of this moving accident the bystanders
were greatly agitated, and an outcry for pardon arose, whereupon some
monks interposed and carried off the men by boat to the monastery of St.
Laurence. One of those rescued was a Blue, the other a Green; and the
circumstance caused the union between the factions to be more firmly
cemented. On hearing of the rescue, Eudaemon placed a guard of soldiers
outside the sanctuary, but did not dare to violate it.[256] On the
following Tuesday the spectacle was resumed in the Circus, and, during
the whole time of the exhibition both factions clamoured conjointly to
the Emperor for the release of the prisoners, intermingling cries of
"Long years to the wretched Blues and Greens," with their prayers. But
Justinian remained sternly irresponsive, and the assembly had to
disperse without receiving any indication of Imperial sympathy.[257] The
popular rancour now rose to fever-heat, and the leaders of the Demes
counselled extreme measures. In order that all who were on the side of
the insurgents might have a means of recognizing each other, the device
of a countersign was adopted, and the word _Nika_, that is, "victory,"
was chosen for the purpose, whence the movement was known ever
afterwards as the "Nika revolt."[258] First a rush was made to the
Praetorium of the City Praefect to demand the removal of the guard from
the monastery, but no answer could be obtained. At this moment a slight
concession might have appeased the rage of the multitude, so that the
ferment would have been modified for the time. Obduracy, however,
inflamed their passions beyond measure, the Praetorium was set on fire,
and an irruption was then made towards the Augusteum with the object of
assailing Justinian himself. A number of soldiers encountered on the way
were butchered by the mob,[259] firebrands were hurled into the Chalke,
and soon the external chambers of the palace were all in flames. The
conflagration spread rapidly, the principal buildings in the square
became quickly involved, and during the evening the Baths of Zeuxippus,
the Senate House, and the great church of St. Sophia were reduced to a
heap of smoking ruins.[260]

On the following day the rioters came out early in greatly increased
numbers, and all those who had previously been disaffected to the
government now ranged themselves openly against it. At the same time
people of every class who wished to stand aloof during the rebellion
fled from the city and hid themselves in places of safety on the
opposite continent.[261] The Demarchs convened a meeting in the Forum of
Constantine,[262] where they were joined by a considerable body of
nobles and senators. The ministers were denounced, the deposition of
Justinian was agreed upon, and it was resolved that Probus, one of the
nephews of Anastasius, should be proclaimed as Emperor. With the
multitude surging after them the leaders then proceeded to the house of
that general, which was situated near the harbour of Julian. His
presence and acceptance of the dignity was demanded, whilst, as he was
known to possess a private arsenal, cries arose from the throng that
they should be supplied with arms. Probus, however, was found to have
disappeared, and, on ascertaining the fact, the mob set fire to the
premises and retired.[263] Simultaneously heralds were announcing, on
the part of Justinian, that the games in the Hippodrome were to be
continued; but the populace responded by injecting fire into the arena,
and refused to enter, exclaiming that he merely wished to catch them in
a trap.[264] The leaders were now at a loss what step to take, for
Hypatius and Pompeius, the two other nephews of Anastasius, were not
only believed to be loyal to the Emperor, but were actually on duty as
members of his staff within the palace. The general concourse, however,
did not hesitate as to how to act, but yielded to their lust for
revenge, and rushed off shouting, "Down with Tribonian, John of
Cappadocia, and Eudaemon," determined to seek them out and lynch them as
soon as they could be found.[265]

The Emperor now became anxious as detailed information came in as to the
havoc already wrought in the capital, and he began to realize the extent
of the defection. The wild uproar, harping incessantly on a special
note, reached his ears, and he sent an officer to ascertain what the
people were vociferating.[266] As soon as an answer was brought to him
he decided to yield, hoping that conciliation would induce an immediate
calm. The three obnoxious officials were displaced from their posts, and
others, popular for their well-known integrity, were appointed in their
stead. Effective measures were taken to announce the change publicly,
but the concession failed to appease the tumult.[267] The provisional
government of the insurgents felt that they had gone too far to retreat
with safety, whilst their secret emissaries had already been at work
endeavouring to entice Hypatius from the palace with the promise of his
elevation to the purple.

During the next three days the devastation of the metropolis continued,
and Constantinople assumed the aspect of a city taken by the enemy.[268]
The only hope for the government now lay in its being able to suppress
the revolt by force, but the Byzantine soldiery showed signs of
disaffection, and it was recognized that even the Excubitors, of whom
Justinian himself had held the command, could not be trusted.[269]
Within the precincts of the Palace there was, however, a considerable
body of barbarian mercenaries, as well as several of the Imperial
generals who remained loyal and were ready to act against the
rioters.[270] On the Thursday Belisarius issued forth with a body of
Goths and Herules, and a fierce battle ensued around the Milium and in
the adjoining streets.[271] The rebels defended themselves furiously,
and, while the men fought below, women, posted in the upper chambers of
the houses, hurled stones and tiles through the windows on the heads of
their military antagonists. Numbers of these Amazons were among the
slain.[272] At a certain hour of the day an attempt was made to restore
order by priestly intervention, and a train of ecclesiastics, presenting
the sacred books and holy images to the eyes of the combatants,
descended into the scene of the conflict. The Byzantines might have been
influenced, but the barbarians took no account of their presence, and
the strife raged without abatement.[273] The civil war in the streets
was continued for the two succeeding days,[274] ineffectively on the
part of the authorities, while the confidence of the insurgents
increased. The work of incendiarism went on, and now on both sides, for
the soldiers tried to dislodge those who assailed them from the
domiciles and public edifices by firing the buildings.[275] The wind
often assisted the conflagration by sweeping the flames along.[276]
Among the architectural monuments consumed during this period of the
sedition were the Octagon,[277] the church of St. Irene,[278] the
Hospital of Sampson with its infirm inmates,[279] the House of Lamps
with its rich wares,[280] the Palace of Lausus with its irreplaceable
art treasures,[281] and the porticos ranging between the Augusteum and
the Pavement.[282]

In the meantime Justinian and the Imperial party within the Palace began
to despair of their fortunes. The Excubitors and the other corps of
domestics did not break into open mutiny, but their faces appeared
lowering and indifferent, and it was evident that their sympathies were
veering steadily in the direction of the rebels. That the insurgents
were intent on replacing him with Hypatius was well known to the
Emperor, and he became apprehensive lest at any moment his own guards
might consummate their wishes by the seizure of his person and the
proclamation of his rival.[283] He summoned the nephews of Anastasius to
his presence, and urged them to leave the palace in order to safeguard
their own households. They protested that it was their duty to stand by
their sovereign in such a crisis, but he suspected their loyalty and
insisted peremptorily on their departure. They obeyed with reluctance,
and quitted the Court on the Saturday evening.[284] At the same time
Justinian, anticipating that a successful assault might be made on the
Palace, heaped all his most precious possessions into a swift galley,
which lay in the Imperial harbour, and held himself in readiness for a
precipitate flight to the Thracian town of Heraclea.[285]

Early on Sunday morning the Emperor resolved on making a final effort to
win back the allegiance of his subjects. By assuming an attitude of
contrition, and proving his sincerity by a promise of universal amnesty,
he might yet be able to save his throne. Holding the Gospels in his
hand, he proceeded at dawn to the Hippodrome, and established himself in
the regal seat. A proclamation was made, and the people, now confident
in their own strength, came flocking in on all sides, attracted by the
belief that something unusual was about to take place. Justinian
advanced, and protending the sacred volume, adjured the assemblage: "By
the might of this hallowed Word I condone everything that has happened.
None of you shall be arrested; only be pacified. My sins have brought
about this impass; no blame attaches to you. On me the guilt for not
answering your appeal for mercy." Murmurs of approval were heard for a
moment, but a general hooting quickly drowned them, and loud cries of
"Ass, thou liest!" were repeated by a myriad of voices.[286] Finally the
tumult resolved itself into persistent calls for Hypatius. The Emperor
persevered no further, but retired in silence to the Palace.

The news spread rapidly that the disinherited princes were at liberty,
and the revolutionaries immediately thronged to their residence.
Hypatius was demanded, and in despite of the outcry of his wife, who
foreboded disaster, was forced along to the Forum of Constantine. There
the usual forms of a coronation were enacted; he was hoisted on a shield
and crowned with a golden necklace. Exulting in this achievement, a wave
of excitement swept over the crowd, and all clamoured that the new
Emperor should be borne in triumph to the Circus and installed in the
Cathisma, whilst a determined effort was being made for the capture of
the Palace. A senator named Origen protested warmly against this move as
being too rash and hasty. "Have patience for the present," said he, "let
us fortify ourselves in another palace, of which there are several in
the city. Whilst his resources are being frittered away, Justinian will
be tired out and fly of his own accord; or at some opportune moment we
shall be able to take him without risk." His prudent counsel was,
however, cried down; Hypatius was hurried along reluctantly, and
compelled to usurp the Imperial seat, whilst the people thronged the
arena and acclaimed him with reckless enthusiasm.[287] But he
contemplated his sudden rise with dismay, and felt profoundly insecure
in his new position. Taking his opportunity, he privately despatched a
Candidate to assure Justinian that he was involuntarily acting a part,
and was only too anxious to repudiate the unwelcome honours thrust upon
him. In a short time his messenger returned with a joyous air; as he
strove to enter the Palace, the chief physician had accosted him: "Where
are you going," said he, "there is no one within, the Emperor has taken
his departure." "Master," exclaimed the Candidate, "God wishes you to
reign; Justinian has fled and the Palace is empty." At this announcement
Hypatius resigned himself with some confidence to his fortune.[288] The
populace went on applauding him tumultuously, whilst they were loud in
their vituperation of Justinian and Theodora.[289]

The report that Justinian had virtually abdicated by abandoning his post
was false, but the author of it may have supposed that he was speaking
an imminent truth, as that event seemed on the point of being realized.
Hesitating to commit himself to the irrevocable step, the Emperor paused
to throw a last glance at the situation. He initiated a debate, but his
advisers were despondent, and their opinions half-hearted and divergent.
Of all those concerned Theodora felt most deeply the ignominy of flight,
and, unable to restrain her indignation at their halting resolution,
burst into a passionate remonstrance. She deprecated the assurance of a
woman in presuming to address a body of men, and pleaded the exigences
of the moment as her excuse. "Even at this adverse crisis," said she, "I
think the alternative of flight is out of the question. Though he may be
permitted to live in safety as an exile, the master of an empire should
not survive the loss of his dignity. As for myself, may I never live to
see the day when this purple mantle shall fall from me, and people no
longer salute me as Empress. I hold no sentiment so dear as that old
saying, 'Royalty is a fine thing to be buried in.'"[290]

By this bold speech Theodora infused her own intrepid spirit into the
Imperial party. No longer wavering in their counsels, they resolved to
assume the offensive, and thought only of how to strike with most effect
at the usurper and the rebels who supported him. The barbarian
mercenaries congregated in the Palace still amounted to three or four
thousand men, and several reliable officers were at hand to lead them.
These troops were divided into two brigades and placed under the command
of Belisarius and Mundus the Goth respectively.[291] At the same time
Narses, the Chief Eunuch, opened negotiations with the Blue Faction, and
by extensive bribery succeeded in detaching a large number of them from
their associates. Some dissension in the Hippodrome resulted, voices
were raised in favour of Justinian, and Hypatius was no longer the
object of unalloyed enthusiasm.[292] And now Belisarius, supported by
his colleague, determined to make a direct onslaught on the Cathisma,
which was crowded with the improvised guards of the newly constituted
emperor.[293] He essayed to pass by the Cochlea, but found the way
blocked by the Excubitors, who had adopted a neutral attitude, and
decided to be deaf to all orders as long as the fortunes of the rival
parties hung in the balance. Seeing that any effort in that direction
would be futile, he abandoned the scheme and, somewhat disheartened,
returned to consult Justinian. A different plan of attack was then
concerted with Mundus. Both generals made their way out with some
difficulty over the ruins of the Chalke, and drew up their men in a
compact body in the Augusteum. Marching around from thence they
inspected all the inlets of the Circus, but saw that those on the north
were held in force by the armed adherents of Hypatius. On arriving at
the sphendone, however, Belisarius noticed that the way lay open into
the arena, where the unarmed mob were collected in a dense throng. With
a sudden impulse he called his men to arms and rushed on the crowd with
vengeful determination. A remorseless massacre followed, and was
continued as long as the barbarians found any living being within their
reach. As for Mundus, the moment he perceived how Belisarius had become
engaged, he swept rapidly round the southern circuit of the Hippodrome
and made a similar irruption through the opposite entry, that called the
Gate of the Dead. The doomed people, thus caught between the two
brigades of infuriated troops, were cut off from all chance of escape;
and, when at length the slaughter ceased, it was computed that at least
thirty-five thousand citizens had been slain in this military
execution.[294]

At the sight of the massacre consternation seized on the immediate
partisans of Hypatius, and their confident union was completely
dissolved. All felt that the cause of the upstart emperor was lost, and
thought only of falling off from his perilous proximity in order to
ensure their individual safety. A corresponding sense of assurance
quickly spread among the inmates of the Palace as soon as they became
aware that the rebels massed in the Hippodrome were undergoing
extermination. Justus and Boraides, two young relatives of
Justinian,[295] seeing their opportunity, placed themselves at the head
of a small body of faithful guards and made an impetuous rush to the
Cathisma. No one daring to withstand them, they ascended at once, seized
on Hypatius and his brother, and hurried them before the Emperor. They
were submitted to a brief examination, during which Hypatius maintained
a dignified attitude, and asserted his consistent loyalty, asseverating
that they had merely acted under popular compulsion. On the other hand,
Pompeius, a man less experienced in affairs, broke down utterly, and
abjectly bewailed his misfortune. Justinian remanded them in custody,
and consulted with his ministers as to their fate.[296] He suggested
clemency, but the Empress intervened with her usual vehemence, and
insisted on the infliction of the death penalty.[297] She bore down all
opposition, and next morning they were handed over to the soldiery, who
executed them and threw their bodies into the sea. Their property was
confiscated to the state, as well as that of the other men of rank who
had associated themselves to the Nika, but after a short time a partial
restitution was made to their families.[298] That Justinian, though
often severe, and even reckless in punishments, was not vindictive, is
shown by an incident which occurred in connection with Probus, who just
escaped being involved in the insurrection. A few years previously he
was accused of treasonable utterances against the Emperor, whereupon a
court of inquiry was held, at which the charge was brought home to him.
The finding of the judges was delivered in writing to Justinian, but he,
tearing up the document in the presence of the delinquent, said,
"Probus, I forgive you; pray to God that he may do likewise."[299] Some
years after the riot, John, a son of the unfortunate Pompeius, was in
favour at Court, and married into the Imperial family.[300]

By the fortuitous suppression of the Nika revolt the despotism of
Justinian was established on a foundation unassailable by any popular
commotion. A few thousands of barbarian mercenaries maintained in the
heart of New Rome had sufficed to coerce the democracy in the capital,
and to stifle the indignation of the whole Empire against a shameless
and rapacious tyranny. Justinian's first care was to proclaim his
victory over the usurpers and the rabble who supported them
throughout the provinces,[301] and then to restore the bureaucracy to
its former efficiency for fiscal exaction.[302] The ministers nominated
under compulsion of the vulgar outcry were soon displaced, and Tribonian
and John returned to their seats at the heads of their respective
departments, where they reverted to their old methods of statecraft and
extortion.[303] The infamous Cappadocian resumed his sway over the
Emperor and the Empire, and during the next decade almost all public
Acts were headed with the superscription, "To John, the Most Glorious
Praefect of the Sacred Praetorium of the Orient, ex-Consul and
Patrician."[304]

Theodora, on her side, to express her sense of assured supremacy, made a
triumphal progress through the country to the hot-baths of Pythia,[305]
in Bithynia. A crowd of patricians, illustrious officials, eunuchs, and
officers of rank attended her, constituting a retinue amounting in all
to over four thousand persons. At every halting place she made
munificent donations to the public institutions of the vicinity; and
churches, monasteries, and hospitals benefited largely by her
ostentatious liberality.[306]

We should certainly do Justinian less than justice if we asserted that
his regard for the welfare of his subjects was limited to a desire that
no one should plunder them but himself. That statement, however, might
not be an unfair definition of his objective attitude towards them.
Three years after the rebellion he began the issue of a series of
enactments intended to work a complete administrative reform throughout
the Empire. He had in the meantime waged a successful war in the West,
and for the moment the treasury was redundant with the rich spoils. His
scheme of reform was doubtless influenced by this fact, and he
legislated in the temporary belief that for the future the national
burdens might be lightened.[307] His measures were directed to three
principal requirements, viz., (1) to fortify the authority of his local
vicegerents; (2) to elevate their ethical motives by abolishing
venality; and (3) to invigorate the collection of the taxes.

1. In order to achieve the first of these objects he began to reverse,
in great part, the provincial policy elaborated by Diocletian and
Constantine.[308] In a number of provinces he dispensed with the dual
control, and united both civil and military power in the hands of the
Rector.[309] Enhanced rank naturally followed this increase of
authority, and thus the former Clarissimus rose to be a Spectabilis,
whilst, at the same time, he was granted the emoluments of both
offices.[310] A loftier official title was also necessitated by these
changes, and hence a simple Praeses or Judex became a Moderator,
Praetor, or Count, and in three instances was elevated to the almost
regal dignity of a Proconsul.[311] In some of these cases, however, the
promotion of the Rector was due chiefly to the extension of his
authority over a wider area. Some of the smaller provinces lying
adjacent were annexed to each other, and received a single governor,
especially those which had been previously known as "First" and "Second"
of the same name.[312] In general the power of those Rectors who did not
take over the military command was augmented by granting them an
official guard sufficient to render them incontestably superior to such
of the local magnates as had previously terrorized the district by the
multitude of their armed retainers.[313] As the ordinary judge, the
Rector's position was also improved by opening his tribunal to lawsuits
in which greater pecuniary interests were at stake.[314] Some control
was also conferred on them over agents of the fiscs, whom they were
enjoined to restrain from collection of funds for public works, unless
they presented an imperial commission for doing so.[315] Justinian
further directed his vicegerents as to the official pageantry by which
they were properly distinguished, and urged them not to be lax in the
matter of public display. They were reminded of their right to wear a
purple robe of a certain form and hue, to sit in a silver chariot and to
be preceded in their progresses by an officer bearing the axe and
fasces.[316] The Emperor himself was, indeed, unusually prone to
ostentation, and when instituting these reforms he showed no little
pride by enacting that all the newly created dignities should be denoted
by the epithet "Justinian."[317]

Another sweeping change made by Justinian at this time increased the
importance of the individual Rectors by limiting their subservience to
intermediary authorities, and placing them in more direct dependence on
the bureaucracy of the capital. He abolished the division of the Empire
into dioceses, and the six groups of provinces which had hitherto obeyed
an administrator in chief ceased to be regarded officially as being thus
connected. The title of Vicar became obsolete, and the four vicegerents
who had borne it were resolved into simple Rectors of their residential
provinces.[318] The magnificent Count of the East was detached from his
great array of provinces, and restricted to the governorship of
Syria,[319] still an enviable charge, since he reckoned Antioch as his
capital; and the Augustal Praefect resigned the control of all Egypt for
that of Alexandria and the adjacent country.[320]

2. The foregoing reconstruction was neither difficult to conceive nor
inapplicable in practice, but when Justinian determined to quell the
greed for illicit gains among his subordinates he struck at the most
vital part of Byzantine officialism. With no halting judgement he began
by directing the lethal weapon against his own breast, and decreed that
in future no candidate should be permitted to secure an appointment as
Rector by purchasing the interest of any of his great officers of state
or their dependents.[321] Henceforward the Rector, having won his
commission simply by proving his fitness for office, would proceed to
his government unhampered by debt, and no longer compelled to despoil
the tributaries in order to liquidate his heavy obligations. With
paternal benignancy he would mete out strict justice, and administer his
charge with "pure hands,"[322] eschewing sordid gains, and content with
the stipend allotted to him by the state.[323] He would show no mercy to
homicides, adulterers, or abductors of virgins; would sternly suppress
brigandage, and never quail before the most potent and wealthy
delinquent in his province.[324] Titles affixed to a neighbour's land,
when found, were forthwith to be detracted and broken over the head of
the offender, whether agent or principal.[325] Before his departure from
the capital he was obliged to attest his allegiance to the Emperor and
Empress by a solemn oath, swearing at the same time that he had not
obtained his post by bribery, and that his conduct should be in every
way exemplary towards the subjects committed to his care.[326] On
arriving at his seat of government he was enjoined to convene the clergy
and laity, and read to them the Imperial ordinances under which he had
accepted office, a copy of the same to be posted also in every district
under his jurisdiction.[327]

Justinian did not, however, confine himself to exhortation and verbal
obligations to ensure the observance of his precepts, but he also had
recourse to material precautions against the Rector's deviating from the
path of rectitude. In the first place local supervision of his actions
was provided for in three different quarters. Primarily the bishops were
authorized to receive complaints against the Rector, and even to test
their validity by sitting on the bench with him to hear causes in which
his ruling had been impugned.[328] A mandate was also addressed to the
Defenders of the Cities, whose office had fallen into disrepute,
reviving and extending their powers and animating their energies.[329]
The Rector was deprived of the right of dismissing them from their
posts, and they were directed to report him at headquarters if he
presumed to interfere with their functions.[330] Lastly the Emperor gave
full force to the old injunction of Zeno that a retiring governor should
remain for fifty days within his province, exposing himself to the
accusations of all who should deem themselves aggrieved by his
improbity.[331]

Nor did Justinian dispense with a system of rewards and punishments to
encourage the upright, or to deter the faithless Rector. Having won
golden opinions from his official superiors, the former should expect to
retain his position for a longer period and subsequently to be promoted
to a higher charge with authority over a greater population.[332] On the
other hand, confiscation and exile, stripes and torture, were to be
inflicted on the transgressor as the penalty of his misdeeds.[333]

Still further to safeguard the welfare of his subjects the Emperor
enacted comprehensive measures to facilitate the administration of
justice. In the provinces the legal status of the Defenders of the
Cities was raised, and the inhabitants were directed to bring all minor
cases before them instead of crowding to the Rector's court from the
outlying districts.[334] At the same time courts of appeal were
multiplied by conferring on the Spectabiles intermediate jurisdiction
between the Rectors of lesser rank, the Clarissimi, and the illustrious
functionaries of the capital.[335] Thus the overwhelming influx of the
provincials into the Imperial city, to lay their grievances before the
supreme courts, was materially diminished. Similarly at Constantinople
the activity of the puisne judges was much increased, and they were
required to sit in the Royal Basilica "morning, noon, and evening" to
determine lawsuits of lesser import.[336] A permanent Quaesitor was also
appointed to deal specially with the throng of immigrants, to ascertain
the propriety of their appeals and direct them to the proper courts; or,
should it appear that they had come on a futile errand, to relegate them
back to their provinces with letters commending them to the notice of
the Rector.[337]

With a view to the repression of crime and the moral depuration of the
capital Justinian also took some active measures, in which Theodora
co-operated with him as far as the feminine element was concerned. Under
the title of "Praetor of the People" the office of Praefect of the
Watch, formerly an important post in the Roman municipality, was
restored, and a posse of soldiers and firemen was placed at his
disposition.[338] To this praetor, who might be a noble of illustrious
rank, was assigned the duty of organizing a patrol of the streets day
and night for the protection of life and property. At this time the
traffic in prostitution had grown to enormous dimensions, and the
country was overrun by panders who bought young maidens from poor
parents for a small sum in order to devote them to public debauchery.
Girls in their tenth year and upwards were enticed by promises of fine
clothes and ornaments to become inmates of proprietary brothels, and
were even paraded about the streets as decoys for the dissolute. The
newly appointed praetors now received a mandate from the Emperor to
suppress these vile habitations and to drive those who maintained them
from the city.[339] The Empress herself had been for some time engaged
in the work of reclaiming these unfortunates, whom she redeemed from
their owners by paying a stipulated price in each case.[340] A disused
palace on the Bosphorus was converted into a Magdalen asylum, which she
called "the Penitentiary"; and here a considerable number of former
courtesans were immured in the hope of their moral reformation. Some
scandal, however, was occasioned by the conduct of several of those
rescued, who, driven to despair by the monotony of their new life,
preferred to throw themselves from the windows at night into the water
to enduring the unaccustomed restraint; but we may assume the
comparative rarity of this untoward result.[341] Justinian also
pronounced very sternly against paederasty, and even made a public
example of certain bishops who were convicted of that offence.[342] He
further forbade the making of eunuchs within the Empire, threatening
confiscation, exile, and retaliative castration against those who
infringed his prohibition.[343] Consistently he ordained that eunuchs of
servile condition should for the reason alone of their defect become
free men.[344]

3. In the midst of his most earnest efforts at reform Justinian never
failed to impress on all concerned that with himself and his Imperial
partner the rights of the crown and the maintenance of the revenue were
of paramount importance.[345] At the head of their codicils the Rectors
were admonished to make it their study above all things to expedite the
fiscal exactions; whilst the tributaries were warned that no matter how
vehemently their governor had enforced payment of the imposts, no cause
of action was granted to them against him.[346] On the contrary, they
were to conduct him with all deference from the province at the end of
his term, and, should they presume to molest him during his fifty days
of postponed departure on that account, they would be subjected to
penalties of exceptional severity.[347] The Emperor deplores the
diminution of Roman territory which has resulted from the inactivity of
former rulers, and calls attention to his own energy and prowess by
which the repair of their errors has been begun.[348] Military
operations, however, are expensive, and hostile incursions can only be
repelled if people respond freely to the demands of the tax
collectors.[349] Justinian asserts that he disdains to imitate the
example of his predecessors who sold the offices of the state, thus
depriving themselves of the right to expostulate with unjust
administrators who embezzled the national funds.[350] But a new era has
now dawned, government with _pure hands_ is assured for the future, and
liability will be limited strictly to the legitimate imposts. Therefore
let all alike sing hymns of praise to God and the Saviour for the
passing of these new laws.[351]

Justinian, notwithstanding his professions, was mainly influenced by the
hope of pecuniary gain when he essayed to reverse the administrative
system of his predecessors. He calculated that the rooted abuses which
they had tolerated for centuries were a cause that only one third,
possibly, indeed, not more than a fourth, of the taxes collected found
their way to the Imperial treasury.[352] Hence his ministry of the
interior soon resolved itself into a mere organization for the invention
of legislation which would conduce to the raising of money.[353] The
devices which suggested themselves from time to time as financial
expedients were multifarious and of the most unrelated character. Some
of these have been already alluded to,[354] but a few others which were
productive of more signal changes require particular notice. Roman
Armenia was joined to the less important region of that name on the west
of the Euphrates and reduced to the level of an ordinary province, with
a Proconsul for its principal Rector.[355] Consequently taxes were
imposed, and the inhabitants found themselves racked for payments which
they had previously escaped.[356] In the time of Justin, Justinian added
four troops to the Scholars of the Palace, and received from each new
member a premium for his position in the force. Soon after his accession
he disbanded them as a measure of retrenchment, but retained the
purchase money. Subsequently he made a practice of ordering these carpet
soldiers for active service, with the understanding that they would buy
themselves off the dreaded prospect by surrendering a quota of their
pay.[357] Every opportunity was taken to consolidate trade monopolies to
the advantage of the government;[358] and this was especially the case
with respect to silk. Justinian pretended to be indignant when a rise of
price was operated by the deficient supply, and decreed that the maximum
retail cost should be eight solidi (£4 10s.) the pound.[359]
Confiscation was the penalty for contravening this regulation, but the
traffic was still carried on in secret. Here Theodora found an opening
for the exercise of her talents, and through private channels succeeded
in discovering the merchants who were implicated. Thereupon a fine of
100 lb. of gold (£4,000) was imposed on each of them.[360] Soon the
factories at Tyre and Berytus, the headquarters of the commerce, began
to languish, the operatives were thrown out of work, and ultimately the
Praetorian Praefect possessed himself of the whole manufacture.
Exorbitant prices were then fixed which yielded an immense profit to the
Imperial exchequer, but numberless persons were ruined during the
process of transfer.[361] Like results obtained in relation to the corn
supply of Egypt through manœuvres at Alexandria, by which the Praefect
of the City was constituted the sole purveyor of that commodity. A
scarceness and dearness of bread was the natural consequence of this
innovation.[362] Another fiscal move, far-reaching in its effects, was
the diversion of the separate revenues of the municipalities[363] into
the hands of the Emperor. The local curiae being no longer permitted to
deal with them, public works were neglected and the inhabitants ceased
to be entertained by the popular spectacles.[364] A blight seemed to
fall on the Empire, says the contemporary historian, and people had no
resource but the discussion of present calamities and the expression of
their fears for the future.[365] Related to this policy was the formal
abolition of the Consulship with its attendant train of festivities
which enlivened the opening of each year. During the space of a decade
the office had only been filled in a desultory manner, but the last
Consul was actually seen in 541, and soon afterwards that link between
the Byzantines and the glories of the old Republic was severed by a
definite Act.[366] To tamper with the currency has always been an
inviting procedure with needy princes, and Justinian did not resist
having recourse to this artifice. By giving a fictitious value to copper
he managed to rake in the gold coinage at about five-sixths of its
actual worth.[367] Such are the chief methods by which in this reign the
revenue was inflated beyond its normal proportions, and, to complete the
list, reference may be made to ill-advised economies effected by the
suppression of pay and pensions usually granted by a state and to
forfeitures of private property constantly decreed on slight
pretexts.[368]

If Justinian's studied scheme of reform could have been applied
successfully in practice, it is possible that fiscal oppression might
have been banished from the Empire. But the Autocrator at Constantinople
was scarcely more than a suzerain in the provinces, and his fiat was but
slightly regarded by those who occupied any position of power in
districts remote from the capital.[369] Doubtless his technical
enactments as to the rank and territorial jurisdiction of diverse
Rectors were received as indisputable, but at the same time they marked
the limits of his power to work a change in methods of local rule which
had been practised for centuries. Once invested with authority, the
provincial governor departed to tread in the footsteps of his
predecessors, while the same futile prohibitions continued to issue
periodically from the mouth of the Emperor, secluded in his distant
Court.[370] Before the lapse of a twelvemonth Justinian resigned himself
to ignoring his own self-denying ordinance, and a candidate for office
was noted only in relation to his ability to pay at the moment, and the
magnitude of his promises for the future.[371] His repeated
denunciations of the venality of his vicegerents represented no more
than his formal recognition of the lamentations which continually
reached his tribunal, or his exasperation at a prospective loss of
revenue from the flagrant excesses of some reckless extortioner.[372] He
was also extremely parsimonious in remitting arrears of taxation, even
in districts which had suffered from hostile invasions or other
calamities. Thus numbers of the small landowners were allowed to
languish under the apprehension that at any moment their whole property
might be seized in order to wipe out their liabilities.[373]

A river of wealth flowed through the Byzantine exchequer at the bidding
of the Emperor. The sources were exhausted, and the reservoir was
discharged under the influence of the same will. The people, who formed
the well-head, suffered untold miseries in contributing under compulsion
to the supply, but they possessed no control over the ultimate
distribution of the stream. These activities have now been sufficiently
considered on the one side; it remains for us to turn our attention to
the other. During the twenty years which followed the Nika rebellion the
reign of Justinian was distinguished by a series of magnificent
achievements both at home and abroad; great works were accomplished
within the Empire; beyond its borders aggressive wars were waged and a
moiety of the Western Empire was restored to the dominion of the East.
But the background of this brilliant scene was always of the same gloomy
tint, such as has been described in the present chapter, and these
splendid successes were obtained at the cost, but not to the advantage
of the Greek nation in general. While Justinian went on adding
magniloquent epithets to his name indicative of conquest and triumph
over alien races in the West,[374] his immediate subjects continued to
be afflicted by the harshness and rapacity of the administration, as
well as by the tyranny of the local aristocracy. Concomitantly the
barbarians in Europe and the Persians in Asia sapped the vitals of the
Empire and impoverished or enslaved its inhabitants. Victory and
acquisition abroad by the aid of mercenary troops were nullified by
defeat and exhaustion at home; and the extended Empire which Justinian
handed down to his successors was inferior in political vigour and
sociological prosperity to the smaller dominions which he had inherited
from Anastasius.

[185] Nov. viii, 8, 10; xvii, 1; xxx, 11, etc.

[186] See p. 198 _et seq._

[187] See p. 162.

[188] Jn. Lydus (De Magistr., iii, 51) confirms the statement of
Procopius (Anecd., 19) that the immense savings of Anastasius were
dissipated during the reign of Justin. He supplies a reason, viz., that
the Emperor and his nephew were averse to bearing hardly on their
subjects. There seems, however to have been a sinking fund kept up under
the name of Anastasius, which continued to exist as a small reserve; Jn.
Ephes. (Smith, Oxford, 1860), p. 358.

[189] "He spared no expense, still less did he spare the property of his
subjects"; Zonaras, xiv, 6.

[190] "Justinian was insatiable in his lust after gold, and coveted his
subjects' property to such an extent that he sold them all in a body to
his officials and tax-collectors"; Evagrius, iv, 30; cf. Procopius,
Anecd., 21 _et passim_.

[191] Procopius, Anecd., 14.

[192] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

[193] Suidas, _sb. nom._ Two separate notices, apparently of the same
Tribonian, but there is some discrepancy.

[194] De Nov. Cod. Fac. (528), and De Confirm. (529).

[195] Cod., I, xvii, 1; Procopius, _loc. cit._

[196] Cod., I, xvii (Tanta and Dedit nobis, 17), or Pand., _praef._

[197] He affected to live in apprehension that Justinian would be
suddenly snatched up to heaven on account of his more than mortal
virtue, like Elijah said the Christians, like Romulus thought the
Pagans; Procopius, Anecd., 13; Hesychius, De Vir. Illust., 67; Suidas,
_loc. cit._

[198] Hesychius and Suidas, _loc. cit._ The statement is doubted, but
Hesychius was a contemporary.

[199] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Anecd., 20; Suidas, _loc. cit._

[200] Procopius, Anecd., 14.

[201] _Ibid._

[202] Procopius, Anecd., 14. A referendary named Leon is said to have
first opened his eyes as to the feasibility of selling his decisions and
to have leagued with him for that purpose. Tribonian seems to have made
his chicanery profitable to himself alone.

[203] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

[204] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57.

[205] _Ibid._

[206] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

[207] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 57.

[208] _Ibid._ He quotes a current epigram to the effect that
"Cappadocians were always bad, worse in office, worst in love of money,
and worse than worst if mounted in a grand official chariot." The
Praetorian Praefect wore a purple robe which only differed from that of
the Emperor by being cut short at the knees. His office was adorned with
a golden inkstand, weighing a hundred pounds; _Ibid._, ii, 13, 14.

[209] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, iii, 62; Procopius, _loc. cit._

[210] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 66-69; cf. Procopius, Evagrius, and
Zonaras, _loc. cit._ Owing to his ignorance of Latin he worked for the
abolition of that language in governmental documents. Under Theodosius
II, one Cyrus, an Egyptian, being similarly ignorant, attempted the
same, but lost the praefecture by it. There was an oracle that fortune
would desert the Romans should they forget their native tongue; Jn.
Lydus, _loc. cit._, ii, 12; iii, 42.

[211] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70.

[212] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 57. Lydus says that he himself saw an old
man of his acquaintance, who was suspected of having a private hoard,
hung up by the hands with stiff ropes until he expired.

[213] _Ibid._, 58. As an instance Lydus describes the conduct of another
Cappadocian, nicknamed Maxilloplumacius ("Puffy-Cheeks"), from his
peculiar aspect, who raided Asia for the fisc. He began at Philadelphia,
the native town of Lydus, where he established himself in great state,
and indulged himself in unbounded luxury, licentiousness, and cruelty.
One Petronius, a man of rank and culture in the town, being possessed of
some handsome jewels as heirlooms, was ordered to deliver them up. On
his refusal he was loaded with chains, beaten with rods, and shut up in
a stable. The Philadelphians were deeply grieved and the Bishop was
moved to intercede on his behalf. Bible in hand, at the head of several
of his inferior clergy, he appeared before the tyrant, but was at once
assailed with foul and abusive language. He retired in dismay, but
Petronius, at last reduced to despair, promised everything, and, on
being let out, took his jewels and other valuables to the Praetorium,
where he threw them in a heap in the vestibule. In another case an old
soldier was racked for twenty solidi which he could not pay, but,
anxious to be released at any cost, finally asserted that he had them in
concealment. Being accompanied to his dwelling, and allowed to search
apart, after some delay he was found to have hanged himself. The body
was then kicked into the street, and the wretched premises gutted by the
apparitors.

[214] _Ibid._, 66, 67.

[215] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 62. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

[216] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, ii, 21.

[217] _Ibid._, iii, 64; but according to Procopius (_loc. cit._) he
spent the early part of the day in pillaging the citizens, and then
flung himself into dissipation. Different periods of his career may be
indicated. At first he would be more brisk in making his public
appearances.

[218] Both Procopius and Lydus notice this addiction to surfeiting.

[219] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 62.

[220] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25.

[221] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70.

[222] See p. 160.

[223] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 69.

[224] _Ibid._, 61; Procopius, Anecd., 30. According to the latter the
direct route to Persia was not tampered with. The celerity of some of
the couriers by these posts was remarkable. Of one Palladius Theodosius
II used to say that the area of the Empire seemed to be contracted to a
small space, he came and went so rapidly between distant frontiers. His
time from CP. to the Persian border was three days, about 230 miles a
day; Socrates, vii, 19.

[225] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70.

[226] Nov. viii, _praef._, 11, etc.

[227] "All can see that he who buys his office for gold, and that money
borrowed at usury, must be beset by many whom he is obliged to satisfy
from his province so that he may be liberated from debt," _Ibid._ "They
(the Rectors) had to be rapacious and have but one thought, to satisfy
creditors following them and threatening them on all sides. Thus our
subjects have been sold," etc.; Nov. xxviii, 4.

[228] "He must also think of putting by something for the future when no
longer in office"; Nov. viii, _praef._

[229] Nov. cxxx; cf. cxxviii; Procopius, Anecd., 23, 30; Jn. Lydus,
_loc. cit._, 61.

[230] Cod., II, xiv, xv, xvi; Nov. xvii, 15, etc.

[231] Cod., XI, liii; Nov. xvii, 13, 14, etc.; see p. 202.

[232] Nov. xxxii; xxxiii; xxxiv. "On account of the avarice of creditors
who abuse the poverty of the times (535) and acquire the allotments of
the unfortunate peasants, retaining all their property in return for a
little sustenance, we enacted," etc. This (Nov. xxxiii) is addressed to
the Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum, an official seldom heard of, who
seems to have been almost destitute of political influence as compared
with his potent colleague of the East.

[233] "We are almost ashamed to refer to the conduct of these. Men of
great possessions, with what insolence they range the country; how they
are served by guards, so that an intolerable crowd of men follow them;
how daringly they pillage everybody, among whom are many priests, but
mostly women," etc.; Nov. xxx, 5. "What can be more trying than the
driving off of oxen, horses, and cattle in general, or even (to speak of
small matters) of domestic fowl ... whence a multitude appeals to us
here (CP.) daily; men, women, hustled from their homes, in beggary,
sometimes to die here"; Nov. lxix, 1; cf. Edict viii.

[234] Nov. xvii, 2; lxxxv, _passim_; Edict viii, _praef._, etc.

[235] The conduct of Rectors is often described in detail. "They dismiss
many culprits, selling to them their offences: very many innocent people
they condemn in order to benefit obnoxious persons, and not only in
money actions, but in criminal cases"; Nov. viii, _praef._ "We hear how
unjustly the provincial judges act for the sake of lucre, declining
their duties as to wills, attestation of facts, marriages, settlements,
and even burials" (without bribes); Nov. cxxxiv, 3. "He abstained from
no sort of actual depredation, plundered towns and returned to this
happy city loaded with gold, leaving the region in the utmost poverty";
Edict xii. Also by giving a licence to agents: "They are not to despatch
'pursuers of brigands' or 'inhibitors of disorder,' rather to be called
thieves and rioters who, using the occasion as a cloak, are guilty of
the worst excesses"; Nov. viii, 12. "As to _curators_ and _tractators_,
we abolish the very names, looking back to the injuries they have
inflicted in the past on the wretched tributaries"; Nov. xxx, 2. Another
expedient was to plant deputies (_vicarii_, _loci servatores_,
+topotêrêtai+) in every part of his province, to whom the Rector
delegated his full powers, thus becoming a hundred-handed Briareus to
rack the provincials; Nov. viii, 4; xvii, 10; cxxxiv, 1; Salvian,
writing in the West, _c._ 450, complains that the Rector commits himself
every crime which he sits to punish as a judge; and, what he thinks even
worse, continues in the same courses after he has retired into the
position of a rich and powerful private citizen; De Gubernat. Dei, vii,
21. For the benefit of readers not familiar with the Corpus Juris
Civilis I may mention that in referring to "Novels" I am quoting
Justinian's own words, or at least the Acts composed under his eye. Much
of their text is clearly direct from his pen. But owing to the verbosity
of the original I am sometimes obliged to condense.

[236] See pp. 158 _et seq._, 198 _et seq._

[237] Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4; xxvi, 4. They are enumerated as "repairs, of
walls, roads, statues, bridges, harbours, and aqueducts; clearing of
public sites, demolition of buildings improperly located, and laying out
of gardens."

[238] Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._, 58) describes the doings of
Maxilloplumacius in this respect also, comparing him to Phalaris for
cruelty, to Busiris as a slayer of guests, and to Sardanapalus for
luxury and licentiousness. The institution of slavery and the absence of
a Habeas Corpus under a despotic government opened the door to most of
this infamy.

[239] Nov. xxiv, 1. This applies to Pisidia, where the natives are
characterized as being peculiarly bloodthirsty and rebellious.

[240] Nov. cxxxiv, 13. He points out that mutilation of the feet, by
interfering with locomotion, is a much severer penalty than removing the
hands and forbids it (against Constantine, who ordained it in the case
of fugitive slaves; Cod. VI, i, 3).

[241] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 66.

[242] Procopius, Anecd., 25.

[243] _Ibid._

[244] Nov. xliii.

[245] _Ibid._

[246] Procopius (Anecd., 7, 10) is the authority for all these details.
In every essential point he is corroborated by Evagrius, iv, 32.

[247] Evagrius, _loc. cit._

[248] Both Procopius (Anecd., 17) and Evagrius (_loc. cit._) mention the
case of Callinicus, governor of Cilicia, who was impaled for vindicating
the law by the execution of two murderers of the Blue Faction. Procopius
(Anecd., 29) also recounts an _émeute_ at Tarsus, in which the Blues
were the principals. In both these cases the part of violent vengeance
was played by Theodora. Evagrius lies under the suspicion of having read
the Anecdotes of Procopius. If so, the fact that he makes no protest
against the picture there given of the Empress proves his belief in its
truth. In a parallel case he strongly defends Constantine against the
strictures of Zosimus; iii, 40, 41. Zonaras also seems to be influenced
by the work. Indeed it is difficult to see how he could have avoided
knowing it since it was familiar to "Suidas" before his time.

[249] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; cf. Nov. xxiv, 2; xxv, 3; xxx, 9;
cxxviii, _praef._; cxlv, _praef._ Most fully in Nov. lxxx, _e.g._, "We
find that the provinces are being gradually despoiled of their
inhabitants; our great city here is populous with crowds of diverse men,
chiefly farmers who have left their townships and lands." Also specified
as men, women, clerics, monks, nuns, and advocates of outlying places.

[250] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; cf. ii, 29, 30; Nov. xiii, lxxx.

[251] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; Zonaras, xiv, 6.

[252] See p. 303.

[253] By a comparison of Jn. Malala (xviii, p. 473) and Theophanes (an.
6,024), the fact of the day being a Sunday can be determined.

[254] This taunt evidently means, "You are not fit to be Christians;
abandon the Trinity and join the infidel monotheists."

[255] This dialogue exists only in Theophanes (an. _cit._), but is
alluded to in Chron. Paschal.; an. 532. I have only sampled it, as,
beyond the animosity shown on each side, there is little pregnancy in
it, and the whole would be merely tedious to the ordinary reader. It has
often been translated at length, by Isambert, Hodgkin, Bury, Diehl, etc.

[256] Malala and Theophanes, _loc. cit._ According to the latter they
were strung up a second time, and again fell.

[257] Jn. Malala, p. 474.

[258] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Malala, _loc. cit._, etc.

[259] Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[260] Malala and Theophanes. _loc. cit._; cf. Procopius and Chron.
Paschal., _loc. cit._

[261] Procopius, _loc. cit._

[262] _Ibid._

[263] Chron. Paschal, and Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[264] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._; Zonaras, xiv, 6.

[265] Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[266] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[267] Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ The new
Praetorian Praefect was named Phocas, whose excellent character is
eulogized by Procopius (Anecd., 21), and especially by Jn. Lydus, De
Magistr., iii, 72.

[268] Procopius, _loc. cit._

[269] _Ibid._; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[270] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc. About 3,000 barbarian soldiers,
according to Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[271] Jn. Malala, p. 475; Zonaras, _loc. cit._

[272] Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, _loc. cit._

[273] Zonaras, _loc. cit._

[274] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[275] Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, _loc. cit._

[276] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[277] _Ibid._; Theophanes, _loc. cit._; see p. 58. This building was
burnt by the military.

[278] _Ibid._; see p. 56.

[279] Chron. Pascal., _loc. cit._; see p. 56.

[280] Cedrenus, i, p. 648; see p. 58. He and Zonaras repeat, of course,
for the most part what has been said by earlier writers.

[281] Theophanes, _loc. cit._; see p. 68.

[282] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc.; see p. 68.

[283] Marcellinus Comes (an. 532) dwells on this aspect of the
insurrection. In his view it was all a conspiracy of the three brothers,
who had bribed the seditious elements of the populace; they were
dissimulating within the Palace, etc. Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._) alone
shows how the revolt originated from the congested malcontents in the
capital, but Zonaras gives an inkling (_loc. cit._). M. C. was long
associated with Justinian as the officer (_cancellarius_) of his legal
court (Cassiodorus, De Inst. Div. Lit., 17) and his account was probably
inspired by the Emperor as most politic.

[284] Procopius, _loc. cit._ Most probably, but according to Chron.
Paschal. (_loc. cit._) it was the next morning.

[285] Theophanes, _loc. cit._; Procopius (_loc. cit._) more vaguely.

[286] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._; with less detail by Malala, p. 475.

[287] The coronation, etc., of Hypatius is told most circumstantially by
Procopius (_loc. cit._), but some further details are to be found in the
briefer accounts of the later chronographists.

[288] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[289] _Ibid._; Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[290] The eximious conduct of Theodora on this occasion is known to us
through Procopius only (_loc. cit._), but nevertheless I accept it
frankly, and do not attempt to argue its improbability; cf. M. Ducas, p.
495 ("+kalon entaphion ê tyrannis+"; Isocrates, Archidamus, 44;
"+Basileia+"; Procopius).

[291] Procopius, _loc. cit._

[292] Jn. Malala, p. 476; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._, etc. Procopius
seems to know nothing of the part played by Narses, although he was
possibly in the Palace with Belisarius all the time.

[293] Two hundred and fifty of the Greens, armed and mailed; Chron.
Paschal. and Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[294] Procopius, _loc. cit._; some of the others make it more.

[295] Procopius, _loc. cit._ Generally assumed to be nephews of
Justinian _ex fratre ignoto_. Procopius alone seems to know of the
assistance they rendered, or the exact details of the attack in general.

[296] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._, etc. They are represented as pleading,
"Master, we designedly massed your enemies into the Hippodrome," to
which Justinian replies, "You did well, but why not before the city was
consumed by fire?" As all the damage was done while they were still in
personal attendance on him, this taunt seems illogical.

[297] Zacharia Myt. (ix, 14) is the only one to mention Theodora's
implacability. "She became enraged and swore by God and him (J.)," etc.

[298] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc. According to Chron. Paschal., the
body of Hypatius was thrown up again, and Justinian ordered it to be
buried under an epitaph, "Here lies the Emperor of the Wolves" (see
Ducange on +Louppa+). In my account of the Nika I have followed Bury's
chronology; Journ. of Hellen. Studies, 1897. The sources are sometimes
in direct conflict, and have to be reconciled by collating them
attentively.

[299] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 438.

[300] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31.

[301] Jn. Malala, p. 477; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._

[302] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25.

[303] Tribonian oscillated between various posts. Now he came back as
Master of the Offices (Cod., I, xvii, 2), but in 535 we again find him
as Quaestor; Nov. xvii. In 545 he appears as Praefect of the City; Edict
ix (heading queried).

[304] Nov., etc., _passim_.

[305] Procopius, De Aedif., v, 3.

[306] Theophanes, an. 6,025, but Malala puts it in 528 (p. 441).

[307] He was in a very exalted frame of mind at this time, _e.g._, "We
have to thank God ... for having vouchsafed to us so many advantages and
so great, beyond what He ever granted to our predecessors"; Nov. xxviii,
4; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc.

[308] See p. 132.

[309] He gives as his reason that the military Dukes and the civil
governors were always quarrelling; Nov. xxiv, i; xxvi, _praef._ Thirteen
Dukes are named in the Notitia, but under this change nine Rectors
appear as officers of both sword and gown; Nov. viii; xxiv-xxviii; xxx;
xxxi; xli; l; cf. Nov. xx.

[310] Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 1, etc.

[311] The new Proconsuls took their titles from Cappadocia, Armenia, and
Palestine; Nov. xxx; xxxi; ciii. As Spectabiles, however, their
precedence was only nominal, the Praetors, etc., being also of that
grade.

[312] Cappadocia I, II; Nov. xxx. Palestine I, II; Nov. ciii. Libya I;
II; Edict xiii, 19, 22, etc. Helenopontus to Pontus Polemoniacus, Nov.
xxviii. (Here we get some geographical information as to the limits of
the Empire on the N.E. J. remarks that Pityus and Sebastopolis are
rather military outposts than towns proper.) Paphlagonia to Honorias;
Nov. xxix. A peculiar enactment, apparently without precedent, was the
creation of a "Praefect of the Islands" with civil and military command
over five scattered provinces of both continents, viz., Scythia, Mysia,
Caria, the Cyclades, and Cyprus; Nov. xli; l; see the remarks of Jn.
Lydus on this appointment; _op. cit._, ii, 28. There seems also to have
been a junction of Dardania and part of Macedonia; Nov. xi; cxxxi. For
all we know the provinces may have been dealt with _seriatim_ from first
to last. Numberless Acts have been lost, as exemplified by the rescript
of Anastasius discovered in the Cyrenaica, 1827, and that of Justin and
Justinian in Pisidia, 1889, the former annotated by Zachariä (Sitz-Ber.
d. Berlin. Akad., 1879, p. 134), and the latter by Diehl (École d'Ath.,
Bull. de Corr. Hel., 1893, p. 501.) It will be perceived that in these
new arrangements there is something of a return to the regional
dispositions of the early Empire; and, in fact, Justinian expresses
himself in that sense more than once in these Acts (see p. 132).

[313] Paphlagonia; Nov. xxix. Arabia; Nov. cii. Palestine; Nov. ciii.
Later Arabia was renamed Palestine III; Procopius, De Aedif., v, 8.

[314] 500 solidi (£280) was now the usual maximum; Nov. xxiv, 5, etc.
But the proconsul of Palestine could decide as high as 10 lb. of gold
(£400); Nov. ciii, 1.

[315] Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4, etc.

[316] Nov. xxiv, 3; ciii, 1, etc. Probably they were so intent on
embezzlement that they did not trouble about the externals of office.

[317] As "Proconsul Justinianus Cappadociae"; Nov. xxx, 5.

[318] The Vicar of Asia became Count of Phrygia Pacatiana; V. of Pontus,
Count of Galatia I; Nov. viii, 2, 3; V. of Thrace, Praetor of Thrace;
Nov. xxvi. The Vicar of Macedonia is not accounted for; perhaps his
office was in abeyance owing to barbarian inroads.

[319] Nov. viii, 5.

[320] Edict xiii, _praef. et seq._

[321] Nov. viii, _praef._, 17.

[322] _Ibid._; Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 2, etc. His favourite and frequent
expression.

[323] Nov. viii, 8; xvii, 1; xxv, 2, etc. The salaries allotted seem to
be very small, _e.g._, Praetor of Pisidia, sol. 300 (£165), Count of
Isauria, sol. 200 (£115), but the Moderator of Helenopontus gets sol.
725 (£410), the Proconsul of Cappadocia, 20 lb. of gold (£800), and for
Palestine, the same.

[324] Nov. xvii, 5; xxiv, 1: xxv, 2.

[325] Nov. xxviii, 5; xxix, 4; xxx, 8, etc. Loss of the hands might also
be inflicted.

[326] Nov. viii, 7, _Jusjur._

[327] Nov. xvii, 16.

[328] Nov. viii, Ed.; lxxxvi, 2, 3, 4; cf. cxxviii, 16, 17, etc.

[329] Nov. xv.

[330] _Ibid._, 1, 5, etc.

[331] Nov. viii, 9; xcv; cxxviii, 23; see p. 202.

[332] Nov. xxviii, 7; xxx, 10.

[333] Nov. viii, 7; xxx, 9. The Defenders of the Cities are similarly
cautioned; Nov. viii, 7, Edict 1.

[334] Nov. xv, 3, 6; lxxxvi, 7. The limit of his court was 300 solidi
(£165). Generally the Bishops also had judicial functions, and like the
rest are threatened, as not being always above suspicion; _Ibid._, 6.
The clerics were instructed to resort to them in the first instance, and
only afterwards to the civil judges if the question proved to be beyond
their legal acquirements; Nov. lxxxiii; cf. lxxix.

[335] Nov. xxiii.

[336] Nov. lxxxii. A dozen of these _pedanei judices_ are mentioned by
name. In the capital they were mostly nobles, and of all ranks.

[337] Nov. lxxx. If they were proved to be idle or unemployed persons,
work was to be found for them in the state factories, cripples and the
aged excepted; _Ibid._, 6.

[338] Nov. xiii; cf. Procopius, Anecd., 20; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii,
30. Twenty soldiers and thirty _matricarii_ (firemen?) were allotted to
him. As we have seen (p. 81), there was from the first a regional band
of the kind; but perhaps this new body was general and supervisional.

[339] Nov. xiv.

[340] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 40; "five pieces of money," not aurei, but
apparently coins of small value.

[341] Procopius, Anecd., 17; De Aedif., 1, 9.

[342] Nov. lxxvii; cxli; Procopius, Anecd., 16, 20, etc. They were
subjected to amputation of the offending member and exhibited publicly
in their mutilated condition; Jn. Malala, p. 430. Isaiah of Rhodes and
Alexander of Diospolis are mentioned as Bishops thus treated. "Il leur
fit couper les reins, qu'il fit exposer à un poteau.... Un héraut
criait," etc. Michael Melit. (Langlois), p. 193. J. was remonstrated
with on the cruelty of the procedure, whereupon he replied, "If they had
committed sacrilege, would you not have cut off their hands?" Zonaras,
xiv, 7.

[343] Nov. cxlii.

[344] _Ibid._

[345] Nov. xxviii, 4; xxix, 5; xxx, 6, 11.

[346] Nov. viii, 8, 10; xxviii, 5.

[347] Nov. viii, 10.

[348] Nov., xxv, 11; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc.

[349] Nov. viii, 10.

[350] _Ibid._, 11.

[351] _Ibid._

[352] Nov. viii, _praef._ This is his first great Reform Act, to which
the rest are expletory. He opens by celebrating his public spirit and
philanthropy. "Day and night alike we devote to lucubrations and
cogitations respecting whatever may be of utility to our subjects, so
that they may be able to live peacefully and free from all anxiety,"
etc. But he soon begins to let the cat out of the bag—"We find that many
causes of injustice have crept in whereby our subjects are reduced to
indigence, so that they cannot pay the proper tributes.... Protected
from the oppression of the governors, they will thrive, and hence the
state and treasury will overflow, having rich taxpayers at its
disposal," etc.

[353] Procopius, Anecd., _passim_; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57-70;
Zonaras, xiv, 6.

[354] See pp. 198, 444 _et seq._

[355] Nov., xxxi. Even the tract known as Armenia Minor, on the
proximate bank of the river, which had long been an integral part of the
Empire, was ruled by "Satraps" in an almost kingly fashion, and a
semi-regal costume was permitted to them. Four were abolished by Zeno on
account of disaffection (Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 1), and the very
name was now rejected by Justinian as being "un-Roman."

[356] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 3.

[357] Procopius, Anecd., 24.

[358] _Ibid._, 20.

[359] Procopius, Anecd., 25.

[360] _Ibid._

[361] _Ibid._ The rise in price was so great (nearly forty to one) as to
be almost incomprehensible, but the manuscript was corrupt, and has been
emended on conjecture by Alemannus. It appears, however, that the value
of ordinary silk returned to what it was under Aurelian (see p. 133, its
weight in gold), while the Imperial purple (_holovera_; cf. Cod. Theod.,
X, xxi; Cod., XI, ix) was rated at four times that amount.

[362] Procopius, Anecd., 26. The _panis gradilis_ (see p. 81) was now
abolished at Alexandria.

[363] See p. 147.

[364] Procopius, Anecd., 26.

[365] _Ibid._

[366] _Ibid._ The text of the decree has not come down to us, but
Basilius was the last Consul, and subsequently official documents are
dated as "An. I, II, etc., _post Basil_." Yet only five years before
Justinian drew up elaborate rules for the observance of the consular
season: Nov. cv. Beginning from Jan. 1, he apportioned to each day of
the week its quantum of processions with scattered largess, horse races,
hunts with dogs in the amphitheatre, boxing and wrestling, man and beast
fights, and theatrical displays in which the loose feminine element
predominated.

[367] Procopius, Anecd., 25. He enacted that only 180 pence (follis,
about 5-4_d._) should now be given for the solidus, instead of 210, as
formerly. See p. 122.

[368] Procopius, Anecd., 19-22. A particular impost called the "aerikon"
(windfall) worked by the Praetorian Praefect, produced 3,000 pounds of
gold (£120,000) annually. It seems to have been an income tax levied on
governmental employees. _Ibid._, 21. The _epibole_ (waste land tax; see
p. 151; Cod. Theod., XIII, xi, 12; Cod., XI, lviii; Nov. clxv, etc.) was
pushed to the most oppressive extreme in this reign. _Ibid._, 23. One
special instance of the subterfuges resorted to for confiscating private
property may be cited. A lady of Ascalon, married, inherited
considerable wealth from her father, and subsequently as a widow, by the
death of her only child, became heiress of her husband's property.
Forthwith Justinian seized on the whole estate, declaring it iniquitous
that the old lady, as she had now become, should be enriched by both
father and husband. He, however, granted her a pension of one solidus a
day, explaining that he did so "for the sake of piety, and because it is
my custom to act in a holy and pious manner." _Ibid._, 29. Other
examples in same chapter.

[369] Speaking of Egypt, he remarks that "matters have been so
confounded down there that what is enacted in the province cannot be
known here [CP.]"; Edict xiii, _praef._

[370] In 548 he re-established the Vicar of Pontus on account of the
ineradicable disorders. His jurisdiction included all the northern
region of Asia Minor from the coast opposite CP. to the borders of
Armenia. His task is, as usual, to restrain every sort of outrage on
women and property, the culprits being men of all ranks, "priests,
magistrates, nobles, and plebeians."—Edict viii. Command of the army is
given him for the purpose. In 545, and even twenty years later, the
injunction as to the fifty days' delay is still being launched at the
Rectors; Nov. cxxviii, 23; clxi, 1. In 556 an all-round diatribe
denounces the time-honoured malpractices of local rulers, the bishops
even being included in the prohibitions; Nov. cxxxiv. Imperial decrees
were generally accompanied by a threat that a fine of 10 pounds of gold
(£400) and dismissal would be inflicted on the official to whom they
were addressed, if he neglected to publish and give them full force;
Nov. x, etc.

[371] Procopius, Anecd., 21.

[372] That Justinian and his consort were held in general detestation
during the greater part of their reign by a majority of their subjects,
who vented "curses, not loud, but deep" against them, appears to be
indicated clearly by the expressions of Procopius. "Wherefore I, and
most of my acquaintances, did not consider them to be human beings, but
pernicious demons, such as the poets call vampires," etc.; Anecd., 12.
"His mother is said to have told her friends that he was not the son of
Sabbatius, nor of any man, but that before her pregnancy a species of
demon came to her"; _Ibid._ "That he was not a man, but a demon in human
form, any one could prove by the magnitude of the ills which he brought
on the human race"; _Ibid._, 18. Jn. Lydus, however, always represents
Justinian as being "good and kind," "long-suffering," etc., and as quite
ignorant of the doings of John, who bullied his subordinates so that
none of them would have dared to breathe a word against him; De
Magistr., iii, 57, 69, etc. Lydus was a clerk in the civil service, who
rose to be the head of a department, but he complains that he never
received his pay; _Ibid._, 66, 67, etc.

[373] Procopius, Anecd., 23. He made no concessions whatever, according
to our author, writing in 550. His first, and apparently his only,
remission of arrears was, in fact, not made till 553; Nov. cxlvii.
Malala (p. 437) records that in 528 he abolished some tax, a subsidy to
the Gothic _foederati_. The defaulting tax-payer was put on a level with
the homicide, and denied the right of sanctuary in a church; Nov. xvii,
7. To the Rectors he says, "You must see that exaction of the public
tributes be decently effected, even in the Temples ... the ecclesiastics
will aid you," etc.

[374] His fullest style is: "Imperator Caesar Flavius Justinianus,
Alemannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Lazicus, Alanicus,
Vandalicus, Africanus, pius, felix, gloriosus, victor ac triumphator,
nunquam non colendus Augustus"; Nov. xliii; cf. Chron. Paschal., an.
552, etc. If he could have added "Persicus" in the beginning of his
reign, it would have been worth all the rest.




 CHAPTER VIII
 CARTHAGE UNDER THE ROMANS: RECOVERY OF AFRICA FROM THE VANDALS


The Vandalic settlement of Africa (in Imperial nomenclature the name was
officially reserved to the north-west portion of that continent) was
more keenly resented by the Romans than the barbaric occupation of any
other province of the Western Empire. In other instances disintegration
had been gradual and the territory had been resigned to the new
possessors with a sense of political inability to retain them, whilst a
semblance of fealty to the Eastern Emperor indulged his pretensions to
supremacy; but Africa had been snatched away by a sudden conquest, and
became a hostile centre from which depredations against the opposite
shores of Europe were for long the avowed object of its ruler.

Subsequent kings of the Vandals found the means to cement an alliance
with the Empire, and Justinian himself was in amicable relationship with
the contemporary member of the dynasty. Internal dissensions, however,
had recently effected the abrupt overthrow of his ally and the Emperor
vainly intervened on his behalf. A rupture of diplomatic relations
followed, smouldering enmities were rekindled, and the question of
despatching a military force for the reconquest of Africa was seriously
mooted at Constantinople. Justinian felt strongly impelled to the
execution of the project, and brought the subject up for discussion in
his Consistorium. There his proposals were received with tacit
disfavour, the remembrance of a former expedition, which had ended in
disaster, weighed on the minds of the nobles in attendance, and the army
contemplated with dread the idea of a campaign of which a long sea
voyage and naval warfare seemed to constitute the essential features,
whilst the Counts of the Treasury trembled at the prospect of an
expenditure which their funds might be inadequate to meet. But none
dared to appear in open conflict with the manifest wishes of the
Emperor, until at length John of Cappadocia rose and delivered a
definitely adverse opinion. Interlarding his discourse with much that
was deferential to Justinian and laudatory of his political capacity in
general, he urged with bold logic the most obvious objections. The
journey would occupy more than four months, wherefore news as to the
progress of the war could not reach the capital in less than a year
after the start. Should the announcement of victory at last break the
suspense, it must at once be felt that the distant province could not be
held in permanent subjection owing to Italy and Sicily being under
foreign domination. On the other hand, should ill success attend the
operations, the enmity of a powerful kingdom would have been provoked,
and the limits of the Empire would have to be defended against hostile
reprisals.[375]

Justinian assented to these arguments, and for the time smothered his
resentful ambition to punish the offending power, but after no long
delay the question was finally determined by a point of religion. The
Vandals were odious in the eyes of the ecclesiastics of the East, Arian
heretics who had gained the upper hand over an orthodox Christian
population; and a fanatical bishop, indignant at the failure of the
deliberations, hurried from his see in Asia Minor to the Imperial Court.
There he represented to the Emperor that in a divine vision he had been
ordered to reprimand him for being deterred by vain fears from his
righteous purpose of upholding the Church. God had spoken to him in
definite language, and said, "Tell the Emperor that I will be with him
and will reduce Africa under his dominion." Justinian was convinced
immutably, and made all haste with his preparations so that the
expedition might be ready to start in the proximate summer (533).[376]

The country which Justinian was now about to invade, a vast and fertile
region sufficiently spacious to form a separate empire, has always
within the historic period been the seat of a prosperous, though
fluctuating civilization, yet never of indigenous growth. Successively
Phoenician, Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, Mohammedan, and French, during the
long tract of three thousand years, the numerous native population has
invariably been a subsidiary and more or less disorderly element of the
political entity.[377] At one of the most picturesque moments of
antiquity we are presented with the scene of Caius Marius sitting as an
exile amid the ruins of Carthage.[378] That incident occurred more than
half a century after the destruction of the city (146 B.C.) owing to the
subjugating animosity of Rome, but about thirty years previously a
decree for the colonization of the deserted site had passed the Senate,
and one of the Gracchi had actually conducted a party of six thousand
settlers to rebuild and re-people the Punic capital.[379] Official
sanction, however, was shortly withdrawn from the enterprise owing to a
recrudescence of superstition, or rather, perhaps, to a shift of
political power, and for nearly a century the district was abandoned to
decay before an earnest effort was made to restore it to affluence and
order. The actual rebuilding of Carthage was due to the initiative of
Julius Caesar and the action of Augustus;[380] and the resuscitated city
rose to importance so rapidly that in the time of the elder Severus it
was regarded as second only to Rome.[381] A Proconsul, the only deputy
of that rank in the Western Empire, governed the province in which it
was situated, and was held to be a magistrate of superior
consequence[382] to the Vicar of Africa, under whom five lesser
governors controlled the country, with the exception of the westernmost
district, which was in administrative conjunction with Spain.[383] The
seven provinces of Africa thus constituted extended for fifteen hundred
miles in a straight line along the basin of the Mediterranean and
included the modern divisions of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli.
Southwards, the uncertain delimitations of the Atlas mountains and the
Libyan desert allowed the Romanized region a breadth which varied from
fifty to two hundred miles.[384]

Carthage was situated on the shore of a small bay, and faced to the
east, over against the Hermaean promontory,[385] looking towards Sicily
from a distance of one hundred and twenty-five miles. Being essentially
a maritime capital it was distinguished by the extent of the
accommodation it offered to shipping; and for more than a mile along its
seaward aspect was bounded by a line of quays protected by a series of
breakwaters from the violence of the waves.[386] On the south an inner
harbour, called the Mandracium, artificially constructed, was entered by
a narrow channel defended by the usual device of a chain.[387] Still
lower down a natural expanse of water, land-locked and of considerable
area, known as the Stagnum, was capable of receiving a vast congregation
of vessels.[388] The Mandracium was circular in form, and contained in
its centre a small island of the same shape. The annular channel thus
formed was bordered all round on both sides by colonnades which extended
into the water. A double ring of covered docks was thus constituted, the
space between each pair of adjacent columns being adapted for giving
shelter to a single vessel.[389] The palace of the Praefect in charge of
the navigating interests rose from an elevated spot in the centre of the
island, and was used as a post of observation from whence he could
survey the activities of the port.[390] From the northern extremity of
the line of quays a stairway of great width and proportions, bounded and
divided by ornamental balustrades, ascended by more than a hundred
steps, and formed a grand approach to the city proper, which was built
on ground somewhat raised above the sea level.[391] A broad marble-paved
terrace, from which the inhabitants could overlook the quay and the
water, formed the marine limit of the city at this higher altitude.[392]
It was called the New Plaza.[393] Roman Carthage was adorned with all
the usual components of a great capital in this age; a spacious forum
lined with porticoes,[394] colonnaded streets, and public buildings
suited to the needs of the governing class. The latter occupied the
citadel, a lofty mound centrally situated, the transformed Punic
Byrsa.[395] As special features the main thoroughfares were shaded by
rows of trees,[396] and a remarkable street was devoted solely to the
trade of the money-changers and silversmiths.[397] Spacious halls
for the accommodation of professors of the liberal arts and
philosophers,[398] churches, public baths, theatres, a hippodrome,[399]
and a substantially constructed aqueduct more than fifty miles
long,[400] completed the equipment of the African capital. A remnant of
jealous apprehension, inherited by successive generations of Romans,
decreed that Carthage should remain without walls, and only in the first
quarter of the fifth century was the defect supplied by the younger
Theodosius.[401] Soon after the establishment of the Empire Africa
became the granary of Italy, and, as later Constantinople was dependent
on Alexandria, the arrival in the Tiber of the corn fleets from Carthage
was a matter of vital importance at Rome.[402]

The character of the Africans has been painted in the blackest colours
by more than one writer of this age, and it appears to be indisputable
that for the extremes of luxury, vice, and perfidy they were justly
censured by their fellow subjects. It was possible, we are told, that,
owing to the populousness of the country, a few virtuous citizens might
be found;[403] but the most obvious impression was that all without
exception were addicted to drunkenness and immorality of the vilest
form.[404] The prostitution of both sexes had attained to a degree
elsewhere unknown; and the streets of Carthage were thronged with males,
who unsexed themselves habitually by adopting the manners and costume of
the opposite sex.[405] Ethnologically it is certain that the population
was extremely mixed, and the Semitic factor was well represented for
many centuries after the Roman conquest.[406] Hence the Latin language
had not displaced the Punic tongue, even among the higher classes, as
late as the reign of the Antonines.[407] Again, the native races, known
as the Moors, Kabyles, or Berbers,[408] were more prone to live by war
and rapine than to bow to the Roman sovereignty. On several occasions,
therefore, the African provinces had been the scene of serious revolts
which had to be suppressed with all the force of the Imperial arms.[409]
Christianity spread rapidly among this heterogeneous and hot-blooded
population and, as might have been anticipated, assumed a very
contentious character. Thus the fiercest schismatics and sectarians who
arose in the West, the Donatists and the Novatians, had their origin
exclusively or mainly at Carthage.[410] A fair proportion of the eminent
men by whom the Latin half of the Empire was distinguished were Africans
by birth, and, perhaps, by blood. Among the Pagans we find the
incomparable dramatist Terence, who flourished during the time of the
Republic; the last of the great soldiers who ruled the Empire integrally
before it began to succumb to the barbarians, the Emperor Septimius
Severus; and the elegant writer Apuleius, whose apologue of Cupid and
Psyche has secured a place in the literature of all modern languages.
The Christian Africans also produced perhaps the most notable of the
advocates and authors who illustrated the early centuries of the Church;
the vehement Tertullian, whose fierce style would lead us to suspect him
of kinship with the restless autochthons of the land; the scarcely less
ardent Cyprian, the masterful champion of episcopal vigour, who suffered
martyrdom under Valerian; and the diligent Augustine, devout, mild, and
imaginative, to whom the theology of the West owes its distinctive
character.

The romantic story of the loss of Africa, the veiled rivalry of Aetius
and Bonifacius, and the treachery of the former, so fraught with evil to
his country, is an oft-read tale to which a passing allusion will
suffice for this page. The Count of Africa, being led to believe by his
insidious friend that the Empress Placidia meditated his ruin, attempted
to secure himself by inviting Genseric,[411] king of the Vandals in
Spain, to share with him the sovereignty of the seven provinces (429).
Bonifacius discovered the deception, but too late to retrieve his error;
the barbarian monarch had made good his footing in the country, and the
Roman general, having failed to arrest his progress in battle, was
ultimately driven out of Africa.[412] During ten years Genseric worked
his way to the east, gradually possessing himself of the provinces, and
in 439 crowned the success of his adventure by the capture of
Carthage.[413] A score of years later the Emperor Majorian fitted out an
expedition for the expulsion of the Vandals; but the treason of his own
officers brought about the destruction of his fleet in the bay of
Carthagena, and the enterprise collapsed.[414] A decade elapsed and
Genseric was again threatened by the eastern Emperor Leo, who massed
together ships and troops at an immense expenditure for the reconquest
of Africa. Owing to the incapacity or, perhaps, the perfidy of the
commander, Basiliscus, the brother-in-law of the Emperor, this
expedition also resulted in a disastrous failure.[415] During his long
reign of nearly forty years Genseric was the terror of the
Mediterranean, and in 455, incited by another unpatriotic invitation,
invaded Italy and sacked Rome at the instance of the ex-Empress
Eudoxia.[416] The orthodox Christians suffered much from the persecution
of their Arian conquerors,[417] but under the mild rule of Hilderic, who
succeeded in 523, the peace of the Church throughout the Vandalic
dominions at length became assured.[418] At their advent into Africa the
simple barbarians were revolted by the manners of the inhabitants; and,
as soon as they had secured themselves in their conquest, proceeded to
assimilate everything to their native ideas of chastity and temperance.
Within the first decade of their supremacy they had worked a general
reformation at Carthage; exterminated the androgynous males, suppressed
the brothels, and settled all the courtesans in a state of legitimate
nuptials.[419] This ideal dispensation was, however, by no means
permanent, and later generations of Vandals gradually became dissolved
in the luxury, and yielded to the sexual allurements which had been
abolished by their stern forefathers. Thus by the beginning of the sixth
century the rude nomads had been transformed into untiring votaries of
the theatre, the circus, and the chase, into revellers clad in silken
vestments, who had planted themselves gardens and orchards, where they
consumed their days in feasting and abandonment to sexual
gratifications.[420]

Between Hilderic and Justinian a firm and friendly pact had been
cemented during the lifetime of Justin, and the alliance was maintained
from year to year by a liberal interchange of costly presents.[421] The
unwarlike character, however, of the Vandal king and the defeat of his
deputy by the Moors, had rendered him unpopular among his subjects, a
circumstance which was taken advantage of by his cousin Gelimer, a
grand-nephew of Genseric, and heir presumptive of the crown. He began by
assuming an arrogant state, as if he had already succeeded; and, having
reduced the authority of Hilderic to a nullity, in the seventh year of
his reign persuaded the Vandal nobles to elect him king in his stead.
Soon the deposed monarch, with his immediate supporters, was consigned
to a prison, whilst the Byzantine alliance was repudiated as being
hostile to the succession of Gelimer. On hearing of this revolution,
Justinian despatched a letter of remonstrance to the usurper, urging him
to allow Hilderic the nominal occupation of the throne, and to content
himself for the present with the realities of kingly power. Hilderic, he
reminded him, was advanced in years, so that his legitimate succession
could not be long delayed. The reply of Gelimer was curt and insolent:
"he had not seized on the crown, but had been duly elected by the
accredited chiefs of the Vandal nation: the wisest monarchs were those
who attended assiduously to their own affairs and refrained from
interference with those of other people." At the same time he imposed a
stricter durance on Hilderic, and blinded his nephew Hoamer, who had
been his principal minister. Justinian was now deeply offended and
burned with the desire to coerce Gelimer by force of arms. How the
question was debated at Constantinople, and the Emperor's wishes were
shaped to a reality has already been related circumstantially.

On the midsummer's day of 533 the Byzantine fleet was assembled in the
harbour of the Palace, in readiness to start on its voyage to the
African coast. Belisarius, the commander-in-chief, accompanied by his
wife Antonina and his secretary Procopius, was in occupation of the
admiral's ship. As an auspicious rite a Christian proselyte, fresh from
the baptismal font, was received on board at the hands of the Patriarch,
who invoked the blessings of heaven on the expedition. The Emperor
directed the departure from the shore, and the whole fleet, following in
the wake of the admiral's ship, made sail for Heraclea in Thrace. There
they remained several days in order to complete the supply of horses,
which were delivered to them from the Imperial herds pastured in that
country. The transport service consisted of five hundred ships, in which
were carried the effective force of the expedition, ten thousand foot
and five thousand horse. Twenty thousand sailors manned the vessels,
and, in view of naval warfare, they were convoyed by ninety-two roofed
dromons, served by two thousand rowers.[422] On putting out from
Heraclea the voyage was fully entered on; and by the judicious use of
sails and oars, according to the exigences of weather and locality, the
fleet moved onwards to its destination. Belisarius and his staff were
accommodated in three ships, which chose the course and led the way for
all the rest to follow. Red sails by day and lights borne on lofty poles
at night rendered them conspicuous objects on the water. They anchored
at several places on their route, and the signal for leaving port was
given by the blowing of trumpets. The city of Abydos, in the Hellespont,
the promontory of Sigeum on the coast near Troy, Cape Malea in Laconia,
the point of Taenarum, the town of Methone in Messenia, and the island
of Zacynthus, marked stages of their voyage until they arrived in a
deserted bay of Sicily at the foot of Mount Aetna.[423] At Methone a
lengthened stay was necessitated by the incidence of a calamity which
resulted from the criminal parsimony of the Praetorian Praefect John. In
his eagerness to save the cost of labour and fuel he had stocked the
commissariat with imperfectly baked biscuit. After the lapse of two or
three weeks this unsuitable provision fell into a state of poisonous
decay, so that the troops who partook of it were seized with intestinal
inflammation. Before the cause could be recognized five hundred had
perished, and the spread of the disease was tardily checked by
Belisarius, who procured a supply of proper bread from the shore. As
soon as the Emperor had cognizance of the disaster he commended the
conduct of the general, but took no steps to punish the guilty minister.

While in the Sicilian harbour a wave of doubt and depression swept over
the minds of the Romans. They feared that an engagement might be
imminent with a strange and formidable foe. "Where were now the Vandals,
and what was their method of fighting?" was asked on every side. "Were
they lying in wait to attack the expedition before it could arrive on
the African coast?" The Byzantine military were scared at the prospect
of a naval battle, and made no secret of their intention to avoid such a
contingency by a precipitate flight. More enlightenment as to the task
before them was, therefore, imperatively needed; and Belisarius decided
to despatch Procopius on a mission of inquiry to Syracuse. Fortune was
propitious to the messenger at the outset; meeting with an old friend
who was connected with the shipping trade, he found that one of his
slaves present had left Carthage only three days previously. The man was
produced and proved to be well informed as to the position in the Vandal
kingdom. Gelimer was totally oblivious as to the approaching invasion,
and had retired to his country house at Hermione, a distance of four
days' journey from the coast, whilst the flower of his army had just
departed for Sardinia with the object of quelling a revolt in that
island against the Vandal authority. Elated by this gratifying news,
Procopius hastened back to the fleet, which in the meantime had moved
down the coast to Caucana, within twenty-five miles of Syracuse.
Confidence was at once restored by his favourable report, and without
further delay Belisarius made sail for the African coast. They were now
well provisioned, unusual facilities for the purpose having been granted
to them in Sicily by Amalasuntha, the Queen-Regent of Italy, with whom
Justinian had entered into amicable relations. Halting on the way at
Melita, they arrived at Caputvada in the province of Byzacium just three
months after they had set out from Constantinople. Carthage lay almost
due north of their position, distant by land about one hundred and
thirty miles.

A council of war was now held in order to decide as to the most
advisable method of conducting the campaign. The question for discussion
was whether Carthage should be approached by land or by sea. Archelaus,
one of the lieutenant-generals, argued that they should sail along the
coast with the object of entering the Stagnum, in whose ample space the
whole fleet would be effectively sheltered from wind and waves. From
thence the capital could be assaulted with facility, and, in view of the
unprepared state of the enemy, its speedy capture might be expected.
Belisarius, however, pointed out that should a storm arise in the
meantime, they must either perish on the coast or be driven far away
from it; whilst in any case the delay which must ensue would give the
enemy time to collect his forces. He also dwelt on the fact that his men
had already asserted their determination to fly rather than fight a
naval battle. He counselled, therefore, that they should forthwith
disembark, with all their arms and horses, and fortify themselves in a
camp on the shore. The advice of Belisarius was unanimously approved and
immediately acted upon. At the outset their spirits were raised by a
fortunate occurrence which they regarded as a typical omen of their
future progress. In digging the trenches they struck a copious supply of
water, a phenomenal circumstance in Byzacium, which was an exceptionally
arid region.[424] As to the fleet, a small complement of each ship's
company was left on board, just sufficient to navigate the vessels or to
repel a hostile attack.

The next step of Belisarius was to take possession of Syllectum, a
seaport which lay about thirty miles to the north. The town, like all
others in Africa except Carthage, was unwalled in accordance with the
policy adopted by Genseric, who had rased all fortifications throughout
the country.[425] The capture, therefore, was facile, and was
accomplished without bloodshed. Here the general produced letters from
Justinian explanatory of the invasion, and caused reports to be
circulated which were likely to enlist the support of the inhabitants.
To the Vandals he said that they had come merely to vindicate the rights
of their legitimate king, who had been dethroned by a usurper; to the
Romans, upon whose racial and religious affinities he counted, that the
army would pay its way and no forcible seizure of private stores would
be made. A favourable impression was at once created, and the procurator
of the public posts handed over to Belisarius all the horses at his
disposal.

The march towards Carthage was now begun at the rate of ten miles a day,
with a methodical disposition of the troops. Two miles in front they
were preceded by an advance guard of three hundred horse under John the
Armenian. On the left six hundred Huns, all mounted archers, at an equal
distance, kept watch against a surprise. To the right their safety was
assured by the proximity of the sea; and on that side the fleet was
ordered to follow the movements of the army as they advanced along the
coast. Each night a camp was formed or quarters were taken up in such
towns as were conveniently situated on the route. Proceeding in this
manner they passed through Leptis and Hadrumetum, and arrived at Grasse,
which lay within forty miles of the capital. Here they found a palace of
the Vandal kings, in the orchard of which they encamped amid trees laden
with fruit in such profusion, that after the soldiers had regaled
themselves there was no perceptible diminution of the supply.

In the meantime Gelimer had news of the invasion, whereupon he sent an
order to his brother Ammatas at Carthage to slay Hilderic with all those
affiliated to him, whilst he himself was to levy an army of the best
attainable materials at Decimum, a suburb less than ten miles out from
the city. Simultaneously the usurper started from Hermione with all his
available forces in pursuit of the Romans, of whom he happened to be in
the rear.

On the evening of his halt at Grasse scouts sent out by Belisarius
collided with parties of Vandals on a similar errand, and thus did he
first become cognizant that the enemy were active at his heels. The
Byzantines continued their forward march, and in four days came to a
stand in sight of Decimum. For a short time previously they had been out
of touch with the fleet, as the coast had become broken and precipitous,
whilst now their ways were divergent; but Archelaus, who was in command,
had been instructed to round the Hermaean promontory and come to anchor
in a position not less than twenty miles off Carthage.

At this juncture the Romans were beset by three divisions of the Vandal
forces, but, owing to a want of concerted action, the combination
failed. Ammatas sallied forth from Carthage, his troops straggling after
him in detachments, and was unexpectedly brought up by the advance guard
of three hundred. A sharp skirmish ensued; the Vandal leader was slain,
his men fled, communicating their panic to those who were following on,
and thus all returned to take refuge in the city. On the left
Gibamundus, a nephew of Gelimer, at the head of two thousand cavalry,
fell in with the Hunnish horse, who charged them incontinently and put
them to flight with great slaughter. The Vandals were, in fact, stricken
nerveless at the sudden appearance of these warriors, whom they had
never encountered, but who were known to them by reputation. Before the
news of these engagements could reach him Belisarius had gathered all
his cavalry about him, and advanced from the camp in expectation of
meeting the enemy. He ordered a considerable part of his forces to
explore in front, and these, after no long march, found themselves in
sight of a great concourse of horse commanded by the Vandal king in
person. A desultory conflict, in a region diversified by low hills,
followed; the barbarians attacked with skill and bravery, and in the
result the Byzantines were routed, nor did they relax their flight until
they succeeded in rejoining Belisarius. At this moment the Vandals might
have been victorious had they been led by a general who knew how to
conquer. But Gelimer, neglecting his advantage, abandoned himself to
lamentations for the death of his brother, of which information was just
then brought to him, whilst the Roman general rallied his troops and
bore down upon his adversaries with irresistible vigour. The Vandal
leader, with all his forces, now fled indiscriminately, and, solicitous
only for immediate safety, chose the unfrequented road to Numidia
instead of retiring strategically on the capital.

Belisarius was now master of the situation, though himself unaware of
the full extent of his success. Within Carthage, in fact, owing to the
great preponderance of the Roman element, a bloodless revolution had
already taken place. The gates had been thrown open on the Vandal defeat
becoming known, and, at the sight of the fleet in the offing, the chain
of the harbour had been withdrawn, whilst the bulk of the citizens
awaited with joyful expectation the moment when they might fraternize
with the victors. The Vandal officials fled into hiding or sanctuary;
the gaoler of the prison on the citadel unbolted the doors and gave exit
to all the political suspects whom the distrust of Gelimer had
incarcerated; and even the Arian clergy abandoned their churches to the
possession of the Orthodox bishops. Next day the Roman general broke up
his camp, and, still keeping his line of battle, advanced with
considerable caution to the capital, where at length he realized how
completely he had won the day. A portion of the fleet was already moored
in the Mandracium, the patency of which had been discovered accidentally
through the temerity and disobedience of one of the subordinate
officers.[426] The soldiers were received into quarters throughout the
town, while Belisarius, with his staff, ascended the Byrsa and
established himself in the royal palace.[427] The same evening a banquet
was spread for the Romans by the servants of Gelimer, when the
victorious general occupied the throne of the defeated king.

Belisarius now applied himself energetically to restoring the
fortifications of Carthage, which had fallen into a ruinous condition,
as he felt assured that before long he would have to defend his conquest
against a siege. In an incredibly short time he repaired all the
breaches in the walls, and surrounded the city with a fosse protected by
a stout palisade. His foresight was amply justified, and it was soon
found that the outlying districts were beset by the adherents of Gelimer
to such an extent that no Byzantines could venture outside the city
without the certainty of being cut off by some hostile band.

In a few weeks the Vandal king had collected a force which he deemed
sufficient for the recovery of his capital; and, moreover, he attacked
the city insidiously by means of secret emissaries whom he employed to
seduce the allegiance of the Arian barbarians, who were numerous in the
Roman army. His camp was situated at Bulla on the Numidian frontier,
about one hundred miles to the west of Carthage. Here he awaited his
brother Tzazo, the leader of the Sardinian expedition, whom he had
summoned to take part in the war against the invaders. His approach was
signalled, and, as soon as a landing was effected, the impulsive
barbarians threw themselves into each other's arms and bewailed with
tears and lamentations the sudden misfortunes which had overtaken their
race.[428]

The siege of Carthage was now begun, and Gelimer's first hostile act was
to cut off the main water supply by making a breach in the aqueduct. No
military assault was attempted, nor did the Vandals raid the country, as
they looked on everything as their own property. A passive
beleaguerment, by isolating the inhabitants from the outside world,
seemed to them to be sufficient to bring about the submission of the
capital. Belisarius on his side at first maintained an equal quietude,
deferring active measures until the walls had been fully consolidated.
He was also distrustful of the Huns under his command, whose murmurs
against their protracted absence from home augured ill for their loyal
bearing in the event of a battle.

After the lapse of a few weeks the fortifications were rendered secure,
and then the Byzantine general marched out with all his forces to seek
the enemy. Gelimer's encampment was soon discovered to be at Tricamerum,
seventeen miles beyond the city. Belisarius hastened to the spot with
all his cavalry, which on his arrival he disposed in three divisions
opposite the hostile camp, he himself occupying the centre with his
standard-bearer. The Huns drew themselves up apart, according to their
custom, and in this instance meditated treachery should the fortune of
the day prove adverse to the Byzantines. The infantry were halted at
some distance in the rear. A rivulet now separated the two armies, and
on the following morning the Vandals ranged themselves in order of
battle on the opposite bank. Tzazo, with the veterans from Sardinia, led
the van, whilst Gelimer rode along the line exhorting his troops to rely
solely on their swords. First of all the Armenian John, with a small
band, dashed across the stream against the Vandal centre, but was
repulsed. He returned to the charge with a larger following, and was
again repulsed. For the third onslaught Belisarius undertook the attack
in person; the Romans sent up a great war-shout, and the Imperial
standard was swept along as the whole centre drove down impetuously on
the barbarians. A powerful impact resulted; the Vandals made a strenuous
defence, but Tzazo was soon slain, whereupon they desisted and betook
themselves to flight. All the Roman horse now put themselves into
motion, including the vacillating Huns, and the enemy were hotly
pursued, until they saved themselves by plunging into their camp. This
victory cost the Byzantines only fifty men, but of the Vandals eight
hundred fell.

On the evening of the same day Belisarius advanced with both horse and
foot to assault the enemy's camp. On arriving he found, however, that
Gelimer had hurried away secretly with a few friends, intent on hiding
himself in the recesses of Numidia, and that the Vandal host, on
perceiving themselves to be deserted by their King, had dispersed, eager
only to preserve their lives. Thus the derelict camp, with its whole
contents, became the immediate prize of the victors. It was found to be
replete with wealth, the accumulated treasures of the Vandal nation,
which had been amassed during the raids of Genseric on every part of the
Roman dominions. Such an immense hoard of money, it seemed, could never
before have been brought together into one repository. Pillage now
became the sole object of the Byzantine soldiery, all discipline was
ignored, and the army was only discernible in the form of numerous pairs
of companions who overran the district engaged in rapine. This
abandonment continued throughout the night, and at dawn Belisarius, with
great difficulty, collected his men, when all returned to Carthage laden
with immense booty. Besides valuables, the seizures comprised women and
boys, all men who seemed to belong to the hostile nation being
butchered. It was now the middle of December, and just three months
since the Byzantines had entered the African capital.

To secure the person of Gelimer was a matter of prime importance, and
John, the Armenian, with a company of two hundred, had been despatched
in pursuit of the fugitive. For five days they hurried after him on his
track, and then, by a deplorable mischance, the leader was transfixed
and mortally wounded by an arrow discharged from the hand of one of his
own men. Belisarius was at once informed, and hastened to the locality,
but the unavoidable delay enabled the flying King to make good his
escape. On inquiry, it was elicited that he had taken refuge among the
Moors of Pappua, a rugged and almost inaccessible mountain in a remote
corner of Numidia. Belisarius followed on, and, having made a survey of
the stronghold, decided that it was impregnable to an attack. He
therefore appointed one of his officers, Pharas, a Herule, to blockade
the outlets and cut off supplies to the refugees. He himself returned to
Carthage by way of Hippo Regius, where he had the good fortune to
capture the reserve treasures of the Vandal King in a weather-bound
ship, which had failed to convey them to the custody of Gelimer's ally,
the King of the Visigoths in Spain. Belisarius now sent a legate to
Sardinia and Corsica, who displayed the head of Tzazo, and secured the
submission of those islands to the suzerainty of Justinian. Wherever the
Vandals had ruled missions were despatched to announce the circumstances
of the conquest, and thus the whole of North Africa, together with the
islands of Ebusa, Majorca, and Minorca, were transferred to the dominion
of the Eastern Emperor.

In the meantime the blockade of Pappua had been rigorously maintained,
and Gelimer had been reduced to the greatest straits for the want of
proper provisions. At length Pharas expostulated with him on his
obduracy, and tempting proposals were made to him should he surrender
himself to the clemency of Justinian; the rank of a Roman patrician
fortified with a liberal endowment of lands and money. Gelimer replied
that he would never accept a favour from one who had conquered him in an
unjust war, and implored the officer not to aggravate his sufferings by
the repetition of such offers. His letter concluded with the words, "I
beg of you, my dear Pharas, to send me a lyre, a loaf of bread, and a
sponge." At a loss to understand this seemingly strange request, Pharas
interrogated the messenger, who explained that the musical instrument
was required in order to accompany a dirge in which the Vandal King
bewailed his misfortunes; that the hard fare of the Moors did not
include such a luxury as baked bread; and that the sponge was intended
to bathe the eyes of the sufferer, which had become inflamed by weeping.
The officer compassionately acceded to the prayer, but maintained his
guard as strictly as before. After the lapse of three months the pride
and resentment of Gelimer became subdued, chiefly through his being a
spectator of the hardships entailed on those who had attended him to his
comfortless retreat; and he signified his willingness to resign himself
to the custody of Belisarius. He was conducted to Carthage, and shortly
afterwards the Byzantine leader, with his principal captives and all the
spoils of the war, set sail for Constantinople. Belisarius was, in fact,
glad that the time had come for him to take his departure, as envy and
slander had lately begun to be rife about him; and it was insinuated at
Court that he had assumed a regal state, as if he contemplated an
independent sovereignty, a line of conduct which was wholly foreign to
his temperament and aspirations.[429]

On an appointed day in the autumn of the same year a scene was enacted
in the Imperial capital which recalled the triumphs of former ages, but
so modified as to exalt the glory of the Emperor far above that of his
most conspicuous subject. Belisarius, accompanied by the deposed King,
his relatives and nobles, moved through the city, on foot, at the head
of a procession in which were displayed all the precious resources and
costly appurtenances which illustrated the recent magnificence of the
Vandal Kingdom, and were now become the prize of the conqueror. Golden
chairs, state carriages, a profusion of sparkling gems, cups of gold,
all the appointments of the royal banquets, myriads of silver talents,
and the heirlooms of plate which had adorned the palace, were borne
along the streets to the Hippodrome, in the area of which they were
accumulated to make a dazzling exhibition. Among them were the spoils of
Jerusalem, translated to Rome by Vespasian and Titus,[430] and
afterwards pillaged from thence by the insatiable Genseric, who carried
them off to Carthage. Justinian sat aloft upon his throne, and Gelimer,
still invested with the insignia of a King, was conducted to his feet.
There he was stripped of his purple robe and forced to kiss the ground
before the triumphant monarch. After his illustrious captive the
victorious general rendered a similar homage to his Imperial master.
Throughout the ceremony the Vandal King maintained a dignified
composure, but he repeated aloud continually the words of Scripture,
"Vanity of vanities, all is vanity." Subsequently ample estates in
Galatia were conferred on him, but the patriciate was withheld, as he
declined to abjure his Arian faith. All the scions of Vandal royalty had
been transported to Constantinople, and among them were the daughters of
Hilderic, who in the female line were the direct descendants of the last
Emperors of the West. These princesses were consigned to the care of
Theodora, and the ultimate representatives of the dynasty founded by the
great Theodosius became the pensioners of the fortunate prostitute.[431]
As for the treasures of the extinct Hebrew nationality, a Jewish
spectator of the pageantry inferred, within the hearing of Justinian,
that the retention of these sacred relics had brought destruction to
Rome, and determined the doom of Carthage, whence he foreboded that the
Byzantine capital would fall under the ban of the Almighty should they
remain inside its walls. No resting-place, he asserted, would be found
for them unless where Solomon had consecrated them to the worship of
Jehovah. The Emperor was struck by the admonition, and decided to divest
himself of these fateful valuables by sending them to be deposited in
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, at Jerusalem. In the following January
Belisarius was honoured with the Consulship of the year (535), and a
large amount of the booty, which had fallen to his lot at Carthage, was
distributed as largess among the populace. His reputation had now risen
to such a height that he seemed to be too great to remain in the
position of a subject; and the Imperial couple thought it prudent to
extract from his complaisance a solemn pledge that he would never aim at
the sovereignty during the lifetime of Justinian.[432]

When it was reported to the Emperor that the Kingdom of the Vandals was
overthrown, he at once drew up a scheme for the local government of this
accession to his dominions. A third Praetorian Praefect, with a salary
of 100 lb. of gold (£4,000), was created to administer the Diocese of
Africa, as it was now denominated. His official seat was at Carthage,
and under him seven Rectors were nominated to rule the minor divisions
of the country.[433] The island of Sardinia was included in this
disposition, and formed a separate province.[434] The civil and military
powers were kept apart, and a Master of Soldiers, with five local Dukes,
was appointed to command the army corps required for the protection of
the Diocese.[435] The Roman system of taxation had been suppressed by
Genseric, and under the Vandal supremacy the inhabitants had been almost
relieved from the burden of the imposts; but on the restoration a pair
of logothetes were commissioned to survey the country, and assess the
population for the benefit of the treasury. Much displeasure was felt by
the Africans at this recurrence to the old methods of exaction, which
they had become oblivious of during their remission for nearly a
century.[436]

Although the Vandal power in Africa was annihilated by the victories of
Belisarius, the peaceful settlement of the Diocese was deferred for more
than ten years owing to the insubordination of the army of occupation
and the unwillingness of the Moors to submit to the Byzantine yoke. In
two instances leaders of the rebellious soldiery promoted a mutiny with
such effect that for the time being the recent conquest was virtually
severed from the Empire. The episodes of Stotzas and Gontharis may be
briefly recounted.

1. In the first sedition three distinct parties were conjoined, who,
through circumstances peculiar to each one, were inspired with animosity
against the government. A large number of the Roman military found
fortune in Africa by the capture of wives and daughters of Vandals who
were either slaughtered at the time or expelled from their possessions.
The newcomers married these women, and installed themselves in the lands
and dwellings previously held by their male relatives. By Imperial
decree, however, the estates of the conquered were confiscated to the
crown; and thus the impromptu settlers in a short time found themselves
exposed to summary ejection. Such was the most considerable complement
of the malcontents. To these were added the Arian barbarians, numbering
about a thousand, who had taken part in the expedition. The fanaticism
of the latter was inflamed by the dispossessed Vandal clergy, to whom
the practice of Christianity according to their heretical rites was now
interdicted. The third contingent consisted of a remnant of the Vandal
army, which had taken refuge in the Aurasian mountains on the south of
Numidia.[437] This party was made up almost wholly of fugitive prisoners
of war who had been transported to Constantinople, whence it was decided
to distribute them among the garrison towns of the East. They were
despatched by sea to their destination, but on arriving at Lesbos about
four hundred of them seized the ships in which they had been embarked
and made good their escape to the African coast. Communication and
conjuration between the first two sections was established at Carthage,
and it was agreed that on Easter Sunday (536) Solomon, the Master of the
Forces, who had replaced Belisarius, should be assassinated in church.
The rebels would then seize the reins of government. The secret of the
conspiracy was well kept, for even the unaffiliated reserved their
suspicions, being privately elated at the prospect of rapine; but the
assassins elect shrunk from perpetrating the murder on the first, and
even on a subsequent occasion. Noisy recriminations in the public places
followed, and it became evident to everyone that there was a plot. The
conspirators now threw off all disguise, having discovered that they
were in a majority, and applied themselves to looting the city and
suburbs. Solomon, with Procopius as his companion, under cover of night
fled to the coast and made sail for Syracuse, where Belisarius was known
to be engaged on a mission. The three returned with the utmost speed,
and found that the rebels to the number of eight thousand, including the
fugitive Vandals, had massed themselves on the plain of Bulla. They had
chosen as their leader a guardsman of vigorous character named Stotzas.
A march on Carthage was contemplated, but Belisarius, having levied as
many loyal troops as possible, intercepted the project and forced them
to give battle. Although his forces were quadrupled by those of the
enemy, the prestige of his name, their indecision, and an adverse wind
which blew in their faces, enabled him to win a victory. The sedition,
however, was merely demulced for a time and Belisarius had to return
immediately to Sicily. Later on Justinian despatched his nephew Germanus
to Africa, and this general, by tact and blandishments, succeeded in
winning back nearly half of the supporters of Stotzas. A battle was
fought in which the rebel leader was utterly defeated and his followers
scattered, with the loss of all the valuables they had collected in
their camp. Stotzas himself fled to Mauritania, where he settled down
with a daughter of one of the petty princes as his wife; but a few years
afterwards (545) he reappeared in arms, fighting on the side of the
Moors. In an encounter he was slain tragically by the Roman general
opposed to him, who pierced him with one of his arrows, but was himself
struck down forthwith by a mortal wound. The two antagonists expired
almost in sight of one another, each one expressing his welcome
acceptance of death in view of the gratification afforded by that of his
rival.[438]

2. About this time Areobindus, the husband of Justinian's niece
Prejecta, was appointed to be Master of the Forces in Africa. He was a
man of a timid disposition, and totally unversed in war, to such an
extent that he had never been present at the most trivial engagement.
Under this inefficient hegemony, Gontharis, Duke of Numidia, aspired to
be a despot with the aid of the factious soldiery and the Moorish
insurgents. By a league with Antalas, the most potent of the native
chiefs, he agreed to surrender to him the province of Byzacium and half
the treasures of Areobindus as the price of his support in making
himself king over the rest of the country. At first he proceeded
insidiously and associated amicably with the Master of Soldiers at
Carthage, where he simulated a capture of the city by the Moors in the
hope of so terrifying Areobindus that he would see nothing left but to
escape by flight to Constantinople. This project was just baulked by the
sudden rise of a tempest, which arrested the departing general. Shortly
afterwards the designs of Gontharis were fully penetrated, and he
thought it wisest to proclaim himself boldly as the head of the
government. An attack on the usurper was then organized, and the hostile
bands met in the precincts of the palace; but at the sight of the first
blood drawn Areobindus lost his nerve and fled to a fortified monastery
near the harbour. Gontharis was now supreme, and received the submission
of all the officials in the capital from the Praetorian Prefect
downwards. The late commander-in-chief was lured from his retreat by
threats and a promise of safe dismissal to Constantinople with his
household and property. He presented himself to the despot in the dress
of a private citizen, leaning on the bishop as he held forth a Gospel,
and made an abject profession of his acquiescence in the situation.
Gontharis treated him deferentially, and retained him to supper the same
evening. After the meal, however, he went out and sent in the captain of
his guard, who slew him, regardless of his pitiable appeals for mercy.
Africa was now to all appearances restored to independence as completely
as if the conquest had never been achieved by Belisarius. The tyrant
next attempted to substantiate his position by forming an alliance with
Prejecta, whom he induced to send letters to the Emperor, in which the
murder of Areobindus was represented as the wanton act of an insolent
subordinate. But the foundations of his authority were insecure, and a
counter-conspiracy was soon formed by the adherents of the Imperial
government, whose allegiance was a mere pretence resorted to under the
pressure of expediency. Among those who affected to support him
cordially was Artabanes, the commander of an Armenian regiment, and a
deserter from the Persian service, in which he had risen to some
distinction. He and his associates were ambitious of recovering Africa
for Justinian, and they concerted a plot for the assassination of
Gontharis during a banquet. Artabanes had been invited by the usurper,
and he entered the dining hall attended by two or three of his guards,
whose customary duty it was to stand behind their master's couch during
a meal. A number of their fellows he desired to loiter about the
approaches, mixing with the guards of the palace, as if waiting on his
orders. The soldiers in the city, when not equipped for war, were
forbidden to wear defensive armour, and allowed to carry only a sword.
To obviate this difficulty, Artabanes instructed his men to make a
pretence of playing with the shields of those on guard in the vestibule,
as they lay ready for use, but to snatch them away altogether should
they hear any commotion within. It had been agreed that Artasires, one
of the guards in waiting at the couches, should strike the first blow;
and he ingeniously protected his left arm by fastening the halves of a
split arrow-shaft inside the sleeve of his tunic. At a certain moment it
was judged that Gontharis was obfuscated by his potations, signs passed,
and then Artasires, sidling towards him with his drawn sword hidden
under his arm, aimed a sudden stroke at his head. An instant
counter-stroke by the contiguous guard of the despot was parried by his
shielded arm, and the man was laid low by a return thrust.
Simultaneously Artabanes had sprung up and finished Gontharis with a
stroke of his sword as he attempted to rise from his couch. A general
clash of arms ensued, and many not in the plot joined the liberators.
The rebel guards without, deprived of their shields as planned, were
massacred, and soon a cry of "Justinian the Victor" was sent up. A raid
on the adherents of the usurper was then undertaken, and they were
exterminated in every part of the city. The tyranny of Gontharis had
lasted only thirty-six days. Artabanes won great renown by this exploit,
a splendid donation in money was bestowed on him by Prejecta, and
shortly afterwards the Emperor's commission arrived, creating him Master
of the Forces in Africa. To his immediate petition, however, Justinian
conceded him the equivalent of his rank at Court, and he left the
country without delay. He was, in fact, enamoured of the young princess
(she is referred to as a girl), or, at least, of her Imperial
connection, and he eagerly followed her when she returned to
Constantinople.[439]

For fifteen years after the conquest of the Vandals continual uprisings
of the Moorish clans troubled the settlement of Africa, and a fitful
warfare, sometimes furious, was waged between them and the Empire.
Swarms of these nomads often appeared in the field, but their jealousy
and distrust of each other was so inveterate that their forces could on
no occasion be mustered to act in combination. Their internecine feuds
were never allayed, and during most of their revolts great hosts of them
elected to fight as allies of the Byzantines in order to suppress the
efforts of their own kin. On each side more than one hundred thousand
often appeared in arms simultaneously, but to the disciplined and
mail-clad soldiers of the Empire their martial equipment always seemed
contemptible. Notwithstanding their contiguity to the Romans for so many
centuries, they had not profited by their observation and experience to
imitate the methods of warfare which had invariably proved effectual
against themselves. A burnous of white linen enveloped their head and
body, leaving the legs and arms bare; a small leather shield formed
their sole defensive armour; and their only weapons of attack were a
short sword and a couple of javelins.[440] When at war all the members
of a tribe, accompanied by their flocks and herds, marched in
conjunction to the battle-field. To the women was entrusted the duty of
tending the cattle, sharpening the weapons, building huts, and
entrenching the camp. A great circle was enclosed by a living rampart
consisting of the domestic animals. Externally ranks of camels, linked
together twelve deep, formed the main defence; within were ranged the
oxen, sheep, and goats. Women, children, and old men, in charge of
whatever valuables they possessed, were congregrated in the central
space.[441] At the approach of an enemy the Moorish infantry packed
themselves in the interstices of the camels' limbs, whilst the cavalry
took advantage of whatever cover was afforded by the adjacent woods and
hills. On the arrival of the hostile troops javelins were hurled from
the entrenchments, the warriors on horseback poured down on each side to
assail the enemy's flanks, and the women flung stones, balls of lead,
and lighted torches from the interior of the camp. Horses were repelled
by the sight and scent of the camels, and refused to carry their riders
forward to the attack. Under the circumstances the only expedient was to
dismount the cavalry and assault the men and animals determinedly on
foot. On one occasion Solomon, by the slaughter of about two hundred
camels, cut his way into the camp, whereupon the Moors fled
precipitately in all directions.[442] On another, the enemy had posted
themselves in immense numbers on the level top of Mount Burgaon, but the
Romans climbed the sides during the night, and at break of day suddenly
appeared above the crest on both sides of the horde. A panic ensued, and
a wild rush was made in the direction of a proximate summit. But the
fugitives were intercepted by an unsuspected gulch, into which all
dashed headlong, urged by the irresistible pressure from behind. Men and
horses rolled down until the gap was filled to the level of the opposite
side. The rest then saved themselves by passing over the bodies of those
who had perished in this manner, to the number, it was estimated, of
50,000.[443] After such victories all the occupants, contents, and
constituents of the camp became the prize of the conquerors; and the
slave market for Moorish captives at Carthage was so overstocked that a
youth could be purchased for the same price as a sheep.[444] The final
pacification of Africa was due to John Troglita, the successor of
Artabanes, who, in several campaigns extending over three years,
inflicted many defeats on the Moors, and drove the most turbulent tribes
beyond the Roman frontier.[445] His deeds of valour provoked so much
admiration among the Africans, and were of such signal benefit to the
country, that one of their number, Cresconius Corippus, was impelled to
celebrate his career in an epic poem designed to place him in the same
niche of glory as the heroes immortalized by Homer, Virgil, and
Claudian.[446]

As a result of his conquest of Africa, Justinian came into collision
with the Visigoths of Spain, an event which led to a permanent
occupation of a portion of the south-east coast of that peninsula by the
Byzantines. The castle of Septem, on the headland to the south of the
Straits of Gades, was in the hands of these barbarians, wherefore a
brigade was sent by Belisarius to capture it.[447] Shortly after they
had succeeded in doing so, Theudias, King of the Visigoths, despatched a
counter expedition against the Byzantines, but this force was soon
destroyed through being attacked unexpectedly on a Sunday.[448] Nearly a
score of years afterwards (554) a religious war broke out in Spain
through the Arian King, Agila, wishing to coerce his Catholic subjects,
whom he besieged in their principal stronghold of Cordova. The leader of
the rebels was a noble[449] named Athanagild, and, as the Roman prestige
was now supreme in the West, as well as because of the religious
affinity, he applied to the Emperor for aid against the Arian
persecutors.[450] Justinian responded, and sent Liberius,[451] a general
who was then engaged in the reduction of Sicily,[452] with the result
that Agila suffered a crushing defeat at Seville.[453] He fled to
Merida, hoping to find a refuge among faithful subjects, but the fallen
king had become an object of contempt and fell a victim to a plot which
was speedily hatched for his assassination. The Visigoths then
surrendered to the prestige of his rival and elected Athanagild as
king,[454] whereupon a compact of tolerance was ratified between the two
parties.[455] They now wished to dispense with the services of the
Byzantines, whose proceedings struck them with alarm, as, instead of
preparing to evacuate the country, they seemed to have settled
themselves permanently in those fortresses to which they had gained
admittance through their alliance with the Catholics. A summons to
depart having been disregarded, a petty war ensued; and, although the
King gained some battles, he was ultimately obliged to acquiesce in the
Byzantine occupation of several notable cities[456] in the south-east,
among which were Cordova, Carthagena, and Malaga.[457] Such are the
facts, so far as they are known, relating to this campaign, which is
sometimes dignified by the title of "Justinian's conquest of Spain."[458]

[375] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10.

[376] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10. The only authority for the Vandal
war is Procopius, whom later chroniclers abridge and generally refer
back to.

[377] See recent French works on Algeria by Vignon, Wahl, etc.

[378] Plutarch, Marius.

[379] Plutarch, Caius Gracchus. The name was changed to Junonia, lest
its proper designation should be ill-omened.

[380] Appian, Hist. Rom., viii, 136; Solinus, 27, etc.

[381] Strabo, XVII, iii, 15; Herodian, vii, 6; Ausonius, De Clar. Urb.,
etc. Scarcely second to CP., according to the latter. Salvian (_c._ 450)
calls it "the Rome of Africa"; De Gub. Dei, vii, 16.

[382] "A Consul in power and prestige," says Salvian (_loc. cit._),
"though only a Pro in name."

[383] Notitia Occid.

[384] Named consecutively from east to west the seven provinces were
Tripolis, Byzacium, Zeugitana ("Proconsular Africa," cap. Carthage; now
Tunisia), Mauritania Sitifensis, M. Caesariensis (these two constitute
the modern Algeria), and Tingitana (now Morocco). All lay along the
irregular coast.

[385] Cape Bon (Ras Addar).

[386] The remains of these works are still to be seen under water. They
were so considerable in Bruce's time that he fancied most of Carthage
must have been submerged; Travels, etc., 1790, i, p. xxi. The best
compendious guide to the existing ruins of Carthage is Babelon's
_Carthage_, Paris, 1896. He was one of the excavators, and gives a large
map which indicates everything remaining on the site.

[387] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 20, etc.

[388] _Ibid._, 15, etc. Now the Lake or Lagoon of Tunis. Carthage was
at the north-west corner, Tunis diagonally at the opposite one. About
two miles long, one and a half wide.

[389] See Appian's description of the Punic harbours, the Cothon, etc.;
viii, 96. The entrance at this time was probably that artificially
excavated by the Carthaginians after Scipio had blocked that in previous
use. The harbour was most likely restored by the Romans to very much its
former state. Rambaud has adopted this view in his archaeological
restoration of Carthage (_c._ 690), which he put into novelistic form;
L'Empereur de Carthage, Paris, 1904. Dureau de la Malle argues from
texts that Carthage was not "rased to the ground," as the formal
expression is, but merely dismantled; Topog. de Carthage, Paris, 1835,
p. 103, _et seq._ Certain ponds now in existence seem to represent the
inland ports, but an opposition view has been taken; C. Torr, Classical
Rev., 1891.

[390] The island apparently is still there, but no remains of buildings
have been uncovered so far. For what has been done see Babelon, _op.
cit._

[391] Some ruins still remain and sufficient of the structure to present
an imposing appearance existed well into the last century. Being
quarried for later purposes, the relic has gradually lost its
distinctive form; see Beulé, Fouilles à Carthage, Paris, 1861, p. 29.

[392] Victor Vit., De Persec. Vand., ii, 5 (written _c._ 487, and proves
the existence of the stairway, etc., in the fifth century).

[393] _Ibid._, _Platea Nova_.

[394] Appian, viii, 133 (from Diod. Sic., xi, 26).

[395] Inferred from Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, and Procopius, De Bel.
Vand., i, 20; see Dureau de la Malle, _op. cit._

[396] Expos. Tot. Mund. (Müller).

[397] _Ibid._ (two versions); Augustine, Confes., vi, 9.

[398] Apuleius, Florid., 18.

[399] Generally see Salvian, _op. cit._, vii, 16. The remains of the
Circus are still in evidence; see Babelon, _op. cit._

[400] Much of it still remains; figured in Babelon (_op. cit._) and
Davis's Carthage, etc., London, 1868, with other Roman ruins of the
region. The populousness of Africa is indicated by the amphitheatre of
Tipdrus (100 miles south of Carthage), capital of Byzacium, which still
exists in great part. It was second only to the Coliseum.

[401] Prosper Tiro, Chron. (424). Diocletian, however, carried out
extensive works here, part of which may have been protective; Aurel.
Victor, _in Vita_.

[402] Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, etc. In the time of Vespasian it was
feared that a revolt in Africa would lead to the capital being starved
out.

[403] Tot. Orb. Descript. (Müller).

[404] Salvian (_op. cit._, vii, 13) is copious in his condemnation of
the Africans and concedes them no merit whatever. "The Goths are
perfidious, but continent; the Alani incontinent, but less perfidious;
the Franks are liars, but hospitable; the Saxons are cruel and
barbarous, but wonderfully chaste. In almost all Africans I know naught
but evil. If inhumanity is blamable, they are inhuman; if drunkenness,
they are drunken; if falsity, they are most false; if dishonesty, they
are most fraudulent; if avarice, they are most avaricious; if perfidy,
they are most perfidious. But they are immoral beyond the measure of all
these taken together." In his own Aquitain the complaint is that the
nobles have their houses full of maidservants whom they use as
concubines.

[405] _Ibid._, 17, 18, 19.

[406] When Mithradates attempted to overthrow the Roman power in the
East (88 B.C.) they were considerable enough to send him an embassy
proffering their aid; Athenaeus, v, 50.

[407] Thus the son-in-law of Apuleius at the age of twenty could speak
only Punic; Apology; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 10. There were in
Numidia, he says, two white columns on which was inscribed, "We are
those who fled before the face of the robber, Joshua, the son of Nun."
Some notion of the dress of the Carthaginians under the Empire may be
formed from mosaics unearthed of late years and preserved in French
museums. There was nothing very characteristic, but I may quote the
following summary of what is to be seen. "Hommes en longue dalmatique
verte ou blanche ornée de larges bandes de broderies, avec le manteau
triangulaire de laine brune enveloppant le buste, et l'orarium passé
autour du cou; femmes en étroites robes collantes brodées au cou et au
poignet, serrées à la taille par un ceinture rouge et que recouvre une
ample tunique aux larges manches de couleur éclatante, avec les bijoux
sur la poitrine, l'écharpe claire flottant sur les épaules et parfois
encadrant le visage; enfants en culottes collantes alternées de jaune et
de rouge, ou courtes tuniques blanches à bandes de couleur"; Diehl,
L'Afrique Byzant., Paris, 1896, p. 392. A mosaic found in Numidia shows
a Roman mansion with horses, etc., and might pass for a view of an
English manor-house; Tissot, Géog. Comp. d'Afrique Rom., Paris, 1884, p.
360.

[408] An exhaustive treatise has been devoted to the manners and customs
of this people by Hanotaux and Letourneux, La Kabylée, 3 vols., Paris,
1892.

[409] One of the most important revolts was suppressed by Theodosius,
father of the first emperor of that name; another by Stilicho, the
famous general and father-in-law of Honorius; Claudian, De Bel.
Gildonico.

[410] They are dealt with at length in all church histories; the sources
are chiefly Optatus Mil. and Cyprian's Epistles.

[411] The story is told most fully by Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 3;
cf. Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 33. Boniface was a friend of Augustine, who
reproaches him for his conduct (Epist. 220). The name of the Vandal king
is found variously as Genseric, Gizeric, and Gaiseric.

[412] The sequel to the story seems to be historical. After his return
the Count of Africa met Aetius in battle, but, though victorious with
his troops, received a mortal wound from his rival's lance.

[413] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Marcellinus Com., Chron., an. 439, etc.

[414] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 7.

[415] _Ibid._, 6. He gives the cost of the expedition as 130,000 pounds
of gold (£5,200,000).

[416] _Ibid._, 4, 5; cf. Jordanes, _op. cit._, 45. She was the daughter
of Theodosius II and widow of Valentinian III, her cousin. She was
incensed with Maximus, who assassinated her husband, usurped the purple,
and paid her unwelcome attentions. Genseric married Eudocia, one of her
daughters, to his son Huneric.

[417] A special ecclesiastical account of this by Victor, Bishop of
Vita; De Persec. Vand.

[418] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 9.

[419] Salvian, _op. cit._, vii, 22.

[420] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 6.

[421] _Ibid._, i, 9.

[422] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 11.

[423] The rate of movement through the water may be calculated from the
statement that sixteen days were occupied by the voyage from Zacynthus
to Sicily, a distance of three hundred miles; Procopius, _loc. cit._,
13.

[424] Procopius again refers to this miracle, as he seems to think it,
many years after; De Aedif., vi, 6.

[425] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 5, 15; cf. De Aedif., vi, 5.

[426] The sailors refused to hold off as Belisarius had directed,
asserting that a "Cyprian" was imminent (an easterly gale). Hence
Archelaus reluctantly steered for the Stagnum, but a lieutenant, on his
own responsibility, made a bold dash for the Mandracium; Procopius,
_loc. cit._, 20.

[427] The gaol, as usual, formed part of the palace, and both were on a
lofty site, which can scarcely have been other than the Byrsa. The
position is clearly indicated by some of the details. Thus the gaoler
came to the prisoners and said, "What will you give me if I release
you?" All promised, according to their utmost ability. "I ask nothing,"
said he, "but that you promise to befriend me should you hereafter see
me in danger." Thereupon he unbarred an outlet and showed them the Roman
fleet crossing the bay. Forthwith he opened the prison, and all went off
together; _ibid._

[428] With this incident Procopius ends the first book of his Vandalic
War.

[429] The good fortune which attended Belisarius, and the fortuitous
character of most of his success in this campaign will be evident to the
most superficial reader. The Byzantines themselves seem to have been
fully alive to the fact, and Procopius (_op. cit._, i, 18; ii, 7)
indulges in some reflections which may be exactly represented by the
words of Hamlet (v, 2):

                                   "Rashly,
 And praised be rashness for it, let us know,
 Our indiscretions sometimes serve us well,
 When our deep plots do pall: and that should teach us,
 There's a divinity that shapes our ends,
 Rough-hew them how we will."

To the credit of the Roman General it must be remembered that his
heterogeneous and ill-disciplined army fell far short of being an
efficient fighting machine; but he seems to have incurred needless risk
both at Decimum and Tricamerum by drawing his cavalry away from his
infantry, whilst his being unaware for many days that he was surrounded
by the enemy's troops on the march from Caputvada seems wholly
inexcusable. But the incapacity of Gelimer to lead an army with skill
and determination, his want of foresight and unpreparedness, neutralized
the gravest errors. The water was left open for the enemy's fleet at a
time when the semblance even of an attack by sea would have dispersed
them for good. He failed to push his splendid success at Decimum, and on
the night after Tricamerum, when a muster of the Vandal troops might
have annihilated the Roman forces in detail, he had deserted the scene
of action. Again, the task of Belisarius was much lightened by the
timely revolt of Sardinia and by a simultaneous rising in Tripoli,
whereby the resources of his adversary were considerably diminished.
Though of little moment after the land successes, the preservation of
the Byzantine fleet was due, perhaps, to its making for port, in
opposition to the injunctions of Belisarius, instead of remaining
exposed on the incommodious coast. For an exhaustive critique of the
campaign, see Pflugk-Hartung, Belisars Vandalkrieg, Hist. Zeitschrift,
Munich, 1889.

[430] 70 A.D.; Tacitus, Hist., v; Josephus, Bel. Jud., v, vi, etc. The
objects were figured on the Arch of Titus, the most conspicuous being
the seven-branched candlestick.

[431] See p. 500. Their mother was Eudocia, daughter of Valentinian III
and Eudoxia, the former the grandson, the latter the great
grand-daughter, of Theodosius I.

[432] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., ii, 29.

[433] Cod., I, xxvii, 1.

[434] The two Mauritanias were conjoined.

[435] Cod. I, xxvii, 2. This is an elaborate act descriptive of the new
administration, and dealing with the duties and pay of its several
members. The Praetorian Praefect and the Master of Soldiers are often
mentioned by Procopius in the second book of his Vandalic War. For long
the government of Africa was practically a military despotism, and the
civil chief was merely the first secretary of the general in power.

[436] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 8.

[437] "The Aurasian mountains," says Procopius "resemble no other place
on earth. They have a girth of three days' journey, and on all sides the
ascent is precipitous. On the top is a level plain easily traversed,
diversified by flowery meadows, gardens planted with trees, thickets of
aromatic shrubs, fountains gushing from rocks, and rivers rolling
noisily into still lakes. The fertility is admirable, luxuriant crops
and trees laden with fruit are produced here in an abundance unknown in
any other part of Africa"; De Aedif., vi, 7; De Bel. Vand., ii, 13.

[438] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 14-17, 24.

[439] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 25-28.

[440] _Ibid._, 11.

[441] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 8; ii, 11.

[442] _Ibid._, ii, 11.

[443] _Ibid._, 12.

[444] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 12.

[445] _Ibid._, 28; De Bel. Goth., iv, 17. Among the innumerable Johns of
this age he is distinguished by Procopius as "the brother of Pappus,"
and by Jordanes (De Reg. Suc.) as "Troglita."

[446] The Johannis, in eight books, but the latter part is lost. It
contains much information respecting the Moors and their mode of
fighting, but exactitude is generally sacrificed to the necessary
vaguity of poetical description. Important works by Cagnat (Paris, 1892)
and Pallu de Lessert (Paris, 1896) on Roman Africa terminate at the
Vandal conquest.

[447] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5.

[448] Isidore of Seville, Hist. Goth. (Mommsen, Chron. Minora, 1877, p.
284; Mon. Hist. German, xi, 1894).

[449] Venantius Fortunatus, VI, i, 124.

[450] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._, pp. 286, 475. "Through A. the Roman
soldier set his foot in Spain."

[451] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 58.

[452] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 40, etc.

[453] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._

[454] _Ibid._ A gloss says that "A. was secretly a Catholic," but the
storm and stress of fanaticism was past and, after a few flickers
breathed by the irreconcilables, the Visigothic Kingdom became wholly
Catholic in 587, just twenty years after the death of A. A. was the
father of that Brunechilda who, by her marriage with Sighebert, King of
Austrasia (N.E. France and Belgium etc.), afterwards played a prominent
part in Frankish affairs. She became the rival of the infamous and
successful Fredegonda (harlot first and always, ultimately queen) and,
after many vicissitudes, ultimately perished, lashed, like an early
Mazeppa, to a wild horse (614). She, however, outlived her female
antagonist by nearly a score of years.

[455] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._

[456] _Ibid._; Gregory of Tours, iv, 8.

[457] See H. Gelzer _ad_ George (properly Gregory) of Cyprus (Teubner),
p. xxxii, _et seq._ Surmise rather than fact.

[458] It will be seen from the references given that none of the
Byzantine historians, not Procopius, nor Jn. Lydus, nor Agathias, seems
to have harboured a suspicion that Justinian ever "conquered" Spain. The
last, however, names Spain incidentally among the places where troops
were stationed (v, 13). Such as it was, the conquest lasted no more than
eighteen years for, at the end of that period, Leovigild (_c._ 572,
Johannes Biclar) expelled the Byzantines from Cordova, their only
important stronghold. For another century or so they probably languished
on the coast till the coming of the Mohammedans (_c._ 709) who in the
course of a decade made an actual conquest of Spain to the Frankish
border, which endured for nearly eight centuries. Through Egypt, after
wresting Syria from the Byzantines, they wound their path of victory
westwards along the African seaboard until the inviting proximity of
Ceuta to the northern mainland determined their entry into Europe.
Simultaneously the Arabs achieved the extinction of Christianity in all
these regions, where, after the lapse of more than a thousand years, a
renewal of Western civilization now seems to be steadily progressive.
Generally on the subject of this section see F. Dahn, Die Könige der
Germanen, v, p. 123 _et seq._ (Würz., 1870); Dict. Christ. Biog.
(Smith), _sb._ Leovigild; and Gibbon (Bury), v, p. 471 _et seq._; also
the Spanish and French historians.




 CHAPTER IX
 THE BUILDING OF ST. SOPHIA: THE ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JUSTINIAN


Whilst it is evident that the distinctive character of Justinian
impelled him to be incessantly active in every branch of the monarchical
profession, the devastation wrought at Constantinople by the Nika
rebellion might have awakened a passion for building in the breast of
the most phlegmatic Emperor.[459] A mass of sightless ruins had taken
the place of those architectural adornments which are the essential
feature of a capital and the foundations of the dignity of a throne.

The restoration of the precincts of the Palace was the most pressing
necessity, and Justinian applied himself to the task without a moment's
delay. At the same time he determined that the new buildings should
surpass in beauty those which had been destroyed, and he devoted himself
to the restoration of the great metropolitan church with especial zeal.
More fortunate than Constantine, he had not to complain that architects
of reputation were undiscoverable; and in Anthemius of Tralles and
Isidorus of Miletus,[460] he found men who were capable of conceiving
and executing great designs. Neither history nor modern research enables
us to explain with fullness the origin and evolution of that variety of
ecclesiastical building which is recognized as typically Byzantine, and
of which the church of St. Sophia, erected by Justinian, remains to the
present day as the only decided prototype. The accounts which have come
down to us of the construction of this edifice indicate clearly that the
architects engaged in the work were attempting to do something which had
not been done before; or, at least, that their design, if not original,
had never to their knowledge been put into practice on so large a scale.
Failure, therefore, was a contingency with which they had to reckon,
and, until their scheme was completed, they had to be prepared to modify
or even to abandon their plan.[461]

The Emperor had resolved that the proportions of the new church should
be much greater than those of the old one, and therefore the extension
of the site was the first requirement of his undertaking. On the south
side the ground was clear, but the open space of the Augusteum barred
any encroachment in that direction. On the other three sides, however,
the area was hemmed in by various buildings, and several of these were
private property. Some of the difficulties encountered at the outset,
therefore, arose from the obstinacy of adjacent owners, who refused to
sell their lots at a reasonable price or to part with them on any terms
whatever. Obstacles of this class were the origin of a crop of stories
which obtained currency among the populace, who were amused by hearing
of the ruses adopted to defeat the wilfulness of certain occupants.
Their truth cannot now be tested, and in general they may be
disbelieved; but there seems to be some foundation for the anecdote
related of a widow named Anna, who stubbornly declined to negotiate for
the sale of her house. Nobles waited on her without result, and at
length the Emperor came in person and begged of her to name her terms.
Upon this she fell on her knees and declared that she would accept no
money for her freehold, but entreated him to take it as a gift to St.
Sophia on condition that she should be buried in the corner of the
church whereon her dwelling had stood. Her proposal was agreed to, and
in after ages the area in question continued to be pointed out as the
"widow Anna's lot."[462] That trouble of this kind might be real enough
may be inferred from the absence of any legislation providing for the
compulsory sale of property required for public purposes in accordance
with the decision of a board of expert arbitrators.

As soon as the architects had matured their design for the construction
of the great edifice, the collection of the materials required to bring
their conceptions into substantial existence was in itself an arduous
task. The church was to be built of brick, but its richness was to be
derived from the liberal use of pillars and slabs of polished marble in
every available situation. An Imperial rescript was despatched to the
Rectors throughout the provinces, desiring them to search their
districts, and transmit to the capital any relics of ruined and deserted
temples which might be suitable for the Emperor's purpose. In response
to this appeal it is particularized that eight porphyry columns, the
remains of a temple of the Sun, were sent from Rome, and eight of green
marble from Ephesus;[463] and we may assume that a large quantity of
such mementoes of polytheism were amassed at Constantinople about this
time, which, if not used for St. Sophia, were employed in the
restoration of other parts of the disfigured city.[464] Much new marble
was, however, quarried in various localities widely distant in order to
obtain the variety of tints and variegated patterns needed to make a
brilliant display when placed in position throughout the building. From
Carystus came a light green, and from the Phrygian mountains a
rose-coloured marble diversified with streaks of deep red and silver.
Sparta supplied an emerald green, and the Iassian hills a blood-red
species veined with a livid white. Much porphyry was floated down the
Nile; in Lydia was found a bright-tinted marble seamed with lines of
red, and in Numidia a crocus-stained variety which shone like gold.
Atrax yielded a green and blue marble resembling grass sprinkled with
cornflowers; and lastly there was an abundant supply of the coarse white
kind in the adjacent Isle of Proconnesus.[465]

Having cleared and surveyed the site, the architects drew out the plans
of the church and fixed the interior measurements at 270 × 230 feet. The
central portion of this area was to be covered by a dome having a
diameter of 107 feet, which should overhang the pavement at a height of
160 feet. No roof of any magnitude, elevated in this manner, was known
to them, of which the dome was not upheld by frequent supports, so that
free movement from end to end of the building was obstructed by their
presence. Anthemius and Isidorus, however, determined that the nave of
their church should lie open for its full width in a clear sweep from
the main entry to the apse, in which stood the Patriarch's throne.[466]
In the central area, therefore, at the corners of a quadrangular space,
they raised four piers of massive proportions to uphold an equal number
of arches, each of which was to have a span of 100 feet. Blocks of stone
were used for the construction of these piers, and, instead of mortar,
melted lead was poured into the interstices to knit them more firmly
together.[467] At each corner, the triangular intervals left above the
junctions of the arches were filled up with brickwork, and thus were
formed four pendentives to sustain the base of the dome.[468] To resist
the thrust of the great arches, four lesser ones, two on each side,
crossed the aisles of the church to the external walls, which in that
position were provided with heavy masses of masonry to receive
them.[469] Forty windows ranged in a great circle perforated the base of
the dome, which was divided by an equal number of ribs converging from
the circumference to its vertex. From the base of the dome the roof was
led down by a pair of semi-domes to the east and west walls, and
completed on each side by vaulted archings which joined the lateral
walls. The nave was separated from the aisles by rows of lofty columns
with sculptured capitals, on which rested a series of arches to support
the women's galleries. From them lesser pillars, more numerous,[470]
reached to the roof; and each corner of the nave proceeded by a
semicircular sweep to meet the Royal Door and the apse.[471] On the west
a narthex[472] extended all across the church, and above it the
galleries became continuous in an area posterior to the nave.[473] The
building was flooded with light from windows which in great number
passed through the external walls in every direction.

As soon as the containing structure was completed, the decoration and
furniture of the interior was pursued with equal zeal. All vacant
surfaces in the lower part of the edifice, including the floor, were
invested with slabs of marble, showing the greatest diversity of hue and
pattern; and the roof was coated with gold mosaic[474] relieved in
prominent positions with coloured figures of a sacred type. A cross
appeared at the highest point of the dome, and colossal cherubim
occupied the four pendentives. Angels at full length were depicted in
suitable spaces, and the whole was bordered by intricate designs in
variously-tinted mosaic.[475] For the consecrated furniture of the
church, the precious metals and gems were requisitioned at great cost.
The iconostasis, fifty feet wide, which crossed the apse to shut off the
Bema, was completely encased in silver. It stood by means of twelve
pillars arranged in pairs, back to back, the intervening portions of the
screen being encrusted with images of angels and apostles with the
Virgin in the centre. The holy table was a mass of gold and precious
stones, and was covered by a ciborium resting on four pillars, the whole
being of silver. Silken curtains, richly embroidered with appropriate
designs, hung between the pillars.[476] Beneath the dome was placed an
elaborate ambo of unusual dimensions, approached on the east and west by
flights of steps. It was built of marble, elevated on pillars, and
enclosed by a circle of short columns rising from the pavement.[477]
Countless lamps suspended by rods and chains from the roof illuminated
the church at night.

After five and a half years of labour St. Sophia was opened at Christmas
(537),[478] and made the occasion of a great popular festival with a
liberal scattering of largess. The Patriarch Menas rode in the royal
chariot to the entrance, while the Emperor walked alongside of him among
the people.[479] Filled with enthusiasm, Justinian advanced to the ambo,
and, looking around, with his arms extended, exclaimed, "Glory be to God
for thinking me worthy to finish such a work; Solomon, I have excelled
you!"[480]

While her consort was absorbed in the erection of St. Sophia, Theodora
interested herself especially in the restoration of the Church of the
Holy Apostles, which had become dilapidated through age. A different
design was here followed, the form of a cross being given to this
edifice, which was surmounted by five domes, one in each of the
branches, and a central one at their intersection.[481] Church building
now became one of Justinian's habitual pursuits, and for many years he
continued to embellish the Empire with these samples of his religious
devotion. In the city and its immediate suburbs, on the Golden Horn and
the Bosphorus, new or renovated places of worship continually rose into
sight.[482] At Jerusalem a church to the Virgin was constructed with
exceptional magnificence, and the numerous religious bodies congregated
in that city were handsomely housed by the Imperial exchequer.[483]

The Emperor's contributions to secular architecture were not less
noteworthy than his pious foundations. The vestibule of Chalke was
restored in a very costly manner as a quadrangular hall, with an
imposing roof made up of arches and vaults supported on four square
columns. This chamber was constituted as a memorial of the wars of
Justinian, and the walls were covered with scenes of battle and triumph
executed in mosaic. In a prominent position the Imperial couple were
depicted as standing among the members of their Court, while the
captives and trophies of victory were displayed before them by
Belisarius.[484] The Emperor also commemorated his reign by raising
public monuments in the capital to himself and his partner on the
throne. In the Augusteum, a pyramidal pedestal, rising by steps from a
broad base, supported a pillar on which stood an equestrian statue of
Justinian in martial costume, holding in one hand the globe and cross,
whilst the other was extended with a warning gesture towards the land of
the Persians.[485] On the eastern margin of the city, where the
Bosphorus meets the Propontis, Justinian laid out an esplanade,
marble-paved and colonnaded, which he adorned with a variety of
sculptures wrought by artists of the period.[486] A splendid pedestal of
porphyry, fit to support an empress, occupied the centre, upholding a
handsome statue which portrayed the "ineffable beauty of Theodora, as
nearly as a mortal chisel could express it." This figure was a gift from
the citizens, in grateful recognition of the construction of this
pleasure-resort.[487] To increase the water storage of the capital, two
underground cisterns were excavated on a larger scale than had been
attempted by any previous Emperor. The first of these, on the west side
of the Hippodrome, was formed beneath the deserted palace of Illus, the
notorious rebel in the reign of Zeno, with a roof upborne by 224
crudely-fashioned pillars.[488] The second, of much grander conception,
was situated at a short distance to the north, contiguous to the Royal
Court of Justice. With 420 columns, whose capitals were sculptured in
conformity with the rules of Greek art, this cistern conveyed the
impression of a submerged palace rather than of an interior designed to
exist in perpetual obscurity.[489]

Justinian was also indefatigable in beautifying provincial towns and in
executing such works of public utility as might relieve the inhabitants
from any disadvantages of topographical position. In fact, the
multiplicity, variety, and magnificence of the buildings which emanated
from the constructive zeal of this Emperor induced the chief historian
of the period to devote a separate treatise to the enumeration and
description of them, an honour which does not seem to have fallen to the
lot of any other sovereign.[490] One of his earliest cares was the
aggrandisement of his birthplace, and the hamlet of Tauresium was
transformed into the fortified outpost of a flourishing city created by
the fiat of its illustrious son. Under the significant title of
Justiniana Prima Scupi was elevated to the rank of capital of Illyricum,
and endowed by the Emperor's munificence with everything requisite to
render it worthy of its new importance. A praetorium, churches, squares,
porticoes, baths, and an aqueduct, built with lavish expenditure,
illustrated the site; and, to complete its dignity, the archbishopric of
the Diocese was transferred to, or reconstructed in its name.[491] In
the same district he founded a town to perpetuate the memory of his
uncle, and called it Justinopolis. He was, however, liberal to excess in
the bestowal of his own name or that of his wife on all places indebted
to him for restorations or improvements; and about a score of towns had
their identity concealed under the appellation of Justinian, whilst
almost half as many found themselves represented as specially
Theodorian.[492]

Among the most important works of Justinian in Asia Minor was the
protection of towns from river floods, to which the conformation of that
country rendered many districts peculiarly liable. To obviate disasters
of this kind ingenious feats of engineering were carried out in several
instances. Dara, Circesium, Edessa, Zenobia, Helenopolis, Juliopolis,
and Tarsus, were the worst sufferers in respect of their fluviatile
vicinage.[493] By means of walls, embankments, dams, cutting away of
obstacles, and the provision of emergency channels these towns were
secured for the future from damage by inundation. As a specimen of the
magnitude of some of these operations the case of Edessa best deserves
to be cited. The course of the river Scirtus, as it approached that
city, was restrained on one side by a rocky and precipitous bank, whilst
a tract of low ground extended for a considerable distance on the other.
Hence, in flood time, a vast volume of water rolled over the flat and,
entering the town, swept everything away before it. The abolition of
this source of destruction was effected by reversing the natural
relations of the river banks. Along the shallow margin a wall was built
of sufficient strength to resist the overflow, and the rocky boundary
opposite was broken away until the ground was made level with the
surface of the water. From this side a canal was then cut, which skirted
the city and rejoined the Scirtus after its issue from the walls.[494]
Bridge building was also undertaken successfully, the most notable
examples being that over the Sangaris near Nicomedia,[495] and one of
stone which replaced the old wooden bridge across the Golden Horn.[496]

Fortification engrossed much of Justinian's attention, and his
constructions in that category exceeded, perhaps, in bulk all the rest
of his architectural work. The repair and rebuilding of walls, the
substitution of effective for inadequate mural defences, and the
strategical modification of sites, went on continually throughout the
Empire. Constantina, the new post of the Duke of Mesopotamia, was raised
to the rank of a first class fortress,[497] but the most elaborate works
for the purpose of martial defence were executed at Dara, which still
existed as the main bulwark against Persian invasion. The fortifications
of Anastasius had been hastily built, and consisted of an uncoursed
stone wall, laid without mortar, about fifty feet high. The town was
exposed to attack over one stretch of ground only, as in its greatest
extent it lay along the edge of a rocky declivity unassailable by an
enemy. Justinian consolidated the original wall, closed its battlements
so that they became mere loopholes, and raised it thirty feet higher.
The towers were similarly treated and elevated until they overtopped the
wall to an equal extent. A covered gallery ran through its whole length,
from which the soldiers could assail the enemy with their arrows from
the numerous loopholes. For still greater security, however, a second
wall of smaller dimensions than the first, also with towers, but solid,
was erected at a short distance in front of the first, and from the top
of this rampart the main body of the military were active in repelling
an assault. Lastly, a moat was excavated and led along so as to make a
crescentic sweep from one end of the assailable wall to the other.[498]
In addition to fortifying cities the Emperor built very numerous forts
along the frontiers, and more than six hundred of these are named as
being in the vicinity of the Danube.[499] Where the configuration of a
region favoured it, whole provinces were shut off by defensive walls
against hostile inroads. This was especially the case at the pass of
Thermopylae, the isthmus of Corinth, and the entrance to the Thracian
Chersonesus, where existing barriers were now restored to
efficiency.[500] The Long Wall of Anastasius has already been
mentioned,[501] but this bulwark proved less obstructive to the
barbarians than had been anticipated, owing to its having been made
permeable continuously from end to end. Justinian, therefore, divided it
into sections, each of which he separately garrisoned, so that an enemy
could not by the capture of one portion obtain the command of the whole,
and thus win a free passage into the suburbs of the capital.[502]

[459] See pp. 459, 462.

[460] Some personal and family details of these professionals are given
by Agathias, v, 6-9. He also recounts an anecdote which shows that
something of the power of steam was understood in those days. It appears
that Anthemius had a next-door neighbour, a rich man, who incommoded him
by additions to his mansion which interfered with some ancient lights,
etc. The architect determined to revenge himself by terrifying the
offender while in the act of entertaining a party of friends at a
banquet. For this purpose he hit on the expedient of carrying pipes from
large covered caldrons into the roof of the mansion, where he packed
every outlet, and at a fitting moment applied fire to the vessels when
full of water. Thus, after the steam began to rise and high pressure was
induced in the confined space, a great commotion was occasioned which
shook the mansion and caused the banqueters to rush out into the street
exclaiming that there was an earthquake. Subsequently, when the affair
was generally understood, Anthemius got the reputation of being a man
who could produce artificial earthquakes. A work by Anthemius on
Mechanical Paradoxes was published at Paris in 1777.

[461] Procopius alone (De Aedif., i, 1) gives any reliable details as to
the progress of the reconstruction; but a much longer account (Anon.,
Banduri and Codinus, differing somewhat) composed in a later age exists,
most of which is of a legendary character. It might be appropriately
called "The Gospel of the Building of St. Sophia," it is so replete with
marvels, some of which read like an extract from the New Testament and
others like an episode from the Arabian Nights.

[462] The place was shown to a Russian pilgrim, Anthony of Novogorod
(twelfth century; Soc. Orient. Latin. Sér. Géog., v). Other tales in the
legendary account refer to a eunuch who yielded on being locked up to
prevent his seeing the Circus games, and to a cobbler who stipulated to
be saluted as Emperor, etc.

[463] Anon. (Codinus, p. 130, _et seq._).

[464] We have seen that the City of Constantine was fitted out on the
ready-made system (p. 67, etc.), and no doubt something of the same kind
took place now. Gregorovius accepts the statement of the Anon. that
Athens contributed art relics to St. Sophia; Athen im Mittelalter, 1889,
i, 60.

[465] These details as to the marbles are drawn from the safe authority
of Paul the Silentiary (617, _et seq._), whose poem descriptive of St.
Sophia is copious and exact. Lethaby and S. (_op. cit._, p. 235, _et
seq._) try to identify the marbles as far as they are known to modern
commerce.

[466] The raising of domes in masonry was well understood throughout the
Empire at this time. The knowledge had probably been brought to Rome in
the second century B.C. as a result of her conquests in the East. The
dome of the Pantheon, built or restored by Hadrian (_c._ 120), measures
one hundred and forty-two feet across, but this is a circular hall which
supports the dome all round. Anthemius himself, probably, had lately
finished the church of St. Sergius and Bacchus in Hormisdas (now called
Little St. Sophia), but in this case eight pillars were given to the
dome, and he was doubtless dissatisfied with the effect. Earlier domes
in Syria are noticed in Voguë's work. By the use of iron or steel
frame-work, much greater domes have been erected in modern times than
anything known in earlier ages, _e.g._, Vienna Exhibition, 1873, 360
feet. In London we have the Albert Hall and British Museum (219 and 140
feet), the latter a reproduction of the Pantheon.

[467] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Paulus, 479. According to the Anon.,
relics of saints and martyrs were deposited in cavities of the masonry
in various places.

[468] The earliest known dome on pendentives is a Roman mausoleum in
Palestine of the second century; East. Pal. Mem., 1889, p. 172 (Lethaby
and S., _op. cit._, p. 200).

[469] Procopius (_loc. cit._) gives some indications of the difficulties
they had to contend with through the piers threatening to give way, etc.
The Anon. remarks that the dome was said to be made of pumice stone, but
that it was in reality of bricks from Rhodes, one-twelfth the weight of
ordinary bricks. The main theme of Choisy's work (L'Art de bâtir chez
les Byz.) is that domes were built without "centreing" (wooden
proppage), simply by working in circumferentially till closure.

[470] One hundred and seven pillars altogether are counted, but only
fifty-four are visible as bounding the nave.

[471] Technically such corners are called _exedras_, and their
shell-like roofs, _conchs_. In these corners six pillars stand over two,
at the sides over four.

[472] See pp. 55, 111.

[473] Measured at the level of the galleries, therefore, the length is
three hundred feet.

[474] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Paulus, 668.

[475] Salzenberg's great coloured illustrations (Berlin, 1854) must be
inspected in order to get a vivid notion of the interior, but it is
doubtful if any mosaic of Justinian's fixing now remains. Anything
pictorial is generally covered up with Mahometan whitewash, but in 1847
extensive repairs had to be undertaken, of which Salzenberg,
commissioned by the Prussian government, took advantage.

[476] Everything is minutely described by Paulus Sil. Procopius (_loc.
cit._) says the silver alone consumed in fitting up the Bema amounted to
forty thousand pounds (Troy).

[477] The latter part, nearly half, of the Silentiary's poem is devoted
to a panegyric on this elaborate pulpit.

[478] Marcellinus Com., an. 537.

[479] Theophanes, an. 6030.

[480] Codinus, p. 143.

[481] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 4. It is almost certain that St. Mark's,
Venice, was copied from this church.

[482] _Ibid., passim._

[483] _Ibid._, v, 6, 9.

[484] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 10.

[485] _Ibid._, 2. It was repaired by Michael VIII, _c._ 1270; Nicephorus
Greg., vii, 12 (with note). Gyllius saw the last of it, _c._ 1550; Top.
C.P., ii, 17. An old drawing of the horseman is reproduced by Mordtmann,
_op. cit._, p. 65. The reputation of the great Theodosius, or at least
his statue, was now obsolete, so Justinian demolished it and set up his
own in its stead, substituting base metal for the silver one (see p. 59)
of 7,400 pounds (Troy); Zonaras, xiv, 6. He also recovered much lead at
this time (543) by doing away with an underground water conduit; _ibid._

[486] If we accept the judgment of Procopius, "you would have taken
these objects for the productions of Phidias, Lysippus, or Praxiteles";
_op. cit._, i, 11.

[487] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 4.

[488] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 435; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. The _Binbir
derek_ ("Thousand-one pillars") long supposed to be the cistern of
Philoxenus (see p. 74) is now with more probability recognized as this
reservoir. The identification rests on the pillars having heads of the
"impost" variety, which is not known to have been in use for long before
the sixth century. See Forscheimer, etc., Die byzant. Wasserbehälter,
1892; cf. Lethaby and S., _op. cit._, p. 248.

[489] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 11. The _Yeri-Batan Seraï_ ("Underground
Palace") still in existence and full of water; for details, see
Forscheimer, _op. cit._ Views of both cisterns are given in all modern
popular works on CP.

[490] Procopius, De Aedificiis, in six books. Evagrius (ii, 18) mentions
that in Africa alone, after the conquest, J. dealt with 150 cities on a
more or less extensive scale.

[491] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, Nov. xi; cxxxi.

[492] See Alemannus, _op. cit._, p. 397 _et seq._ He has made out a
complete list of every place or thing distinguished by the names of one
or other of the royal partners.

[493] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 3, 6, 7, 8; v, 2, 4, 5. The
preservation of Palmyra, which seems to have been on the road to
effacement, demanded a great deal of attention; _Ibid._, ii, 11; Malala,
p. 425.

[494] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 7.

[495] _Ibid._, v, 3. The bridge exists, spanning a dry valley, and is
figured in Texier's _Asie Mineure_ (copied in Diehl's Justinian).

[496] Notitia, Reg. xiv; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. It had twelve arches;
Codinus, p. 30, etc.

[497] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 5.

[498] _Ibid._, 1 (Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 57).

[499] _Ibid._, iv, 4, 11. These protective castles consisted of a wall
about seven feet thick and from thirty to forty feet high, to which
towers were attached externally of nearly double the height. Most
frequently the space enclosed was a quadrangle of about one hundred
feet, but might be much larger and of irregular shape. They have been
studied mostly in French Africa, where numbers are still found in good
preservation. A large portion of Diehl's _Afrique Byzantine_ is occupied
with a minute description of them, accompanied by views, plans, etc.

[500] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, 2, 10.

[501] See pp. 124, 164.

[502] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, 9.




 CHAPTER X
 ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH THE GOTHS IN ITALY


In the third quarter of the fifth century, the Teutonic invaders of the
Western Empire had established themselves firmly in all its provinces,
and wielded a predominant power in the government. In the year 476
Odovacar was the head of the barbarians in Italy, whilst a youth named
Romulus Augustulus was formally recognized as Emperor.[503] The potent
barbarian abolished the Imperial throne and relegated its occupant to a
decent exile in the castle of Lucullus in Campania.[504] At the same
time he deprecated the anger of Zeno, the Eastern Emperor, and forwarded
the Imperial regalia to Constantinople in token of his submission to him
as a vassal.[505]

A few years later Theodoric, the young King of the East Goths, exercised
an ascendancy in Thrace almost equal to that of Odovacar in Italy, and
ravaged the country up to the gates of the capital. Zeno effected an
accommodation with him, nominated him as Master of Soldiers at Court,
and even honoured him with the Consulship (484).[506] Theodoric,
however, was impatient of control; and he proposed to the Emperor that
he should march against Odovacar with his countenance, and reign
independently in Italy under his suzerainty should he succeed in
conquering that country.[507] Zeno, glad to dispense with his formidable
service, at once assented, and the Gothic King departed forthwith on his
enterprise (488).[508] For two years Odovacar opposed the invader in
battle, but the fortune of war declared for his adversary; and at last
he found himself immured compulsorily within the walls of Ravenna. For
three years he held this stronghold against the Gothic King, until the
misery caused by the siege rendered him willing to treat. A compact was
made that both kings should rule jointly, and Theodoric was allowed to
establish himself in the city.[509] Shortly it was whispered that
Odovacar was engaged in a plot, a danger which his colleague met by
devising another. In this contest the Goth again became the victor. The
associate King was invited to a banquet, his movements were hampered
under the pretence of calling his attention to a written petition, and
Theodoric dealt him a death stroke with his sword (493).[510]

The Goth now secured for himself the allegiance of all the barbarians in
Italy, and sent an embassy to apprize Anastasius, who had been raised to
the throne in the meantime, of the final success of his enterprise. The
new Emperor replied with congratulations, and returned to Theodoric the
Imperial insignia which had been sequestered at Constantinople.[511] The
reign of the Gothic king lasted for thirty-three years, and was
characterized by beneficence and religious toleration towards his Roman
subjects. His court was upheld politically by the most eminent men of
Latin race whom the West produced in his time. He retained, as his chief
ministers, Boethius and Cassiodorus, men of literary attainments, whose
works have come down to us and are still read for pleasure and
instruction. But in his last days the alien king became distrustful of
his officials of native lineage, and Boethius, with his father-in-law,
Symmachus, fell a victim to his morbid suspicions.[512]

Theodoric was succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, the son of his
daughter Amalasuntha, a boy only ten years of age. The mother, a
beautiful and accomplished woman, became queen-regent; but she soon
incurred the enmity of a powerful section of the Gothic nobles by
educating her son according to the scholastic discipline usual among
civilized nations.[513] They insisted that the use of arms was the only
fit training for a Gothic youth, asserting that "the boy who had
trembled beneath a rod would never endure the sight of a sword." As a
result his tuition in letters was abandoned, and Athalaric was left free
to follow his own devices. If he died in his eighteenth year, after a
short career of dissipation and debauchery, we may feel assured that he
was incapable of either arms or letters, and the issue need not be
attributed to his emancipation from tutorial control.[514]

Having despaired of her popularity among the chief men of her nation,
Amalasuntha began to nourish treacherous designs against the Goths.
While her son was in apparent health she concerted a flight to
Constantinople, with the interested connivance of Justinian, contingent
on her failure to destroy a faction whom she believed to be seeking her
own destruction. When his decease was in prospect she went further, and
meditated the total surrender of her kingdom into the hands of the
Eastern Emperor. Justinian listened, but the scheme was only remotely
feasible, and the Gothic queen made an effort to repair her feminine
disability by assuming her cousin Theodahad as her partner on the
throne. She offered him the name of King, with the convention that in
her alone should be resident the regal prerogative. He accepted, but in
bad faith and with a private reservation as to his own prepotency.

Theodahad was a married man of middle age, and has the distinction of
being the first recorded scholar of the great German nation whose work
in literature and science has so much contributed to the progress of
knowledge in modern times. He was a devoted student of Latin and Greek
philosophy,[515] but he was also noted for his avarice; and, as the
possessor of large estates in Tuscany, laboured to accumulate wealth by
unflinching extortion. Previous to this time Amalasuntha had been forced
to deal sternly with him in order to repress his unscrupulous exactions.
Exasperated by her interposition, he also had contemplated the betrayal
of his countrymen; and was at the moment in treaty for the delivery of
his province to Justinian in return for a position of honour at the
Byzantine Court, and a commensurate gift of money. As soon as he was
associated to the throne he leagued with the enemies of Amalasuntha, and
made away with some of her chief supporters. His next step was to seize
the person of the queen, whom he incarcerated in an island castle of the
Volsinian lake in Tuscany. At the same time he sent two legates, members
of the Roman Senate, to explain the matter to the Emperor. They assured
him that the prisoner would suffer no personal injury, and presented a
letter, written under constraint by Amalasuntha, in which she spoke
resignedly as to her captivity.

Immediately after the successful issue of the Vandal war Justinian
became ambitious of adding the kingdom of Italy to his dominions; and it
is probable that his wishes in this respect were more or less openly
expressed. Hence the overtures insidiously made by Amalasuntha and
Theodahad, who must have read clearly that any proposals of theirs,
which conduced to his cherished design, would be welcomed by the
Emperor. Justinian was, therefore, on the watch to find a case for war,
even in occurrences of little moment, which would ordinarily be settled
by a diplomatic conference. While Gelimer was still a fugitive, a force
was sent to occupy Lilibaeum, a fortress at the western extremity of
Sicily, on the grounds that it had been granted as a depôt to the
Vandals, on the marriage of Theodoric's sister to one of their
kings.[516] The lady, however, had been imprisoned and ultimately
executed by Hilderic, and the Goths had resumed possession of the
post.[517] Consequently the proposed Byzantine garrison was refused
admittance.[518] Further, ten Hunnish deserters from the Imperial army
had been received in asylum at Naples; and the Goths, while opposing an
inroad of the Gepaeds at Sirmium, had inflicted some damage on a
neighbouring town of the Empire. The queen-regent replied by pointing
out the triviality of the complaints, and the shadowy nature of the
claim to Lilibaeum; and concluded by maintaining that the Vandal
expedition would have been a failure only for the liberal succour she
had afforded to it as they lay off Sicily. These questions were agitated
ostensibly with the view merely of fixing the attention of the Gothic
nation; and when the Imperial legates repaired to the court of Ravenna
their real mission was to discuss the possibility of annexing Italy to
the Empire.[519] On their return to Constantinople the ambassadors had
to communicate, not only the measures concerted with Amalasuntha, but
also the proposals of Theodahad, by whom they had been secretly
approached during their stay in the Gothic kingdom. Justinian was
overjoyed at the receipt of their message, and began to hope for an
early realization of his project. Without loss of time, therefore, he
despatched another legation, more studiously constituted, at the head of
whom was Peter Magister. Events, however, had been proceeding rapidly in
Italy, and they started in ignorance of the death of Althalaric, the
elevation of Theodahad, and the deposition of Amalasuntha. In Macedonia
they were arrested by the Queen's emissaries, on the coast of Epirus by
those of the King: they halted and referred back to the Emperor. A
supplementary instruction was given them; they were to declare in no
uncertain tone that Justinian would defend the interests of Amalasuntha.

On his arrival at Ravenna Peter found Theodahad beset by a cabal who
demanded the death of the ex-queen as essential to their own and his
safety; and, notwithstanding the preponderant presence of the Imperial
legate with his special mandate to the point, it was shortly made public
that Amalasuntha had been privately executed. Peter denounced the act
with vehemence, and apprized the Emperor, who promptly resolved on war.
In the year of his Consulship (535) Belisarius sailed for Sicily with a
moderate force, professing, however, that he was on his way to Carthage.
Such was the prestige of his name that the Goths evacuated the island
almost without striking a blow.[520] On the last day of the year the
Roman general entered Syracuse to lay down his Consulship, which he did
with much popular applause and scattering of largess. At the same time
Mundus, the master of soldiers in Illyricum, had been commissioned to
attack the enemy in Dalmatia, where he quickly achieved a success by the
capture of Salona. Justinian now declared himself openly as the
regenerator of Italy against the Arian heretics, who had wrested it by
force from the Empire; and he sent letters to the Franks, who were
Orthodox, claiming their assistance in his enterprise. The specific
permission granted to Theodoric by Zeno, and the ratification of his
title by Anastasius were ignored, and the Goths were presented in the
same light as the heterogeneous horde of barbarians whom they had
displaced. As in the case of Africa the religious sympathies of the
native population in this war were on the side of the Byzantines.

Notwithstanding this state of active warfare, Peter had attached himself
to Theodahad, seeking an opportunity to extract from him a formal deed
of abdication. During these negotiations the Gothic King showed himself
to be a vacillating and incapable administrator. He signed a treaty in
the most abject terms, reserving to himself merely the name of King, and
dismissed the ambassadors. He became fearful, saw himself in the place
of Gelimer, recalled them, and tendered a second document, in which his
abdication was made absolute; but he imposed an oath on Peter not to
reveal it unless his first terms should be rejected. Justinian, however,
was soon made aware of the alternative proposals, whereupon he chartered
a commission to take over the government of Italy. But in the meantime
the Goths had massed their forces in Dalmatia, defeated and killed
Mundus, and regained their ascendency in that province. This success
effected a reversal in the attitude of Theodahad; he received the
Byzantine deputies haughtily, cited historical precedents to show that
the person of an ambassador was not always strictly inviolable, and
finally committed them to custody on the charge of harbouring
treasonable designs against the head of the State.

The conquest of Italy was now undertaken in earnest, and, while a new
general repaired the Roman disaster in Dalmatia, Belisarius crossed over
to the continent and laid siege to Naples. Having drawn up his fleet and
army in a threatening position, he called on the citizens to surrender
the town. Colloquies were held by the townspeople, and, while one party
urged that the example of Sicily be followed, another argued that the
vengeance of the Goths, to whom they had given hostages, was more to be
dreaded than the attack of Belisarius. Ultimately it was decided to
defend the city, and messengers were sent to solicit extraneous aid from
Theodahad. More than a fortnight had been consumed in futile assaults
and repulses, when the chance observation of an Isaurian soldier
suggested a means of capture by surprise. While curiously exploring the
aqueduct he noticed that the water entered the town through a natural
mass of solid rock, which had been bored to give it admission. The
channel, however, was too narrow to allow the passage of an armed man,
but would do so readily if slightly enlarged. A few men, therefore,
repaired to the place secretly, and, by dint of working away the stone
noiselessly with sharp tools, they opened a passage of sufficient width
into the city. Under cover of night four hundred select men entered the
channel, and followed the course of the aqueduct through the town in
quest of a place of exit. The waterway was a vaulted gallery roofed with
brick, but at length they arrived at a point from whence they could see
the sky. On each side, however, they were confined by high walls not
easy to scale. With some difficulty a man, stripped of his armour,
clambered up, and noticed a mean house close by, inhabited by a solitary
old woman. He reached it by the aid of a tree, which grew alongside, and
terrified the occupant into silence. He then attached a rope to the
tree, and threw the free end into the aqueduct. One by one the soldiers
drew themselves up and descended, till all had arrived safely on the
ground. The party then made a sudden onslaught on two towers of the
south wall, according to a prearranged plan, slaughtered the guards, and
took possession of their posts. In the meantime Belisarius and the army
were keeping watch outside, where they strove to monopolize the
attention of the garrison by shouting to them continually to capitulate.
Suddenly a clangor of trumpets rang out; it was the preconcerted signal,
and announced that a portion of the wall was occupied by the surprise
party. A rush with ladders was made to the place, several bands
ascended, gates were seized and thrown open, the whole army poured in,
and Naples was at the mercy of the Byzantines. On the spur of the moment
a massacre was begun, especially by the auxiliary Huns, who burst into
houses and captured women and youths, but Belisarius soon succeeded in
imposing a check on the inflamed soldiery, and peace was established
within the walls before the outrages had time to become general.

The fall of Naples provoked universal indignation among the Goths, and
they became filled with resentment against Theodahad. They determined to
depose him, and a military conventicle was held in the vicinity of Rome,
where the bulk of their forces were encamped. Vitigis was elected King,
a man of no birth, but a general of proved capacity, who had
distinguished himself in wars with the outer barbarians under Theodoric.
On the receipt of this news Theodahad fled hastily to Ravenna, but he
was hotly pursued, on the part of the new monarch, by a Gothic officer,
who owed him a private grudge. He was overtaken on the way and
remorselessly slain by his personal enemy, and thus ended his career
after a reign which had lasted three years (536). Vitigis now held a
council of war, at which it was resolved to march northwards in order to
effect an accommodation with the Franks, Venetians, and all external
tribes with whom there were disputes, by making liberal concessions in
each case. The Gothic troops occupied in such regions could then be
withdrawn and concentrated into one great army, with which to return to
the south and encounter Belisarius. Rome in the interval was to be
entrusted to a small garrison of four thousand men, while the
inhabitants were to be reminded that they had always been dealt with
liberally by the Goths, and should therefore adhere to them loyally.

These resolutions were acted on, and, while Vitigis retreated
northwards, the way was left open for Belisarius to march on Rome. The
Byzantine general lost no time, and his progress through the Campania
was soon announced. His reputation had preceded him, and the fate of
Naples had struck terror into the citizens of the Capital of the West. A
meeting of the Romans was convened by the municipality, and, chiefly at
the instigation of Pope Silverius, it was decided to submit without
resistance to the representative of Justinian. Thereupon the Gothic
garrison, recognizing that their position was untenable, made up their
minds to abandon the city and betake themselves to Ravenna. Belisarius
was met by a deputation which invited him to take possession of Rome;
and it happened that while the Imperial army entered the city from the
south, by the Asinarian gate, that named the Flaminian was being kept
open on the north to give egress to the Gothic brigade. The day was the
ninth of December, in the year 536, and just sixty years since the
metropolis had fallen into the hands of the barbarians led by
Odovacar.[521] On this occasion the formality was gone through of
sending the keys of the city to the Emperor at Constantinople.

Rome at this time, notwithstanding the vicissitudes it had experienced,
had lost, to the superficial eye, but little of its Imperial splendour.
A numerous population, amounting probably to more than one million,[522]
still maintained itself in affluence within the ample circuit of walls
built two centuries and a half previously by Aurelian.[523] The
construction of those walls had been necessitated by the expansion the
city had undergone since the age of the Republic and the first emperors.
Fourteen principal gates provided for communication with the surrounding
country, and an equal number of lofty aqueducts, in many situations
architecturally decorative and imposing, supplied water to the interior
from various outlying districts within a circumference extending to
sixty miles.[524] The transformation of Rome from a city of dingy and
tasteless aspect, which had arisen on the borderland of civilization, to
a handsome capital adorned by all the resources of unapproachable Greek
art, had been begun and almost accomplished by Augustus.[525] The pride
and magnificence of his successors, in their spirit of absolutism and
self-adulation, had continued his work lavishly until the seven hills,
with their disjunctive valleys, were hidden beneath a labyrinth of
sculptured stone and marble:—[526] pillared temples and palaces, great
halls upheld by endless ranges of ornate columns, continuous porticoes,
colonnaded squares occupied by lofty figured monuments and Egyptian
obelisks, public baths of immense area decorated inside with fresco and
mosaic,[527] theatres and circuses on a vast scale, stupendous triumphal
arches spanning the main thoroughfares at frequent intervals, splendid
fountains, a crowd of statues almost equalling in number the people to
be seen moving along the streets,[528] and, lastly, even sepulchres of a
magnitude and elaboration not surpassed by edifices intended for a
concourse of the living.[529] In their private sphere the great nobles
emulated the work of the emperors, and constructed such extensive and
costly dwellings that they were compared to reproductions in miniature
of the city without.[530] Beyond the walls the suxburban area was so
thickly populated as scarcely to be distinguished from the fortified
enclosure. In vain had Constantine striven to create a new Rome on the
Bosphorus which should rival in grandeur the historic capital; to the
last a native of Constantinople would be struck with wonder and
admiration on beholding the city of the Tiber.[531] From some elevated
post, such as the Capitol, crowned with its massive temples, an observer
might comprehend in a glance some of the main features of the
world-subduing metropolis. His eye would be riveted in succession by the
huge bulk of the Coliseum, girded with pillars and statues rising in
four tiers to a height of one hundred and sixty feet; by the tall
embossed columns of Trajan and Antonine projecting above their
respective peristyles; by the expansive dome of the Pantheon sheathed
with bronze tiles; by the Mausoleum of Hadrian, a commanding pile on the
river side, also encircled by superimposed rows of pillars and statues;
and by the tomb of Augustus, a lofty mound ascending from a cylindrical
base by a slope planted with evergreen trees, and surmounted by a
colossus of that emperor.[532] Yet were a Roman, who had lived in the
age of the Caesars, to revisit the capital in the sixth century, he
would be struck by some remarkable changes. Traces of the religious
revolution which had culminated in the fourth century were everywhere
apparent; Paganism effete, and Christianity bursting into bloom.
Deserted temples, neglected and often verging to dilapidation, their
columns tottering and sometimes fallen to the ground, offended the
artistic sense. On the other hand Christian basilicas had sprung up, and
in some localities were great and conspicuous objects. Below the Coelian
hill the Lateran gardens were occupied by the Constantinean Cathedral of
the Saviour; and the original basilica of St. Peter had taken possession
of the Vatican mount. Without the walls, on the south, the great church
of St. Paul had been built to supply the religious needs of the teeming
population of the suburbs.[533]

An observant historian, resident in the West during the latter part of
the fourth century, has left us a striking picture of Roman society in
his time, which, with essential modifications, may be applied to
illustrate the manners of the Italian capital under the rule of
Theodoric. The national aspirations and energies of the Roman people,
having been nurtured and gratified progressively by success during
several centuries, arrived at the stage of inflorescence in the
pre-Augustan age. The long-continued training and encouragement of
intellectual activity was then producing those fruits which are
characteristic of the highest degree of material prosperity; men
experienced in war, habitual conquerors ambitious to rule; accumulations
of wealth in the hands of numerous private persons; and a lively
interest in literature and art. Hence sprang civil wars ending in
despotism, boundless luxury, and new creations in the realm of poetry,
history, painting, and sculpture. But the outcome of the autocracy was a
cessation of mental activity, emulation became extinct, and a period of
stagnation set in, tending gradually towards settled apathy and
indifference to all purposive effort. About two centuries after the
foundation of the Empire these results began to be fully apparent, and
an aimless abandonment to pleasure became the distinctive mark of the
age. Thus arose the sociological phenomena which at the end of the
fourth century have been recorded by the historian of the period. The
nobles revelled in the enjoyment of their great wealth; the lower orders
became seditious unless they were provided with sustenance and amusement
without having to earn them by work. The rich devoted their time to
receptions at which they were waited on by a crowd of interested
flatterers eager to win substantial proofs of their favour. They never
tired of boasting to their audience of the extent of their possessions
and the revenue they derived from them.[534] Through lack of any
legitimate occupation their dormant energies could find no outlet except
by taking an overwhelming interest in the routine of petty acts
necessitated daily by physical existence. Meal-times, most of all,
absorbed their attention; a multitude of servants stood around, and the
introduction of every dish was an event of grave importance. Fish,
birds, and dormice were the chief constituents of their fare; and as
each cooked animal was placed on the table it was subjected to the
keenest observation. Should anything excessive in the way of size or
plumpness be apparent, all present ejaculated their admiration. A
weighing-machine was sent for in order to ascertain how much it would
scale, and a secretary brought a book in which to register the
particulars of the astounding occurrence.[535] The intervals between
their repasts were given over to gambling, less frequently to music, and
on rare occasions to reading. A game of skill with dice was the
favourite pastime, and one who had mastered all the shifts and
trickeries of this diversion, even though of base origin, received
universal homage as a man of eminence and distinction.[536] Musicians
were often entertained with honour in rich houses, singers being in
great request, as well as performers on the hydraulic organ or the lyre,
which had been increased to such a size as to exceed the modern
harp.[537] The era of light fiction had not begun, but some solace was
found in perusing the satires of Juvenal, who attracted by his
indecencies in spite of his ethics, and the compositions of Marius
Maximus, the author of copious and scandalous biographies of the
Caesars.[538] In their excursions out of doors both men and women of the
wealthy classes assumed the pomp of a royal progress. The noble occupant
of an ornate gilded coach was attended by stewards who marshalled all
the servile members of the household in a lengthy procession. First came
the handsome and finely-dressed slaves addicted to light employments;
then a grimy crew of those who were busied about the kitchen; and lastly
a company of eunuchs in two bands, those in front being old men with
wrinkled and distorted features, and behind a troop of boy castrates who
were prized for their fresh appearance.[539] Costly apparel was the
special extravagance of a certain class; and when walking they displayed
themselves clad in layer upon layer of fine mantles, held at the neck
only by a jewelled clasp, so that the loose folds constantly flying open
might exhibit their variegated embroideries picturing the forms of
different animals.[540] While such men would pass an ordinary citizen
without notice or with a supercilious glance of recognition, a noted
courtesan would be greeted with effusive compliments and caressed with
flatteries as if she were Semiramis or Cleopatra.[541] No section of the
community was more esteemed than the dancing-girls, and of these three
thousand were constantly figuring on the boards of the theatres. On one
occasion, when a dearth of provisions seemed imminent, and foreigners,
including many professors of the liberal arts, were suddenly expelled
from the city, the question of dismissing these sylphs, together with
their trainers and slaves, in number much greater than themselves, was
never once brought up for consideration.[542] In such a state of
intellectual torpor the slightest journey was regarded as an enterprise
demanding extraordinary fortitude; and if a noble paid a visit to his
provincial estates or undertook a short voyage in a painted
pleasure-boat to the watering places of Baiae or Cajeta, he afterwards
extolled his achievement as if he had performed something worthy of
Alexander or Caesar.[543] As for their religion, although they scoffed
at every formal belief, they were earnest votaries of magic, and
apprenticed slaves to professed sorcerers in order to encompass the art
of injuring or influencing other persons by means of mystical
operations.[544] Nor were they willing to arrange their meal-times,
their baths, or their appearances in public, without consulting an
almanac with the view of ascertaining the station of Mercury or the
position of the moon among the constellations.[545] In the reign of
Valentinian I an epidemic of poisoning became rife, and all inconvenient
relatives were got rid of by the administration of deleterious
drugs.[546] These excesses were rigorously repressed by that irascible
emperor, who even executed some men of senatorial rank for being
concerned in magical practices.[547] At the same time adultery and
seduction were dealt with by capital punishment, and both men and women
of noble rank perished for these crimes.[548] As for the common people,
they were indolent and dissolute, spent their time in wine-shops and
brothels, were addicted to gambling, and in their lower sphere imitated
the pride of their masters by pretending to high-sounding names and
descent from illustrious families, even though without shoes to their
feet. Their devotion to the games of the Circus was as intense as that
of the Constantinopolitans, but the factions of the Blues and Greens
were not of such political weight or such breeders of riot as their
fellows of the Byzantine capital.[549] But the Roman populace were more
expectant of public gratifications in the way of amusements, largess,
and bread, and broke into violent seditions when there was any prospect
of their being limited or withheld. If the corn-fleet were delayed their
animosity was directed against the Praefect of the City; if the public
spectacles were parsimoniously provided for, against the Praetor of the
Games; and, unless those officials found means to assuage the tumult,
their houses were liable to be attacked and burnt by an infuriated
mob.[550]

Such was Rome at the beginning of the fifth century. Secluded in the
heart of Italy, her tranquillity had never been disturbed by the
commotions which the turbulent barbarians were for ever exciting on the
distant frontiers. But in 410 the Visigoths raided Italy, and Alaric
forced Rome to capitulate. Forty-five years later the city succumbed to
Genseric, but in these cases, beyond the abstraction of a large amount
of treasure, it does not appear that any material damage was inflicted.
At the nominal fall of the Western Empire the capital was peacefully
transferred to Odovacar, and under Theodoric the Senate was maintained
in its privileges,[551] whilst the municipal officers continued to be
selected and appointed with studious regularity.[552] Repairs of the
walls and public buildings were executed systematically,[553] and the
Circus was kept up as formerly under governmental supervision.[554] But
Roman pride must have been sullied by the frequent submissions to
barbarian hosts; and the settlement of the intruders all over Italy on
private estates must have reduced the affluence of the nobles to
moderate proportions. The glowing picture of Roman life, as it comes
from the hand of the fourth-century historian, must therefore be
received with large abatement before it can be accepted as delineating
society in the capital as it was when entered by the Byzantines.

After the departure of Vitigis, Belisarius sent his lieutenants Bessas
and Constantine into Tuscany to test the attitude of the inhabitants,
and they soon had the good fortune to receive several submissions, among
them the towns of Varnia, Perusia, and Spoleto. During this period he
himself was busy in repairing the walls and replenishing the granaries
of Rome. In the meantime the Gothic king had established himself at the
court of Ravenna, where he took active measures to consolidate the
affairs of his nation. The Franks, who had already given pledges to
Justinian, were won over to a secret alliance by the cession of
Gallia;[555] and he repaired his defect of birth by coercing
Matasuentha, a maiden in her teens, the daughter of the late queen, into
a hasty marriage with him. He now infused all his energies into the war,
and, having despatched a fleet with reinforcements to Dalmatia, marched
on Rome at the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men. As the forces
under Belisarius were reported not to exceed a tithe of that number, he
advanced with great confidence, his only fear being that before his
arrival the Byzantine general should have saved himself by flight. While
he was on his way, Bessas and Constantine, at the call of their chief,
returned to Rome with their brigades, having left a small garrison in
each of the captured towns.[556]

The first collision with the enemy was brought about by Belisarius
himself, who went out to reconnoitre their approach accompanied by a
thousand horse. Having blocked the Milvian bridge over the Tiber, a mile
and a half to the north of the city, with a tower, he expected that
Vitigis would be delayed for some days before he could improvise means
for crossing the river. But the guards of the tower fled at the first
sight of the enemy, who at once broke through and poured into the plain.
Hence before he could effect a retreat he found himself confronted by
their cavalry in force, and a desperate encounter immediately ensued.
Mounted on a dark charger dashed with white over the forehead, the
Master of Soldiers, more admirable than prudent in his conduct, threw
himself into the fight with the utmost ardour. The horse, trained for
the battle-field, shared his rider's zeal. Belisarius was soon
recognized by some deserters, and the word ran through the Gothic ranks
that the fortunes of the war were identified with the most conspicuous
combatant. He at once became the central mark for javelins and spears,
while the bravest of the Goths rode to the spot, eager to fell him with
their swords. With untiring energy, wielding his sword, now on this
side, now on that, he struck down all who came within reach of his arm,
while his guards, with irresistible bravery, closed around him and
repelled the assailants. At length their unyielding determination won
the victory; the Goths broke and fled to their camp, leaving nearly a
thousand of their number on the field. The Romans pursued them, but were
soon driven back by a mass of infantry, and with difficulty regained the
walls of the city. There they clamoured loudly for admittance, but those
within were afraid to open the gates lest the enemy should enter along
with the fugitive band. It was now nightfall, and the hero of the day,
who was reported fallen, was unrecognizable in the dusky air under a
coating of blood and dust. Belisarius now rallied his men, and they
turned with a great shout against the attacking party, who thus received
the impression that reinforcements had issued from the city and beat a
hasty retreat. They were permitted to depart unmolested, and then, the
gates being opened, all were enabled to reach their quarters in safety.
Notwithstanding his titanic exertions Belisarius had escaped without a
wound.

Both sides now matured their dispositions for pressing on and sustaining
the siege. Belisarius posted divisions of the garrison at each gate,
drafting into the service all the available citizens, and walled up the
aqueducts at their place of entry, lest the enemy should be tempted to
imitate his own successful stratagem at Naples. At the same time he
exhorted the townspeople, who were inclined to jeer at his temerity in
defying such a huge army, to be of good cheer, as he had excellent
reasons for predicting that he should be victorious over the Goths. On
his side Vitigis disposed his forces in seven fortified camps on the
north of Rome, one being across the river near St. Peter's by the
Vatican. In each case he dug a foss and cast a rampart, the top of which
was defended by a line of stakes. Every channel by which provisions
could enter the city was blocked, and all the aqueducts were cut through
in order to produce a water famine. A variety of machines for storming
the fortifications were also constructed: battering-rams; wooden towers
as high as the battlements, rolling on four wheels and drawn by oxen;
ladders in great number; and bundles of sticks and reeds to fill up the
moat and thus give access over level ground to the walls. To resist such
attacks engines for throwing heavy stones and darts were placed on the
top of the walls by the besieged; huge beams, provided with teeth and
worked by ropes, were hinged to the gates so as to beat down the enemy
if they attempted to force the portals; and the towers were brought to a
standstill by killing the draught-oxen with arrows.

During the first few weeks of the siege many determined efforts to scale
the walls were made by the Goths, who expected to overwhelm the small
garrison by their superior numbers. The most notable of these attacks
was that made on the Aurelian gate, which stood on the river bank and
was connected by a bridge over the Tiber with the quadrangular base of
the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Constantine, with a small detachment of the
garrison, occupied the walls and the monument, from which a colonnade
extended to the church of St. Peter. Under cover of the portico the
Goths were able to advance to close quarters without fear of missiles
shot by hand or from the engines. They emerged from beneath in great
force, protecting themselves with large shields and carrying numerous
ladders. Some strove to ascend the monument; others crossed the bridge
to scale the city walls. As soon as they appeared in the open their
attack was hotly contested by the Byzantines, who aimed at them with
arrows and stones from the engines. By a sudden impulse, those who
defended the Mausoleum seized on the statues with which it was
decorated, broke them in pieces, and hurled the fragments with both
hands on the heads of the assailants. Thus for some time the battle
raged furiously, but at length the Goths were repulsed.

As the siege proceeded, weekly sallies from the gates were studiously
organized by Belisarius; and in these encounters the Goths almost
invariably suffered in extraordinary disproportion to what might be
expected from the paucity of combatants arrayed against them. On one
occasion, for example, in a battle at the Salarian gate, thirty thousand
of them are stated to have been slain, while the wounded totalled a
still larger amount. Having by such results proved his forecast that
victory would incline to his side, Belisarius condescended to explain to
his staff why he had expressed himself so confidently at the beginning
of the siege. The Byzantine army, he pointed out, was composed almost
entirely of skilful horse-archers, especially the Huns, whilst the
Gothic cavalry were provided only with swords and spears, being,
moreover, without protective armour. Hence, they were powerless except
in a hand-to-hand fight; but in conflict with his mounted bowmen most of
them were brought down before they could come to close quarters. Such
was his demonstration, but nevertheless, as weeks rolled over, the Roman
general found that his position was becoming precarious owing to the
diminutive size of his army and the immense host which they had to
resist. The Goths also, taught by experience, ceased to attack the walls
in a densely packed throng, a proceeding which was the prime cause of
their being repulsed with such huge slaughter, since every missile aimed
at them told with deadly effect. He began to fear, therefore, that in
the end his task might prove to be greater than he could cope with, and
set about devising expedients to lighten the situation. In one way the
besieged were not so hard pressed as might have been anticipated; owing
to the extensive circuit of the walls, even the very numerous forces of
the Goths were unable to maintain a strict blockade. Thus communication
with the outside world, though not devoid of risk, was still facile.
Belisarius now forwarded an earnest entreaty to Justinian, praying for
reinforcements, and representing that the hardships endured by the
Romans might induce a renewal of their allegiance to the Goths. He also
determined to empty the city of all inhabitants who were useless for its
defence; and this was done one night after the enemy had returned to
their camp. An immense multitude—women, children, and slaves—were cast
adrift, and some by boats down the Tiber, others on foot along the
Appian Way, fled to the south, ultimately finding a refuge in Campania
or Sicily. For a different reason Pope Silverius and several senators
were dismissed, as suspicions were aroused that they had begun to treat
clandestinely with the Goths.

After this departure, however, the horrors of the siege began to be felt
more acutely on both sides. Vitigis, seeing that his efforts were being
frustrated, stationed a body of troops at the mouth of the Tiber to
prevent supplies reaching the city by water; and he also transformed
some of the arches of each aqueduct into guard-houses so that they might
intercept the import of provisions from the surrounding country. Inside
Rome the agitation grew to an extreme, and, as famine and pestilence
became rife, a recrudescence of Pagan superstition began to be
manifested. In the night some eager hands essayed to open the temple of
Janus in the Forum, but the brazen doors, long rusted upon their hinges,
refused to turn; and a gaping at their junction was all that attracted
notice next day to indicate the ineffectual attempt. At the same time,
all who were fit to bear arms clamoured to be led out against the Goths.
Soon, however, fresh forces began to arrive from Constantinople, and a
regiment of fifteen hundred succeeded in entering the city. Later on, a
fleet manned by three thousand Isaurians reached Ostia and hovered about
the river mouth to convoy provision ships which were preparing to run
the blockade. Procopius and Antonina had, in fact, been sent to Naples
to organize relief measures, and they returned before long with copious
stores. A number of small boats navigated the Tiber and revictualled
Rome unopposed, although observed by the Goths, either because they had
become apathetic, or because overtures for peace had already been made
by their King.

The siege had commenced in March, and such was the progress of events
during the succeeding nine months. When December had already been
entered upon, Vitigis found that his position was becoming desperate,
whilst the capture of Rome seemed more hopeless than ever. An almost
endless succession of defeats, together with disease and deficiency of
food in his camp, had been productive of enormous losses to the Gothic
army; and it was now rumoured that both by land and sea a great
increment of forces was on the way from Constantinople. He resolved,
therefore, to make peace with the Empire, if any reasonable terms could
be obtained from his adversaries. A conference in Rome between three
Gothic delegates and the Master of Soldiers was the result of his
decision. With the tone adopted by the Byzantine Court at the beginning
of the war rankling in their mind, the representatives of Vitigis
recapitulated the story of Odovacar, Theodoric, and the Emperor Zeno;
and thence inferred the injustice of the present invasion of Italy.
Founding his arguments on the most arrogant pretence or ignorance,
Belisarius, in reply, asserted virtually that Theodoric had been merely
a general employed by Zeno to restore Italy to his dominions, and
charged him roundly with perfidy and ingratitude for setting himself up
on an independent throne in that country. In the face of such insolent
or ignorant assurance, expostulation was evidently futile, and the Goths
could only proceed to mention hesitatingly their bid for peace. They
would cede Sicily, Campania, and Naples, and would pay a yearly tribute
to the Emperor. He thanked them ironically for their generosity; they
would give away what was no longer theirs; Britain in return should be
presented to the Goths; a much finer island than Sicily; it had once
belonged to the Romans. "At least," they urged, "let us communicate with
the Emperor, and let there be a truce for three months until we receive
his answer." To this proposal he gave a careless acquiescence, and the
deputation then withdrew.

Belisarius, however, had no intention of not pushing his advantage in
arms. Reinforcements had been arriving in batches, whilst the enemy had
relaxed their vigilance in the belief that hostilities had practically
ceased. Finding himself, therefore, with a surplus of troops at Rome, he
began to throw detachments into every town of the neighbourhood, which
was not in a state of active defence. At the same time he ordered John,
a nephew of Vitalian, to proceed northwards with two thousand horse,
cautioning him in a tone of levity not to begin raiding the country at
once, but to await instructions. Seeing that the attitude of the Roman
general amounted to no more than a farcical observance of the truce,
Vitigis, on his side, began to ponder over some insidious stratagem by
which he might capture Rome. First, he attempted a nocturnal entry
through a subterranean aqueduct; but after exploring its channel for
some distance into the city, his men were brought up by the recent
obstructions and had to retreat. Then he bribed some of the purveyors of
wine to the garrison to ply the sentinels on the river wall, where they
were fewest in number, with drugged liquor, but one of his intended
agents betrayed the plot. He even tried to rush the walls at the Pincian
gate by a sudden onset with ladders and fire during the dinner hour, but
the approach of the surprise party was signalled, so that they were met
and repulsed.

Through the Goths being seduced into these attempts by his own
enterprises, Belisarius found the opportunity he was looking for, and
paid no further heed to the factitious truce. He now, therefore, gave
the expected cue to John, who at once began to devastate central Italy,
in a chase from Auximum to Urbinum, and shortly arrived within sight of
Ariminum on the Adriatic. Here was another traitress, ready to betray
her nation for the sake of personal pique and vexation; and John soon
received a message from Matasuentha, the unwilling wife of the Gothic
king, proposing that the city should be surrendered to him with her
collusion. This treachery was quickly consummated, and the
lieutenant-general took possession of that important stronghold.[557]

 [Illustration: Seat of
 JUSTINIAN'S WARS
 in the West]

As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the Gothic camp
before Rome the moment the news arrived that their families and
homesteads to the north were being looted by the Byzantines; and
Vitigis, himself in great concern at the malevolence of his wife,
decided at once to raise the siege. With the least delay possible the
barbarian host, having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion
and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The unusual activity
was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon Belisarius discharged all his
available forces through the Pincian gate to assault the retreating
enemy. A sharply contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to
flight and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the crush
became excessive, with the result that numbers were drowned in their
armour as they attempted the narrow passage, whilst those in the rear
were falling under the weapons of their adversaries. Thus ended the
siege, having lasted for one year and nine days, during which time
sixty-nine battles were fought between the besieged and the besiegers.

Belisarius was now free to undertake the conquest of central and
northern Italy, and the next eighteen months were occupied by his
efforts in that direction. While he was still pent up within the walls
of Rome the Bishop of Milan and several of the chief citizens had waited
on him with a request that he would send a small garrison to take
possession of their city, and relieve them from the dominion of the
Goths. One of his first cares was to act in accordance with their
suggestion; and thus the greatest city of the West, after Rome,
surrendered voluntarily to the Byzantines. Subsequently many other
fortified towns, including Ancona, Urbinum, Faesulae, Civita Vecchia and
Auximum were captured or submitted as a matter of choice. The Goths, on
their side, were continually active and not always without success; but
they failed in their efforts to recapture Ariminum, the beleaguering
force having fled precipitately at the simultaneous appearance of
Belisarius on land and of a Roman fleet in the bay. Throughout this war
the Romans had the command of the sea, sometimes with much inconvenience
to the Goths, who were thus liable to have their supplies cut off, but
no naval battle was fought.

One of the most notable occurrences of this year (538) was the advent
into Italy of Narses, Count of the Sacred Largesses, with a command of
seven thousand men. The Illustrious rank of this official, and his
brilliant position at Court, seemed to unfit him for a subordinate post;
and immediately on his arrival doubts arose in the minds of many as to
whether he should not be regarded as the commander-in-chief. Although a
eunuch, he had proved himself to be a man of exceptional energy, and had
won a reputation for sagacity which placed him in the foremost rank
among the statesmen of his time. The two leaders met at Firmum, and
Narses at once adopted an attitude of independence by pronouncing an
opinion which was in conflict with that of the Master of Soldiers on a
vital question. Ariminum was hard pressed by the enemy, and appeals had
been sent out for succour. But the intervening country was held in force
by the Goths, and Belisarius thought a march to the place too risky to
be undertaken. In addition, his scheme for the defence of the town had
been nullified by John's refusal to follow his instructions, and he was
inclined to mark his sense of the infraction of discipline by leaving
him to his own resources. But the eunuch pointed out that the loss of
such an important stronghold, defended by a general of the first rank,
might be an irreparable blow to the Imperial prestige, whilst it might
be considered that John had been sufficiently punished by having been
reduced to such a strait. Belisarius yielded, and the town was relieved
successfully, as stated above; but John, on his release, declined to
express any thanks to his chief, declaring that to Narses only was his
gratitude due. After this incident the army was split into two factions,
one of which adhered to Belisarius, whilst the others ranged themselves
around Narses. Being anxious for unity, the former convoked a meeting of
the staff, and, having presented his plan of campaign, called upon the
eunuch to second his efforts with loyal consistency. Narses, however,
dissented from his views, and expressed his intention of leading the
forces which were at his disposal to a different part of the country.
Thereupon Belisarius produced a rescript from the Emperor, in which all
were enjoined to obey him as sole commander-in-chief, whilst Narses was
excluded by a special clause from having any claim to exercise such
authority. Nevertheless the dissident party, distorting a formal
expression of the rescript by a verbal quibble into permission to do as
they liked, seceded from the Master of Soldiers, and decamped with the
Imperial treasurer to wage war according to their own judgment in the
province of Aemilia.[558]

The greatest calamity which befell Italy during this war was the
recapture of Milan by the Goths, a disaster which appeared to be a
direct result of the counsels of Belisarius having been rendered
inoperative by Narses. As soon as the dedition of that city was
announced to Vitigis, he detached one of his generals to beset it with a
large force of Goths and ten thousand Burgundians sent to his aid
clandestinely by Theodebert, King of the Franks. Belisarius wished to
despatch one half of the Byzantine army at once to its relief, but
Narses disputed the necessity, so that his proposal fell to the ground.
A small force which was sent feared to advance beyond the Po because of
its manifest insufficiency, and when at last Narses had complied with an
earnest request of Belisarius to supplement it effectively, it was too
late to avert the capture. The city had been ill provided to stand a
siege, and, while the inhabitants were reduced to feed on dogs and mice,
the garrison, being at the last extremity, were induced to accept terms
as to their own safety from the Goths. Thus Milan was delivered up, and
the barbarians, being incensed beyond measure with the Milanese for
their defection, massacred them revengefully to the number of three
hundred thousand. When Justinian heard of this catastrophe, he recalled
Narses to Constantinople, recognizing that an injurious division of
authority was an inevitable consequence of his presence at the seat of
war.[559]

Early in the next year (439) Theodebert launched himself on a remarkable
enterprise, and, having crossed the Alps, appeared suddenly in Northern
Italy at the head of one hundred thousand men. With the exception of the
King and his staff, all these warriors consisted of infantry, their only
arms being a sword, a short-handled axe, and a shield. Their method of
fighting was to project the axe with the utmost force against their
opponent's shield, which was thus rendered useless by fracture, and then
to attack impetuously with the sword. This formidable host crossed the
Po, and soon came in sight of the Gothic camp, from which joyful
acclamations were forthwith sent up in anticipation of the splendid
assistance which was about to be rendered them by their ally. Soon,
however, they found themselves involved in a deadly tumult, myriads of
axes were flung, and their disabled comrades were slaughtered on every
side, until the whole Gothic army was routed and hurried with headlong
speed towards Ravenna. Shortly the disordered bands of Goths were
noticed flying across the country by the Roman forces engaged in that
district, among them being the redoubtable John, and they immediately
concluded that Belisarius had fought a successful battle, and was in hot
pursuit of the beaten enemy. All rose expectantly and advanced in the
direction of the impulse, when they also found themselves in collision
with the invading host, which bore down on them in an irresistible mass.
Overwhelmed by the immensely superior numbers, they turned and,
abandoning all their positions, hurried by forced marches to join
Belisarius in Tuscany. The reason of this extraordinary incursion was
now clearly apprehended; believing that the Romans and Goths had reduced
each other to a state of inanition, the King of the most faithless of
nations (the Franks are so characterized) thought the moment opportune
to possess himself of a large tract of Italian territory. A remonstrance
was at once addressed to him by Belisarius, who appealed to the
obligations of probity, and the compelling nature of his previous
engagements to divert him from his purpose. But a better argument was at
hand: bivouacked in an exhausted country, with a deficient commissariat
and no water supply but the tainted stream of the Po, an epidemic of
dysentery soon pervaded the teeming multitude, and they hastened to
regain their own habitations after losing a third of their number.[560]

Before the summer of this, the fifth year of the war, the Goths had been
driven from nearly all their principal strongholds, and Vitigis, with
the bulk of his troops, had been obliged to take refuge in Ravenna. But
the outposts of the Gothic capital, Faesulae and Auximum, both strong by
nature, and munitioned with especial care, had to be reduced before the
blockade of the regal seat could be safely undertaken.[561] Several
months were consumed in these operations, and the Byzantine army was so
distressed by the protracted defence of Auximum, which was attacked by
the Master of Soldiers in person, that the troops were on the verge of
mutiny. At length the garrison was induced to capitulate with the
honours of war, and Belisarius was free to devote all his strategy to
the capture of Ravenna. That city was built in a swamp near the
sea-shore, about forty miles below the estuaries of the Po, and was
unapproachable on all sides by an army in force.[562] It was necessary,
therefore, to produce a famine within the walls in order to bring about
its surrender. Under the circumstances, however, the Byzantine general
possessed every facility for achieving this object. The Goths had
neither an army nor a fleet which could succour them from without, and
hence the Romans were unhampered while making their dispositions for
cutting off supplies from every direction. The environs were hemmed in
by their land forces, whilst their fleet rode at anchor off the harbour.
At the same time the transit of provision boats down the Po from the
fields of the north and west was blocked by guards stationed on the
river banks.

Directly Theodebert heard that Vitigis was in a critical position, he
made a diplomatic attempt to encompass the subjugation of Italy. A
legation arrived with the proposal that the two kings should reign as
joint sovereigns, and contingently an army of fifty thousand Franks,
which had already surmounted the Alps, should at the first onset
annihilate the Byzantines with their axes. A companion embassy from
Belisarius, who had been apprized of the intended debate, was received
in audience at the same time. By them the Gothic king was warned not to
put his trust in numbers, but to believe that the Imperial army would
find means to deal with a multitude of Franks as effectively as it had
already done with his own very numerous forces. Moreover, he urged, the
perfidy displayed by the recent invasion proved that no compact would be
binding on the Franks. After consultation with his nobles Vitigis
decided that he would open peace negotiations with Justinian, and
dismissed the envoys of Theodebert with a negative reply. Legates were
then despatched to Constantinople, ready to accept any terms of peace
which should be granted by the Byzantine Court.

Belisarius now became intent on reducing the Goths to the direst
necessity through shortage of foodstuffs. Externally the exclusion of
supplies had been carried to perfection, but he had been informed that
the granaries of Ravenna were well stocked. Bribery of miscreants,
effected through the agency of Matasuentha, the vindictive queen,
removed this obstacle to the speedy capitulation of the city.
Incendiaries were set to work, and the public storehouses were suddenly
consumed by fire. At this juncture plenipotentiaries arrived bringing
the Emperor's answer to the peace proposals, which afforded complete
satisfaction to the Goths. Vitigis was to reign beyond the Po, and to
retain one half of the regal treasures, while the rest of Italy, and the
other half were in future to be subject to Justinian. It was essential,
however, that the Master of Soldiers should ratify this treaty, but when
the legates presented themselves in his camp for the purpose he refused
to be a party to it, feeling assured that he would soon be master of
Ravenna, and of the person of the Gothic king with everything
appertaining to him.

The Goths now became filled with distrust, and despaired altogether of
their fortunes. Vitigis, as an unfortunate leader, had lost their
confidence, and they feared that surrender would result in their all
being deported to some unwelcome habitation in the East. To their
anxious cogitations one way out of the impass at length presented
itself: Belisarius should be their King, and under his strenuous rule
prosperity would be restored to the Goths in Italy. Acting on the
impulse, they made the proposition formally to the general, and at the
same time a private intimation was conveyed to him from Vitigis that he
was ready to abdicate in his favour. But his ambition was not of the
autocratic order, and subservience to authority was one of the main
features of his character. The promise he had given ingenuously he
intended loyally to keep; and in the offer of kingship he saw no more
than an incident which enabled him to serve more promptly his Imperial
master. He prepared then to profit by the obsequious mood of the Goths
towards himself, and to gain his end by an astute policy of compliance
instead of by a protracted struggle in arms. His assurances, couched in
somewhat ambiguous language, were deemed by the Goths to be tantamount
to an acceptance, believing, as they did, their offer to be so tempting
as to constitute in itself a guarantee of his good faith. Belisarius now
removed from the vicinity of Ravenna on various commissions, all
officers with their commands, whom recent events had taught him to
distrust, retaining only those troops in whose attachment to himself he
had full confidence. With the latter he entered the city and at once
proceeded to arrange everything apparently in the sole interest of the
inhabitants. He was cordially received, but the Gothic women were
disappointed at the appearance of the Byzantines, and were inclined to
rate their own male relatives for allowing themselves to be beaten by
men of inferior physique to themselves. A plentiful market was
introduced by sea, and all the surplus Gothic forces were dismissed with
a safe conduct to their respective homes. Having thus equalized the
Roman and Gothic troops in the town, Belisarius repudiated his supposed
sovereignty, and declared himself to be merely the faithful vicegerent
of Justinian. He completed his measures by placing Vitigis amicably in
nominal custody, and took possession of the palace with all its valuable
contents.

As soon as the proceedings of Belisarius were disclosed to the Gothic
nation in general, they immediately elected a new King, choosing
Ildibad, a man of the first rank, for promotion to that dignity. At the
same time the Master of Soldiers was being criminated at the Byzantine
Court, the worst motives being attributed to him by his adversaries; and
his recall was shortly issued, but ostensibly merely that he might be at
hand in view of the threatening activity of the Persian monarch. When
this news was brought to the Goths, they assumed his imminent disgrace,
and made another determined effort to induce him to accept the kingship.
In him they saw the potential saviour of their race, and even Ildibad
was moved to declare that he was ready to deposit the crown and purple
at his feet. But Belisarius remained firm in his resolution: they
reminded him of his late breach of faith, even taunted him with
preferring servitude to independence, all to no purpose. Nothing could
shake his conviction that while Justinian lived, he was in honour bound
to shun any semblance of rivalry with his authority.

For the second time Belisarius returned to Constantinople with a captive
king and all the precious externals of majesty in his train. On this
occasion, however, no public spectacle was decreed to celebrate the
extension of the Empire, and the success of its arms. Perhaps that event
was now considered as merely normal by the Court; perhaps the Emperor
had felt insignificant in the popular eye when compared with the
victorious general who piled the spoils of victory before his throne.
The Senators were gratified with a sight of the treasures of Theodoric
heaped up within the palace, but the multitude were excluded from
contemplation of the exhilarating display. Yet the name of Belisarius
was on every tongue; and in his daily progresses through the capital he
was gazed on with admiration by the inhabitants. He moved about on
horseback amid a concourse of his personal guards, all mounted like
himself, whom he maintained to the number of seven thousand. Vandals,
Moors, and Goths swelled their ranks, and indicated by their distinctive
visages with what a variety of nations he had fought. Belisarius was
tall and handsome, with a countenance of singular dignity, equalled only
by the modesty and affability of his address. In war he was determined
and resourceful, but never oblivious of humanity, and always mindful of
the interests of those dependent on him. His soldiers were known to him
severally and constantly observed, their valour richly rewarded, their
losses repaired, whilst they were firmly restrained from all excess.
Hence he was adored by the rural population who came in contact with
him, since the grain crops and fruit trees were preserved from damage
under his generalship. He was not less distinguished for temperance than
for his other virtues; and, although the camp was often thronged with
beautiful female captives, he never even bestowed a concupiscent glance
on them; nor in the use of wine did he ever exceed the strictest
moderation.[563]

[503] Malchus, Exc. i, 3.

[504] Marcellinus Com., an. 476; Jordanes, De Reg. Suc., etc. He seems
to have made a show of resigning voluntarily; Malchus, _loc. cit._

[505] Anon. Vales., 64.

[506] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i. 1, etc.

[507] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 57.

[508] Marcellinus Com., an. 488.

[509] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Cassiodorus, Chron., etc.

[510] The only circumstantial account of this affair comes from Jn.
Antioch.; Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., v, p. 29.

[511] Anon. Valesii, 64.

[512] Procopius, _loc. cit._ The administration of Theodoric is fully
displayed in the so-called Epistles of Cassiodorus, his quaestor, which
form in reality a book of the Acts or rescripts of the Gothic King.
Everything in Italy was maintained according to the Imperial system of
Rome, and Theodoric differed only from the obsolete Western Emperors by
the modesty of his title and the limited extent of his dominions.

[513] Theodoric himself was illiterate, and is said to have used the
same device as Justin (see p. 303) for signing his name; Anon. Vales. A
critic suggests that the four letters were LEGI.

[514] For the events narrated henceforward in this chapter, there is
generally no source but Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, ii). Some jottings
occur in Marcellinus Com. and Jordanes, but the _Liber Pontificalis_ is
indispensable as regards the local Church history.

[515] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3. His own professions as to his
devotion to literature, etc.; _Ibid._, 6. The five last books of
Cassiodorus, written after the death of Theodoric, contain letters
supposed to have been dictated by Athalaric, Amalasuntha, and Theodahad,
etc.

[516] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5.

[517] _Ibid._, i, 9; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., ix, 1. She was accused of
plotting against the King with her Gothic guards after her husband's
death.

[518] _Ibid._

[519] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3, whence the narrative continues as
below.

[520] They held out at Panormus, but by means of archers hoisted in
boats to the mastheads of his ships, Belisarius overtopped the
sea-walls, and forced a speedy surrender.

[521] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 14.

[522] _C._ 400 Rome contained 1,797 palaces of nobles, etc., and 46,202
_insulae_; Notitia Occid. Including slaves, the first would account for
at least 100,000 inhabitants, and the latter (large apartment houses)
for something like 2,000,000. This is about the best basis for guessing
at the population.

[523] Hist. August., 21, 39.

[524] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 19; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 6.
The Porta Maggiore and the so-called Arch of Drusus belonged to
aqueducts.

[525] He perhaps equalled Justinian as a builder; Suetonius, Augustus.
See the Mon. Ancyr. for a list.

[526] Suetonius and Hist. August. enumerate most of their productions in
masonry.

[527] The Baths of Diocletian covered nearly thirty acres, and some
others were almost as large.

[528] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 13, 15.

[529] The Notitia gives 423 temples, 11 great baths, 11 forums, 36
triumphal arches, 6 obelisks, etc.

[530] Olympiodorus, p. 469. A private circus was an essential part of
such establishments; and, of course, a temple, perhaps more than one.

[531] As in the case of Constantius II on his visit to Rome in 356;
Ammianus, xvi, 10.

[532] Strabo, V, iii, 8. The ring of wall which formed the base still
exists, and has recently been used as a circus.

[533] The churches said to have been built by Constantine are referred
to in the life of Pope Sylvester; Lib. Pontif. (Duchesne). St. Peter's
and St. Paul's are mentioned by Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 22; ii, 4,
etc.

[534] Ammianus, xiv, 6.

[535] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.

[536] Ammianus, xxviii, 4. The modern craze for "Bridge" may be
compared, and with the aid of Father Vaughan's denunciations of the
"Smart Set" at the West End, the parallel might be carried further. But
all this is merely a subsidiary part of our social fabric.

[537] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.

[538] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.

[539] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.

[540] Ammianus, xiv, 6. Garments of this pictorial class were of course
common to the whole Empire, and were inveighed against in the East about
the same time by Asterius, Hom. 1 (Migne, S. G., xl, 165).

[541] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.

[542] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.

[543] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.

[544] _Ibid._, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.

[545] Ammianus, xxviii, 4.

[546] _Ibid._, 1. Cf. Voltaire's account of the fashionable poisoning
craze under Louis XIV.

[547] Ammianus, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.

[548] _Ibid._

[549] _Ibid._, xiv, 6; xxviii, 4; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i. 20; iii, 51,
etc.

[550] Ammianus, xix, 10; xxvii, 3.

[551] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i, 13, 27, 42; iii, 12; v, 41, etc.

[552] _Ibid._, vii. This book consists of forms of instruction to newly
appointed officers, from Consuls and Praetorian Praefects downwards.

[553] _Ibid._, i, 25, 28; iii, 31, etc. Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv,
22) remarks that the Romans were proud of their buildings and took great
care of them.

[554] _Ibid._, i, 20; iii, 51, etc.

[555] A small part of southern France, modern Provence.

[556] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 11-14, whence the narrative proceeds
as below.

[557] I forgot to mention that when Belisarius was merely on his way to
Naples, Ebrimuth, the son-in-law of Theodahad, came over to the
Byzantines. He was sent to CP., where he became a patrician, etc. There
were other unnecessary transfers of allegiance, showing that many of the
Goths were incapable of remaining true to themselves. In general,
indeed, the barbarians were dazzled by the glory of the Eastern Emperor,
and when they had been formed into cohorts under the title of
"Justinian's Goths," "Justinian's Vandals," etc., their ambition was
gratified to the utmost.

[558] Of the misery caused throughout Italy by the protracted war,
Procopius has some anecdotal illustrations to give about this time. In
one case a fugitive mother had to abandon her infant in its cradle,
whereupon the family goat, attracted by its wailing, entered the hut,
and managed to suckle the child effectively. This lasted for some time
till the villagers returned, when the maternal solicitude of the animal
for its anomalous nursling became a spectacle for exhibition in the
district. As agriculture was brought to a standstill in many places
famine was often urgent, and he mentions the instance of two women
killing and eating seventeen men whom they had received as guests, but
they were detected and killed by the eighteenth; De Bel. Goth., ii, 17,
20.

[559] It is curious that among the conquests of Narses in this campaign
should be mentioned "the island of the Vulsinian Lake," that is the
scene of Amalasuntha's death; Marcellinus Com., an. 538.

[560] At this date the French Kings alone, of the potentates outside the
Empire, issued a gold coinage bearing their own effigy. Even the
Shahinshah stamped his image on the silver currency only. The reason of
this restriction was that all but Byzantine gold, denoted by the figure
and superscription of the Eastern Emperor, was excluded from commerce as
suspect; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33.

[561] Here we are informed that the Byzantine infantry used a trumpet
made of wood and leather, the cavalry one of brass. They were, however,
merely blown on occasion to make an impressive noise. Procopius makes a
great point of his having suggested that the latter should be used to
sound an attack, the former a recall. Belisarius summoned a military
meeting, and formally adopted his suggestion; De Bel. Goth., ii, 23.

[562] The description of Strabo (V, iii, 7) shows that Ravenna was a
town like modern Venice, built in the brackish lagoons on piles, etc.
While the vine flourished in the vicinity, potable water was scarce and
valuable. Hence the joke (Martial, iii, 56, 57) that wine was cheaper
than water at R. Sidonius Apol. (Epist., i, 5, 8, _c._ 470) inveighs
against the bad water, turbid canals, stinging gnats, incessant croaking
of bullfrogs, etc. But the sea was receding, and even at that time much
new land was being recovered from the water; Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 29.

[563] Procopius begins the third book of his Gothic War with this
characterization and eulogy of Belisarius.




 CHAPTER XI
 THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR: FALL OF ANTIOCH: MILITARY OPERATIONS IN LAZICA


While Justinian was thus conquering in the West and substituting his own
rule for that of barbarian potentates, the tide of war was rising in the
East, and almost similar disasters to those he was inflicting were
impending on the integral territory of the Empire.

The triumphal progress of the Imperial arms in Africa and Italy was
watched with the keenest solicitude by Chosroes, and he began to fear
that the power and resources of his hereditary rival were being so
formidably increased that he would soon be able to make an irresistible
attack on his own dominions. Even before the formalities of the
Perpetual Peace had been completely adjusted the news arrived of the
virtual subjugation of the Vandalic kingdom; and Chosroes, while
congratulating the Emperor by his legates, jestingly put forward a claim
to share in the spoils, which, he observed, could not have been won but
for his own ready assent to the Roman suit for peace. Justinian,
however, took his banter seriously, and presented him with a large sum
of money as a conciliatory gift.[564]

Chosroes is represented by the historian of the period as a man who
talked humanity and philosophy in a most engaging manner, but with
treacherous intent, and who never failed to take advantage of his
opponents after he had lulled their suspicions by an outward show of
sympathy and benevolence.[565] Whatever his individual inclination may
have been in 539 as to the expediency of entering on a war with the
Empire, ample incitement from without was not wanting to induce him to
bend his mind intently to the question. While Vitigis was struggling to
retain his kingdom the natives of Roman Armenia were in revolt against
Justinian's newly imposed taxes and stricter system of local
government.[566] Hoping to divert the armaments of the Emperor from
themselves, both parties successively sent legations to Chosroes urging
that in his own interest he should make war on their oppressor. If he
did not take up arms in time, they argued, his encroachments would
continue unchecked, and Persia would shortly find that no option was
left to her but that of being devoured last. To such representations the
Persian monarch was quickly responsive, and in each instance the
emissaries departed feeling satisfied that their object had been
attained.[567]

In the autumn of 539 Chosroes made up his mind to wage war with the
Romans, and cast about him for some plausible pretext to begin his
military operations. He accused Justinian of tampering with the
allegiance of his Saracenic ally Alamundar by pecuniary inducements, of
bribing the Huns to invade Persia, and finally he instigated the Arab
sheikh to make a raid into Syria in order to provoke a declaration of
war from his rival. Justinian, however, was very anxious to keep the
peace, and addressed a dignified expostulation to the Persian Court, in
which he exhorted the Shahinshah to deal with him in good faith. To this
appeal Chosroes deigned no reply, but retained the ambassador till he
had matured his preparations for invading the Empire. In the spring of
540 he crossed the Euphrates in great force, and advanced along the
river for four hundred miles until he arrived in the vicinity of
Callinicum. During the latter third of this march he was on Roman
territory, where he exacted a pecuniary ransom from some small towns,
and destroyed others. At this point he dismissed Justinian's legate,
telling him simply to go and inform his master in what part of the world
he had left Chosroes, the son of Cavades.

The whole of Syria was now at the mercy of the Persian King, and
deputies arrived on all sides to inquire what amount he would accept in
order to leave their districts unmolested. A small force stationed at
Hierapolis was deserted by its commander, Buzes, who disappeared
suddenly and forgot to leave his address. Chosroes soon appeared before
the walls, but he allowed himself to be bought off for two thousand
pounds of silver; and from thence he proceeded further on his
depredations, but his price rose as he went along. At Beroea, a much
smaller place, having been paid a similar sum, he demanded more, and, in
default, ended by sacking and burning the town. At the same time he was
convened by a bishop on the part of the Antiochians, who offered him a
thousand pounds of gold (£40,000) to quit the country. To these terms he
agreed, but when the bishop returned to Antioch to clinch the bargain,
he found that legates had arrived from Constantinople, who issued a
prohibition against the Syrians continuing to buy back the Emperor's
cities from the Persian monarch. Having received an intimation,
therefore, consonant to this decree, Chosroes marched with all speed
against the city.

Antioch, with a previous history of eight centuries, was the great
commercial emporium between the Far East and the West; and it is
supposed that the term Ta-Thsin,[568] which represents the Roman Empire
in Chinese annals, is a travesty of the proper name of the overflowing
Syrian mart, of which alone they had any practical cognizance. Under the
Empire, its history is especially dignified by the names of Julian,
Libanius, and Chrysostom. But it must have been shorn of much of its
splendour by the disastrous earthquake of 526, an account of which has
been given on a previous page.[569]

The city was situated in a plain about two miles wide between the
Orontes and Mount Casius. On the north the river, which flowed past the
walls, afforded adequate protection, but on the south two spurs from the
mountain projected to such an extent that part of the city was built on
their declivities and in the valley between them. On that side,
consequently, the fortifications were disposed in two loops, which rose
over the hills with a dip in the interspace. The moment information as
to the hostile irruption was conveyed to Justinian, he sent his nephew,
Germanus, with a small brigade, to the seat of war, promising him that
large forces should follow with the least possible delay. On his
arrival, Germanus inspected the fortifications, and observed that on the
summit of one of the hills masses of rock arose at a short distance
outside the walls, which they almost equalled in height. Hence an enemy,
by occupying this elevation, could dominate that part of the town. He
advised, therefore, that a deep foss should be excavated so as to render
the walls inaccessible on that aspect, or that a huge tower conjoined to
the wall should be built opposite the rocks, which could thus be
rendered untenable by showers of missiles. The local engineers, however,
decided that there was no time to undertake works of such magnitude,
whilst an unfinished attempt would only advertise the enemy as to the
weak point in the line of defence. Shortly afterwards, Germanus, having
no news of a Byzantine army being on the route, retired into Cilicia,
giving as his reason that the presence of a prince of the blood would be
an incentive to Chosroes to exert all his force to capture the city.

When Chosroes reached Antioch, he was still willing to accept a ransom,
but the citizens were now in no mood to meet his proposals. A certain
number, the most timid, had already fled, but those who remained were
suddenly reassured by the arrival of six thousand troops from the south
under the military governors of Libanus. Having encamped his army along
the Orontes, the Shah sent forward an interpreter to interrogate the
municipality as to a ransom, but a mob congregated on the walls
immediately overwhelmed him with jeers and insults; and shortly he had
to run for his life in order to escape from a shower of stones. Burning
with resentment, Chosroes now commanded that the siege should be pressed
on all sides with the utmost ardour. He himself, with the most strenuous
body of troops he could select, ascended the southern hill, where he
took up his position on the rocky plateau, from whence, with all the
advantage of being on level ground, his men began to discharge their
arrows with tireless energy against the defenders of the wall. On their
side the garrison had improvised a means of doubling their powers of
resistance by erecting a wooden platform above the battlements in the
interspace between the pair of towers which confronted the threatening
ridge of rock. From thence soldiers commingled with citizen volunteers,
in superimposed ranks, launched their darts against the enemy. The
battle with missiles raged hotly for some time, when suddenly the wooden
platform, imperfectly sustained, gave way with a loud crash, and
precipitated all those who were supported by it to the ground. A
senseless panic then ensued, a cry was raised that the Persians had
forced the wall and were pouring into the city, whereupon the
newly-arrived garrison descended and leaped on to their horses, which
were tethered below, and rushed to the gate of Daphne on the opposite
side of the town. Their leaders rode at their head, and, wishing to get
away without hindrance, scattered the news that Buzes was at hand with
an army of relief, which they were hastening to admit into the city. But
the citizens thronged after them excitedly, and a fatal crush occurred
in the vicinity of the gate, where people of all ages were trampled to
death by the horses of the flying cavalry.

In the meantime the Persians, seeing the walls deserted, brought up
ladders, and, ascending in great numbers, took possession of the
battlements. There they remained for some time, for Chosroes, seated
outside on a high tower, having noticed the flight of the military,
thought it wisest to give them time to evacuate the city, instead of
provoking them to rally by an untimely attack. As soon as the tumult
appeared to have subsided, the Persians began to descend and make their
way into the level part of the city with some difficulty, as the tract
adjoining the south wall inside consisted for the most part of
precipitous crags. In a short time, however, they unexpectedly found
themselves in conflict with a large mass of the youth of Antioch,
members of the Circus factions, who had assembled in the Forum, some
armed in military fashion, others provided only with stones. The first
bands of the Orientals were severely repulsed, and already the
Syrio-Greeks began to sing the pæan of "Justinian the Victor," when
large forces arrived and extinguished their resistance. A ruthless
massacre then followed, neither age nor sex being spared, until the Shah
thought fit to give the signal for its cessation.

Previous to the commencement of the siege, the Roman legates had been
received in the Persian camp, where they vainly endeavoured to dissuade
Chosroes from continuing the war. He now summoned them to his presence,
and, in a lacrymose tone, delivered a homily on the diversified nature
of human fortune. The ruin of this noble capital, he remarked, was a sad
spectacle, which he had done all in his power to prevent. By their rash
defence with unequal forces, the citizens had brought this calamity on
themselves, but he had restrained the incensed soldiery and given time
for great numbers to escape. The arrogance of mortals, he continued, was
visited with condign punishment by the Deity, who sought to restrain
them from encroaching beyond their proper sphere. He pointed at
Justinian, on whom he cast the whole onus of originating the war. But to
his hearers it seemed that only wanton aggression had impelled him on
this campaign, whilst all understood that he had delayed the assault
discreetly lest his own army should incur needless risk.

The fate of Antioch was presently decided. All the remaining inhabitants
were seized as captives, and the buildings were given over to pillage
and fire. Treasures of gold and silver and works of art in marble were
accumulated for the special benefit of the Shah, who departed, leaving
incendiaries in the city to complete the task of destruction.
Ultimately, however, Chosroes showed himself as a benignant master of
the Antiochians whom he had carried off. In the vicinity of Ctesiphon he
built a new city, to which he gave the name of Chosroantioch, and
furnished it with everything appertaining to a Roman town, including a
circus and public baths. Here the captives were housed under the eye of
the monarch himself, with no intermediary satrap, and endowed with many
privileges which were not enjoyed by his Persian subjects. Moreover, if
any of the relatives of the inhabitants, who had been enslaved,
succeeded in escaping to this town, they were granted a permanent
asylum, so that their masters could not reclaim them, even should they
be nobles of the court.[570]

It might be said, without much sacrifice of accuracy, that the war which
had now broken out between Rome and Persia only terminated a century
later, when the Sassanian dynasty was extinguished by the votaries of
Mohammed. There were interruptions to hostilities, vicissitudes in the
martial relations of the two empires, yet no stable peace. But the
Saracens then became the neighbours of Rome on the Euphrates, as they
had always previously been on the Arabian frontiers; and, viewing the
conflict as one between East and West, between Grecian and Oriental
civilization, we might traverse a millennium and aver that the war never
ended until 1453, when Mohammed II made his victorious entry into
Constantinople. Henceforward Justinian was almost perpetually engaged in
desultory and indecisive military operations on the eastern marches; and
the repair of damages inflicted by his restless compeer constituted a
permanent drain on the resources of the Empire.

After this signal success there was a lull in the activity of Chosroes,
and he showed a disposition to grant a peace. He discussed the subject
with the Byzantine envoys, and finally dismissed them with a precise
statement as to what terms he would accept.[571] He then took a pleasure
trip to the sea at Seleucia, the port of Antioch, visited the grove of
Daphne, after which his greed for acquisition returned, and he bethought
himself of the rich city of Apamea, which was in the vicinity. He
appeared before the gates, but, as an informal truce was supposed to be
in existence, he professed himself to be an amicable visitor, desirous
only of viewing the objects of interest in the town. He was admitted
with a guard of cavalry, and presided in the Circus in imitation of the
Byzantine autocrat. Hearing that Justinian favoured the Blues, he
announced himself in opposition as a partisan of the Greens. As,
however, his temper was uncertain, it was thought prudent to conciliate
him with a gift of a thousand pounds of silver before his departure;
but, still insatiate, he insisted also in appropriating the treasures of
the cathedral.[572] He now discarded all respect for the peace
negotiations, and resumed his career of subjugation. Ransoms were
exacted as before, and he decided on the blockade of Edessa, but was
deterred by the evil omen of a boil on his cheek. He then laid siege to
Dara, and drove a tunnel beneath the walls. His design, however, was
betrayed, and frustrated by a counterwork on the part of the besieged,
whereupon he abandoned the enterprise and returned to Persia for the
winter.

Justinian now repudiated the peace convention, which had been made by
his legates, on the ground that Chosroes had violated the conditions;
and in the spring of 541 Belisarius arrived at Dara to organize the
defences of the country. The result of a military council was an
advance, with all the forces which could be mustered, on Nisibis. Here
the usual round of skirmishes were fought outside the walls, but at
length it was decided that the fortress was impregnable, and the Roman
army retired. A conflict with the Shah had been expected, but he was
reported to be occupied with a Hunnish incursion, and did not make his
appearance on the Euphrates this year. After directing some raids on
Persian territory, in the course of which Sisauranum, an important
fortress, with its garrison, was captured, Belisarius returned to
Constantinople for the winter. Arethas, the Saracen sheikh, with a large
following, took part in this expedition, and even crossed the Tigris
into Assyria; but, being ill-directed and supported, rendered little
effective service. The Persian soldiers who had been taken as prisoners
of war, about eight hundred in number,[573] were sent to Italy, there to
do duty as combatants against the Goths.

In the meantime Chosroes had really absented himself on an expedition
which he had undertaken insidiously against Byzantine commerce in the
Euxine Sea. After the Lazi and Iberians had taken refuge in the arms of
Rome, Justinian had proceeded to make his suzerainty practical by
building a strong fortress on the coast of Lazica. Founded among
inaccessible rocks, and approachable from the plain on one side only,
this stronghold received the appropriate name of Petra. A pair of
military Dukes, distinguished as usual for rapacity, were placed in
charge, and they immediately created a monopoly in their own favour of
the imports by sea, on which the Lazi were almost wholly dependent. The
region, in fact, was devoid of agricultural produce and salt.[574] For
such necessaries they bartered slaves and skins. Soon the fiscal
oppression became so intolerable that deputies were secretly despatched
to implore the Persian King to take up arms on behalf of the Lazi and
expel the Romans. Chosroes seized the opportunity, and, giving out that
he was marching against the Huns, proceeded with a numerous army to the
occupation of Lazica. The country was shut in by precipitous mountains,
but level passes existed, which, however, were blocked by a dense
forest. With the aid of native guides and a strong body of pioneers, a
route was quickly opened; and Gubazes, the King, met and adored the Shah
on his arrival. The Persians poured in rapidly and disposed themselves
for an assault on Petra. At the onset they suffered severely through a
ruse of the Byzantine commandant, who withdrew all his men from the
battlements so as to give the fortress a deserted appearance. The
Orientals, therefore, crowded up carelessly, and began to arrange their
siege engines in suitable positions, when suddenly the gates were flung
open, and the garrison, charging impetuously, drove them back with great
slaughter. Within a few days, however, the resourceful author of this
success was slain by an arrow, and thereafter the defence became languid
and ineffective. Two great towers were the chief bulwarks of the town,
and the Persians, without being observed, bored a tunnel which
terminated under the base of one of them. Then the stone foundations
were cautiously removed and substituted by a mass of inflammable wood.
On fire being applied, the ponderous pile soon collapsed; whereupon the
besieged gladly accepted the terms offered them to surrender. The
treasures of John Tzibus—such was the name of the Duke who had been in
command—which he had amassed by his extortions to a large amount, fell
into the hands of the victor, who then evacuated the principality,
leaving a Persian garrison in the fortress. Chosroes was now in a
position to ruin Byzantine commerce in the Euxine, but it was first
essential that he should build a fleet in order to make his conquest of
Petra effective for the purpose. In order to guard his retreat during
this expedition, the Shah had impelled an irruption of Huns into Roman
Armenia, but they were met and defeated by the Master of Soldiers in
that region, who, however, neglected to follow up his success, being
ignorant or misdirected as to the opportunity of intercepting the
Persians on their way through the mountain passes of Lazica.[575]

The insufficiency of the Byzantine forces in the East was such that next
year (542), when Belisarius returned to the seat of war, he was obliged
to trust to a ruse to stop the progress of the Persian army. Chosroes
again led the invasion, and this time with Jerusalem as the object of
his cupidity, when he heard that a Roman camp had been formed on the
river, south of the frontier, so as to intercept him should he return by
his usual line of march. Thereupon he sent an exploratory legation,
ostensibly to interrogate the Master of Soldiers as to Justinian's
intentions with respect to a treaty. Having named a day for their
reception, Belisarius advanced from his camp accompanied by six thousand
of his tallest soldiers, chosen from as many diverse nationalities as
possible. When the time of meeting was at hand, he appeared reclining in
an extemporized tent, as if resting after a hunting expedition, whilst
in various directions, as far as the eye could reach, were seen
Thracians, Mysians, Goths, Herules, Vandals, and Moors, all in undress,
hurrying to and fro, seemingly busied with matters relating only to the
chase. On the opposite side of the river a thousand cavalry were
disposed, making as much show as possible by their evolutions. When the
Persians came up, Belisarius, regarding them in a questioning manner,
with an air of repellant surprise, inquired what might be the object of
their visit to his camp. At the same time the men, passing and
repassing, one with a horse-whip, another with an axe, a sword, or a
bow, gave them a look of careless and contemptuous scrutiny, and went on
as if too intent on their occupation to notice them any further. In
reply to the general, the chief legate said that the Shah was indignant
at Justinian's not having sent an ambassador with a definite answer as
to the proposed treaty. "It is not customary," said Belisarius in a
haughty tone, "for people to act like Chosroes—to invade a neighbouring
kingdom with a great army, and then to inquire what pacific measures
would be most acceptable. Withdraw your forces; we decline to treat with
you unless upon equal terms." Making a gesture of dismissal, he then
turned away and began to occupy himself with something else.

Duly impressed by this burlesque, the envoy reported to Chosroes that he
had never met a general so decided and authoritative, nor seen soldiers
of such splendid proportions, whilst the main army must be very
numerous, since so many could be out of arms at one time as a mere
hunting party. Moved by this report, the Shah thought it prudent to
retreat across the Euphrates at the spot where he found himself instead
of retracing his usual route to Ctesiphon. Thus was Palestine saved; and
by many Belisarius was credited with a finer achievement than when he
led Gelimer or Vitigis captive to Constantinople. Yet it was the last
occasion on which he held a command in the Orient; and his activities in
future were to be confined to Italy and the vicinity of the capital.
Even on this occasion, however, the Persian monarch did not regain his
capital empty handed, but, finding on his way back that Callinicus was
poorly fortified, he took it by a sudden assault, and made a clean sweep
of everything worth removing from the site.

During the following year, owing to the prevalence of a fatal epidemic,
Chosroes remained inactive; but the Romans penetrated into Persarmenia,
where they carried on the war with little success, and sustained at
least one decisive defeat. In 544, however, the Shah again emerged from
his boundaries, this time resolved on the capture of Edessa, a city
which affirmed itself to possess a direct guarantee from the Deity that
it would never be taken by an enemy, and a passage to that effect from a
letter, said to have been written by Jesus to Abgar, a former ruler, was
inscribed over the gates. But Chosroes was ambitious of disproving the
validity of this safeguard, and, therefore, set about beleaguering the
city in a manner which should exclude the possibility of being
unsuccessful. His ardour in this undertaking was sustained by the
fanaticism of the Magi, who, having adored Jesus at his birth, ever
afterwards regarded him as an impostor most obnoxious to their religion.
A preliminary skirmish, however, having turned out unfavourably for his
arms, he began to dread the disgrace of failure, and proposed a ransom;
but the amount was so exorbitant that the citizens elected rather to
endure a siege. Preparations for capture were, therefore, pushed on
energetically; and first of all the Persians began to construct an
immense quadrangular mound, from the flat top of which they intended to
dominate the city with their missiles. Trunks of trees, stones, and
earth were congested together, in the beginning at a distance beyond
bow-shot from the walls, but as the work progressed towards the town,
the builders became attainable by the arrows and engines of the
garrison. The discharge was at first effective, especially that of
flaming darts, but the Orientals soon erected huge screens made of
hides, under cover of which they were able to work in safety. The
citizens now became seriously alarmed, and sent a further deputation to
Chosroes, but in vain, fifty thousand pounds of gold (£4,000,000) being
the lowest price he would accept to raise the siege. All hope of an
accommodation being now lost, the engineers of the city began to devise
means to counteract the hostile operations. First they tried to raise a
mound, conjoined to the walls, to oppose that of the enemy, but the task
proved to be beyond their powers, and so they desisted. Then they bored
a tunnel, which reached as far as the centre of the mound, designing to
destroy it by fire from below, but the Persian sentinels heard the
excavators at work, and the scheme was frustrated by a counterboring.
Another tunnel, which only attained the proximate part of the mound, was
achieved with better success, and a cavern was hollowed out, into which
a vast quantity of dry wood impregnated with oil, sulphur, and bitumen
was introduced. Here a fire was kept burning constantly by fresh
supplies, whilst the enemy's attention was diverted from the rising
smoke by an incessant discharge of blazing arrows and pitch-pots. After
some days, however, as the fire pervaded the viscera of the mound,
volumes of smoke betrayed the real nature of the conflagration. The
Persians then essayed to extinguish it with earth and water, but,
failing to check it, they decided to abandon this siege work. A surprise
attack by night with ladders was the next manœuvre, but the Romans were
too vigilant, and the coup only led to a slaughterous repulse. During
the whole period of the beleaguerment, sallies were regularly organized
by the garrison, and generally with considerable loss to the besiegers.
Finally Chosroes nerved himself to make a supreme effort with all his
powers to storm the city. With this object in view, myriads of adobes
were moulded and laid over the top of the smouldering mound. The assault
was begun in the early morning, and at first bid fair to be successful,
the defenders of the wall being comparatively few; but, as the day wore
on, the whole effective population—men, women, and children, crowded to
the battlements. Then improvised projectiles of every available
substance were hurled, cauldrons of oil were brought up and fired along
the top of the wall, and, with the aid of suitable sprinklers, drops of
the burning liquid were rained down on the escaladers. After a prolonged
and vigorous attack, the besiegers retired and informed the Shah that
they could make no headway. He raged, and drove them back again; they
returned to the assault with reckless fury; ladders, towers, and engines
of every description were rushed up to the walls, but for the second
time the ceaseless torrent of missiles put them to flight. Chosroes then
resigned himself and left his post of observation, while the townspeople
hurled their taunts of defiance after his retreating figure. The siege
of Edessa had failed; and, with the slight compensation of five hundred
pounds of gold (£20,000), he broke up his camp and departed.

Shortly after Justinian's legates again convened Chosroes and in 545 he
granted a truce for five years in exchange for two thousand pounds of
gold (£80,000), and a Greek physician, whose skill had formerly relieved
him from a painful malady.[576] Yet such was his ill faith that when he
sent a plenipotentiary to conclude the pact at Constantinople, he
commissioned him to attempt the capture of Dara, while on his way, by a
stratagem. But for the wariness of the inhabitants of that fortress, the
emissary would have gained admission with a large retinue, fired the
houses in the night, and opened the gates to the army of Nisibis, which
was to lie in waiting outside the walls.

Notwithstanding the establishment of peaceful relations, a desultory
warfare was still carried on in Lazica. A twelve-month's experience of
Persian domination convinced the Lazi that there was something even
worse than Byzantine extortion, and they prayed to be received again
into the fold of a nation which was at least Christian like themselves.
Nor could the Romans endure the loss of Petra, but sent an expeditionary
force into the country to retake it. They were opposed by a Persian
army, and for many years the principality was the scene of numerous
petty successes and defeats. Chosroes imported a large quantity of
material for the purpose of building a fleet on the Euxine, but it was
suddenly consumed by lightning, whence it happened that the command of
the sea in these regions was never obtained by the Persians.

Intermittently the siege of Petra was pressed for eight years before the
stronghold again came into the hands of the Byzantines (551). The
successful general was Bessas, who, though above seventy years of age,
was the first to ascend the scaling ladders at the last assault. The
defence of the fortress had been persisted in by the Persians with
extraordinary fortitude; and out of seven hundred and thirty men of the
garrison, who were taken prisoners, it was found that only eighteen had
not received a wound. Five hundred of the survivors took refuge in the
citadel, and in spite of an earnest exhortation by Bessas, preferred
death by fire to surrender; whence all of these perished in the flames
with which the Romans consumed the buildings. The fortress contained a
store of provisions calculated to last for five years, and the reserve
of arms and armour would have sufficed to fit out each man of the
garrison five times over. But the captors were chiefly amazed at seeing
a copious flow issuing from an aqueduct, although every channel of water
supply had apparently been cut off. In the only possible track a surface
conduit had been divided, but for long afterwards no signs could be
detected of a lack of water in the town. Evidently there must be a
second supply; they dug down and came on an underground conduit beneath
the first, and that also was severed. Only after the capture of the
fortress was it discovered that at a still greater depth a third
watercourse for the supply of the inhabitants had been constructed.
Petra was now abolished by Bessas, who razed every building to the
ground level, and departed with his prisoners to the capital.[577]

Two years after the beginning of this war an outbreak of bubonic plague,
the first circumstantially recorded in history, was manifested in the
Eastern Hemisphere. The phenomena of the disease were first noted at
Pelusium, whence it spread throughout Egypt on the one hand, and Asia
Minor on the other. In the spring of the next year (543) it reached
Constantinople, where it raged for four months. At first few persons
were stricken, but the epidemic became intensified gradually, until at
the height of its virulence as many as ten thousand victims died in one
day. The cessation of all normal activities of social life, and the
changed aspect of the Imperial capital have been described by
Procopius,[578] who was present there at the time. Deserted streets,
except for those hurrying to bury the dead without religious rites; the
oppletion of all ordinary sepulchres and cemeteries; the digging of
graves in every available patch of ground in the suburbs; the ultimate
difficulty of disposing of the corpses by any recognized method, when
some were projected into the sea, and others were hurled down the wall
towers of Sycae, the roofs having been temporarily removed for the
purpose; the stench afterwards pervading the city when the wind set from
that quarter; the wailing of the bereaved and the fearful who betook
themselves to the churches; the opulent households in which sometimes a
few slaves were the sole survivors of the family; the dying left
untended and those who fell dead in the thoroughfares while conveying
their relatives to the tomb; finally the obliteration of the feud
between the Circus factions, and their dejectedly working in harmony for
the removal of their own dead and those of others; such were the main
features which denoted the state of hopeless desolation prevailing
during this calamitous visitation.

The symptoms of this plague have been described by the contemporary
historian with an accuracy which leaves little to be added by a modern
physician having a clinical acquaintance with the disease. In typical
cases the victim at some unexpected moment felt a sharp stab, almost
invariably in the groin or the axilla; whence the superstitious declared
that they had seen a demon who at the critical instant approached and
struck them. Fever, with the development of a bubo at the sensitive
spot, rapidly set in; coma or delirium then supervened, and death
occurred in three or four days. Black patches often appeared on the
body, and were premonitory of an immediately fatal ending. Among the
worst signs, vomiting or spitting of blood was also observed. In the
most violent attacks the patient without warning fell down in
contortions and died before other symptoms became apparent. Some rushed
madly through the street, others flung themselves from windows or roofs.
The disease was not contagious, and those who handled the infected
bodies were not on that account more liable to be seized. Recovery was
forecasted by ripening and suppuration of the buboes, whilst indolence
of those tumours was surely indicative of a fatal termination. The
medical faculty dissected the corpses with assiduity, but found neither
explanation nor remedy. In their prognosis also they were often wrong,
some recovering whom they had given up, and others dying, of whom they
had entertained the best hopes. Having once manifested itself, the
plague became endemic, and more than half a century afterwards continued
to be one of the chief causes of mortality.[579]

[564] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 26.

[565] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 9. The veneration of the Persians
for truth has been referred to in a former chapter, but in actual fact
deceitfulness was a prominent characteristic of the nation. Thus Horace
alludes to the "lying Persians" ("infidi Persae," Od., iv, 15) as the
verdict of common experience. Truth was rare and precious in Persia, and
esteemed accordingly. The opinions of modern travellers coincide. See
Müller, Encycl. Brit., xxii, p. 663; cf. Palgrave, _Ibid._, ii, p. 248.

[566] In this rebellion they managed to kill Sittas, Theodora's
brother-in-law, and, it was said, by the hand of Artabanes, who joined
the Imperial service soon after, and so much distinguished himself in
Africa. See p. 522.

[567] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 2, 3, whence the narrative proceeds
as below.

[568] See p. 193.

[569] Founded and developed by Macedonian Kings of Syria, beginning at
300 B.C. For a full history, see Mülller, Antiq. Antioch., Götting.,
1839. For a topographical and sociological account the bulk of the
materials are to be found in Libanius, Chrysostom, and Jn. Malala.

[570] On the taking of Antioch, etc., cf. Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii,
54. Not a taxpayer was left in Syria, he says, but nevertheless the
Rector had to extort the revenue out of the province in some way.

[571] Five thousand pounds of gold (£200,000) paid down, and five
hundred (£20,000) annually. The latter was for the upkeep of the Caspian
gates, which he, like his father, chafed at having to guard without
specified assistance from the Romans; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 10.

[572] Apamea was one of those places where a log of wood, said to be a
fragment of the true cross, was preserved and venerated. On this
occasion it was brought out and paraded, a miraculous light following
the Bishop as he went on his round with it; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 11
(by hearsay); Evagrius, iv, 26, who says he was taken to see it himself
when a schoolboy. Chosroes did not allow his soldiers unbounded licence.
Thus, when a citizen of Apamea complained that his daughter had been
ravished, he hanged the man, in spite of the prayers of his comrades.

[573] Procopius, Anecd., 2.

[574] _Ibid._, 15, 28.

[575] Procopius, Anecd., 2.

[576] Cf. Zachariah Myt., xii, 7.

[577] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, _et seq._; where he continues
his history of the Persian war after the record closes in his work
specified to that subject.

[578] De Bel. Pers., 22 _et seq._ The great plague at Athens (430 B.C.)
was probably the same, but the historian (Thucydides, ii, 47, _et seq._)
does not give the pathognomonic symptoms with exactitude.

[579] Evagrius, iv, 29. A long and lugubrious account of the plague is
given by John Ephes. (Hist. _ad calc._ Com., p. 227, _et seq._), not
only at CP., but in Asia and Egypt. It lacks, however, the precision of
that of Procopius.




 CHAPTER XII
 PRIVATE LIFE IN THE IMPERIAL CIRCLE AND ITS DEPENDENCIES


While the diplomacy of Justinian and the strategy of Belisarius were
apparently dictated only by motives of state policy and military
expediency, there were private influences at work, which modified
considerably the execution of their projects. The feminine proclivities
and prejudices of Theodora and Antonina on more than one occasion
diverted both men from the course which their better judgment inclined
them to follow. Distinctive as were the characters of the Emperor and
his most renowned general, in the quality of uxoriousness their
similarity was complete. In order that the power exercised by the women
in question over the destinies of the Empire at critical periods may be
realized, it is necessary to refer to some domestic incidents which
exemplify the extent of their conjugal gynarchy.

When Belisarius and his wife set out for Africa they were accompanied by
a young Christian proselyte named Theodosius, whom they had affiliated
as their adopted son. Of this youth Antonina became intensely enamoured,
and succeeded in establishing an illicit intercourse with him, which was
obvious to every member of the household except her too trusting
husband. During their stay at Carthage Belisarius entered fortuitously a
remote chamber of the palace, where he surprised his wife in company
with Theodosius, whose dress was disordered in a manner which indicated
unmistakably the nature of their commerce. The general was about to
express himself indignantly, when Antonina, with perfect assurance,
explained: "I have just come here with this young man in order to hide
the most precious objects in our share of the booty from the cupidity of
the Emperor." Her husband stifled his suspicions and, blind to the
evidence of his senses, retired submissively, leaving the youth in the
act of adjusting his clothing so as to accord with the requirements of
decency.[580]

This intrigue went on, therefore, indefinitely, but at Syracuse a
slave-girl, named Macedonia, vengeful or indignant, revealed it in
precise terms to Belisarius, and produced two of her fellow-slaves to
corroborate her evidence. The general was convinced, and swore not to
betray his informants; and thereupon charged some of his military
intimates to make away with Theodosius. They, however, more solicitous
as to the favour of his wife, gave the paramour a warning in consequence
of which he fled to Ephesus.[581] At the same time Antonina managed to
persuade her husband that she had been calumniated, with the result that
he surrendered the three witnesses to her discretion. They perished by a
cruel death at the hands of their mistress, who killed them by torture,
and had their bodies thrown into the sea. In the next phase of the
intrigue we see Antonina in conflict with her son Photius, whose
animosity against Theodosius was such that the latter refused to return
to the embraces of his mistress unless he were expelled from the
household. This end was achieved by domestic persecution, and the
paramour was shortly afterwards reinstated with the connivance of
Belisarius himself. When the Master of Soldiers was sent into
Mesopotamia against Chosroes, Antonina, contrary to precedent, remained
at Constantinople to enjoy the society of her lover. Dreading, however,
the interference of her son, she plotted to encompass his death. In
self-defence he brought forward irrefragable evidence of the adulterous
life that his mother was leading, whereupon Belisarius engaged him by a
solemn compact to punish the enemy of his conjugal peace.[582] With this
design Antonina was summoned to join her husband, and consequently, as
had been foreseen, Theodosius betook himself to his retreat at Ephesus,
where he had attached himself to a religious fraternity. Photius
followed on and, having made himself master of his person, caused him to
be detained under strict surveillance.

It was in this year (541) that Chosroes undertook his expedition into
Lazica, thereby denuding Persia of his most effective troops. For an
enterprising Roman general the way lay open through the richest part of
Assyria to Ctesiphon, where were congregated the captives and spoils of
Antioch, within reach of a strategical march. But Belisarius could not
persuade himself to quit the vicinity of the frontier, intent as he was
on settling his relations with his wife; and on hearing of her approach
he retreated with his forces to a position which enabled her to join
him. Subsequent events in this connection now become merged in
occurrences which I have yet to relate.

Chosroes, on his side simultaneously, was beset with untoward
circumstances. Owing to the barren nature of Lazica his army was
ill provided with necessaries, and many of his soldiers had perished
through disease and want. A mutinous spirit became rife, and during
their retreat, hearing of the successes of Belisarius and Valerian, they
feared to be cut off in the rocky passes commanded by heights accessible
to a hostile force. The Shah was assailed with reproaches for having
entered unadvisedly on a war with a nation of so much political
competency, and he began to be alarmed for the security of his throne.
In this strait his good fortune had provided him with a remedy of a
peculiar kind, which emanated from the assumption and indiscretion of
the Byzantine Empress herself. Zaberganes, his most influential adviser,
had received a letter from Theodora, to whom he was personally known,
imploring him to incline his master to grant considerate terms of peace.
"Should you achieve this object," she added, "I can promise you a
splendid recompense on the part of my husband, who is absolutely
dependent on my advice." Having read this epistle Chosroes inquired of
his staff whether a state could be efficiently governed in which a woman
exercised such a preposterous ascendancy. They agreed unanimously that
such an adversary did not deserve to be considered seriously, and
acquitted the Shah of having acted rashly in embarking on a war with
them. Confident, therefore, in the imbecility of the Byzantines, they
resumed their march and soon arrived safely within the borders of their
own country.

So far in the course of my narrative we have often seen the names of
Theodora and Antonina coupled together, but merely in juxtaposition. As
I proceed in my attempt to elucidate the sequence of events we shall
arrive at a point of time when their lives actually become mingled. Some
retrogression, however, is necessary in order to enter on the political
track of Theodora nearer its beginning before we can reach those
entanglements in her secret machinations where concerted action between
the two women becomes apparent. I have already alluded cursorily to the
circumstances under which Queen Amalasuntha met her death,[583] but the
most effective cause of that crime was one which remained hidden from
the public. In addition to her royal descent, which was derived from a
long line of kingly ancestors, the Gothic queen was a woman of great
personal charm, of cultivated mind, and of an age scarcely exceeding
that of the Eastern Empress. Justinian was much impressed at the
prospect of a princess of her rank placing herself under his protection,
and he prepared a temporary establishment at Epidamnus, in a style
suitable to her dignity, in anticipation of her being obliged to fly
from the soil of Italy. Later on he expected to receive her at
Constantinople, where he doubtless intended that she should be housed
permanently in one of the palaces adjacent to the Court. This project,
so grateful to the Emperor, was viewed with more than equal abhorrence
by his consort. That Amalasuntha, pre-eminent by her birth, her talents,
and her beauty, would receive unremitting homage and admiration from
Justinian and his nobles, and eclipse the Empress in her own halls,
might be foreseen as an inevitable result of such an arrangement. While
this affair was under consideration, and might at any moment be
realized, another woman appeared on the scene, to whom the rivalry of
the Gothic queen was at once as odious as it threatened to become to
Theodora herself. Gudelina, the wife of Theodahad, participating in her
husband's elevation, assumed the attributes of royalty at the Court of
Ravenna, where she immediately found herself outshone by her brilliant
cousin, whose prerogatives and merits were so much superior to her own.
An instinctive alliance between the two women, the sting to whose
vanities was projected from the same source, was quickly formed. Letters
passed between them, cautiously expressed, but clear to the mind of
each; and Theodora infused some of her own determination into the mind
of the nominal queen in the West.[584] The details of the plot which
ensued are lost to us, and we can only see that the daughter of
Theodoric, probably without apprehensions as regards those for whom she
had been the author of fortune, was ensnared by a coalition of her foes,
and under some specious pretence deported from her own court. By this
consummation the Gothic clique might, perhaps, have been appeased; but
the Empress was no advocate of half measures, and when Peter departed on
his embassy to Ravenna he was intrusted by her with a secret mandate to
encompass the death of Amalasuntha. Instead, therefore, of acting on
behalf of Justinian, he obeyed Theodora, and through his insidious
counsels the unfortunate princess perished forthwith in her obscure
prison.[585]

Hitherto Theodora and Antonina had pursued their respective courses at a
distance from each other, but they were on convergent paths, which after
the outbreak of the Gothic war necessarily became united. Although she
had previously viewed her with dislike, the Empress now found that the
wife of Belisarius was the only congenial agent she could employ for the
furtherance of her underhand designs. Whether through policy or
prejudice, Theodora had always been a zealous partisan of the
Monophysite sect, and she was anxious to wring some concessions from the
Catholics, which should conduce to the union of Christendom. To promote
a willing instrument to the Papal chair was the leading move towards
this end; and as a first step Silverius had to be removed to make room
for such a pliable occupant. After the capture of Rome the opportunity
occurred, and the commission was given to Antonina. By her artifices the
Pope was accused of collusion with the Goths and banished to the lonely
isle of Palmaria. There shortly afterwards he ended his life at the
hands of an assassin suborned by the same intriguant. By her address and
success on this occasion Antonina conquered the favour of the Empress,
who for the future deigned to make use of her whenever some object had
to be attained by means of bold and deceitful assurance. Her skill in
such diplomacy was soon to be tested in a more delicate enterprise.

On his restoration to office after the Nika riot John of Cappadocia
attained to the summit of his power. He accumulated wealth to a
prodigious amount, and at length his mind became inflated by the
possession of vast resources to such an extent that he deemed nothing
less than the purple to be an adequate reward of his merit. He had
recourse to soothsayers, who predicted for him the highest fortune he
could desire; and he displayed himself to an expectant element of the
populace in dazzling apparel and surrounded by extraordinary state. To
publish his importance to the utmost he went on a progress through the
Orient, where he enthralled the vulgar by his magnificence, and appalled
the sober-minded by the unscrupulousness of his extortions. Having
fulfilled his purpose by this expedition, he returned to the capital,
and made a triumphal entry escorted, or rather borne along, by a pageant
of female nudity, thinly veiled by a diaphanous material which exposed
more than it concealed of their beauties.[586]

Notwithstanding his singular talents and versatility in devising
expedients, there was one relationship in which John showed himself to
be obtuse and indiscreet in the highest degree. Overpowered by his own
conceit, and feeling that the Emperor reposed unlimited confidence in
him, he was unable to appreciate the fact that Theodora exercised a
boundless dominion over her husband. He, therefore, not only neglected
to pay his court to the Empress, but, contemning and resenting her
interference in affairs, met her with a hostile countenance, and even
went so far as to asperse her in conversation with Justinian. Becoming
fully aware of his sentiments towards her, Theodora soon came to hate
him with an intensity she displayed towards no other member of the
bureaucracy. His ruin was long uppermost in her thoughts, and she sought
assiduously for some opportunity of killing him without incurring the
odium of the deed. On his side the Cappadocian was keenly perceptive of
the enmity he had kindled against himself in the breast of his Imperial
mistress, and lived in continual dread of her murderous intent. Although
he was encompassed by thousands of private guards, such as no Praetorian
Praefect had ever before maintained, and his palace was paraded by
wakeful sentinels every hour of the day and night, he was unable to
sleep without rising from time to time to explore with his eye every
passage leading to his bedchamber, fearful lest some barbarian might be
lurking in the dark ready at any instant to deal him his death-blow.

Such was the posture of affairs in relation to John until in the tenth
year of his magistracy the inevitable catastrophe befell him. It was in
541, when Belisarius left his wife behind him at Constantinople, that
Theodora unbosomed herself to her confidential friend, as that lady had
now become,[587] as to her grievances against the insolent Praefect. The
wile-weaving Antonina immediately evolved a plot to deliver her royal
mistress from her pet aversion. Euphemia, an only child, was the
daughter of the Cappadocian, and for her he cherished a deep affection.
In sympathy with her father, the girl abhorred the Empress as the source
of his disquietude; and would have welcomed eagerly a change of
sovereignty. Intuitively conscious of her sentiments, Antonina
approached Euphemia with blandishments, and, by professing a fellow
feeling, soon captured her confidence. She bewailed the lot of her
husband, whose magnificent services had been ill-requited by Justinian,
and simulated a demeanour of hopeless discontent. "But why, my dearest
friend," exclaimed the girl, "when you have the remedy in your own
hands, the devotion of the army, do you hesitate to redress your
wrongs?" "In the camp," replied the temptress, "we could do nothing
unless we had a powerful coadjutor in the capital; but, were your father
to join our party, we should doubtless effect what God wills with the
greatest ease." The Cappadocian was at once informed by his daughter of
all that had passed, and she expressed her belief in the sincerity of
Antonina with warm enthusiasm. He was captivated by the brilliant
suggestion, which seemed to him to signalize the providential fulfilment
of the prophecies on which he relied. He, therefore, instructed Euphemia
to prepare an interview between himself and Antonina for the following
day, but first to extract from her an oath, in the form most sacred to
the Christians, that she was acting in strict good faith. Antonina
perjured herself without hesitation in the most impressive manner,[588]
but represented that an immediate colloquy in the city would be
perilous. She, however, was about to join her husband in the East, and
would halt on her way at their suburban residence, where a meeting might
take place without arousing suspicion. Hence it was agreed that on a
certain date John should repair by night to the place indicated, where
mutual pledges could be given and their plans matured for execution.
Justinian was now quietly informed that John was engaged in a plot
against the throne, whereupon he ordered Narses, with a company of
guards, to be present at the meeting, in concealment. Should John be
overheard to utter anything treasonable, they were to rush in and cut
him down on the spot. At the same time, such was his attachment to the
man, he sent a secret emissary warning him to have no clandestine
relations with Antonina. The caution was, however, disregarded by the
ambitious conspirator; the interview took place, and he expressed his
intentions clearly in the hearing of the eunuch. He was attacked
forthwith by the soldiers, but his own guards, who had also been lying
in wait, flew to his assistance, and in the scuffle which ensued he made
his escape. Had he even now sought the presence of the Emperor he could
have saved his credit by some plausible explanation; but he acknowledged
his guilt by hastening to take sanctuary in a church, and thus gave
Theodora time to elaborate all her charges in due form.

A sentence of degradation and confiscation was now passed, and
John was banished to Cyzicus, where, under the Gospel name of Peter,
he was forcibly ordained as a cleric. A bishopric, however, he
declined—criminals of lofty rank in that age were punished by being made
bishops—still indulging himself in visions of restoration, and chose to
remain in the unattached orders of the ministry. Shortly, in fact, he
began to live in his old style of splendour, for Justinian had not
exacted a rigorous surrender of all his property, whilst he was also
able to draw on large reserves which he had hidden away. Nevertheless
further trials awaited him; an unpopular bishop of Cyzicus was murdered,
and he was accused of the deed. A commission of Senators repaired to the
place, and, although his innocence was proved, old charges of peculation
were raked up, and in the end he was stripped of everything, and turned
out as a mendicant with a single garment. He was then shipped to
Alexandria, where he was forced to beg his bread; again under some
pretence he was seized and imprisoned for three years; yet, while living
as a vagrant, he often had the audacity to try and raise money by
claiming arrearages from defaulting debtors of the treasury.[589]

We are now in a position to take up the thread of our narrative as
regards Belisarius, whom we left, in a state of mental distraction over
his wife's irregularities, in Mesopotamia. As soon as he came up with
her he placed her under guard in strict seclusion, divested of the
honours due to her rank, and began to prepare a process for the
severance of their relationship for the future. But he vacillated,
postponing any decisive step; and at length a will more powerful than
his own intervened to deprive him of all option in the matter. The news
of her confidant's disgrace was quickly carried to Theodora, and she
resolved that her right to do as she pleased should be vindicated in the
most complete and effectual manner. All her adversaries were arrested at
a single coup, and Belisarius was commanded peremptorily to make his
peace with his wife. Photius was seized and submitted to the torture,
but he kept his faith steadfastly, and refused to disclose where he had
sequestered Theodosius. Theodora, however, put her agents on his track,
and in no long time succeeded in unearthing him from his enforced
obscurity. Only after several years of suffering did Photius escape from
the prison he had been consigned to, and, making his way by secret paths
to Jerusalem, at last freed himself from persecution by becoming a
monk.[590]

In the autumn (541) the Master of Soldiers and his wife returned to
Constantinople, where the reception accorded to them at Court was in
conformity with their respective merits in the eyes of Theodora. At the
first convenient moment the Empress received her friend in private and
addressed her: "Dearest Patrician Lady, a jewel fell into my hands the
other day, the like of which no one ever saw before; but, if you wish to
see it, I shall be pleased to show it to you." Antonina begged
effusively to be permitted to see the treasure; when Theodora, passing
her hand behind a curtain which veiled the entrance to another
apartment, led out Theodosius and presented him to his mistress. The
raptures which ensued, and the expressions of gratitude bestowed by
Antonina on her benefactress, surpassed description; but the reunion of
the lovers was of brief duration. Theodosius, for whom the Empress was
meditating great honours, was shortly afterwards seized with a
dysentery, and disappeared from the ranks of the living.

Much deeper humiliation, however, was in store for Belisarius. Next
year, when he was absent with the army in the East, a report was spread
that the Emperor, resident in the plague-stricken capital, was himself
in the throes of a fatal attack of the malady. The question of the
throne becoming vacant was anxiously debated by the generals, and some
of them observed that, if the people of Constantinople proceeded to
elect a successor, he should not have the allegiance of the army.
Justinian, however, recovered unexpectedly, and the attitude adopted by
the military council was divulged at Court. Theodora was especially
enraged, as she assumed it to be part of her prerogative, in the case of
her husband's death, to nominate the next occupant of the throne.[591]
When the generals returned to Constantinople for the season, she
instituted an inquiry, and chose to see in Belisarius, though without
proof, the leader of the culprits. She denounced him in the bitterest
terms to the Emperor, who was doubtless only too pleased at finding a
pretext to subdue the excessive popularity of his eminent subordinate.
He was forthwith deprived of his post of General of the East; his
veteran guards, who had followed him into so many battles, were divided
into parcels and assigned to various magnates of the Court, and his
fortunes were seized for the benefit of the fisc. As a mere private
citizen he might be seen daily walking dejectedly alone between his
house and the Court, where he was viewed with neglect and disfavour, but
feared to absent himself lest a worse fate might befall him. In the
meantime Antonina enjoyed the highest favour with the Empress, whilst
the intercourse between husband and wife was of the coldest description.
For several weeks the great general languished in the abject condition
to which he had been reduced, although it appeared that his wife, being
possessed of such powerful interest, should be regarded as the arbiter
of his fate. On a certain day he left the palace, where he had been
treated with such contumely, even by minions of low grade, that on the
way home he glanced around involuntarily, fearful lest assassins should
be posted in some obscurity with a mandate to terminate his life. On his
arrival he threw himself on his couch, despairing of any alleviation of
his lot, while in an adjacent chamber he heard his wife's footsteps as
she walked to and fro restlessly, under the influence apparently of some
painful agitation. It was already dark when some one from without was
heard demanding admission, and shortly an emissary was announced as the
bearer of a despatch from the Empress. Belisarius shuddered and drew
himself up, anticipating him to be the messenger of death. A letter was
then presented to him, which he opened and read as follows: "You are not
ignorant, my good sir, as to what your conduct has been towards us. But
I am extremely indebted to your wife, and for her sake I pardon you, and
make her a present of your life; look upon her as your saviour, and
remember that our favour towards you in future shall be strictly
measured by the amiability of your disposition towards her." A sudden
revulsion of feeling was produced by the perusal of these words; he
rushed to his wife and knelt before her. He kissed her feet and
protested that he owed her everything; for the future she might call him
her slave, and he should never again claim to control her as a husband.

After this crisis Theodora dealt definitely with the fortune of
Belisarius, which he had amassed during his wars. His money and
valuables were estimated to amount to six thousand pounds of gold
(£240,000), and of this she made two portions—one half to be returned to
the owner, the other she presented to the Emperor. Jealous even of so
much wealth remaining in private hands, she now sought to cement a
marriage between a young relative of her own and Joannina, the only
child of Belisarius.[592]

The general now petitioned to be reinstated in his military rank, in
order that he might march against the Persians, but Antonina protested
that she would never again visit a country where she had been subjected
to such outrageous treatment. He was appointed, therefore, to the
equivocal position of Count of the Stables, which left the rulers of his
destiny the option of employing him on any opportune service.[593]

The sequels of two episodes related in a previous portion of this work
may form a fitting conclusion to the present chapter. The first concerns
the son of Theodora, who, as an infant, was apprehensively removed from
the custody of his mother. In the remote province of Arabia the child
grew up to manhood under the tutelage of his father, who watched with
interest the career of his former mistress, but without revealing to the
youth the secret of his birth. Being on his death-bed, however, he
thought it right to communicate to him all the details as to his origin.
After his father's decease, therefore, John set out for Constantinople,
expecting that his mother would recognize his claims and provide for him
accordingly. On his arrival he introduced himself among her servitors,
stating plainly who he was, and awaited her pleasure. But Theodora was
alarmed lest the knowledge of this amour and its result should come to
the ears of Justinian, and determined that all trace of it should be
effaced. Hence she received her son in strict privacy, and at once
commended him to the attention of certain satellites of hers, who were
generally regarded as the authors of unexplained disappearances. What
method of suppression was adopted remained uncertain, but, whether alive
or dead, nothing further was ever seen of this John.[594]

When Artabanes returned to Constantinople (546) after his signal
exploits at Carthage, he was received with great applause, and
immediately promoted to the rank of Master of Soldiers at Court. He was
much exalted by his good fortune, and especially at the prospect of
marrying the Emperor's niece, Prejecta, on whose account he had resigned
his independent vicegerency of Africa. With the acquiescence of all
parties, the brilliant nuptials were being prepared, when, at the last
moment, an unexpected obstacle intervened to shatter his impassioned
hopes. A wife of his youthful days, long since repudiated and forgotten,
still languished in his native land. In the times of his humble fortune
she was indifferent to the relationship, but, learning by report of her
husband's eminent success in the Byzantine service, she became eager to
enjoy the benefit of his advancement. Abandoning Armenia, therefore, she
arrived opportunely in the capital, and became informed of the projected
union which would exclude her for ever from his life. She presented
herself at the Palace with her sad story, and prayed for an audience of
the Empress. Theodora, who always evinced a lively desire to act as the
special providence of distressed women,[595] readily granted her
admission, and resolved to interfere on her behalf. She did so with her
usual effectivity, the imminent marriage was broken off, and the
unwilling Artabanes was forced to establish his rejected consort in her
conventional position as the head of his household. As for Prejecta, she
was shortly consoled with another partner, and became the wife of John,
son of the luckless Pompeius, who had perished more than a dozen years
before in the Nika rebellion. But Artabanes was so exasperated that he
was induced by some malcontents of his own nation to join a conspiracy
which had for its object the assassination of Justinian and the
elevation of Germanus to the throne.[596] The plot, however, was quickly
betrayed, and proved such a complete fiasco, that, after a commission of
the Senate had sat on the offenders and passed a nominal sentence, the
Emperor lost all interest in the matter.[597] Even Artabanes within a
twelvemonth was lifted out of his disgrace and given an active
appointment as Master of the Forces in Thrace.[598]

[580] Procopius, Anecd., 1. Except where indicated, nearly the whole of
this chapter depends on the first four sections of this work.

[581] On this occasion Constantine, a sub-general, who has been
mentioned (pp. 564, 567), remarked: "I should rather have got rid of the
woman than of the young man." During the siege of Rome by the Goths this
Constantine was summoned before Belisarius on a charge of appropriating
some valuable spoils. An altercation ensued, and the offender,
concluding rather hastily that he was about to be condemned to death,
made a rush at the Master of Soldiers with his drawn sword. He was
immediately seized and slaughtered in the antechamber at the command of
Belisarius, or, at least, with his acquiescence. This somewhat arbitrary
execution was attributed to the vengeance of Antonina, to whom the above
remark had been reported; Anecd., 1; De Bel. Goth., ii, 8.

[582] Anecd., 2. Belisarius earnestly exhorts his step-son to co-operate
with him, claiming his allegiance as due to him in return for the care
he had bestowed on him during his youth. Cf. De Bel. Goth. i, 5.

[583] See p. 550.

[584] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., x, 20, 23.

[585] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 4, with the elucidation in Anecd.,
16, 24. In a letter from Gudelina to Theodora (Cassiod., _loc. cit._,
20), we find the statement, "Your remarks respecting a _certain person_
have reached our ears with titillating effect (_titillatio_). Well, I
may tell you that we are going to do what will please you." There is no
plausible explanation of these sentences except that the two jealous
women were plotting against Amalasuntha. Soon after (_Ibid._, 23)
Gudelina again writes: "I am glad you approve of what has lately taken
place in this Kingdom"; a palpable allusion to the death of the Queen.
The lightest warning from Peter to the shuffling and scared Theodahad
would have deterred him from any hostile act against his royal
colleague; but he never spoke it, and, when the King affirmed that the
murder was perpetrated without his knowledge or consent, it is most
probable that he was stating a truth. It may be taken as certain,
therefore, that the death-blow of Amalasuntha was aimed from Byzantium.

[586] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 64, etc.

[587] On winning the favour of Theodora she received a Court
appointment, viz., "Mistress of the Wardrobe," in modern phraseology;
Codinus, pp. 108, 125.

[588] Procopius, Anecd., 2.

[589] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25, where all the circumstances
relative to the fall of John are narrated at length. His disappearance,
however, was in no way a public benefit, as, after a few months Peter
Barsymes took his place. Although a man of higher stamp, his hand
weighed just as heavily on the taxpayers; Anecd., 22, 25.

[590] Photius now disappears for ever from the pages of Procopius; but
he turns up again in John Ephes. (Hist., p. 66, Smith), who says that,
having taken the tonsure for some reason, he afterwards went up to
Justinian in his monkish habit and received from him a military command
in Syria, where he made himself obnoxious to the "orthodox" (Monoph.) by
his harsh treatment of them.

[591] See p. 328.

[592] His name was Anastasius, and he is represented as her grandson by
a daughter. The young people, one or both, were apparently not of
marriageable age, and so the wedding was put off. But they had arrived
at puberty by 547 at latest, so the birth of Theodora's daughter could
not have been later than 515. See below. Here is further evidence as to
the antiquity of the relations of Justinian and Theodora. If she could
try to bury her past in this way, perhaps Justinian never knew of it.
Hence a long interval may have separated her dissolute life from their
first meeting. But a daughter born in 515, before Justinian could have
thought of the succession? If we have the facts correctly, Theodora's
age should be much greater than is generally supposed. In John Ephes.
(Hist., pp. 51, 53, 59, Smith) the youth is called Athanasius, "the son
of Queen Theodora's daughter." Possibly this was another illegitimate
child (see p. 343) who was born before her meeting with Justinian. This
Athanasius appears in Church history as the founder of a peculiar
heresy.

[593] Procopius, Anecd., 3, 4, where the details of this collision with
Theodora, chiefly _re_ Antonina and her incontinence, are given at
length. Without this revelation we should be puzzled to understand the
subsequent career of Belisarius, his never returning to Persia, etc. Cf.
Marcel. Com. an. 545. This title of _Comes Stabuli_, that is, Constable,
was afterwards a very lofty one in the West, _e.g._, _the Constable_ of
Bourbon, etc.

[594] Procopius, Anecd., 17. Procopius (Anecd., 16) states that Theodora
kept a number of spies, who reported all that was said about the Court
in the public places and in private mansions. When she wished to get rid
of some one of position secretly she had him seized late at night, and
conveyed, with his head veiled, on board a ship, by which he was carried
to some distant place of confinement. Such persons generally succumbed
to harsh treatment, but occasionally obtained the forgiveness of the
Empress and reappeared in society.

[595] Irrespective of rectitude, as shown by the case of Antonina; and
not invariably, as seen in the instance of Amalasuntha. On another
occasion she forced two noble ladies to marry men of low rank, through
some caprice or spite. Although they took sanctuary in a church, she
succeeded in starving them out; Anecd., 17.

[596] He married Matasuentha, widow of Vitigis, who died two or three
years after his exile to CP.; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 39.
Jordanes calls this a union of the Amalian and Anician families (De Reb.
Get., lx), which shows that this ridiculous adulation as to Justinian's
pedigree was practically rife in the West.

[597] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31, 32.

[598] _Ibid._, 39.




 CHAPTER XIII
 THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE


Notwithstanding the signal success of Belisarius in his Italian
campaign, the Gothic Kingdom was even further from being actually
subjugated to the Byzantine power than was Africa after the capture of
Gelimer. The first care of Justinian was to appoint Alexander, an
eminent Logothete, popularly known as "the Scissors," to supervise the
financial administration of the country. His distinguishing sobriquet
had been acquired through his remarkable dexterity in clipping round the
gold coin according to an ingenious method of his own, which left the
margin apparently intact. This noted extortioner descended on the
Italians and sacked them mercilessly for suppositious debts, so that in
a short time the public allegiance was wholly alienated from the
victors. Even the army of occupation was defrauded of its pay to such an
extent that the soldiers began to view the hostile operations of the
enemy with complete indifference.[599]

After the departure of Belisarius, Ildibad applied himself to revive the
spirit of the remnants of the Gothic forces, and to attract to his
standard all the malcontents among the Italians. He made Ticinum[600]
his headquarters, and soon found himself strong enough to join battle
with the only Roman army which was willing to take the field. He
defeated these troops with great slaughter, and was on the way to win a
reputation in arms, when, as the result of a private feud, he was
assassinated at a banquet. To him succeeded Eraric, but his elevation
was displeasing to the Goths in general, and in a few months he also was
killed insidiously to make room for Totila, a nephew of Ildibad.

Totila, or Baduela,[601] the most illustrious King of the Goths in Italy
after the great Theodoric, had already made his submission to Justinian,
when the messengers arrived to offer him the crown of his nation. He was
in command of Tarvisium, and explained to them candidly his position,
but promised that, if they should take off Eraric by a certain day,
before his truce expired, he would accept the sovereignty. The
distasteful king disappeared; he was already a traitor, and had stated
his price to the Emperor, and the election of Totila was unanimously
ratified by the Goths (541).

For many years Totila engaged himself in the reconquest of Italy, during
which time he traversed the peninsula from north to south, and recovered
nearly all the towns which had been lost to the Goths. The Byzantines
failed to put an army into the field which could oppose him, and in two
minor engagements they were defeated with considerable loss. The first
blood was drawn at Faventia, whither Totila, in the year after his
accession, hastened to meet the enemy. His whole force amounted to five
thousand men, the relics of two hundred thousand whom the Goths had at
their command eight years previously at the outset of the war. The
Romans were twice as numerous, and the battle was begun by a single
combat between Artabazes, an Armenian general of the Persian contingent
transported from Sisauranum, and a strenuous Goth who proposed himself
as a champion. The Armenian was the victor, but received a fortuitous
wound, which ultimately proved fatal. A general collision followed, when
a skilfully posted ambush created a panic among the Byzantines, who were
dispersed with great carnage and the loss of all their ensigns.

The year after this success, to which was added the capture of several
towns and districts, Totila laid siege to Naples. In general he adopted
a policy of clemency towards those communities which fell into his
hands, a disposition which disarmed resistance, and often much
facilitated his progress. Thus he approached the Neapolitans with
liberal promises, but they were influenced by the Roman garrison to
decline a surrender. A blockade was established, therefore, in regular
form. After some time, when the inhabitants began to be severely pressed
by famine, an attempt to raise the siege was made by Demetrius, a Master
of Soldiers who had just arrived from Constantinople. A few hundred
infantry constituted his sole force, but he endeavoured to make the most
of his slight resources by putting into Sicily, and, while there,
loading a large number of freight vessels with provisions. Having given
this fleet the semblance of conveying numerous troops, he set sail for
Naples, whereupon the small Gothic army were thrown into consternation,
believing that he was advancing against them with an overwhelming force.
Hence they were on the point of breaking up their camp, when he, not
being resolute enough to push the enterprise to a practical issue,
declined from his course and steered for the port of Rome. There he
essayed to transform the semblance into a reality by enlisting soldiers
from among those who had crowded to the capital, where John, nephew of
Vitalian, was in command. Their experience of the Goths, however, had
lately been discouraging, wherefore they refused to associate themselves
to his expedition. He was obliged, therefore, to proceed to the relief
of Naples without any increment of force. But in the meantime, Totila,
having become enlightened in the matter, posted a number of war-galleys
in hiding, and attacked the provision ships as soon as a landing was
attempted. All the vessels were taken, the crews were mostly captured or
slain, whilst the residue, including Demetrius, managed to escape in
small boats. Later on, another effort was made, which was even more
disastrous. A newly-created Praetorian Praefect, in command of a
considerable war fleet, manned by Thracians and Armenians, was
despatched by Justinian to regulate the affairs of Italy. As a purely
civil official he was incapable of maturing any plan of campaign, and,
after wasting much time on the voyage, at length arrived at Sicily. Here
he yielded to urgent pressure, and entrusted his forces to Demetrius,
who again made sail for Naples. A storm arose, however, and all the
vessels were cast ashore in confusion in the vicinity of the Gothic
camp, where they at once became the prey of the enemy. The general
himself was taken prisoner, and immediately utilized by Totila to bring
about a surrender of the town. With a rope round his neck he was led
before the walls and compelled to proclaim to the citizens that all hope
of relief for them was at an end. Shortly afterwards the Gothic King
himself came up and harangued a meeting of the Neapolitans to induce
them to desist from their futile resistance. He represented to them that
on account of their determined defence against Belisarius he not only
regarded them with no animosity, but was even grateful for the loyalty
they had shown on that occasion. He besought them, therefore, to let him
take peaceful possession, and to receive him as a friend whose
intentions were wholly amicable. They asked for thirty days; he replied
by granting them three months; but in a short time they surrendered
voluntarily, glad to be relieved from the intolerable state of
destitution to which they had been reduced. Totila then acted with the
greatest benignancy. The small Byzantine garrison were dismissed safe
and sound, and even assisted with horses and supplies to enable them to
make their way to Rome. As for the inhabitants, he was so solicitous
about their health that he posted guards at the gates to see that
foodstuffs were at first introduced sparingly, lest a sudden surfeit of
the long-famished stomachs should engender a fatal illness throughout
the city. His last procedure was to level the greater part of the walls
to the ground, a method of treatment he applied to all other strongholds
when captured, in order to deprive the Byzantines of places of shelter
from which they could safely carry on the warfare.

In those cases, however, where Totila considered severity to be
expedient he showed himself to be as relentless as the most tyrannical
monarch. Thus, among his prisoners was one Demetrius, the commissary of
Naples, who during the siege had thought fit to provoke him by the most
unlicensed insults if he came within earshot of the walls. This man he
punished by excising his tongue and amputating both his hands, after
which infliction he set him at liberty. In another instance an Italian
complained to the King that his daughter had been ravished by a Gothic
guard, who happened to be a soldier of distinguished prowess. He was at
once committed to custody, but his companions pleaded earnestly on his
behalf. Thereupon Totila made them a speech in which he dwelt on the
necessity for the Goths to adhere to the principles of rectitude and to
maintain an honourable reputation among the people of the country. He
also referred to the case of Theodahad, who by his iniquities had become
the prime cause of the present war. Having persuaded his hearers by
these arguments, he had the culprit executed, and assigned his
possessions to the girl who had been outraged.

Totila now began to turn his attention to the recovery of the capital,
and his first move towards that object was to address a letter to the
Roman Senate with the view of pre-disposing their minds in his favour.
He reproached them gently with having forgotten the generous treatment
they had received at the hands of Theodoric and his successors, and
contrasted the behaviour of the Byzantines since they had gained a
footing in Italy with that of the Goths. At the moment, indeed, he was
able to use as an object-lesson, not only the reinstituted financial
oppression, but the conduct of the army of occupation, who were leading
a dissolute life in the fortresses among prostitutes, whilst they
pillaged the people of the neighbourhood without compunction for the
supply of their wants. The King followed up this missive by causing
agents who were in collusion with him in the city to post up notices
full of liberal promises to the Roman citizens should they return to the
Gothic allegiance. Whatever effect these overtures may have had on the
minds of the Romans, they were not immediately fruitful to Totila, and
the Byzantine garrison continued to retain a firm hold on the capital.

Not for another twelvemonth, however, was a Gothic encampment again seen
before the walls of Rome (545); but in the meantime Totila had
elaborated his preparations so as to render a siege effective to the
utmost. By capturing the fortress of Tibur, situated on the Anio, twenty
miles to the north-east of the capital, he was enabled to command the
fluviatile navigation and to prevent supplies reaching Rome from the
fields of Tuscany. On the other hand, by posting numerous war-galleys
among the islands off the coast, in the track of the corn-ships which
sailed from Sicily, he cut off all possibility of the Roman granaries
being replenished by sea-borne provisions. Bessas was now governor of
Rome, but the garrison under his command amounted to only three
thousand, and their ardour was soon damped by the result of the first
sally against the enemy. A band of Goths approached the gates and drew
upon themselves the attack of two eager lieutenants, who chased them in
simulated flight until they fell into a skilfully-contrived ambush, from
which few of them returned. After this mishap, which was incurred
against the advice of Bessas, no more sallies were made by the besieged.

Such was now the prosperous position of Totila's affairs. Yet a
twelvemonth had already elapsed since Belisarius had received a
commission from Justinian to go to the relief of Italy. But he dismissed
him to this command without resources from the state, telling him coldly
that out of his own great wealth he was to provide for the expenses of
the expedition. The Constable, for such he is now to be called,
travelled slowly through Illyricum and arrived at Salona with four
thousand recruits, whom while on his way he had induced with difficulty
to join his standard. He now embarked for Pola in Istria, from whence
after a short delay he arrived at Ravenna. At the former place he was
met by a group of Gothic spies, who explored his camp and then returned
to Totila with the report that his martial equipment was contemptible.
They deceived the general by presenting a forged letter pleading for
help on behalf of Bonus, the governor of Genoa, who was said to be in a
sore strait. At Ravenna Belisarius issued a proclamation expressed in
seductive terms, inviting Italians and Goths to join him, but his appeal
met with no response, for the reputation of the Byzantines was at the
lowest ebb throughout the country. From the time of his arrival at Pola
he had begun to send out small bands both by land and sea to attempt
something against the enemy, but success had generally been
counterbalanced by disaster. He now decided to apply to the Emperor for
assistance; and he intrusted his despatch to John, whose place at Rome
he filled by transferring Bessas from Spoleto. His petition was
conceived as follows: "Most puissant Prince, we have arrived in Italy,
and, if nothing but the presence of Belisarius were necessary, the
country would now be subjugated to your dominion. For here I am in the
midst of the Italians—but without soldiers, horses, arms, or money. If
such resources be requisite to carry on warfare it must be allowed that
I am totally unprepared. As I passed through Thrace and Illyria I
enlisted a few volunteers, but they are only raw recruits, who shun the
enemy, desert their horses, and fling their arms on the ground. We have
no money at command; the Goths have already collected whatever was due
to us from the taxpayers. If I essay to address the soldiers my mouth is
stopped by knowing that they are hungering after their pay; whilst
numbers, who should be with us, have gone over to the enemy. I beg of
you to send me my veteran guards, and at the same time as many troops of
Huns and other barbarians as possible. Funds also are urgently needed."

These representations produced no immediate result, and nearly a year
passed away before the desired reinforcements began to arrive. In the
meantime Belisarius had returned to Dalmatia, where he established his
headquarters at Epidamnum. His main object was now to take action for
the relief of Rome, but he seemed to have lost much of the energy and
enterprise which formerly characterized him. As soon, however, as he had
received an increment of force he sent two of his lieutenants to Portus,
at the mouth of the Tiber, where a strong fort was still held by the
Byzantines. From thence, with the co-operation of Bessas, they were to
assail the Goths, both parties acting simultaneously from opposite
sides. They made two attacks, in accordance with their instructions, but
nothing could move Bessas to emerge from his shelter; and on the second
occasion the Goths, having been forewarned, caught them in an ambush
with a fatal result to almost the whole band, including the leaders.

So far military assistance had failed, but an effort to re-provision the
capital was now made from another quarter. Vigilius, the Roman Pontiff,
was at the moment staying in Sicily, where he possessed large estates.
He, therefore, freighted a fleet of corn-ships and directed them to sail
up the Tiber by the way of Portus. But while they were still a long
distance off their approach was signalled to the Goths, who thereupon
came down in effective force and concealed themselves near the mouth of
the river. The movement was observed by the garrison of the fort, who at
once climbed to the highest points of the battlements, and by waving of
hands and garments tried to warn the convoy off. The ships' crews,
however, mistook the gesticulations and imagined that their advent was
being hailed with rejoicings, wherefore they redoubled their energies in
order to complete the voyage. Hence they steered straight into the
ambuscade of barbarians and were all captured without a chance of being
rescued. Among the prisoners was a bishop, whom Totila relieved of both
his hands, as the penalty of answering falsely to his interrogations.

At the beginning of the next year (546) the Romans were hard pressed by
famine, and began to debate the advisability of surrender. As a
preliminary they sent an envoy to Totila to ask for a short truce on
condition that if succour did not arrive in the interval they would give
themselves up. Pelagius, the chosen deputy, was a man who acted a
considerable part on the ecclesiastical stage, and was already well
known to Justinian, at whose Court he had resided for several years as
Papal legate. The Gothic king received him warmly, but interrupted him,
as he was about to begin his exhortation, in order to enter on a
justification of himself. First he warned Pelagius that there were three
things which it would be useless for him to solicit, viz., clemency
towards the Sicilians, to spare the walls of Rome, or to deliver up
fugitives who had joined his army. He went on to picture the happy state
of Sicily when the Goths first conquered the peninsula, abounding in
wealth through the splendid fertility of its soil, and able to export
copious supplies for the sustenance of Rome. At the prayer of the Romans
Theodoric had left the island almost ungarrisoned, lest the inhabitants
should be disturbed in their peaceful occupations to the detriment of
the capital. Yet when a small Byzantine force landed they were received
everywhere with open arms and the island was allowed to become a base
for the invasion of Italy. As for Rome itself, the Greeks had shut
themselves up there and harassed the Goths by artifices and stratagems
without ever daring to march out and meet them fairly in battle. The
citizens, he added, would profit by the destruction of those walls which
were the cause of their being reduced to destitution while the hostile
armies were intent on their schemes of attack and defence. In reply to
this harangue Pelagius merely protested that he had not been permitted
to deliver his message, and, on his return to the city, declared that he
had found the King in too impracticable a mood to be influenced by any
entreaties.

The Romans now felt desperate and approached Bessas and his staff with
supplications that he would either provide them with food, turn them out
of the city, or at least end their sufferings by killing them at once.
His only answer was a recommendation to contain themselves for the
present, as Belisarius would soon be at hand with an army of relief.
Thus the reign of famine was prolonged until the last stages of
starvation were reached. Money and every kind of property were
sacrificed to buy any residue of corn that could be discovered or the
meanest description of animal food. When horses, dogs, and mice were
consumed, the people took to feeding on nettles, which grew in profusion
among ruins and around the inner circuit of the walls. Deaths and
suicides from the unbearable distress were of frequent occurrence.
Nevertheless the garrison was fairly nourished, for Bessas had stored a
large quantity of grain in well-guarded granaries, from which he not
only maintained his men, but sold portions regularly to the richer
citizens. Thus he kept on amassing wealth at a rapid rate, and was
unwilling that the siege should be raised as long as his lucrative trade
continued. In the direst extremity some citizens purchased from the
soldiers the right to escape, for the last payment they were able to
make; and, ultimately, large numbers were turned adrift to perish by the
wayside or to be seized and slain by the Goths.

By this time Belisarius, having been joined at Epidamnum by as many
troops as he saw any prospect of obtaining, determined to proceed with
all his force against Totila. John had at last returned,[602] and with
him he concerted his measures of transit and attack. The former, with a
portion of the army, was to land at Hydruntum,[603] and make his way
northwards with Rome as his objective; while the Constable, with the
bulk of the troops, was to sail round the peninsula, and make a descent
on the enemy from the waters adjacent to the capital. As for the part
played by John in this campaign, it may be dismissed at once by saying
that after landing he carried on a desultory warfare in southern Italy,
made marches and counter-marches through being impeded by the enemy, but
never arrived within striking distance of Rome.[604] Belisarius,
however, soon achieved his proposed voyage, and appeared at the mouth of
the Tiber, where he at once began offensive operations against the
Goths. One of his first steps was to relieve himself of the delicate
charge of his wife, and to have her guarded in a place of safety. He,
therefore, consigned her to the fortress of Portus, under the charge of
one of his lieutenants named Isaac, whom he enjoined to devote all his
attention to shielding her from harm. "Remain at your post," said he,
"even should you hear that I am slain."

The most pressing necessity was now to revictual Rome, and this
Belisarius essayed to do by carrying a fleet of provision ships up the
Tiber. He had at his disposal two hundred war-galleys, which he loaded
with foodstuffs and also equipped most effectively with a view to
forcing a passage. Thus on the forecastle of each vessel he constructed
a wooden bulwark after the pattern of mural battlements, from the
shelter of which his marines could safely discharge their darts. As
Totila had foreseen that such attempts would be made he had long taken
measures to render them ineffectual. Across the river, at a narrow part
about three miles up, he had raised an obstruction in the form of a
wooden bridge, at each end of which on the bank he built a large tower,
also of timber. In addition chains were used to close the passage over
the water farther down. With a view to assailing this structure the
Roman general joined together laterally two of his vessels, and on them
he erected a tower, high enough to overtop those constructed by the
Goths at the sides of the stream. A boat filled with combustibles,
pitch, sulphur, resin, was placed on the summit of the tower; and this
fabric he caused to be navigated in advance of his flotilla. His spare
cavalry and infantry he drew up on the river bank near the sea; and he
notified Bessas to make a diversion by sallying forth and assaulting
simultaneously the Gothic camp.

Everything prospered as had been intended; the chains were broken
through, the defenders of the wooden bridge were severely smitten by the
arrows which were showered from the galleys, and the floating tower was
brought into close contact with the obstructive barrier. Then the boat
was set alight and launched on to the top of one of the enemy's towers,
which took fire and was consumed with two hundred of its occupants. One
detail only of the manœuvres failed of accomplishment; Bessas never
moved, wholly engrossed as he was with his mercenary avidity.

Suddenly, when success appeared to have been almost attained, the
operations were abandoned and Belisarius drew off his forces without
attempting to push his advantage. Antonina, though unwittingly, was the
cause of this disastrous collapse. While the assault was proceeding a
glowing account of the victorious progress of the Byzantines was brought
to Portus, whereupon Isaac, inflamed with ardour, collected a hundred
cavalry, and made a dash for a section of the Gothic army which was
encamped near Ostia. At first the enemy were dispersed, but they shortly
rallied, and, recognizing the paucity of their adversaries, charged
them, with the result that many were slain, while Isaac and some others
were captured. A few, however, escaped, who rode full speed to
Belisarius and informed him that Isaac was taken prisoner. The general,
without stopping to inquire, immediately sounded the signals of retreat,
and made all haste to Portus, concluding that his wife had fallen into
the hands of the Goths. There he learned the true details as to the
temerity of Isaac, which affected him so deeply that he became seriously
ill, and was incapacitated for some time from taking the field. Such was
the last effort to save Rome from being retaken by the Goths, and before
long Totila succeeded in making himself master of the city.

Nothing could have been more languid and ill organized than the defence
of Rome under Bessas. The garrison lost all sense of discipline, no
strict watch was kept, and the officers rarely went on their rounds to
see that the sentinels remained awake at their posts. Under these
circumstances four Isaurians, who were on guard at the Asinarian gate,
conceived the possibility of making their fortunes. Choosing a quiet
hour of the night, they let themselves down the wall by ropes, and paid
a visit to the barbarian King in his camp. There they explained to him
with what facility they were able to pass in and out, and proffered to
introduce Gothic soldiers in the same manner. He promised liberally, but
distrusted his informants and sent back two of his men to put the matter
to the proof. They passed in and reported favourably, but still Totila
hesitated, suspecting a stratagem. A few nights later the Isaurians
returned and made the same representations, whereupon the King repeated
the experiment by the agency of two other spies. They also entered the
city, and explored the feasibility of the scheme, but Totila delayed
taking any decisive step. The question, however, was talked over in the
Gothic camp, and soon after a Roman patrol, coming on a group of the
enemy loitering near the walls, seized them and brought them before
Bessas. On being examined they confessed that they had hopes of the city
being betrayed by some Isaurians, but he dismissed their statement as
being not worth considering. For the third time the traitors approached
Totila, and he now sent two officers of his staff, in whom he reposed
the utmost confidence, to investigate the proposal. On their confirming
the previous reports he decided to act.

One evening after nightfall Totila got all his men under arms, and
marched in silence to the Asinarian gate. Four Goths, selected for their
strength and courage, surmounted the wall by means of ropes let down to
them by the Isaurians. Inside they attacked the gate with axes, and cut
away all the woodwork in which the locks and bolts were fixed. The
portal was then thrown open, and the King entered with his troops. Still
apprehensive of some deception, he drew them up in close order in the
nearest open space and waited for daylight. Insensibly a report as to
what had happened spread through the city, upon which the garrison
crowded to Bessas, and all fled through one of the opposite gates. Of
the citizens a few nobles and about five hundred of the proletariat were
all that remained within the walls; and these, emaciated by famine,
dragged themselves with difficulty to take refuge in the churches. As
soon as morning broke the Goths laid aside their suspicions and began to
scour the streets, when a few soldiers, who had remained, and about
threescore civilians, fell victims to their rage. Totila wended his way
to the church of St. Peter, with the intention of offering up a
thanksgiving, and was met on the threshold by Pelagius, who adjured him
by the Gospels which he held in his hand, to spare the Romans. "Still a
suppliant, Pelagius!" exclaimed the King. "Yes," replied the priest,
"since God has made me your servant."

The victor now issued his commands to stay all further massacre, but,
with reservations as to his own share, permitted his soldiers to spoil
the houses. Much wealth came into his hands from the palaces of the
nobles, and especially the immense treasures accumulated by Bessas as
the gains of his nefarious traffic. Such poverty now prevailed at Rome
that members of the noblest families might be seen in mean apparel
begging their bread through the streets from the enemy. Among these was
Rusticiana, the daughter of Symmachus and widow of Boethius, who had
expended all she possessed in relieving the indigent. Some time
previously she purchased from the Byzantine rulers at a great price the
privilege of overthrowing the statues of Theodoric in revenge for his
having executed her father and husband.[605] The Goths would now have
retaliated, but Totila saved her from their hands, and also restrained
them from violating any of the females found in the city.

The day after the capture the Gothic King convened his forces, and
preached them a sermon on the advantages of ethical conduct in warfare.
He pointed out to them that in the first campaign, although numerous and
rich, they had succumbed to seven thousand Greeks, because they shrunk
from no excesses and committed every crime that seemed expedient at the
moment. Now, however, through adhering to the principles of rectitude,
although diminished to a mere handful with slight resources, they had
triumphed over twenty thousand of the enemy. He also addressed the
Romans in the same sense as his former despatch and proclamations,
reproaching them for their ingratitude to the Goths, and again
expressing his amazement at their indiscretion and prejudice in
preferring the oppressive rule of the Byzantines.

Totila's next procedure was to send a legation, of whom Pelagius was the
chief, to solicit an equitable peace from Justinian. They were the
bearers of a letter in which he prayed for a restoration of the amicable
relations which had prevailed between Anastasius and Theodoric; but they
also had verbal instructions to threaten the total destruction of Rome,
the massacre of the Senate, and a Gothic invasion of Illyricum. In
response the Emperor did not enter into any negotiations, but merely
indicated that Belisarius was his plenipotentiary, through whom only he
was willing to treat.

When this answer was conveyed to Totila, he resolved to raze Rome to the
ground, and transform the area into a sheep pasture; after which he
planned a march into Southern Italy against John, who had lately
inflicted some damage on the Gothic forces in that region. He began by
ruining the walls, of which he had levelled about a third part of the
circumference, when he received an expostulation from Belisarius, who
had been apprised of his design. "Men of wisdom," wrote the general,
"have always been characterized by the desire to build great cities, but
to ruin them can only be described as the work of fools. Rome, by reason
of its extent and magnificence, is the most excellent of all the cities
of the earth; built gradually in the course of many ages by a long
series of emperors, with the assistance of numerous architects and
artificers; the realization of immense resources brought together from
every part of the world. Destroy this splendid creation, and you will
incur eternal obloquy in the memory of succeeding generations. But pause
and reflect that the issue of this war must be one of two events: either
you conquer or are defeated. In the first case you will find that the
injury is your own, and you have demolished the proudest ornament of
your kingdom. In the second you have aroused the just resentment of the
victor, and can expect no clemency at his hands." Totila was persuaded
by these arguments, and refrained from doing any further damage to the
capital. The Senators, however, he placed under guard in his camp as
hostages, and the residue of the inhabitants he deported into Campania.
He then removed from the neighbourhood to inspect the progress of his
affairs in other parts of Italy. Rome was thus left wholly
deserted.[606]

As soon as Belisarius heard of the departure of Totila, he determined to
re-occupy the vacant capital. He brought all his men up from Portus,
therefore, and set them to work in rebuilding in a temporary fashion the
ruined stretches of wall. The stones, which lay scattered around, were
collected and placed in position, without mortar, as accurately as
possible; stakes were planted outside; the fosse was cleared; and the
adjacent ground was plentifully sown with calthrops. In three weeks the
work was completed, and, before long, many of the Romans, eager to
occupy their old domiciles, returned, for whom the general laid up a
copious store of provisions. When Totila heard of this procedure, he was
much annoyed, and hastened back with all speed to recapture the city.
The Goths delivered several assaults, but were invariably repulsed with
loss, notwithstanding that they had torn down and destroyed all the
gates, which had, therefore, to be defended by bodies of men packed in
the open passages. Seeing no prospect of success, the Gothic King soon
retired with his army, from whom he had to endure many reproaches for
not having adopted more effective measures to render Rome untenable. In
his retreat on this occasion he destroyed all the bridges over the Tiber
except the Milvian. Belisarius now fitted new gates to the city and
again went through the form of sending the keys to Justinian.

During the next year (547) the hostile armies frequently came into
collision, but no decisive success was won. In 548 Belisarius recognized
that the peninsula could not be conquered without much greater forces
than he had at command, but Justinian appeared to be lukewarm in the
matter, and the contingents he despatched from time to time were barely
sufficient to counterbalance the losses. The Constable resolved,
therefore, to send his wife on a special mission to Constantinople,
hoping that, if she brought the question before the Empress, her
exceptional influence might obtain for him the needed reinforcements.
Antonina arrived at the Imperial capital, but only to learn that the
Augusta had died a few weeks previously, whilst Justinian was immersed
in theological studies to such an extent that his administrative energy
had completely deserted him. She acted, therefore, on the alternative,
which doubtless had been proposed by her husband, and petitioned the
Emperor for his recall. Her request was readily granted, and thus
terminated the second campaign of five years which Belisarius had
conducted in Italy. This time he returned home without martial honour,
but with a considerable accretion of wealth, which he had exacted with
little scruple from the Italians, according to the usual practice of the
age, whenever an opportunity offered.[607]

After the departure of Belisarius, Totila breathed more freely, and
determined to devote all his energies to the recovery of Rome. During
the last year of his stay the Constable, by hovering around Southern
Italy with his fleet, had confined the attention of the Gothic King to
that quarter, while the capital had been committed to the charge of an
excellent soldier named Diogenes, with a garrison of three thousand
picked men. Early in 549 the third siege of Rome by the Goths was begun,
but the city was now well provisioned, and the governor vigilant, so
that for several months the enemy made no sensible progress. There was
still, however, among the defenders a band of Isaurians, to whom was
entrusted the custody of a gate on the south, that named after the
Apostle Paul; and they also conceived the idea of betraying their charge
to Totila. As the reward of their treachery, they saw some of their
former comrades abounding in wealth, whilst the arrears of pay due to
the Byzantine army already extended over several years. They opened up
communications, therefore, with the King; and in collusion with the
traitors a plan of capture was soon agreed upon. But the circumstances
were now very different, and an elaborate scheme had to be devised in
order to attain to the same result. Success, however, was made
commensurate with the greater complication of detail. The Tiber was now
entirely at the command of Totila, as he had recently taken the fortress
of Portus; whilst the only stronghold in the vicinity still held by the
Romans was Centumcellae, a seaport nearly forty miles to the north.
Having posted a strong ambush on the road to the latter place, the King
led the bulk of his forces secretly in the first watch of the night to
the neighbourhood of the gate in question. At the same time he
instructed two boats carrying trumpeters to row quietly up the river,
and, as soon as they arrived at the north wall of the city, to begin
sounding their instruments with all their force.[608] Everything turned
out as had been anticipated; when the garrison heard the blast of the
trumpets, all rushed to the proximity of the Aurelian gate, thinking
that a surprise assault was being delivered on that side. Thus the
Isaurians were left in sole charge of the gate of St. Paul, which they
immediately opened for the admission of the Gothic army. The news
quickly circulated that the enemy were within the walls, with the usual
consequence of panic and flight by those gates which were remote from
the vicinity of the hostile troops. Centumcellae was the destination of
most of the fugitives, where they expected to find a safe retreat, but
on the way they fell into the ambuscade set by Totila, so that almost
all perished. Four hundred of the garrison, however, fortified
themselves in the tomb of Hadrian and nearly as many took refuge in the
churches, but they were soon induced by Totila's liberal promises to
give themselves up. A majority of them even took service with his
forces.

Totila now did all in his power to restore Rome to its pristine
splendour, as he had lately been taunted by Theodebert with not being
the actual sovereign of Italy, since his capital, besides being held by
the Greeks, was partly in ruins. He had sought an alliance with the
Franks through marriage with one of the King's daughters, and on these
grounds the hand of the princess had been refused to him. Hence he
re-established a Senate composed of Italians and Goths, and tried to
repatriate as many as possible of the inhabitants who had been scattered
in various directions.

At this period the Gothic King again attempted to compose a peace with
Justinian, but his overtures were treated with unconcern. It is probable
that at this juncture the Emperor would have been willing to ratify a
treaty, but he had at his side an adviser who urged him persistently not
to abandon Italy to the dominion of the Arian heretics. Pope Vigilius
had been for a couple of years resident at the Byzantine Court, and, as
the representative of Orthodox Italy, he could by no means endure that
the Papal seat should be under the control of the Goths. Germanus was,
therefore, appointed to be commander-in-chief, but he died on his way
through Illyricum, and for the next two years the war continued to be
waged by land and sea on the same indecisive lines. The principal
exploit of Totila was the reconquest of Sicily, but he left it
incomplete; and shortly afterwards Artabanes virtually recovered the
island for the Empire.

In the autumn of the year 551, a naval battle off Ancona, disastrous to
the Goths, again induced Totila to approach the Emperor with peace
proposals, but Justinian remained obdurate, and seemed to be possessed
with a rooted prejudice against entering into any convention with the
Goths. The name had become odious to him, and, after so many years of
quasi-occupation of Italy, he doubtless looked on that nation merely as
heretic rebels who disturbed the peace in an integral part of his
dominions.

In this naval engagement, the only express conflict on the water in this
century, the Romans were provided with fifty warships of the utmost
capacity, the Goths with forty-seven.[609] John was in chief command on
the side of the Romans, Indulfus, a renegade officer of Belisarius, on
that of the Goths. The fight was begun with great ardour on both sides,
and conducted as nearly as possible in the form of a battle on land. A
cloud of arrows was interchanged by the hostile crews, and then the
ships were impelled against each other in order to facilitate the use of
swords and spears. The Byzantine fleet, however, was manned by sailors
who were skilful in manœuvring their vessels, but the barbarians, not
being a maritime nation, could not dispose of crews who were versed in
nautical evolutions. On the one side the ships were navigated
methodically and kept in just array, while on the other they were urged
indiscriminately to the attack. Certain groups of the Gothic fleet were
marshalled with an excessive interspace, and among these the Romans
drove in, isolating the vessels, and easily sinking them by their
combined action. In other positions the ships of the barbarians were
packed together so closely that they hampered each other's progress and
checked the use of the oars; and in such cases their efforts were
perverted into a contest to regain their freedom of movement. Hence the
battle resulted in thirty-six vessels being destroyed by the Byzantines,
whilst the remaining eleven escaped to the shore, where they were burnt
to save them from the enemy. The preservation of Ancona for the Empire
was the immediate result of this victory.[610]

After the death of Germanus the Emperor decided to appoint Narses to the
command of the war in Italy, although the eunuch was now a very old man,
and, according to evidence which cannot be ignored, probably almost an
octogenarian.[611] We are also told that he was short of stature and
slightly built, but mentally strenuous and decisive in character to a
remarkable degree.[612] As soon as the question was broached of
ordaining him to the conduct of the Gothic war, he declared frankly that
he would not accept the commission unless he were granted resources
adequate to the magnitude of the enterprise. Justinian yielded, with the
result that an invasion of Italy was planned by the eunuch on a scale
which was a revelation to those habituated to the fitful and partial
efforts of the last dozen years. Not only did he levy an army
commensurate with the undertaking, but he insisted on being provided
with funds to liquidate the arrears due to the half-hearted troops who
had languished in the country for so long without receiving their pay.

Narses set out for Italy in 551, but he was delayed on his route by an
eruption of the Huns, which it was no part of his duty to arrest. He
established a camp, therefore, at Philippopolis, and waited calmly until
the barbarians had divided into two streams, one of which bore
destruction to Thessalonica, and the other in the direction of the
metropolis. The Illyrian frontier, was, indeed, the training school of
Byzantine generals, and the eunuch himself was one of those who had
often been engaged in the task of resisting barbarian raids by which the
Danubian provinces were continually pillaged and depopulated. His
progress was also impeded somewhat by a deficiency in the commissariat,
which arose from a convoy of provision ships having been captured in the
Adriatic, previous to the battle of Ancona, by Totila's fleet. Early in
552, however, he was able to concentrate all his forces at Salona, where
the vital problem of transit into Italy began to be discussed. Besides a
numerous Byzantine army of the conventional type, he had been joined by
fully ten thousand barbarian auxiliaries from tribes not regularly drawn
upon, as Foederati for the Imperial Service. Lombards, Herules, Huns,
and Gepaeds crowded to his standard, and he even disposed of a
considerable Persian contingent led by Cavades, the real or reputed
grandson of the late Shahinshah.[613] All those who made a profession of
arms among the Byzantines or their allies, both officers of rank and
private soldiers, were eager to take part in this expedition; the one
class attracted by the illustrious dignity held by Narses at Court, the
other by the munificence displayed by him towards the armies he had
commanded, and because of the benignancy of his personal bearing among
the troops.[614]

Totila, on his side, had not been idle, but had made himself well
acquainted with the extent of the hostile preparations which were
impending against him, and he, therefore, employed every means that
foresight could devise to render the invasion of his kingdom difficult
and dangerous. He knew that the prime objective of the Byzantine general
would be Ravenna, but he had ascertained that he did not possess such a
fleet of transports as could convey the whole army at once across the
Ionic Gulf. Should the troops, however, sail by detachments, he expected
to be able to cut off the separate brigades when they were in the act of
disembarking. On the other hand, should Narses elect to march by land,
it was necessary for him to round the head of the Adriatic Sea and
pursue his route along the foot of the Alps through the plains which
stretched past the city of Verona. To the latter district, therefore, he
sent his most able general Teïas, instructing him to render the passage
arduous and impracticable by every art known to the military engineer.
Thus Teïas obstructed and broke up the ground in the vicinity of the Po
in all conceivable ways. Over a width of several miles trees were felled
and strewn in the paths of access, broad and deep trenches were
excavated, precipitous gulches were delved, and extensive areas were
hollowed out, into which water and mud were allowed to run from adjacent
streams. On the proximate side of this rudely diversified barrier the
Gothic general awaited the Byzantine army, to attack them with his
troops should they venture to pass.

Having determined to march overland, Narses advanced with his army from
Salona to the north of Istria, where he halted on the border of the
Venetian territory. Under the semblance of a friendly pact with the
Goths, the Franks, still cherishing the design of extending their
dominions, were in occupation of Transpadane Italy in its whole breadth.
A recent legation from the Emperor to win them over as allies against
Totila had failed; and, if the Byzantines were to pass by the route of
Verona without being harassed by the Franks, it was obligatory to have
some prior understanding with them. The emissaries, however, sent by
Narses to the generals of that nation returned with a specious refusal,
but at the same time informants arrived who made him aware that the
permission, if granted, would have been futile owing to the obstructive
dispositions of Teïas. A military council was now held; there was still
a third way of entering the peninsula, which Totila had left unguarded,
beset as it was by obstacles which seemed to preclude the passage of an
army. By proceeding along the coast they would be secure from hostile
interruption, but the land line was irregular, marshy, and broken by
numerous estuaries of navigable rivers. By the advice of John, however,
whose experience of a decade in the country qualified him to act as
guide, this seemingly impassable route was undertaken and successfully
accomplished. All the available ships and boats followed the army close
to the shore; and by means of them, as often as the mouth of a river was
reached, a floating bridge was improvised, over which the troops passed
in safety.

After Narses arrived at Ravenna he gave the whole army a nine days'
rest, during which time he received a further accession of strength
through being joined by all the Byzantine detachments remaining in that
region.[615] Just as the work of recuperation was completed the Gothic
governor of Ariminum, Usdrilas by name, taking umbrage at his apparent
inactivity, addressed him a sharp, provocative letter. "After filling
all Italy with rumours of the terrible host of barbarians, which you are
bringing against us," said he, "you now stay loitering behind the walls
of Ravenna. Come out at once and show your spirit to the Goths; no
longer tantalize us, who are eager to meet you in the field." The eunuch
smiled at the bravado of the Goth, and shortly afterwards resumed his
march with all his forces. The first skirmish with the enemy occurred at
the crossing of a small stream near Ariminum, from whence Usdrilas came
out at the head of a troop of horse; and the Romans were elated by the
happy omen, as they considered it, of the boastful Goth being slain in
this encounter. Narses now pushed onwards with all speed, having the
Flaminian Way on his left, and began to move through the Apennines
towards the fields of Tuscany.

In the meantime Totila, having effected a junction with Teïas in the
vicinity of Rome, pressed forward to meet the invaders at a distance as
far as possible from the capital. As soon, however, as news was brought
in of their rapid progress, he called a halt and pitched his camp near
the village of Taginae, among the western slopes of the Apennines.[616]
Before long the approach of the Byzantine army was signalled; and when
Narses found himself within a dozen miles of the enemy's camp he sent
forward his legates with an invitation to the Gothic king to surrender
peacefully, representing to him that he could not hope to resist the
whole force of the Roman Empire. As an ulterior proposal, should they
find him resolved to fight, he was to be asked to name a day of battle.
Being admitted to an audience they submitted the prescribed offer, to
which Totila replied angrily that he would accept no terms, but that
they must prepare for a conflict. Thereupon the legates at once
propounded the request: "Appoint a time then, good lord, to decide the
matter by arms." "On the eighth day from the present," said the King,
and dismissed his interrogators.

On receiving this response Narses immediately began to instruct his line
of battle, anticipating that Totila would advance to the attack without
delay, in the hope of finding him unprepared. Nor was he deceived, for
on the following day the whole Gothic army poured into the neighbourhood
and drew themselves up not farther than a couple of bowshots from his
own position. The site of hostilities was a small plain surrounded by
eminences, which were popularly supposed to be the sepulchral mounds of
a Gallic host who had been slaughtered here by Camillus in the early
years of the Republic. Hence the place was named the "Graves of the
Gauls." Close to the Roman army on the left was a low hill, which
protected them from being assailed directly on that flank, but which, if
held by the enemy, might become the source of a deadly play of darts.
The night was tempestuous, and, while it was yet dark, the eunuch sent a
squad of fifty infantry to occupy this elevation. Directly day broke
Totila saw the advantage which had been gained, and determined to
dislodge the occupants. A troop of cavalry were sent against them, but
what with the adverse slope, the discharge of arrows, the spear thrusts,
and the clashing of shields, which terrified the horses, the Goths could
make no headway, and had to retire discomfited. A second, and a third
time, Totila urged a similar attack, but nothing could overcome the
strenuous resistance offered by the Byzantines, and at length he had to
desist from his efforts.

The time of the main battle was now at hand, and on each side the
generals delivered an exhortation to their troops. Narses lauded the
superiority of his own men and spoke of the enemy with contempt,
asserting them to be mostly renegades from the Imperial service, whose
best prospect was to perish while making a desperate onslaught. Totila
encouraged his army by impressing on them that this was the critical day
of the war, and by a present victory they would irretrievably crush the
power of the Emperor. As for the forces opposed to them he pointed out
that they were only mercenary barbarians, who would be chary of risking
their personal safety merely in exchange for the high pay by which they
had been allured.

Both armies were now marshalled over against each other in a long and
deep array. Narses collected all his barbarian auxiliaries, with whom he
was unfamiliar, into the centre, and made them stand dismounted from
their horses. The flower of the Roman troops he placed in the wings,
four thousand foot-archers in front, and behind them fifteen hundred
cavalry in each division. On the opposite side the Goths were ranged in
two lines, all their cavalry being in front and the infantry behind. The
two generals now rode along their respective battle fronts, uttering
words of encouragement; and Narses added the objective stimulus of rich
jewels, armlets, necklets, and golden chains, displayed aloft on the
points of spears, and promised the bestowal of them as the rewards of
valour. As in most cases, there was a single combat in the interspace,
the champions this time being a Roman renegade and an Armenian, when the
triumph of the latter infused an access of confidence into the Imperial
troops. Totila, however, was anxious for a short delay, as he was
awaiting the advent of two thousand horse, whose approach had just been
intimated to him. In the meantime he essayed to divert the attention of
the enemy by exhibiting his address in equitation and play of arms. He
was dressed with regal magnificence, and his weapons and armour were
resplendent with gold. Purple plumes flowed from his helmet and lance,
and he was mounted on a charger of faultless proportions. He began to
caracole along the front of his line, wheeling his horse in circles and
pulling him up short at one instant or another to turn in a different
direction. Simultaneously his spear was tossed into the air and caught
dexterously with interchanging hands, now by one part, now by another.
In this saltatory exercise he frittered away the whole forenoon; and
then he sent a herald to ask for a parley with Narses. The eunuch,
however, replied that it was mere trifling for him to propose a debate
on the field, which he had declined at the fitting time.

It was now announced to Totila that the expected accession of cavalry
had arrived, whereupon he retired to his tent and passed the word for
his troops to fall out and partake of their midday meal. With a swift
change, however, all returned to their ranks, and the Gothic cavalry at
once began an impetuous charge against the enemy, thinking to catch them
in disorder. But Narses had suspected a ruse, and therefore had
restrained his men from breaking into loose order or laying aside any
part of their equipment. At the same time, lest they should suffer by
fasting, he caused them to be served with refreshments while standing in
line with their eyes fixed on the movements of the enemy. As soon as he
perceived in what manner the battle had begun, the Roman general
executed an evolution which was fatally adverse to the chances of the
attacking troops. The wings were signalled to deploy towards the centre,
and thus in a moment the Byzantine army assumed a crescentic formation,
which embraced the Gothic cavalry between its extended horns. From each
side the four thousand archers poured their arrows into the dense
squadrons of horse, who by some strange perversity or misjudgment had
been ordered to rely solely on their spears and the force of their
charge to overthrow the ranks of the enemy. A small proportion only of
the Gothic horsemen succeeded in reaching the Roman line, most of them
falling or becoming disabled the moment they entered the deadly
interspace between the two fires. Nevertheless they maintained their
efforts with tenacity till the decline of day, when the Byzantine army
by a unanimous impulse began to move forwards against them in firm
array. Gradually the Goths were pushed backwards, becoming more and more
disordered as they retreated, until they again came in contact with
their own infantry. In proportion as the enemy yielded the ardour of the
Romans had become inflamed; men of all arms attacked fiercely, and soon
the retreat became a rout; whilst the Gothic infantry, seeing the defeat
of their main force, attempted no defence, but fled wherever the way
seemed to lie open for escape. Six thousand of the Goths were slain on
the field, and, in addition, a large number of the Imperial troops, who,
during the last decade, had from time to time deserted to their
standard.[617]

The life and fortunes of Totila were forfeited on the day of Taginae,
but the mode of death of the Gothic King is wrapped in some uncertainty.
At the outset of the battle, according to one account, a chance arrow
pierced him with a mortal wound, and compelled his removal from the
field. After his departure, the Goths engaged the enemy without tactical
direction, and failed through being deprived of his skilful supervision.
Another version relates that as soon as the catastrophe was complete he
fled through the darkness with a few followers, when he received a
lance-thrust from the hand of a barbarian, who was unaware that he had
struck the King. Whatever may have been the immediate cause of the
fatality, it seems certain that on that night he arrived at Caprae,
about ten miles from the scene of the battle, in a dying state. There he
shortly expired and was buried by his companions, who at once left the
neighbourhood. Soon afterwards a Gothic woman, resident on the spot, who
had seen the occurrence, told some Roman soldiers that the King was
dead, and indicated to them his grave. Disbelieving her story, they
disinterred the body and found that she had spoken the truth.[618]
Before they restored the corpse to the earth they stripped it of its
regal apparel, which they brought to Narses. He, in his turn, forwarded
the spoils to Justinian.[619] Such was the inglorious end of the reign
of Totila, whose martial talents and civil magnanimity deserved a better
fate; and we would fain believe that version of his death which
elucidates by an inevitable mischance the infelicitous result of this
ill-conducted battle so unworthy of his previous reputation.

Narses now marched on Rome, receiving on his way the submission of
several towns which had been taken and retaken during the present war.
At the same time the remnant of the Goths mustered at Ticinum, which
Totila had fortified as the repository of his treasure in North Italy,
and there they immediately elected Teïas as King. When the eunuch
arrived before the capital, he found the Gothic garrison prepared to
offer a vigorous resistance; but their dispositions were unskilful, and
they were far from being able to foresee the various possibilities of
capture. The siege, therefore, was of brief duration, and they were
shortly circumvented by a simple strategical ruse. Three simultaneous
assaults were made on distant portions of the wall; and the defenders
allowed their attention to be concentrated on these points, whilst
leaving the rest of the wide circuit vacant. Then Narses, seizing a
favourable moment, ordered one of his lieutenants named Dagisthaeus,
supported by a strong brigade, to make a sudden attempt with scaling
ladders on one of the deserted stretches of wall. They ascended, meeting
with no obstruction, gates were thrown open, and the Imperial standard
was displayed from the battlements; whereupon the Goths abandoned the
defence and saved themselves by every available outlet.[620] Thus for
the fifth time in less than a score of years was Rome captured by one or
other of the contending nations; and again on this, the third occasion,
the Emperor had the gratification of receiving the keys of the city from
one of his generals.

Yet the subjugation of Italy was still far from complete; and an arduous
task had still to be executed by Narses before he could proclaim the
peaceful settlement of the ruined Gothic kingdom to be an accomplished
fact. Desperate bands of Gothic marauders now pervaded the country and
wreaked their vengeance uncontrolled on the Italians for the ill success
of their arms. All the Roman senators were murdered in Campania, where
for their own safety they had been located by Totila; and even at
Ticinum a band of hostages, selected from the noblest families, were
slaughtered by order of the new Gothic King. And Teïas, notwithstanding
his limited resources, was not in the least inclined to make his
submission to the victorious eunuch, but determined to oppose him to the
last by every means in his power. First, he tried to win the alliance of
Theodebald, who had lately succeeded his father on the throne of the
Franks, but that monarch declined to identify himself with a failing
cause.

The prime object of contention between the hostile generals was now the
city of Cumae in Campania, where Totila had deposited the richest
complement of his treasures and on that account provided it with a
strong garrison. At first John was sent into Tuscany to obstruct the
avenues of approach from the north; but Teïas eluded his vigilance, and,
by pursuing devious and unfrequented paths in the vicinity of the
Adriatic coast, penetrated into Campania before the Byzantines had
become aware of his escape. There he fortified his camp on the distal
side of Mount Vesuvius, close to the Bay of Naples. The position chosen
by the Goths was the south side of a bridge over the Draco, a small
river flowing between steep banks, impassable even for infantry. On this
spot they built wooden towers and constructed military engines, by means
of which, owing to the difficulty of access, they were able to withstand
the efforts of the whole Roman army for two months. With their fleet in
proximity they held the command of the sea, so that they suffered from
no lack of provisions. At the end of that time, however, the ships were
betrayed to the enemy by a traitorous Goth who was in charge of them,
and thus their supplies were cut off. They now took refuge on the
Lactarian Mount, which rises from the ridge of land separating the Bay
of Naples from that of Salerno. Here they soon found themselves in
danger of being starved out, and resolved, therefore, to make a
desperate effort to regain their freedom. Unexpectedly they came down on
foot in a solid mass, and threw themselves on the Byzantine troops.
Teïas, in the forefront of the battle, performed prodigies of valour,
and soon became the central aim for his adversaries. A dozen spears
became fixed in his shield, so that he could no longer wield it freely
to shelter himself. He called loudly for his armour-bearer, and an
attempt to exchange it was made, but for a moment his body remained
unprotected and he received a fatal wound. Nevertheless, his men fought
on till night terminated the conflict. At the dawn of day the fight was
resumed, and again persevered in till night. At last they sent a
deputation to Narses, proposing that they should be allowed to possess
themselves of whatever funds they had deposited at their homes in
various parts of the country, upon which they would leave Italy to go
and live according to their own laws among other barbarians. Following
the counsel of John, Narses made a convention to that effect; whereupon
the Goths agreed to surrender all their remaining strongholds and to
evacuate the peninsula.[621]

Such was the end of the dominion of the Ostrogoths in Italy, but Narses
still had a considerable war to wage, partly owing to the convention not
being strictly carried out, but chiefly because the Franks were firmly
convinced that they could make themselves masters of Italy. Their
resources were great, but for more than a decade they had been witnesses
of the successful resistance offered by Totila with his small army to
the anxious efforts of the Emperor; and hence they were itching to find
a plausible pretext for invading the country in force. Theodebald was a
feeble youth, evidently tottering to the grave, and two nobles of his
court, the brothers Leuthar and Butilin, professed to rule both the King
and the nation. As soon, therefore, as it became patent that the power
of the Goths in Italy was irretrievably shattered, they affected to be
moved by the prayers of a few refugees of that people, who had dwelt in
the Transpadane region, and had not been directly concerned in the
compact with Narses. Hence they quickly levied an army of over seventy
thousand men, and suddenly appeared in North Italy under the semblance
of being zealous allies of the Goths, but in reality because they
believed the country to be without a master. The Roman general had not
yet received the submission of Cumae, whilst some thousands of Gothic
soldiers had fortified themselves at Compsae under a bellicose Hunnish
leader, named Ragnaris; but on hearing of the Frankish invasion he
abandoned his operations against them, and marched into Tuscany. Here he
stayed to accept the capitulation of a number of towns, but sent on the
greater part of his forces to block the way of the invaders on the
southern bank of the Po. Some slight successes were obtained, but the
eunuch was really incapable of opposing the Frankish host, and he soon
retired to the shelter of Ravenna for the winter (553). Italy was now
virtually lost again to the Empire had the barbarians who invaded it
been capable of organizing a government or founding an administration.
But to indulge themselves in rapine was the only course that was
intelligible to them, and they possessed the country as brigands, not as
civilized conquerors. The bulk of their army was, in fact, composed of
German tribes, who had not yet been converted to Christianity. Even the
Goths recognized shortly that they had nothing to hope for from such
allies; and before long, Aligernus, the brother of Teïas, journeyed
voluntarily to the north and presented himself before Narses with the
keys of Cumae in his hand.

At the first flush of spring Leuthar and Butilin roused themselves to
prosecute their raid, and made a rapid and destructive march through
Central Italy until they arrived on the south of Rome. The brothers now
divided their forces, and, while one half carried their ravages down to
the Sicilian strait, the other devastated the eastern tract of the
peninsula until they were brought up by the waters of the Mediterranean.
The churches were broken into and rifled of all their precious ornaments
by the heathen Germans, but the Orthodox Franks abstained scrupulously
from any such sacrilege. The summer was already at its height, when
communication was reopened between the Frankish leaders; and Leuthar
announced his decision to return home forthwith in order to enjoy the
fruits of the expedition. He exhorted his brother to follow his example,
and not stake the rich spoils of Italy on the doubtful event of a war
with the Romans. Between Butilin and the Goths, however, a bond had been
executed in precise terms, by which it was prearranged that, should he
succeed in ousting the Byzantines, he should become their king. He,
therefore, remained in Campania, whilst his brother proceeded to retrace
his steps to the north. On the way a foreguard of three thousand men
fell into an ambush, contrived by Artabanes at Fanum, with disastrous
results, but the main army continued its march unopposed, crossed the
Po, and pitched their camp at Ceneta, in Venetia. Here they bewailed the
loss of much of their booty on the long route, and gave themselves up to
a life of indolence and relaxation in compensation for their protracted
predatory exertions. Soon, however, a pestilence invaded the camp,
emanating doubtless from an ill-ordered commissariat and defective
sanitation, by which most of them perished, including Leuthar himself.

As for Butilin and the moiety of the host which remained with him, they
also succumbed to disease in considerable numbers. The plenteous supply
of grapes in Campania induced them to indulge too freely in a raw wine
of their own concoction, and hence many of them fell victims to a fatal
flux from the bowels. Since Butilin hoped to obtain a permanent seat in
the country, he decided to fortify himself in a strong position, and
await the development of events. At Casilinum,[622] on the river
Vulturnus, he found a suitable spot, and there he fixed his camp within
an enclosure strongly fenced by wagons and stakes. Their front was
defended by the river, and wooden towers which they built at the foot of
an adjoining bridge. His army amounted to about thirty thousand men, and
he was also expecting reinforcements which had been promised by his
brother as soon as he had deposited his treasures in a place of safety.

Narses now thought himself strong enough to meet the diminished host of
Franks in the field; and he therefore came down from the north and
encamped on the other side of the river, almost in sight of the enemy.
His whole force, however, did not exceed eighteen thousand men, a great
many of the barbarians, who had accompanied him into Italy, having been
dismissed to their homes shortly after the defeat of Totila. He began
hostilities by cutting off the foraging parties, on which the Franks
were dependent for supplies, a proceeding which harassed them so much
that they decided to end the molestation by a battle. When the Roman
general noticed that the enemy were preparing to attack him he disposed
his forces in order, placing all his infantry in the centre, and his
cavalry on the wings. A certain number of his troops who were armed only
with missiles, bowmen, and slingers, he posted at the rear, and he also
concealed a detachment of horse in an adjacent wood. The martial
equipment of the army opposed to him was very incomplete. All were
infantry who bore no defensive armour, except shields and an occasional
helmet; and their only offensive weapons were a sword, a barbed javelin,
and a two-edged axe. They drew themselves up in the form of a wedge with
the apex in front, and when the order to charge was given they drove
down on the Roman centre with an impetus which carried them right
through the troops opposed to them, so that they seemed to be on the way
to capture the camp of their adversaries. Narses now signalled for his
wings to wheel round towards the centre, until they faced almost the
reverse way, and then to empty their quivers into the unprotected backs
of the enemy. At the same time they were assailed in front by a brigade
of Herules who had not arrived at their place in the centre before the
sudden onslaught of the Franks. The result of these tactics was the
practical annihilation of the barbarian host, along with whom Butilin
himself perished. While most of them were slain and many driven into the
river, it is said that only five escaped death on the field of battle.
Of the Romans only eighty were killed, and these were the men who stood
in the ranks where they had to withstand the first shock of the Frankish
charge. Shortly after this victory Narses proceeded to the reduction of
Compsae,[623] where the number of recalcitrant Goths, who had taken
asylum with Ragnaris, now amounted to seven thousand. The fortress was
blockaded during the winter; and at the beginning of spring (555), after
their leader had been slain in a chance encounter, the occupants
surrendered unconditionally to the eunuch, who sent them to
Constantinople, so that their services might be utilized for the future
in the defence of the Empire.

After a war of twenty years Justinian at last felt himself to be the
veritable sovereign of Italy; and he drew up forthwith a comprehensive
Act for the future government of the country. The title of this
document, the legate to whose hand it was entrusted, and the place
chosen for its promulgation, were all worthy of its importance. In the
autumn of 554 the exiled Pope Vigilius quitted the Imperial capital to
annunciate the Pragmatic Sanction from the throne of St. Peter as the
Emperor's message of amity to the Italian people. Yet the concessions
made to the inhabitants by this Constitution were, perhaps, not worthy
of the name; and many who benefited, through the adoption of a definite
Imperial policy, did so at the expense of others. Not altogether
inequitably, however, as the main object of the Emperor was to restore
the _status quo_ before the accession to power of Totila. The Pragmatic
Sanction, therefore, enacted a universal reinstatement of, and
restitution to those who were the losers by the interior administration
of that monarch. In his efforts to consolidate his power he had made, or
winked at, sweeping transfers of real and personal estate to his
supporters from those who were disaffected to his cause. Now everyone
was called on to take his own again wherever he could find it, without
being troubled to make out his claim in conformity with the niceties of
legal practice, it being conceded that there might have been an
indefinite loss or destruction of instruments of title during the
general upset. Lands and cattle, houses and movables, were to revert to
their original owners; slaves of both sexes, who had obtained or assumed
their freedom in the laxity of the times, were to return to the hand of
their masters; and even the marriage tie was declared to be a nullity if
contracted under the altered social conditions. Thus, husbands and wives
who relapsed into servitude could be repudiated by their hymeneal
partners; and even nuns, who had tasted of matrimony, had the option of
re-entering their convents. On the other hand, Justinian did not
encroach on the liberty of his new subjects by depriving them of
advantages which they had formerly enjoyed; for instance, the provincial
Rectors were to be chosen locally by the prelates of the Church from
among the Italians themselves; and the salaries customarily paid at Rome
for the promotion of liberal studies, literature, rhetoric, law, and
physic, were to be continued to the professors. He also invited the
Roman senators to visit him at the Byzantine Court whenever it pleased
them to do so; and enacted that travellers might pass without let or
hindrance between Italy and the rest of the Empire. The usual formulas
as to the efficient collection of the taxes and against fiscal
oppression were, of course, prominently expressed in this Constitution;
and in this department we may be sure that the Gothic rule was often
regretted.[624]

[599] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 1 (whence the narrative proceeds as
below). Cf. Anecd., 24, 26.

[600] Afterwards and now Pavia.

[601] Baduela on coins, but the Greeks always call him "Tõtilas,"
perhaps phonetically.

[602] He had delayed at CP. to celebrate his nuptials with the daughter
of Germanus; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 12.

[603] Now Otranto, the nearest point to the opposite coast of Greece.

[604] He was really afraid to be in the vicinity of Antonina, says
Procopius (Anecd., 5), as he believed that she had a mandate from
Theodora to make away with him, the latter having an inveterate enmity
against Germanus and his family.

[605] See p. 546.

[606] In a later part of his work, however, Procopius says (_loc. cit._,
iv, 33) that Totila also burnt many of the buildings at this time.
Marcellinus Com. (an. 547) corroborates, and says that for forty days
there was neither man nor beast within the city.

[607] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 35; Anecd., 5. He left Italy this
time as in surreptitious flight, glad to abandon his task. In this year
(548), Procopius tells us (De Bel. Goth., iii, 29), the great whale
Porphyrio (see p. 368) was found stranded near the mouth of the Euxine.
It had got into shallow water, too eager in its pursuit of dolphins. The
measurements were 45 by 15 feet, but some doubted it to be the same
animal as had been known in the Propontis for fifty years. Procopius
does not, however, mention the "wonderful dog," who visited CP. in 530,
and runs through all the Chroniclers from Jn. Malala to Zonaras. Rings
and coins placed in a heap on the ground he restored to their owners, or
fetched according to their value correctly. He also indicated to order
among the bystanders pregnant women, brothel-keepers, bawds, adulterers,
misers, and benevolent persons.

[608] Perhaps this is the origin of a statement by Paul Diac. (Hist.
Miscel., xvii) that on capturing Rome T. kept his trumpets sounding all
night to warn the citizens to take sanctuary from his turbulent
soldiery. "He lived among the Romans," says that historian, "like a
father with his sons." (The same passage occurs in Lib. Pontif.,
Vigilius.) "The teaching of St. Benedict," he adds, "had moulded his
character to this clemency."

[609] Altogether, however, Totila had equipped a war fleet of three
hundred first class ships (Procopius, _loc. cit._, 22); with these he
made some successful descents on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.

[610] These Italian campaigns had evidently caused the Byzantines to
develop their naval power, and caused a reversal of the state of things
which prevailed at the beginning of the Vandal war. See p. 503.

[611] Just previously he had built a church and monastery in Cappadocia,
to which he intended to retire for the rest of his days (John Ephes.,
Hist. (Smith), p. 75).

[612] Agathias, i, 16.

[613] See p. 415.

[614] This campaign of Narses occupies the latter part of the fourth
book of the Gothic War of Procopius. More than the first half of that
book is devoted to Persian affairs, and would properly be called the
third book of the Persian War.

[615] It will be observed that Ravenna was never captured unless by
stratagem. Both Theodoric (p. 545) and Belisarius (p. 581) entered by a
pretended treaty with the occupants.

[616] "Taginae lies just below the central watershed of the Apennines,
near the modern Gubbio" (Oman, _op. cit._, p. 32).

[617] Founding on Theophanes, an. 6044, and Cedrenus, i, p. 659, this
battle must have been fought in July, or at latest the beginning of
August.

[618] Procopius (_loc. cit._, iv. 32) gives both stories of his death,
the first vaguely, the second, which he appears to believe,
circumstantially.

[619] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 486; Theophanes, _loc. cit._

[620] Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv. 33) notes a curious parallel between
the careers of Dagisthaeus and Bessas. The latter, as we have seen,
disgraced himself at Rome, and subsequently distinguished himself by the
capture of Petra (p. 601). But just before Dagisthaeus had been deported
under arrest from Lazica, where he had held the command, on the charge
of accepting bribes from the Persians. He now retrieved his disgrace by
the capture of Rome.

[621] This is the last scene in the historical work of Procopius.
Agathias now takes up the narrative and begins with an epitome of his
predecessor. In his first and second books he treats of the further
warfare of Narses.

[622] Modern Capua, the ancient town, retaining its name, having been
moved to this site.

[623] Apparently a town near the Aufidus, on the northern border of
Lucania.

[624] The Pragmatic Sanction is found at the end of all editions of the
Corpus Juris Civilis. In the affix Narses is named as the Praepositus of
the Sacred Cubicle, that is Grand Chamberlain, or Chief Eunuch, the
title under which he became military governor of Italy. He was provided
with a Praetorian Praefect. There is a fragment of a later Act in which
J. legalises a composition _pro rata_ between debtors and creditors,
having regard to the losses caused by the Frankish invasion.




 CHAPTER XIV
 RELIGION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: JUSTINIAN AS A THEOLOGIAN


The reign of Justinian in its theological aspect was a long contest
between the Dyophysites, that is, the Orthodox Christians according to
the creed of the dominant hierarchy, and the Monophysites. Although the
Emperor was devotedly attached to Orthodoxy, he was above all things
desirous of finding some common ground on which the conflicting sects
could meet and be reconciled. From the opposite side Theodora was
animated by a similar policy; she warmly espoused the Monophysite
doctrine, but was equally anxious with her husband to promote a general
union of the Christian Church. The Monophysites at this time were
divided into two parties, viz., the uncompromising Acephali, who would
concede nothing, and those who accepted the Henoticon of Zeno (482). The
former, almost all Egyptians, anathematized the Council of Chalcedon;
the latter, chiefly Asiatics, pretended to tolerate that synod with the
reservations expressed by the Henoticon.[625] Thus, in the East there
was a partial agreement between the Orthodox and Monophysites; but the
Christians in the West were as uncompromisingly Orthodox as the Acephali
in Egypt were dissident: the Patriarch Acacius, the author of the
Henoticon, had been excommunicated for that piece of work by the
contemporary Pope, Felix.[626]

After the death of Anastasius, the hierarchies of Rome and
Constantinople had resumed friendly relations, owing to the policy
adopted by Justin and Justinian of persecuting the Monophysites;[627]
but under the influence of Theodora, or because of the Emperor's
discouragement at the results of these harsh measures, the opening of
the new reign wore a much more benign aspect toward the heretics.
Amicable discussion of the points of controversy and mutual concession
became the prevalent sentiment of the Court; and soon Monophysites of
every grade in the priestly office began to crowd into the capital.
Justinian received them with condescension and Theodora afforded them
material hospitality, finding them quarters according to their rank in
the house of Hormisdas and even in the Imperial palace.[628] The Emperor
argued questions of doctrine with them as a prelate might do with his
inferior clergy, and convened representative meetings of both parties
with a view to the resolution of differences.[629] His success, however,
was limited to the addition of one of the less contestable formulas of
the Monophysites to the Catholic theology, viz., that "God was crucified
for us,"[630] but this step did not meet with universal or permanent
approbation.[631] Yet Theodora was able to push her influence to such an
extent that she procured the translation of Anthimus, Bishop of
Trebizond, who was known to have heretical leanings, to the Patriarchate
of Constantinople (535).[632] This appointment was such a triumph for
the dissident sect that they assumed their advent to power to be
actually realized; and the recognized leader of the Monophysites,
Severus, the deposed Bishop of Antioch, who had previously repulsed
Justinian's advances as being illusory, now issued from his retreat and
appeared among the dependents of the Byzantine Court.[633]

This ascendancy, however, rested on no solid ecclesiastical foundation,
but was sustained merely by the breath of Court favour, as directed by
Theodora. At the moment when the prospects of the Monophysites seemed
brightest it is probable that disaster from some quarter was imminent
and inevitable, but the immediate cause of their ruin was a fortuitous
circumstance arising in connection with Justinian's foreign policy. In
the beginning of 536 Pope Agapetus arrived at Constantinople,
commissioned by Theodahad to effect some favourable accommodation for
him with the Emperor.[634] Among the more intimate members of his suite
were two deacons of noble family, Vigilius and Pelagius. The Catholic
prelates, who were indignant at the elevation of Anthimus, immediately
surrounded the Pope and induced him to refuse communion with the new
Patriarch unless he should prove his Orthodoxy.[635] Agapetus,
therefore, challenged Anthimus to a debate on the articles of the faith
in the presence of Justinian, and easily convicted him of flagrant
error. Excommunication, notwithstanding the menaces of Theodora, at once
followed, and the Emperor could not resist the Pope's demand that he
should be expelled from his see.[636] The Empress at once took him under
her personal protection, and gave him private apartments in the
Palace.[637] At the same time she began to intrigue for his restoration,
and the course of events seemed to shape itself very fortunately in her
favour. The Pope died in the spring of the same year before he could set
out on his return journey; and concomitantly Belisarius was making
brilliant progress in his invasion of Italy. Vigilius was a recognized
candidate for the see of Rome, and had, in fact, been irregularly
nominated before the consecration of Agapetus.[638] Theodora approached
him with bribes and threats; he should be Pope, and receive also a large
pecuniary grant, if he agreed to adopt the policy she defined for him.
Vigilius gave her all the assurances she required; he would condemn the
Council of Chalcedon and communicate with the three leaders of the
Monophysites, Anthimus, Severus, and Theodosius of Alexandria, the only
one who was in occupation of a see. At her dictation he at once wrote a
letter to these prelates, confessing the same faith as themselves;[639]
and then he departed for Italy with a mandate for Belisarius directing
that he should be installed in the Papal seat.[640] He joined the Master
of Soldiers at Naples, and, after the capture of that city, accompanied
him to Rome.[641]

In the meantime, however, Theodahad had filled the vacancy, and caused
Silverius to be created Pope in due form. When the Byzantine army
entered the Western capital after the flight of the Goths, as already
related, Belisarius took up his abode in a palace on the Pincian
Hill;[642] and, in concert with his wife, who was better versed than
himself in such matters, endeavoured to carry out the ecclesiastical
policy of the Empress. At first, persuasion was tried, in order to
induce Silverius to adapt himself to altered circumstances, but he was a
strenuous upholder of Orthodoxy and would make no concession. It was
decided, therefore, to find a pretext for deposing him, and with that
view libels were circulated, insinuating that he was now acting in
collusion with the Goths. His residence was in the Lateran palace near
the Asinarian gate, and he was accused of plotting to admit the enemy
through that portal. He repudiated the charge and removed his habitation
to an interior part of the city.[643] A letter was then forged, in which
his treasonable relations with Vitigis were set forth in precise
terms;[644] whereupon he was summoned to the presence of the general on
the Pincian. He found Belisarius sitting at the feet of his wife, who
was reclining on a couch; and the moment he entered, Antonina addressed
him with: "My Lord Pope, what have we done to you and the Romans that
you should wish to betray us to the Goths?" She had scarcely finished
speaking, when a pair of subservient deacons stripped him of his
pallium, and hastily enveloped him in a monkish habit. He was then
hurried away to exile, while the information was spread among the
populace that the Pope had been made a monk.[645] After his deposition,
Vigilius was consecrated without delay or difficulty, little or nothing
being known at Rome of the pledges he had given at the Byzantine Court
to apostatize from the Catholic faith. Theodora soon claimed the
fulfilment of his promises, but in the West he found himself in an
atmosphere where no departure from Orthodoxy would be tolerated, whilst
in the East the tide was running so strongly against the Monophysites
that no neutral ecclesiastic could be so indiscreet as to espouse their
cause. He, therefore, put her off with professions of inability and
evasive replies, so that the heretics were as far off as ever from being
countenanced by the Papal chair.[646] Vigilius even thought it prudent
to purge himself of any suspicion of heresy by writing to Justinian and
the Patriarch Menna, who had succeeded Anthimus, in terms which left no
doubt of his orthodoxy.[647] As for Silverius, his first place of exile
was Lycia, and from thence reports were sent up to the Court
representing that he had been wrongfully accused. Justinian was thus
influenced to issue a mandate for him to return to Italy, and clear
himself, but, as he drew near to Rome, he was again arrested and
deported to the isle of Palmaria, where he died within the year.[648] It
was generally believed that he perished gradually through inanition, the
result of his being kept on a very meagre diet by Vigilius;[649] but the
definite statement of Procopius that he was made away with by one
Eugenius, an assassin suborned by Antonina at the instance of Theodora,
has the strongest claims on our credence.[650]

After the death of Silverius, the theological peace of the West remained
undisturbed for several years; but Justinian and Theodora at New Rome
never flagged in their efforts to approach from opposite sides the goal
of union between the two great Christian sects. After the deposition of
Anthimus, however, the Emperor felt that he had been too yielding to the
heretics; and he now allowed the Orthodox bishops of the East to give
practical effect to their abhorrence of the Monophysites. It must be
admitted, indeed, that the members of that sect who had flocked to the
capital under the impression that the injunction against their teaching
had been for ever rescinded, went far beyond the limits of moderation;
and entered on a tireless mission which seemed to aim at no less than to
proselytize the whole mass of the Constantinopolitans to their
creed.[651] One of the first acts, therefore, of the new Patriarch,
Menna, was to convene a Council under the Imperial sanction, at which
more than three score bishops and a number of inferior clergy received
protests from all parts of the Empire, and pronounced sentence of
deprivation against their opponents, wherever they might be found.[652]
A general flight of the sectaries, who had shown themselves to be so
irrepressible in the city, ensued; and a repetition of the persecution
which marked the accession of Justin was reintegrated throughout the
Asiatic provinces.[653] Nevertheless, the Empress provided secure
refuges for numbers of those who were pursued, and even determined by
her active interference the tenure of the Patriarchate of Alexandria.
That city was the stronghold of the Acephali, and when the episcopal
throne became vacant in 536, an extremist named Gaianus was immediately
elected to fill it by the most powerful local faction.[654] Theodosius,
who accepted the Henoticon, was the nominee of the local government, as
inspired by Theodora, but his confirmation was resisted by violent
riots. The Empress at once despatched Narses to establish her candidate
by the aid of the military; and the eunuch had to wage a civil war in
the streets of the hostile city, amid showers of missiles launched from
windows and from roofs of houses by infuriated women, before he could
achieve his object.[655] Yet the Orthodox party had become so
reinvigorated that the very next year the presence of the Egyptian
primate was commanded at the Imperial capital, where he was offered the
option of accepting fully the Council of Chalcedon, or of deposition
from his see. He chose the latter alternative, and was banished to the
Castle of Dercos in Thrace, which had been chosen for the seclusion of
Monophysites who were unable, or who had not deigned to escape.[656]
Shortly, however, there was a lull in the storm of Orthodox rancour; and
a flourishing brotherhood of Monophysites was permitted to exist at
Sycae, where a monastery had been built for them, and liberally endowed
by Theodora. To this establishment Theodosius returned before a
twelvemonth, and continued for more than a quarter of a century to be
the head of it.[657]

Early in the fifth decade of the sixth century the great theological
question which agitated the subsequent years of Justinian's reign, had
its origin. Paul, the Alexandrian Patriarch who had replaced Theodosius,
became involved shortly after his accession in a scandal connected with
the unwarrantable execution of a deacon by Rhodo, the Augustal Praefect.
The Emperor and his consort were much affected by this circumstance, and
decreed that Paul should be tried for his share in it by an
ecclesiastical court.[658] The Patriarch was convicted, deposed, and one
Zoilus appointed in his stead, but these occurrences were merely
collateral to the main event. Among the ecclesiastics in favour at the
Byzantine Court were Pelagius, the Papal nuncio, and Theodore Ascidas,
Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.[659] Their rivalry for the Imperial
patronage was keen, and they were mutually desirous of damaging one
another in the estimation of the sovereign. The court which tried Paul
assembled at Gaza (542), and was summoned for the purpose by Pelagius,
acting as Imperial Commissioner. Certain monks of Jerusalem availed
themselves of his proximity and authority to forward a petition to the
Emperor against an antagonistic fraternity who were earnest
disseminators of the doctrines of Origen.[660] The brothers complained
of emanated from the New Laura in that region;[661] and it happened that
Theodore Ascidas had formerly been one of their associates. Knowing,
therefore, that he would be zealous in the defence of Origen, Pelagius
eagerly accepted the advocacy of the complainants as a means of injuring
his rival; and on his return to Constantinople at once apprised the
Emperor as to the teeming crop of error which threatened to befoul the
sources of the faith in Palestine. Justinian listened with avidity, and
forthwith began an assiduous study of the works of Origen with a view to
the disclosure of noxious passages. As that father had lived before any
definite creed of the Christian faith had been specified, and had been
deeply imbued with notions derived from Egyptian and Oriental mythology,
Justinian was shortly successful in unearthing a mass of glaring heresy
from his writings. This material was then systematically drafted into
canons, which were embodied in a formal requisition from the Emperor to
the Patriarch that Origen should be anathematized in a council of
bishops.[662] In the meantime Theodore, anxious to retaliate against
Pelagius, and to disturb the convictions of the Orthodox in general, as
well as to divert attention from Origen to a greater issue, had devised
a skilful attack on the Council of Chalcedon. The action of the Roman
legate had created a precedent for reviewing and censuring the opinions
of ecclesiastics long since dead; and his adversary perceived that this
new method could be applied effectively to damage the authority of the
synod in question. Two bishops, who had incurred the charge of
Nestorianism, had been expressly approved at Chalcedon; whilst a third,
who was infected, had been passed over without animadversion.[663]
Besides being an Origenist, Theodore was a temperate Monophysite;[664]
and he now persuaded the Emperor that a qualified condemnation of the
defunct prelates would purge the Council of every blemish and win for it
the acceptance of all of his creed. Justinian again applied himself to
his studies, and soon convinced himself that the theologians indicated
had been tainted with flagrant impiety; upon which he published an edict
wherein their respective errors were reprobated in three sections.[665]
In the East but little commotion was occasioned by this document, as the
objections were familiar to those accustomed to read the Greek Fathers,
but among the Latins the Church was agitated violently because nothing
was comprehended[666] except that the Council of Chalcedon, the
decisions of which had been dictated by Pope Leo, was convicted of
fallacy. On that side of the Empire, therefore, controversy and stubborn
resistance was at once manifested against the Emperor's proscription of
the "Three Chapters," the title conveniently bestowed on the matters in
dispute.[667]

Justinian, as usual, was determined to carry his point; and he now
concluded that the most effective means of attaining his end was to
procure a Papal ordinance in confirmation of his own edict. But Vigilius
at Rome was beyond the power of persuasion, and might soon not be
amenable even to force. His presence at Constantinople was, therefore,
an urgent necessity; and when the Emperor expressed himself to that
effect he was eagerly seconded by Theodora, who was anxious to arraign
the Pope for having broken faith with her. With the decision that was
habitual to her she resolved that he should be compulsorily deported,
and at once despatched an officer with strict injunctions to seize
Vigilius wherever he should find him, with the single exception of St.
Peter's Cathedral.[668] The Italian capital was not yet beset by the
Goths, and the orders of the Empress were executed to the letter (545).
In broad day, while celebrating the holy office in the church of St.
Cecilia, the Pope was arrested by a company of guards and hurried
through the streets to a ship which lay waiting in the Tiber. A
concourse of people thronged after him, and, as soon as they saw him
standing without restraint on the deck of the vessel, they clamoured for
a benediction. He acceded to their request, and when he had finished,
the ship began to put off from the shore. Only then did they realize
that he was actually about to leave them, whereupon their demeanour
changed suddenly, and they gave a striking proof that they were inspired
by two natures. Stones, sticks, and old pots were hurled after the
receding pontiff, whilst they yelled abusive epithets at the top of
their voices: "Famine and death go with you! You have done badly by the
Romans; may you fare ill wherever you go!"[669]

Vigilius did not now complete the voyage to the Imperial city, but,
being landed at Syracuse, remained there about a year,[670] as Justinian
was not yet prepared to push the question to a crisis. In 547, however,
Emperor and Pope met at Constantinople, and embraced each other with the
greatest seeming cordiality.[671] For some time they worked together in
perfect concord, while Justinian entirely won over the head of the
Western Church to his views; and in the next year a papal decree was
promulgated, under the title of the "Judicatum," in which the Three
Chapters were anathematized in the terms dictated by the Imperial
theologian.[672] But this decisive act was the signal for Western
indignation to rise to its height; and Vigilius was stricken with awe at
finding that he could scarcely count on a single adherent in the Roman
half of the Empire.[673] Latin ecclesiastics at once began to compose
and circulate elaborate treatises in which they contravened the Imperial
and Papal pronouncements and maintained that the proceedings at
Chalcedon had been infallible in every detail.[674] Vigilius, therefore,
withdrew his Judicatum without reserve, a measure which caused the
tension of opinion between Emperor, Pope, and Patriarch to become acute.
The arch-priests excommunicated each other,[675] and Justinian became
desperate at finding himself defied at the moment when he believed
himself to be in touch with the goal. He issued a new edict (551),
condemning the Three Chapters, and insisted that the Pope should sign
it.[676] But Vigilius had now been joined by some Western bishops and
clerics, and especially by the resolute Pelagius, who thought the
contest demanded his presence in the East. With the support of these
coadjutors, Vigilius persisted in his refusal to sign, while the
attitude of the Emperor became more and more threatening from day to
day. At length, fearing that personal violence would be resorted to, he
fled from his residence in the palace of Placidia to take sanctuary in
the adjacent church of St. Peter in Hormisdas; and here the Pope with
some of his supporters sought to save themselves by clinging to the
columns of the altar. As soon as this flight was announced to Justinian,
he commanded a praetor with an armed guard to arrest the fugitives in
the sanctuary, and drag them to his presence. The military entered the
church, followed by a popular concourse, and proceeded to execute their
orders. The lesser clerics were soon detached, but Vigilius embraced the
pillars of the altar with all his might. The soldiers laid hold of him,
some by the feet, some by the hair and beard, and strove to bear him off
by main force, but the massive structure gave way and would have crushed
the pontiff in its fall had its collapse not been prevented by some of
the deacons standing by.[677] A groan of horror arose from the crowd of
onlookers; the assailants then desisted from the struggle and released
their victim. Fearing that he might have gone too far, the praetor now
called off his men, and retired to inform the Emperor of what had
occurred. On hearing his report Justinian decided to proceed no further
by compulsion, and sent a deputation to give the Pope assurances that he
might return to the Placidian palace without fear of being again
subjected to physical coercion.[678] Vigilius acted according to these
representations and left the sanctuary; but a few months afterwards his
apprehensions were renewed and he again determined to vacate his secular
residence. One night, just before Christmas (551) he crept out at the
back of the premises, scaled a half-built wall, and made his way to the
water's edge. A boat was in waiting which carried him across to
Chalcedon, and there he took refuge in the Church of St. Euphemia.
Within the same walls a century previously had been held the famous
Council, of which he had involuntarily become the champion. In this
retreat a body of delegates, headed by Belisarius, soon arrived, bearing
protests from the Emperor as to his pacific intentions, and offering
every inducement for the Pope to return to the capital. Vigilius,
however, would listen to no entreaties, but drew up a history of his
sufferings in the cause of orthodoxy, which he embodied in an Encyclical
and published to the whole Christian world.[679] Justinian now decided
that perseverance in violent hostilities would be futile, and that a
personal reconciliation with the Pope on any terms would best serve his
Church policy. He, therefore, sent Menna and Theodore to offer ample
apologies for all that had passed, and to promise Vigilius that he
should in future be free to follow his own course with respect to
theological doctrine. The Pope accepted their professions, and, after a
mutual withdrawal of anathemas, returned to his quarters in the palace
of Placidia.[680]

Justinian now resolved that his reign should be distinguished by an
Œcumenical Council, at which the Catholic faith should be postulated in
accordance with his own theological bias. Almost all the Bishops of the
East were willing to confirm his edicts relating to Christian doctrine
in a general synod; and those who acted in opposition to him did so at
the peril of being ejected from their sees. In the spring of 553,
therefore, the assenting prelates poured into Constantinople from
diverse regions to the number of one hundred and sixty-five; and the
great assembly was held in one of the collateral halls of St. Sophia in
the month of May of that year.[681] The clerical concourse were
extremely anxious that Vigilius should take his seat with them at the
Council, but he was immutable in his resolution to uphold the Three
Chapters. Several deputations waited on him, with whom he held
colloquies, but to their invitations he replied invariably that the
Oriental bishops were many, whilst in his own following there were but
few.[682] In vain they urged that a very small number of Occidental
prelates had attended the previous Councils, for he had, in fact,
prepared a document, which he denominated his "Constitutum,"[683] to be
published before the meeting of the synod, in contravention of its
decrees. The Pope had now about him seventeen Latin bishops, as well as
Pelagius and other clerics, who inspired his determination and appended
their signatures to the Constitutum. That decretal was a lengthy
composition which included the responses of Vigilius to sixty
propositions of Theodore Ascidas, but the tenor of it was summed up in a
single sentence: "That it was not lawful to subvert anything constituted
by the Holy Council of Chalcedon."[684] The Fifth Œcumenical Council,
therefore, was held without the presence of the Pope, although he was
for the moment resident at its gates; and the discussion of his hostile
Constitutum formed an important part of its transactions. The Emperor
quoted passages from his Judicatum,[685] whereby he demonstrated that
Vigilius was in contradiction with himself; and ultimately the Council
decided that he had associated himself with impiety and voted that his
name should be erased from the sacred diptychs. At the same time they
asserted that their union with the Apostolical See of Rome remained
intact, notwithstanding that they dissociated themselves from the person
of the occupying pontiff.[686] Fourteen canons against the Three
Chapters were then proposed and ratified,[687] and a further rule of
credence was thus established for the Christian Church, which Justinian
at once proceeded to enforce with all the resources of his sovereignty.
A number of recalcitrant ecclesiastics were deprived and banished, or
placed in durance, among the latter being Pelagius.[688] As for
Vigilius, since Rome and Italy had now been brought permanently under
the dominion of the Emperor by the victories of Narses, he was anxious
to return to his see with the Imperial countenance; and within a year
after the sitting of the Council he effected a reconciliation with
Justinian by the issue of a second Constitutum, by which he retracted
the first, and again advocated the views he had professed in his
Judicatum.[689] Being thus restored to Court favour he was entrusted
with the Pragmatic Sanction and set out for Rome, as related above; but
he was now broken by years, and illness compelled him to interrupt his
voyage at Syracuse, where he died in the spring of 555.[690] The Emperor
now judged sagaciously that the vacant Popedom was an allurement which
would dissipate the most assured theological convictions; and he
determined to test its potency on the man who above all others was best
fitted for the Papal seat. When an intimation was conveyed to the
redoubtable champion of Chalcedon, Pelagius, that the pontificate was
the prize of his recantation, the weapons with which he had so long
defended the Three Chapters escaped from his nerveless grasp; and, while
he accepted the tiara of the West with one hand, he signed with the
other a convention that his faith was assimilated in all respects to
that of the princely donor.[691] The report of his defection preceded
him to Rome, and on his arrival there the influence of Narses scarcely
availed to induce three ecclesiastics of sufficient rank to perform the
ceremony of his consecration. He had covenanted with Justinian to
enforce the decrees of the Fifth General Council in the West with the
authority which attached to the occupant of St. Peter's chair; but the
hostility of the Latin bishops was so positive that he was obliged to
shelter himself behind ambiguous utterances and pronouncements as to his
unfaltering allegiance to the Council of Chalcedon. He organized a
solemn procession to St. Peter's, and, standing before the high altar
with the Cross and Gospels held above his head, and the Imperial
vicegerent at his side, affirmed his innocence of all the charges which
had been made against him.[692] He also addressed an Encyclical "To All
the People of God," in which he expressed his reverence in detail for
everything held sacred in the West, and his especial veneration for the
memory of "the Orthodox bishops, Theodoret and Ibas."[693] By these
asseverations he won over the Italian people and hierarchs in general to
his side, but the sees of Milan and Aquileia for long maintained a
schismatic attitude to the pontificate, and the Church of Gaul declined
communion with Rome for more than half a century.[694]

The Fifth Oecumenical Council was totally ineffective in procuring a
union between the Monophysites and the Catholic world. For more than a
decade before that synod the heretics of the One-Nature had been a
spreading sect, and they ultimately established themselves as one of the
permanent Churches of the East. This result is, perhaps, to be
attributed to the steady patronage bestowed on them by Theodora. From
the monastery at Sycae, with which she zealously associated herself,
emanated several prelates, whose missional activities brought over whole
districts and even nationalities to their creed; and especially that
extraordinary man, Jacob Baradaeus, in recognition of whose prodigious
efforts, sustained for more than thirty years, the title of Monophysites
was abrogated in favour of that of Jacobites. After an ascetic seclusion
of fifteen years at Constantinople he was (in 543) ordained Bishop of
Edessa by Theodosius, the exiled Patriarch of Alexandria; and thereafter
he pursued his labours untiringly throughout the Asiatic provinces,
returning continually from his round to the Imperial or Egyptian
capital, where the centres of the sect were maintained. Concealed under
a variety of disguises and penetrating the most inaccessible regions, he
walked thirty or forty miles daily to win over converts. During all this
time he eluded the vigilance of those who were eager to capture him,
either to obtain the reward offered by the Emperor, or to satiate the
rancour of the Orthodox. The ordination of two Patriarchs, twenty-seven
bishops, and one hundred thousand lesser clergy is recorded as the fruit
of his activities.[695] About the same time, Theodora, in conjunction
with Theodosius, despatched a missionary to Nubia, who was successful in
gaining the favour of King Silco of that country, and even caused a
rival, who was acting in the interests of Justinian, to be dismissed
with a rebuff.[696] At the petition of Arethas, prince of the
Ghassanides, the Empress also procured the ordination of a bishop for
Bostra, a populous town in the north of Arabia.[697] Thus, before her
death in 548, she had the satisfaction of seeing her favourite sect
dividing the allegiance of the population with the Catholics throughout
Asia and Africa.[698] Thenceforward, the Orthodox in the East were
called Melchites ("Royalists"), in contradistinction to the Jacobites,
as representing the Imperial party in religion.

In his relations with religion, Justinian is presented to us in no less
than six different aspects. We have seen him as a builder of churches,
and as an ecclesiastical statesman; it still remains for us to consider
him as a hierarch or clerical legislator, as a persecutor of heretics,
as a missionary or converter of the heathen, and as a theologian or
Christian metaphysician.

1. In the first department the Emperor enacted Constitutions dealing
with clerical life and authority in every relationship, his maxim being
that the salvation of the State and the individual depended on the
Church being maintained in its integrity.[699] In the case of a
bishopric becoming vacant, three candidates were to be nominated, and
the most fit elected by the votes of the ecclesiastics and the principal
citizens of the locality; but, if obtained by bribery, the election was
annulled. Essential qualifications of a bishop were that he should be
above thirty years of age and have no children or grandchildren, whereby
his attention might be distracted from his sacred duties. It was
necessary also that he should not be addicted to a curia, unless he had
gained his freedom from the same, through having spent fifteen years in
a monastery.[700] In the exercise of his office he was authorized to
supervise almost all the activities of civil life. He could demand an
account of expenditure from all persons charged with public works, such
as baths, roads, bridges, statues, aqueducts, harbours, and
fortifications, selecting three experts to assist him with their
experience; and he could call on the Rector with his cohort to help him
in dealing with recalcitrants.[701] He was enjoined to prohibit
gambling,[702] and to visit the prisons every Sunday in order to inquire
into the cases of those under detention.[703] It was his duty to see
that legacies left to the Church or to charities were properly applied
by the heirs or trustees;[704] and at one time Justinian allowed such
bequests to be exacted even after the lapse of a century, but he
subsequently reduced the limit to forty years.[705] Litigants could
choose him as a judge of first instance, or they could appeal to him
from the Rector; but they could also, if dissatisfied with his decision,
appeal to the provincial governor.[706] A bishop was immune from charges
which were incumbent on ordinary citizens, that is, trusteeships of all
kinds. He need not accept the post of tutor or curator to young
relations, nor the care of those who were demented;[707] nor could he be
compelled to attend in court as a witness.[708] The ethics of a bishop's
life were scrupulously regulated by law. No woman could be resident in
his house, except a wife, a sister, a daughter, or a first cousin.[709]
He was not permitted to indulge in any gambling game, nor to attend the
spectacles of the circus or the theatre.[710] He also laboured under the
disability of being unable to make a will or execute a deed of gift, so
that his mind should be wholly free from worldly concern.[711] The
lesser clergy, that is, presbyters, deacons, and sub-deacons, were
obliged to live under the same stringent rules as far as applicable to
their rank; and only for the lowest grades of the ministry, viz.,
chanters and readers, was marriage lawful.[712] But even to them second
nuptials were forbidden, under the penalty of forfeiting all claim to
promotion in the service of the Church.[713] The children of illicit
marriages contracted by clerics were ignored by the State so far that
they were not even entitled to the privileges of bastards.[714] Nor
would the Emperor tolerate idle ecclesiastics, but enacted that all
should perform a part methodically in prayers and psalmody for the
benefit of the laity.[715] Women of fifty could be ordained as
deaconesses in the Church, but after some time Justinian reduced the age
to forty.[716] The constitution of monasteries was also minutely
regulated by legislation. Not the senior, but the most suitable person,
was to be elected as abbot or abbess. The segregation of males and
females was to be rigidly carried out, and only one old male servitor
was to be employed in a nunnery.[717] Husband or wife might elect to
lead a religious life without incurring any of the penalties for the
neglect of family duties to which an ordinary citizen was exposed.[718]
By entering a monastery the individual divested himself of all his
worldly goods in favour of the religious community, but not to the
prejudice of wife or children, who were still entitled to their legal
share of the estate.[719] Abduction of a nun, even with her own consent,
rendered not only the ravisher liable to capital punishment, but also
any persons who harboured or aided him in the crime.[720] Alienation of
Church property, as well as of that of monasteries and charitable
foundations, was carefully guarded against, and leases were to be
granted only to the rich.[721] Ruins, however, and surplus treasure in
the form of vessels and vestments might be sold to allow of the funds
being applied to some more useful purpose.[722] But an exception was
made in the case of money being required for the redemption of captives,
"since it was only reasonable to prefer human souls to material
valuables."[723] Some relief with respect to the incidence of the taxes
was also granted to religious bodies in recognition of "the distinction
existing between things divine and human."[724] Clerical criminals were
punished by expulsion from the cloth and surrendered to be dealt with by
the secular arm; in minor cases by relegation to a monastery for three
years, there to be subjected to a stringent discipline.[725]

2. The attitude of Justinian towards those of his subjects who did not
profess the Orthodox faith was one of the most complete intolerance. A
heretic[726] was scarcely fit to live, and it was only strict justice
for him to be "deprived of all earthly advantages, so that he might
languish in misery."[727] Hence the legal enactments against such
religious dissidents subjected them to civil and sometimes to physical
death. They were accordingly excluded from all offices of dignity in the
State, as well as from holding any magistracy "lest they should be
constituted as judges of Christians and bishops."[728] Similarly, the
liberal professions were barred to them, "for fear of their imparting to
others their fatal errors."[729] Wills made by them were not recognized
in law unless in favour of Orthodox children or relatives, and, if they
had none such, then the Treasury instituted itself as their
successor.[730] The testimony of heretics was not received in court
against the Orthodox,[731] and they were forbidden to hold Christian
slaves.[732] Hence, the slaves of heretics possessed the power of
self-emancipation by professing themselves converts to the Orthodox
faith. There were, however, degrees in heresy, and the proscriptive laws
were not pressed with equal force against all. Manichaeans, Pagans,
Montanists and the various sects of Gnostics were the most odious,[733]
whilst Arians, Nestorians, and Monophysites were not pronounced against
by name in the first decade of Justinian's reign.[734] The disciples of
Mani were frankly condemned to death wherever found, "so that their very
name might perish from among the nations."[735] It was a crime to
possess their books and not hand them over to a public official in order
that they should be burnt.[736]

Such were the principles which were laid down in the Byzantine state for
dealing with heretics, but in practice the penalties were not always
strictly enforced, and the law often slumbered unless some special
stimulus set it in motion. A couple of years after Justinian's accession
his zeal for Orthodoxy inflamed him with a desire to encompass a general
conformity in religion throughout the Empire. He issued a decree,
therefore, that all heretics of the flagrant type would lie under the
extreme penalties of the statutes unless they accepted Christianity
within three months.[737] As a result, many votaries of polytheism were
discovered in the capital, and several high officials were dismissed
from their posts.[738] At the same time, a numerous body of inquisitors
pervaded the provinces in order to enforce the edict, whereupon many
conformed through fear, whilst others who were fanatically attached to
their belief fled to distant regions or even committed suicide.[739]
Among the most insensate devotees of the latter class were the
Montanists of Phrygia, who shut themselves up in their churches and then
set fire to the buildings, so that all perished together.[740] Prior to
this decree Jews and Samaritans had enjoyed the ordinary protection of
the law in their own communities, and only suffered the disabilities of
heretics when legally opposed by Catholics; but now the latter sect was
included among those upon whom the State religion was to be enforced. In
their case the measure was carried out with the greatest harshness, and
their synagogues were closed, emptied of their contents, or altogether
ruined.[741] As the Samaritans were very numerous in Palestine, they
soon congregated together, and broke into open revolt. A brigand chief
named Julian was chosen as their King, and under his leadership more
than twenty thousand of the rebels assembled. Doubtless they were very
inefficiently armed and equipped, but they proceeded at once to
retaliate on the Christians by pillaging their property, massacring
those who came in their way, and setting fire to the churches.
Scythopolis and Neapolis were the chief scenes of their depredations. At
the first news of the riots the Emperor became very irate and ordered
the immediate execution of the local governor, but when subsequent
accounts indicated that the movement had attained to the magnitude of a
rebellion, he commanded the military Duke of the province to attack
Julian with all the forces he could muster. After some preliminary
skirmishes a considerable battle was fought, in which the Samaritan King
was slain, and his army routed. The head of Julian, encircled with the
diadem, was sent as a trophy to Constantinople; and the wretched
sectaries were exterminated wherever they could be found among the
mountains in which they had taken refuge. Altogether, twenty thousand
are said to have perished by the sword; the young of both sexes to an
equal number were captured by Arethas, and sold into slavery among the
Persians and Indians; but the majority escaped by abandoning their homes
and offering themselves as subjects to the Shahinshah.[742]

The devastation and depopulation of Palestine, which resulted from this
civil war, had reduced a great part of the country to a desert, but,
nevertheless, Justinian made no sign that the fiscal precept, for which
the province was assessed, would be remitted. Thus the Christians, who
had been despoiled by the rebels, were now presented with demand notes
for a greatly increased amount.[743] Extreme destitution was induced,
and an appeal to the Emperor became a matter of urgent necessity. The
Patriarch of Jerusalem headed the movement, and it was decided that
Saba, an anchorite whose reputation for sanctity was greatest in that
age, should be the bearer of the petition. He was the founder of the
Great Laura in a wilderness near the Jordan, and was now upwards of
ninety years of age. He undertook the mission with alacrity and departed
for the capital (530), where the rumour of his approach preceded him,
and occasioned a great commotion. A fleet of war-vessels, having the
Patriarch Epiphanius and several Illustrious officials on board, sailed
down the Propontis to meet him; and on his arrival at Court Justinian
embraced him with joy and tears. Yet the Emperor was alarmed at the
prospect of a reduction of the revenue, and attempted a diversion by
offering the saint a large sum for the monasteries in which he was
interested. But Saba was immovable and imperturbably pressed his
petition for five concessions, remission of taxes, rebuilding and
subsidies for ruined churches, the foundation of a hospital at
Jerusalem, the completion of a church to the Virgin in that city, and
the erection of a fort in the desert to protect his monasteries from the
Saracens. Finally Justinian yielded at every point, and the Holy City
was enriched with an infirmary to receive two hundred sick and a
magnificent church to the Theotokos, which it took twelve years to
build, as a part of the tangible outcome of the mission. Saba was also
brought into the presence of the Empress, who saluted him with the
deepest reverence and solicited him to pray for her that she might have
a son. But to this request he replied simply, "God save the glory of
your Empire," and left her in a very tristful mood. Her depression being
noticed, some of the ecclesiastics questioned him, to whom he explained,
"Believe me, Fathers, God does not will that there should be any issue
of her womb, lest he should vex the Church worse than Anastasius."[744]

As for the Samaritans, those who survived the blast of persecution,
either by pretended conformity or temporary seclusion, formed a
considerable multitude. As soon as the penal laws became dormant, they
crept out of their hiding places and gradually settled down in their old
haunts, so that after the lapse of a decade they again appeared as a
conspicuous section of the Palestinian population. In 542 Justinian
thought it wise to conciliate them by a formal amnesty, and he published
an Act by which they were virtually restored to all their civic
privileges.[745] Yet fourteen years later, they fomented an insurrection
at Caesarea in conjunction with some Jews, murdered the Proconsul, and
the same scenes of violence against the Christians and their churches
were repeated.[746] A similar wave of oppression, though probably only
of local origin, was doubtless the cause of this uprising, but the
sedition was soon quelled by a special commissioner, who was sent down
from the capital and punished the ringleaders by impalement,
decapitation, mutilation, or confiscation of property, according to the
degrees of guilt.[747] Early in the next reign, however, their
turbulence appeared to be so incurable as to call for a re-enactment of
almost all the disabilities under which they lay after Justinian's first
decree against them.[748]

It was, of course, a foregone conclusion that in Africa and Italy after
the conquest the Arians should be a proscribed sect. No sooner had the
Vandal Kingdom passed under the Byzantine rule than the same measure was
meted out to the previously dominant religionists, as the African
Catholics had generally received at their hands under Genseric and most
of his successors. Dispossessed of all their churches and divested of
civil rights, they were directed by the Emperor's edict to "consider
themselves as humanely treated in being suffered to live at all."[749]
In Italy the revulsion was less decided as, owing to the tolerant policy
of Theodoric, the Orthodox Church in that country had not been
disturbed. No special legislation, therefore, is extant, and it appears
that the Italian Arians were only despoiled on occasion under some
specious pretence in order that their riches might go to swell the
treasury, as frequently happened in the case of their conquerors of the
East.[750] Although Jews were held in abhorrence by the Emperor and his
Catholic subjects, they were allowed to adhere to their traditional
faith within certain limits.[751] Thus such a blasphemous departure from
the creed of the State as denial of resurrection and judgment, or the
creation of angels, was not permitted to them; and they were compelled
to use a version of the Old Testament according to the Septuagint in
Greek or Latin, and not any Hebrew text of their own.[752] In one
instance, however, a community of Jews at Borium in North Africa were
forced to become Christians; and their synagogue, which they declared to
have been built by Solomon, was accordingly transformed into a
church.[753]

3. Having the power of compulsion in his hands, the efforts of Justinian
to convert heathens to Christianity are not easily to be distinguished
from persecution. As a rule his chief argument was the sword or the
stake, but, as difficulties sometimes stood in the way of applying that
mode of persuasion, he was obliged occasionally to have recourse to
milder methods. The only notable instance, however, is that in which he
appointed John, the Monophysite Bishop of Ephesus, to preach the Gospel
in the wilds of Caria, Asia, Phrygia, and Lydia. It seems that in those
provinces there were many small communities interspersed among rugged
and barely accessible mountain tracts, who were still addicted to some
primitive form of idolatry. Some peculiar fitness recommended the
heretic prelate to the Emperor for this arduous task; and doubtless it
was not intended that the rude proselytes should imbibe any nice
theological distinctions. According to the account of the missionary
himself his success was very great, and seventy thousand persons were
baptized, for whom a sufficient number of churches and monasteries were
built in the sequestered districts which they inhabited.[754] It is
probable that this mission conduced to the spread of civilization, and
that the regions dealt with were opened by various public works to a
freer intercourse with the more advanced dwellers in the plains. Two
other examples of Justinian's propagation of the Gospel are rather to be
classed as military subjugation and enforced conversion. On the
outskirts of the Empire between Armenia and the Caucasus lived a number
of predacious tribes, offshoots of a common stock, called the Tzani.
Their homes were situated in mountain fastnesses hemmed in by dense
forests, and at an elevation which rendered agriculture impossible.
Their sustenance was derived from cattle, and from incursions for the
sake of rapine into the surrounding districts. A punitive expedition,
however, was undertaken by the Byzantine soldiery, who penetrated to
their retreats, and reduced them to submission. The permanency of the
conquest was then assured by the clearing of avenues for facile access
and by the building of forts. Instruction in Christianity naturally
followed, and the wild men, who had previously deified groves and birds,
were taught to resort to churches which were erected for their
accommodation.[755] Near the eastern extremity of the new Praefecture of
Africa a numerous people existed who maintained a magnificent temple
served by a throng of hierodules, in which the divinity claimed by
Alexander was still adored in conjunction with that of Jupiter Ammon. By
a mandate of the Emperor this obsolete religion was abolished, and
Christian worship in a church dedicated to the Virgin was substituted
for the Pagan rites previously held in honour there.[756]

It is uncertain whether the arrival of barbarian princes at
Constantinople, petitioning to be baptized under Imperial patronage, is
to be attributed to missionary activity, to the prestige of the Empire,
or to accidental persuasion by Christian devotees.[757] From whatever
cause, however, such occurrences were not uncommon, and two further
instances may be noticed.[758] In 527 a king of the Herules presented
himself at the Court, with a numerous retinue, and begged to be made a
Christian. All were baptized, Justinian himself acting as godfather to
the King, whom he dismissed with handsome presents, and an intimation
that, for the future, he should rely on him as an ally.[759] A similar
case happened shortly afterwards, which was attended with unfortunate
consequences for the royal neophyte, who was a Hunnish chief reigning in
the vicinity of Bosporus. On his return, assuming too hastily that all
his subjects were ready to follow his example, he seized on the idols of
the tribe, which were cast in silver and electron,[760] and transmuted
them into coined money. The native priests, however, were indignant at
this act, and, having transferred their allegiance to his brother,
quickly procured his assassination. The new ruler then marched against
Bosporus, and massacred a small Byzantine force which was habitually
stationed there in order to guard the interests of trade with the Huns.
This outrage necessitated the despatch of a punitive force across the
Euxine, but the barbarians contrived a hasty disappearance without
risking a battle, and thereafter the peace of the region remained
unmolested.[761] With these cases may be classed that of the Abasgi, who
dwelt beyond Lazica on the north-east of the Euxine. They worshipped
woods and groves, but under Justinian received an impulse which caused
them to embrace Christianity. They were ruled by a dual kingship, the
associates in which made a practice of seizing and castrating all
handsome boys, whom they sold in great numbers within the Empire. They
lived in dread, however, of the Roman power, and hence slew the fathers
of such boys, lest they should be moved to appeal to the Emperor against
their tyranny. But when a deputation of the Abasgi appeared at the
Byzantine Court to solicit that a bishop should be sent to them,
Justinian not only granted their petition, but published and enforced an
edict that no more eunuchs should be made in that country. He also built
a church to the Virgin among them, so that they should be permanently
retained in their attachment to the rites of their new faith.[762]

4. As a doctor of theology Justinian believed himself to be the superior
of any of the prelates of the Church who lived in his time.[763] He
pored over the ponderous tomes of the Fathers whose subtle disquisitions
on the divine nature had inspired the decrees of the four great
Councils, and assumed the rôle of a priestly expositor of the Catholic
faith. As his age advanced, his pious ardour increased, and he pursued
his studies far into the night, closeted with venerable ecclesiastics in
his library, a circumstance which caused him to incur some contempt
among the more active political and military spirits.[764] Thus, when
the plot, in which Artabanes was involved, was organized, the
conspirators based their hopes of success chiefly on the facility with
which he might be surprised during such nocturnal vigils, bereft of
guards, who had been dismissed lest they should disturb his devout
researches.[765] Several of his theological treatises have come down to
us, which, though not voluminous, might have sufficed to give him a
respectable rank among ecclesiastical authors, had not his royal
position rendered him independent of such distinction. As a specimen of
the intellectual activities of an age, in which philosophy and science
had been abandoned as worthless pursuits, it may be interesting to quote
two passages from Justinian's writings, wherein damnable heresy may be
seen opposed to the inestimable conceptions of orthodoxy. In the first
he exposes the pernicious errors of Origen, in order that they may be
anathematized by an episcopal council; and in the second he defines the
true views which must be held as to the ineffable conjunction of the two
natures in the Saviour. The Palestinian monks, who cherished the
Alexandrian Father, he urges, were engaged in ruining souls by infusing
into them ideas assimilated to those of Pythagoras, Plato, and Plotinus,
thus perverting them towards the tenets of Paganism and
Manichaeanism.[766]

 "... They say," expounds Justinian, "that there were originally an
 innumerable host of minds united in contemplation and love of God. But,
 being subdued by satiety, their devotion cooled, and hence they became
 associated with bodies and names of a higher or lower nature in
 proportion to the degree of their falling off. Those who were least
 deteriorated passed into the sun, moon, and stars; a lower class into
 gross bodies like our own; whilst those affected with the greatest
 perversity coalesced with the frigid and fuliginous matter of which
 demons are constituted. One only remained unchanged in love and
 contemplation of the Deity, and that one was Christ. But all bodies are
 liable to perish utterly; and he, becoming at once God and man, first
 threw off his body; and all bodies will ultimately do likewise,
 returning into unity and again becoming minds. Hence impious men and
 demons will at last attain to the same celestial state as the divine
 and saintly. Thus Christ differs in no manner from other living beings.
 But Pythagoras said that unity was the beginning of all things; and
 Plato taught similarly, and asserted that souls were sent into bodies
 as a punishment. Wherefore he called the body a sepulchre and a chain,
 as being that wherein the soul was buried and bound. And the soul of a
 philosopher which pollutes itself with paederasty and iniquity performs
 a triple circuit of chastisement in a millennium, and in the thousandth
 year becomes winged and takes its flight.... Therefore I exhort you,
 holy fathers, to examine and condemn in general synod all who think
 like Origen."

The next extract I draw from his lengthy exposition of the principles of
Catholicism with a view to the condemnation of the Three Chapters. In
this document he relies mainly on the interpretation of Scripture by
Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, and
Gregory of Nyssa[767]:

 "... And when we say that Christ is God, we do not deny him to be man;
 and when we say that he is man we do not deny him to be God. For should
 he be only God, how should he suffer, be crucified, and die? For such
 is alien to God. Wherefore when we say that Christ is composed of both
 natures, divine and human, we introduce no confusion in the union, but
 in the two natures we confess Jesus Christ, the Incarnate Word. When we
 say that there is a composition, we must allow there to be parts in the
 whole, and the whole to consist in its parts. The divine nature is not
 transmuted into the human, nor the human into the divine. Rather is it
 to be understood that, each nature abiding within its own limits and
 faculties, a union has been made according to the substance. The union
 according to the substance signifies that God the Word, that is, one
 substance of the three substances of the Deity, was not united to a
 previously formed human body, but created for Himself in the womb of
 the Holy Virgin from her substance the living flesh, which is human
 nature."

He then drew up a number of canons against the Three Chapters and
heretics generally, to which he appended a diffuse argument to prove the
necessity for their being anathematized. These canons are virtually the
same as the fourteen adopted by the Fifth Oecumenical Council.[768]

[625] The gist of the Henoticon was that all being devoted adherents of
the Nicene Council, they repudiated anything which was in conflict with
its decisions, whether promulgated "at Chalcedon or elsewhere";
Evagrius, iii, 14.

[626] Concil. (Labbe, Mansi, 1759, etc.), vii, 1053; Theophanes, an.
5980.

[627] The correspondence between Justin and Justinian and the Holy See
of Rome (Baronius, Concil., Migne) has lately been re-edited in Script.
Eccles. Lat., Vienna, 1895, xxxv, from the Avellana Collection.

[628] John Ephes. Comm. de Beat. Or. (Laud, etc.), pp. 127, 154.

[629] Concil., viii, 818 _et seq._ The _Collatio_ consisted of five or
six bishops of each side. They were convened by Strategius, Count of the
Sacred Largesses, who said they were called together, not under Imperial
compulsion, but as in response to a "paternal and priestly exhortation."
Afterwards they were met by Justinian, who invited them into Hormisdas,
where he addressed them "with Davidian kindness, Mosaic patience, and
Apostolic clemency."

[630] Cod. I, i, 6; cf. Facundus Defens, i, 1.

[631] Abrogated by Council of 692, can. 81. At this time (533) J.
addressed several letters to the Church and the public laying down the
lines of Orthodoxy (Cod. I, i, 5-8).

[632] Marcel. Com., an. 535; Theophanes, an. 6029, etc.

[633] Zachariah Myt., ix, 16, 19; letters passed between Anthimus and
the Monophysite leaders, in which he accepted the Henoticon, "enacted to
annul the Council of Chalcedon and the impious Tome of Leo" (_ibid._,
21-26). The latter was the document which decided the rule of faith at
Chalcedon. In it Pope Leo I demonstrated the two natures of Jesus from
the Gospels. Thus when he performed miracles he called upon his divine
nature, but when he felt human passions, hunger, thirst, sorrow, etc.,
he allowed himself to be influenced by his human nature (Concil., v,
1359; Evagrius, ii, 18). The confession of Eutyches, the father of the
Monophysites, was "I acknowledge that our Lord originated from two
natures, but after the union I confess only one nature" (_ibid._, i. 9);
cf. Liberatus, Brev., 21.

[634] Zachariah Myt.; Lib. Pontif., Agapetus, etc.

[635] Theophanes, an. 6029.

[636] Liberatus, 21; Lib. Pontif., _loc. cit._, J. also threatened at
first, whereupon the Pope compared him to Diocletian. Victor Ton. (an.
540) says that Agapetus even excommunicated Theodora.

[637] John Ephes. Comm., pp. 157, 247.

[638] Lib. Pontif., Boniface II.

[639] Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22.

[640] According to Liberatus Antonina forced him to write the aforesaid
letters from Rome; but I cannot help thinking that Theodora extracted
something better from him than mere professions before she despatched
him to the West with such a powerful instrument in his hands.

[641] Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22.

[642] Lib. Pontif., Silverius.

[643] Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius.

[644] Liberatus, 22.

[645] Lib. Pontif., Silverius.

[646] Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. She wanted him to restore Anthimus, but he
said he was idiotic when he made such promises, etc.; cf. Victor Ton.,
and Liberatus, _loc. cit._

[647] Concil., ix, pp. 35, 38.

[648] Lib. Pontif., Silverius; Vigilius.

[649] Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius.

[650] See p. 611.

[651] Concil., viii, 885. The most determined propagandist was the monk
Zooras. His life in John Eph., Com., p. 11. "What can I do with a
truculent man, who fears no one?" said Justinian, when asked to restrain
him.

[652] Concil., viii, 873 _et seq._; Nov. xlii.

[653] John Eph., Com., p. 157 _et seq._ Ephraim, who had been Count of
the East, and had been raised to the Patriarchate by a popular vote, was
the great persecutor; _ibid._, pp. 204-207; cf. Evagrius, iv. 6.

[654] When Severus was banished from Antioch and Julian from
Halicarnassus, on the accession of Justin, they fled to Alexandria, and
there Julian began to inculcate the heresy that the body of Jesus was
incorruptible. He was opposed by Severus, and shortly the Alexandrians
were divided into two parties, the Corruptibles and Incorruptibles. The
latter were in a great majority, and now constituted the Gaianites.
Zachariah Myt., ix, 9-13; Liberatus, 19, 20.

[655] _Ibid._ The soldiers were beaten, but Narses "won by fire where
iron could not," that is, he burnt them out.

[656] John Eph., Com., pp. 14, 114 _et seq._; Victor Ton., an. 540, etc.

[657] John Eph. Com., pp. 11, 66, 154, etc. It was opposite Blachernae.
She also had a refuge for proscribed Monophysites in the island of
Chios; _ibid._ Zooras was at first head of the monastery at Sycae, but
he ended his days at Dercos.

[658] Liberatus, 23; Procopius, Anec., 27.

[659] Liberatus, 23; Evagrius, iv, 38.

[660] Liberatus, 23.

[661] The N. L. was founded by sixty rebels against the rule of Saba;
Cyril Scythop, St. Saba, 36.

[662] Concil., ix, 487, 395; Cedrenus, i, p. 660 _et seq._ (_c._ 544).
After this J. wrote a bulky pamphlet against Origen (Jn. Migne, S. G.,
lxxxvi). Some of the notions of Origen condemned were, that human souls
pre-existed as holy spirits; that at the resurrection human bodies will
be globular; that the sun, moon, and stars, etc., are animated; that
Jesus will be crucified again for devils; that punishment in hell will
not be eternal, etc. It is scarcely certain that the council was held.

[663] Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, and Ibas. An open letter of I.
spoke of the "blessed Theodore," and said that Cyril, Patr. of Alex.,
arrived first at the Council of Ephesus (431), and "filled their ears
with poison and blinded their eyes." Hence Nestorius was condemned
without "judgment or question." This document was read and passed at
Chalcedon; Concil., vii, 242; xi, 297; cf. Evagrius, ii, 18.

[664] Liberatus (24) says he was an Acephalus, the only authority.

[665] Facundus, Defens., ii, 3; iv, 4.

[666] Pope Vigilius himself confesses that he did not understand Greek;
Concil., ix, 98.

[667] Facundus, Contr. Mocianum; Liberatus, 24, etc.

[668] Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. "If you fail," said she to the officer,
"I'll flay you alive." I have no doubt she held this sort of language to
her servants; but the Lib. Pontif. is a very poor authority.

[669] _Ibid._

[670] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 15; Marcel. Com., an. 547; Jn.
Malala, p. 483. See p. 632.

[671] Jn. Malala, p. 483, Theophanes, an. 6039.

[672] Facundus, Contr. Moc.; extracts in Concil., ix, 181.

[673] Victor Ton., ann. 549, 550. The African bishops excommunicated the
Pope.

[674] Facundus, _op. cit._ Fulgentius Fer., Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L.,
lxvii) etc.

[675] Jn. Malala, p. 484; Theophanes, an. 6039.

[676] Chron. Paschal., an. 552 (also Concil., etc.).

[677] Vigilius is thought to have been a very strong man as he is said
to have killed a deacon, who taunted him, with a blow of a book; Lib.
Pontif.

[678] Epist. Legat. Franc., Concil., ix, 151 (Baronius and Migne, also);
Theophanes, an. 6039, etc.

[679] Concil., ix, 50, etc.

[680] Concil., ix, 61 _et seq._ (also in Col. Avellana). According to
Lib. Pontif. he was seized in St. Euphemia and dragged round CP. till
evening, with a rope round his neck, by order of Theodora—four years
after she was dead!

[681] Concil., ix, 157 _et seq._; Evagrius, iv, 38.

[682] Concil., ix, 191 _et seq._

[683] _Ibid._, 61 _et seq._ (and Col. Avel.).

[684] Concil., ix, 103. Seventeen bishops, Pelagius, and two others
signed it.

[685] _Ibid._, 181.

[686] _Ibid._, 367.

[687] _Ibid._, 376. Origen was practically passed over; can. 16.

[688] Victor Ton., an. 553, etc. He was one of them. This chronicler is
generally wrong in his dates.

[689] Concil. ix, 457. He paved the way by a letter to the new Patriarch
of CP., Eutychius; _ibid._, 413.

[690] Lib. Pontif.; Marcel. Com., an. 554.

[691] Victor Ton., an. 558; Facundus, Ep. Fid. Cath.

[692] Lib. Pontif., Pelagius; Marcel. Com., an. 554. There was a popular
rumour that he had murdered Vigilius.

[693] Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L., lxix, 391).

[694] See his Epistles; Hefele, Hist. Councils, iv, 343, etc., for
details of the schism. According to Liberatus (24) Theodore Ascidas gave
it as his confidential opinion that he and Pelagius ought to have been
burnt alive for the trouble they had brought into the Church over Origen
and the Three Chapters.

[695] Two lives of him in John Eph., Com., pp. 160, 206. A modern life
by Kleyn, Leyd., 1882.

[696] The particulars in John Eph., Hist. (Smith), p. 250 _et seq._

[697] John Eph., Com., pp. 162, 206. In the Semitic, Arethas =
Harith-ibn-Gabbala. Duchesne has treated of Christian missions to the
south of the Empire at some length; Mis. chrét. au sud de l'emp. rom.,
1896.

[698] She died of cancer of the breast, according to Vict. Ton. (an.
549), who regarded the disease as a penalty of her heretical impiety.

[699] Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, pf., etc.

[700] Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, 1; cxxiii, 1; cxxxvii, 2.

[701] Cod., I, iv, 26.

[702] _Ibid._, 25.

[703] _Ibid._, 22.

[704] _Ibid._, iii, 46, 49.

[705] _Ibid._, ii, 23; Nov. cxxxi, 6; v, ix; cf. Procopius, Anec., 28.

[706] Cod., I, iv, 8; Nov. cxxiii, 21.

[707] Cod., I, iii, 52; iv, 27; Nov. cxxiii, 5. He generally supervised
their appointment.

[708] _Ibid._, iii, 7; Nov. cxxiii, 7.

[709] Cod., I, iii, 19; Nov. xxii, 42; v, 6.

[710] Cod., I, iii, 17; iv, 34; Nov. cxxiii, 10.

[711] Cod., I, iii, 42.

[712] _Ibid._, 45; Nov. xxii, 42, etc.

[713] Nov. xxii, 42.

[714] Cod., I, iii, 45.

[715] _Ibid._, 42.

[716] _Ibid._, 9; Nov. vi, 6; cxxiii, 13.

[717] Cod., I, iii, 44; Nov. v; cxxiii; cxxxiii.

[718] Cod., I, ii, 13; Nov. v, 5; cxxiii, 38.

[719] Nov. cxxiii, 38; Cod., I, iii, 56.

[720] _Ibid._, 54; Nov. cxxiii, 43.

[721] Cod., I, ii, 24; Nov. cxx, 6, 7, etc.

[722] Nov. cxx, 1, 10, etc.

[723] Cod., I, ii, 21.

[724] _Ibid._, 22.

[725] Nov. cxxiii, 20. As Justinian's laws relating to religion are very
bulky, I merely give samples to show their general tendency.

[726] A heretic is defined as anyone not being an Orthodox churchman;
Cod., I, v, 12, 18.

[727] Cod., I, xi, 10.

[728] _Ibid._, v, 12.

[729] _Ibid._

[730] _Ibid._, 13, 18, 19; Nov. cv, 3.

[731] Cod., I, v, 21.

[732] _Ibid._, iii, 56; vi, 3.

[733] _Ibid._, v, 11, 18, 21, etc.

[734] Nov. cix. By this law heretic wives are deprived of the right to
recover their dowry, etc.

[735] Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc.

[736] Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc.

[737] Jn. Malala, p. 449; Theophanes, an. 6022; cf. Cod., I, i, 5.

[738] _Ibid._

[739] Procopius, Anecd., 11.

[740] _Ibid._

[741] Cod., I, v, 17.

[742] Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11.

[743] Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11.

[744] Cyril Scythop., St. Saba, 70-72. Saba prophesies that J. will
conquer Rome and Africa, which, if the biographer can be relied on,
indicates that as early as 530 the idea of recovering the Western Empire
was being mooted.

[745] Nov. cxxix.

[746] Jn. Malala, p. 487.

[747] Jn. Malala, p. 487.

[748] Nov. cxliv.

[749] Nov. xxxvii; Procopius, Anecd., 18.

[750] Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, 2; Procopius, Anecd., 11. At
Ravenna all the Gothic churches, with their contents, were handed over
to the Catholics. Presumably there were very few Arian congregations
left in Italy. The Exocionite Arians at CP. (Goths) were always
respected; Cod., I, v, 12; Jn. Malala, p. 428.

[751] Cod., I, ix; x.

[752] Nov. cxlvi.

[753] Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2. It is only fair to note that
Justinian, for the most part, only re-enacted or confirmed laws
formulated by his predecessors, beginning with Constantine; but he
sometimes enforced them more zealously.

[754] John Ephes., Hist. (Smith), pp. 159, 229 _et seq._

[755] Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 6. Sittas was the general. Cf. Nov. i,
pf.

[756] Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2.

[757] As an illustration of the way in which Christianity was spread
unofficially, through captives carried off by the barbarians, etc., see
Zachariah Myt., xii, 7.

[758] See p. 312.

[759] Jn. Malala, p. 427; Theophanes, an. 6020.

[760] An alloy of gold and silver; Instit., ii, 1.

[761] Jn. Malala, p. 431; Theophanes, an. 6020.

[762] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3.

[763] John Ephes., Hist. (Com.), p. 249. In 543 he brought a party of
grammarians, advocates, ship-masters, and monks from Alexandria, and
held _séances_ in which he argued to convert them from the Egyptian
Monophysitism; "for," says the historian, "he thought none of the
bishops or others equal to him in the art of argument."

[764] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 32.

[765] See p. 622.

[766] Cedrenus, i, p. 660 _et seq._

[767] Chron. Paschal., an. 552.

[768] Three considerable monographs treat of religion in the sixth
century: Duchesne, Vigile et Pelage (Rev. d. quest. hist., 1884);
Knecht, Die Relig. Polit. Kais. Justin., Würz., 1896; and Hutton, The
Church in the Sixth Cent., Lond., 1897. Gasquet's De l'autor. impér. en
mat. relig. à Byzance, Paris, 1879, also contains matter germane to the
subject.




 CHAPTER XV
 PECULIARITIES OF ROMAN LAW: THE LEGISLATION OF JUSTINIAN


The mutual relations of the members of a community naturally fall into
two divisions, that is, public and private.[769] In the first we have to
consider the activities of the citizens politically, or with reference
to the work of the government or administration, which enacts, or
sanctions and enforces, the laws under which they live. In this sphere
of sociology the connection of the individuals with each other arises
only through their dwelling in contiguity within some circumscribed
area, and thus, while being obliged to exist under the same human
influences, they may for the most part be personally strangers to each
other. In this department, then, the tie of natural affection, which
originates in blood or sexual relationship, or, perhaps, from friendly
association, is in general wanting. In the second category the community
must be regarded as consisting of an aggregate of natural groups, that
is, families, the members of which are so intimately connected as to be
affected at every moment by each other's acts. Such groups in their
mutual relations are necessarily subject to the laws of the state; but
in the privacy of the family circle it is also essential that the
individuals should conform to a minor system of law, which may vary in
every household according to the expediency of its particular
circumstances. Of the latter code of conduct it will be unnecessary to
speak further; it might be identical in part or wholly, in ancient and
modern times, and among different nations, or differ considerably in
families living in the same age and adjacent to one another. But statute
law affects similarly all persons subject to its jurisdiction, and it is
of this only we have to treat.

The origin of, and necessity for, law, humanly enacted, arises from the
gregarious tendency of mankind, through which the desires and acts of
the individual become circumscribed with reference to those of his
neighbours. At a very early stage in civilisation the conception of
individual rights is awakened by each person becoming keenly perceptive
of self-interest; and hence those in a neutral position feel inclined to
resent that another should suffer a wrong to which they themselves would
be unwilling to submit. Thus the germs of altruism are sown in a
community, and the general utility of some rule of justice being
enforced soon becomes apparent to all. Yet each one is loth to abandon
advantages which he finds to be within his grasp; and the abuse of power
leads to oppression, injustice, and crime. Power is of various kinds,
and consists in the ability to take from another some valued thing by
open force, by strict legality, or by stealth. The last-named is theft,
and, in its various aspects, creates the necessity for almost all
criminal law; but the former are with difficulty dealt with by, and
sometimes form the paradox of legislation. Thus, by a general convention
the greatest injustice may be enforced within a state, and that in two
relationships, viz., as regards the members of other states, and with
respect to its own citizens. In the category thus indicated I propose to
advert only to two phenomena in Roman sociology, namely, slavery and
debt.

1. In modern times the only slavery recognized in Western civilization
has been that of some degraded race, whom nature seems to have created
as almost akin to the lower animals. Hence it was considered to be no
injustice to subjugate or domesticate them as such, and to pass them
from owner to owner at a price. But the Roman slave, as a rule, was not
racially distinguishable from his master; and might even be his superior
in natural endowments and education. For the latter advantage, however,
he would almost invariably be indebted to his owner. He was generally a
member of a foreign state, most probably a captive taken in war, or the
descendant of one; but sale by parents within the Roman dominions and
kidnapping were not uncommon. In the early ages of the Republic the
master had as much power over his slave as over his ox or his ass, and
lay under no penalty if he should choose to kill him; but the position
of the human commodity was gradually ameliorated. The advance of humane
conceptions, which attained their most emphatic expression in the Stoic
philosophy,[770] soon exerted its influence on the servile condition;
and even under Augustus a master could not imperil the life of his slave
without first obtaining magisterial sanction.[771] Half a century later
it was enacted by Claudius that a man who wantonly killed his slave
should be guilty of murder.[772] Hadrian[773] and the Antonines[774]
legislated in the same spirit to protect them from cruelty, and gave
them the right of being compulsorily sold when they had just cause of
complaint against their actual owner.[775] It has already been mentioned
that Constantine,[776] although a slave could have no legal relatives,
forbade that servile families should be separated by sale to different
persons; but, nevertheless, in the sixth century the abolition of
slavery was never contemplated as a social possibility. A Roman slave
wore no badge of servitude, and when on one occasion it was proposed
that they should do so, the proposition was negatived on the grounds
that it would be hazardous to provide them with a means of recognizing
how very numerous they were.[777]

Such, in general, was the position of slaves within the Empire when
Justinian came to the throne; and in many important details they were
indebted to him for an increase of their privileges. That emperor was a
busy law-giver in every department of the state; and, when not blinded
by fanaticism or financial greed, his measures tended to the extension
of liberty and the removal of technical restrictions. Obstacles were
placed in the way of the manumission of slaves, and in many the freedom
bestowed was only partial. Justinian abolished such irksome
distinctions, and decreed that all freedmen should enjoy the full rank
of Roman citizenship irrespective of their previous status or
formalities in the mode of manumission.[778] By a law passed in the time
of Augustus a man could not by will confer liberty on all his slaves,
but only on a proportion of them;[779] and a youth who was considered to
have attained to manhood, that is, to fourteen years of age, so that he
could legally make a will, yet was denied the power of manumitting a
slave. The first of these enactments was abrogated,[780] the second
modified by Justinian.[781] In the case of a slave being in the joint
possession of two or more persons, and one of the owners desiring to
manumit, he made it compulsory that the others should sell their share
to that one;[782] and if a free woman married a slave he enacted that
she should retain her liberty, contrary to previous law on the
subject.[783] He also forbade the prostitution of female slaves, to whom
in such case he ordained that freedom should at once accrue as a
consequence of the offence.[784] In general he declared himself to be
the friend of liberty,[785] and endeavoured to expedite the solution of
all legal difficulties in wills, and the wishes of testators in favour
of the slave being speedily emancipated.[786] Finally he deprived the
slave of the option of remaining in servitude, stating that no one had
the right to reject the gift of Roman citizenship.[787] He asserted,
however, very strictly that a freedman should fulfil his duties towards
his patron, that is, his former master, to whose generosity he owed his
liberty, and threatened him with relapse into servitude should he prove
himself to be an ingrate.[788] But he relaxed the rule which compelled a
freedman to leave half his property to his patron; and in ordinary cases
relieved him altogether of the obligation,[789] whilst he also attempted
to institute some legal relationship among the emancipated by tracing
the connections of a family through those still retained in
slavery.[790] Another liberal provision of this Emperor was that if an
unmarried man kept one of his slaves as a concubine and died intestate,
she and her children forthwith became free instead of passing into the
hands of the heirs as part of the inheritance.[791] He also pronounced
against foundlings being reduced into servitude, either as slaves or
serfs,[792] on the assumption that they were not free born. By the same
rule a slave cast out or abandoned, the fate sometimes of those who had
become useless through illness or decrepitude, became free.[793] Yet the
colons or serfs of an estate gained no step towards freedom in this
reign; on the contrary Justinian confirmed the laws which bound them to
the soil and interdicted them from migrating to another locality under
pain of forfeiting their chance of being emancipated.[794] In this
connection he feared, doubtless, lest anything which might hamper the
profitable cultivation of estates would lessen the returns to the fisc.

2. The very harsh laws of debt, which prevailed among the primitive
Romans, were one of the chief sources of civil commotion in the first
centuries of the Republic. The defaulting debtor might be seized by his
creditor, imprisoned, and sold as a slave; and the terms of one law of
the Twelve Tables have been held by many jurists to indicate that joint
creditors were legally empowered to hew the body of their debtor in
pieces in order that each of them might take possession of a
section.[795] The various popular measures which were passed from time
to time with the view of relieving the citizens of debt and restraining
the oppressive creditor are treated of at length by the Latin
historians.[796] Such enactments compelled a spirit of moderation among
those who practised usury, and many debtors were assisted by
arrangements comparable to modern bankruptcy. Ultimately the increase of
power and wealth in the Republic, and the concessions granted to the
overflowing population by aspirants to personal dominion effaced most of
the hardships which were so galling in the primitive community; but no
permanent legislation was ever devised which effectually curbed a
creditor prone to drastic exaction of money due. Thus in the eleventh
year of this reign we find Justinian forbidding that the corpse of a
debtor should be impounded with the object of forcing immediate payment
of a debt from his heirs, the attached penalty being confiscation of the
sum owing, together with a third of the fortune of the offending
person.[797] And nearly twenty years later he was obliged to enact that
creditors should not seize the sons of debtors and retain them in
slavery as a gage of the amount owing being paid.[798] In this case the
delinquents were to forfeit the debt and also an equal sum to the youth
kept in bondage, and in addition were to be sentenced to a flogging by
the local Rector. At the same time the Emperor decreed that securities
given by women in respect of their husband's debts were to be void of
effect; whilst under no circumstances were females, even when liable to
the fisc, to be sent to a common prison for debt. They were only to be
immured in monasteries or ascetic establishments, where they would be in
charge of custodians of their own sex.[799] Justinian also legislated in
restriction of interest on money lent, which in this age seems generally
to have been calculated at twelve per cent. per annum. He now fixed the
precise amount which he considered it fair for lenders to receive in
proportion to the risk they ran and the importance to them of the
transaction. Thus nobles of Illustrious rank were allowed to take only
four per cent.; but ordinary citizens were to be entitled to six.
Merchants in legitimate trade, if they lent money, might demand eight
per cent.; but the investor in any risky venture, such as nautical
enterprises, was permitted to stipulate for twelve per cent.[800]

The despotic power exercised by a Roman father over his family,
expressed by _patria potestas_, was almost peculiar to that nation, but
in practice it seems to have been very rarely abused. By this convention
wife and children were subjected to the male parent almost as completely
as if they had been his slaves; but at the same time sons of mature age
had all the rights of citizens with respect to voting at elections,
holding magistracies, and commanding armies. By tacit consent, however,
this exaggerated jurisdiction was gradually abandoned, and in the time
of Justinian had become more nominal than real.[801] Thus already,
during the reign of Augustus, it was agreed that a father could not
inflict more than ordinary chastisement on a son without obtaining
magisterial sanction;[802] whilst Constantine publicly decreed that a
parent who killed his child should suffer death by the paradoxical
method invented to emphasize the unspeakable atrocity of the crime of
parricide.[803] But two centuries previously Hadrian had pronounced it
to be "illicit and disgraceful" for a father even to sell his
children.[804] Justinian began early to limit by definite legislation
the extent of paternal absolutism, and in 533 decreed that patricians
should be released from it, on the grounds that it was "intolerable for
one whom the Emperor had chosen to be his father" to lie under such a
disability.[805] At the same time he forbade parents to oppose by any
overt act the resolution of any of their offspring who should elect to
lead a religious life; providing, however, that if the latter should
tire of asceticism and return to the world, the special favours shown to
them should be withdrawn.[806] Six years later he followed up the
principle by declaring the exemption of practically all high officials,
viz., consuls, ordinary or honorary, praetorian prefects, and those of
the two Romes, masters of soldiers, and, of course, bishops.[807]
Justinian also abolished the power of the father to surrender his
children to those upon whom they had inflicted an injury in lieu of
compensation.[808] Further, he issued Constitutions in which he
reiterated more emphatically the prohibition against the exposure of
infants.[809]

Originally a son could have nothing of his own during the lifetime of
his father, but in the reign of Augustus an exception was made in favour
of whatever he might gain in military service.[810] In the first half of
the fourth century the right was extended, and the privilege of
retaining anything received as pay from the government was bestowed on
officials of the civil service.[811] Justinian went a step further and
enacted that a son's independent or extraneous earnings should be his
own, but yet he permitted the father to have the usufruct of any capital
thus acquired.[812] Later (541), he made another concession that a son
might inherit anything from a relative, as part of his separate estate,
if left to him with a proviso that it should not come under his father's
control.[813]

The artificial conception of blood-relationship which prevailed among
the Romans, whereby those connected through females were excluded from
all legal rights in a family, had been modified in some of its most
inequitable features before the sixth century. In the earliest times if
a citizen died intestate having no agnates to inherit, that is, persons
related to him through males, the property was divided among his _gens_.
The latter consisted of all those of the same stock or name as himself,
being the reputed descendants in the male line of some common ancestor.
Possibly, however, by this dispensation some of his heirs might not even
be of the same blood, owing to adoptive children having conferred upon
them all the legal rights of those naturally born to the father by whom
they had been assumed. Thus it happened that the children of a married
daughter could claim nothing of their maternal grandfather's estate;
and, as a rule, their mother would be in the same position. A mother
could not inherit from her sons and daughters; whilst emancipated
children, that is, those who had been relieved by their father from the
semi-servile condition in which they stood towards him, thereafter
became as strangers to their own family in the eye of the law. The
narrow conceptions of the primitive laws as defined in the Twelve Tables
(462 B.C.) were productive of much flagrant injustice of this kind, as
it appeared to the Romans themselves as time wore on.[814] After the
lapse of about a century, a new magistrate, second in authority only to
the Consuls, was created under the title of Praetor, and his functions
gradually evolved themselves into those of the chief justice of the
Republic.[815] Although legislative powers were not bestowed on him, he
became virtually a legislator, and in his court equity was administered
in accordance with the current development of public opinion. Thus he
became a special providence for all those who found themselves hard
pressed by the cramped enactments of the old laws, which were sometimes
supplemented, sometimes evaded by a legal fiction or subterfuge in the
Praetor's Court.[816] On taking office, each Praetor published an edict
in which he stated the views he took of debatable questions in law; and
his rules and decisions, though caduciary, were often confirmed and
fixed by Imperial legislation.[817] By the reign of Hadrian a
considerable body of law had been thus concreted, which that emperor
ordered to be codified by Salvius Julianus, and thus a collection of
statutes, called the Perpetual Edict, was permanently approved and took
the place of the variable practice of successive Praetors.[818]

While in Republican times the rights of succession to an intestacy had
been constrained within narrow limits of agnation and male
precedence,[819] the laws of inheritance as ultimately settled by
Justinian became the most liberal that the world has seen. Priority of
birth had never been recognized as constituting a title to preference in
Roman law; and now every notion of any prescriptive claim being inherent
in sex was abolished. The state of the deceased was divided equally
between male and female children, grandchildren, of course, subdividing
a predeceased parent's share. By this disposition a wife took her
marriage settlement, but if there were none such she ranked as one of
the children, as did also a husband. If the intestate left no issue, but
several brothers and sisters, the property devolved on them according to
the same principle, but to them the parents of the deceased, if living,
were preferred. Thus the degree of affinity by blood was alone
considered in regulating heirship. Under this system adopted children
inherited from their natural parents as if no such formality had taken
place, but they also had a claim, in the absence of near kindred, to
succeed to those who had adopted them.[820]

In the earliest times a Roman could bequeath his property to any member
of the community he pleased, but not to a foreigner. In the time of
Augustus, however, a law was passed, in completion of previous tentative
efforts, which made it compulsory for him to leave a fourth part of his
estate to his children, otherwise he had to state expressly why he
disinherited them.[821] Justinian confirmed and reduced legislation of
this class to a compact form, defining the relations of parents and
children to each other as regards the disposition of their possessions
in precise terms. Fourteen causes were enumerated, which the law would
recognize as just grounds for a parent to disinherit a child, and eight
which would confer the same right on the latter. Among these, lapse into
heresy holds the most prominent place, and also neglect to ransom if the
parent or child should be taken captive by an enemy.[822]

The dissolute tendencies of society under the early Empire induced the
promulgation of laws which imposed a penalty on celibacy, and granted
privileges to those citizens who were fertile in offspring. Legal
incapacity to inherit was inflicted on a bachelor, whilst in the
division of an estate larger amounts were assigned to the heirs in
proportion to the number of their children.[823] With the introduction
of Christianity and asceticism, qualities of this kind began to occupy
reversed positions; and, if marriage did not fall altogether into
disrepute, second nuptials, at least, were ranked almost as a crime
deserving to be visited with penalties comparable to those decreed
against heretics.[824] Justinian modified this stringency, remarking
that natural passion might fairly lead persons of both sexes to
re-marry, and that free procreation of children was ultimately for the
benefit of the state.[825] Legitimation of children by subsequent
marriage had long been recognized, and Justinian extended the principle
by a decree that a woman seduced under promise of marriage could compel
her lover to complete the contract, or, in default, to endow her with a
quarter of his property.[826] By a law of Anastasius, illegitimate
children were called on to inherit the estate in the case of an
intestacy without legal offspring, but in the second year of Justin this
rule was abrogated. At the beginning of his reign, however, Justinian
restored the former claim to the extent of one half, and later he
supplemented it by enacting that a father could leave all his
possessions to his natural children if he had none who were
legitimate.[827]

From the first ages of the Republic liberty to divorce his wife was
considered to be the inalienable right of every Roman, but the privilege
was rarely, if ever, taken advantage of in the primitive community. This
strict attachment, however, to the conjugal contract gradually
disappeared, and in Imperial times the marriage bond was tied and loosed
on many occasions in their lives by persons of unstable character. Not
until the fifth century did the Christian emperors attempt to impose any
stringency on the freedom of divorce, when the younger Theodosius
published a list of offences, in the absence of one or more of which
repudiation of the nuptial tie by either husband or wife would be
legally insufficient.[828] From the moment of his accession Justinian
began to elaborate legislation of this kind,[829] and in 541 went so far
as to forbid the dissolution of marriage by mutual consent,[830] a right
with which no previous emperor had ventured to interfere. The
restriction, however, was probably inoperative and highly unpopular, and
one of the first acts of his successor was the repeal of the obnoxious
measure.[831]

The difficulties which in this age beset the practice of the law courts,
owing to the confused condition of legal literature and the consequent
absence of attainable information, on forensic questions, has already
been adverted to. The pressing need of rescuing the elements of
jurisprudence from the two thousand volumes in which they were entombed
had been felt by previous emperors, but, if they apprehended the
possibility of executing it, they shrunk from the magnitude of the task.
No sooner, however, was Justinian seated on the throne than he engaged
in this enterprise and nominated a commission of ten jurists to prepare
a code in which all extant and effective Acts of various emperors should
be repeated and arranged in lucid order. Tribonian was included among
these commissioners, as an adjurant rather than as a principal, but
during the execution of the work it is certain that he proved himself to
be the master spirit of the undertaking. The materials which had to be
manipulated consisted of the Theodosian Code, in sixteen books, composed
under the auspices of that feeble-minded prince, whose simple piety
assumed that all but the laws of Christian emperors should be expunged
from the statute book. This ineffective performance, therefore, left
unnoticed all legislation previous to Constantine, but there were two
other extensive compilations, the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, of
private origin, in which had been amassed a multitude of Imperial
constitutions, beginning with those of Hadrian. The work was begun in
February, 528, and finished by April of the following year. It was then
announced to the Praefect of the East as the "Justinian Code," to which
alone for the future reference was to be made in order to ascertain the
law of the Empire; and he was directed to give it effect from the next
month. If, the Emperor added, certain enactments were found to have been
altered in tenor by additions, detractions, or verbal changes, such
modifications had been necessitated by the exigences of the age; and it
was forbidden that anyone should thereafter cite such passages as they
appeared in previous books, with the view of inducing decisions not in
conformity with the new Code.[832]

The capacity and erudition of Tribonian, which had been revealed during
the preparation of the Code, inspired Justinian to undertake in the next
year a work of much greater magnitude, which it was anticipated would
demand fully ten years for its achievement. It was proposed to extract
all the essential pronouncements of jurisprudential law to be found in
the two thousand volumes, which emanated from the recognized legal
luminaries of the previous fourteen centuries, and dispose them
categorically in fifty books, so that they should be readily available
for forensic consultation. The Constitution which enjoined the
preparation of this comprehensive work, to be called the "Digest," or
"Pandects," was addressed to Tribonian alone, and he was left
untrammelled in the choice of coadjutors in the stupendous task.[833]
Nowhere throughout the Empire, indeed, was there known to be a legal
library which contained all the books necessary for the compilation of
the Pandects, except in the collection which had been formed with vast
pains and accurate judgment by Tribonian.[834] He now made choice of
sixteen associates, and all engaged assiduously on the materials at
their disposal. To their surprise, they found that the work advanced
much more rapidly than had been expected, and at the end of three years
they were able to announce that the Digest had assumed a practical
shape. The three million sentences had been reduced to one hundred and
fifty thousand, which were distributed in an orderly manner throughout
the fifty books in seven categories. Among these were to be found all
the matter required to enlighten the hesitating lawyer as to official
duties, judicial functions, pledges, contracts, usury, nuptials, wills
and codicils, legacies and trusts, relations of slaves and freemen,
heirship, intestacy, liabilities of those occupying land and dwellings,
crimes and punishments in "two terrible books," public works, and
miscellaneous definitions.[835] Having achieved this great work
Justinian became apprehensive that it would be corrupted by copyists,
wherefore he ordained that no abbreviations should be used in writing
out the original or reproductions. But he was still more alarmed lest
his concentrated text should be overwhelmed by commentators, so that
after the lapse of a certain period there might be a return to the
former state of things, when administrators of the law should again
suffer bewilderment amid the overplus of legal literature. Commentaries,
therefore, were forbidden, and, should any persons attempt them, they
were warned that they would be considered as perverters and falsifiers
of the law. Should any doubts arise, reference was to be made to the
Emperor, as the sole legislator and interpreter of the law.[836]

When the Pandects were approaching completion, Justinian decided on the
issue of a third work, which should form a handbook for the law-student
and ground him in the principles of Imperial jurisprudence as set forth
in the two ponderous Codes. Under the name of the Institutes this little
treatise soon took shape in four books, being for the most part a
remodelled edition of a similar work by a certain Gaius, which had been
in circulation for several centuries. This compendium was then announced
to the student as furnishing him with as much legal information in a
small compass as he could have attained to previously after a four
years' investigation of the diffuse compositions to which he was obliged
to have recourse. "Take these our laws," said the Emperor, "and study
them assiduously, encouraged by the bright hope that your proficiency
will one day enable you to govern our Republic in some province which
may be entrusted to your care."[837] At the same time Justinian mapped
out the work of the class-rooms for legal education, in which the new
law books were to supersede all texts previously placed before the
student during his five years' course. The first year was to be devoted
to the Institutes, the next three to Pandects, and the last to the Code.
He also directed that the freshmen were henceforward to discard their
ridiculous cognomen of _Dupondii_, and enter on their career under the
dignified title of "New Justinians." He also sternly prohibited the
rough games which students had been wont to play off on one another, on
rude novices, and even on professors, such reckless proceedings having
sometimes eventuated in actual crimes. Finally he decreed the abolition
of the law schools of Alexandria, Caesarea, and elsewhere, since he had
heard that in those places unskilful men with insufficient licence had
been engaged in imbuing their disciples with adulterated doctrine. For
the future, as previously, Berytus was to be the chief academy of
jurisprudence, but the Royal Cities of Rome and Constantinople were also
sanctioned to continue as centres of legal instruction.[838]

No sooner had Justinian completed his reintegration of the legal
profession than he entered on an active career of new legislation which
rendered much of his former work obsolete. The close attention paid to
law during the preparation of the Digest had revealed a number of
disputed questions, and these the Emperor determined to decide once for
all by virtue of his own Imperial inspiration. When they had accumulated
to the number of fifty the list seemed to be exhausted, and thereupon a
fasciculus of "Fifty Decisions" was published to settle the law on these
moot points. This supplement seemed to antiquate the Code, and hence it
was resolved to abolish it in favour of a revised edition, which should
be perfected by the inclusion of all more recent legislation. A new Code
was, therefore, published in 534 with an injunction that the first
should be consigned to oblivion, and never again opened in the law
courts.[839] Still, however, Justinian found an unlimited field for his
legislative proclivities, and every year saw the promulgation of new
Acts, until his energy began to succumb to senility. Most of the new
enactments were called Novels, and many of them were elaborated at great
length. For these compositions the Greek language was almost invariably
used, but a contemporary Latin translation was made. More than one
hundred and sixty of them remain, but some of them are in a fragmentary
condition. In addition thirteen other pronouncements, named Edicts, are
extant, and also the Pragmatic Sanction, of which an analysis has been
given in connection with the annexation of Italy. Such are the four
complements of Justinian's legislation, of which in bulk his own
productions constitute about one fifth, but some considerable portion of
the latter has probably been lost.[840]

[769] Pand., I, i, 1; Instit., i, 1.

[770] See p. 241.

[771] Pand. XLVIII, viii, 11, etc. Illustrated by the story of Androcles
and the lion; Aulus Gel., v. 14.

[772] Suetonius, Claudius, 25.

[773] Hist. Aug., Hadrian, 18.

[774] Gaius, i, 52, etc.; Seneca, De Benef., iii, 22; see p. 43.

[775] Cf. Cod., I, xxv.

[776] See p. 114.

[777] Seneca, De Clement., i, 24.

[778] Cod. VII, vi; vii; Instit., i, 5.

[779] Suetonius, Octavius Aug., 40; Gaius, i, 42 _et seq._

[780] Cod., VII, iii; Instit., i, 7.

[781] Instit., i, 6. He allowed him to manumit at 17 instead of 20 as
previously.

[782] Cod., VII, vii, 1.

[783] _Ibid._, xxiv; Instit., iii, 13.

[784] _Ibid._, vi.

[785] _Ibid._, vii, 2.

[786] Cod., VI, xxxv, ii; VII, ii, 15. He quotes a sentiment of Lucan,
"To think nothing accomplished while anything remained to be done,"
_àpropos_ of some legislation of Marcus Aurelius, which he essays to
complete.

[787] _Ibid._

[788] Nov. lxxviii.

[789] Instit., iii, 8.

[790] Cod., VI, iv, 4; Instit., iii, 7.

[791] Cod., VII, xv, 3.

[792] Cod., I, iv, 24; VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii.

[793] Cod., VIII, lii, 4; Nov. cliii, 1.

[794] Cod., XI, xlvii, 23, etc.

[795] XII Tab., iii, 5 (Aul. Gel., xx, 1).

[796] Livy, vi, 34; vii, 42, etc.

[797] Nov. lx.

[798] Nov. cxxxiv, 7.

[799] Nov. cxxxiv, 8, 9.

[800] Cod., IV, xxxii, 26; Nov. cvi; cxxxviii, etc.

[801] Instit., i, 9; Cod., VIII, xlvii.

[802] Seneca, De Clement., i, 14, 15.

[803] Cod., IX, xvii. He was to be thrown into the sea sewn up in a sack
with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape; cf. Instit., iv, 18.

[804] Cod., VII, xvi, 1; cf. Pand., XLVIII, ix, 5.

[805] See p. 90.

[806] Cod., I, iii, 55; Nov. cxxiii, 41, etc.

[807] Nov. lxxxi.

[808] Instit., iv, 8.

[809] Cod., VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii.

[810] Gaius, ii, 106; Juvenal, Sat. xvi, 51.

[811] Cod., XII, xxxvii.

[812] Cod., VI, lxi, 6

[813] Nov. cxvii, 1; cf. cxxxiv, 11.

[814] Generally see Muirhead's Private Law of Rome (by Gould), Edin.,
1899, pp. 163, 270 _et seq._, and the reconstruction of the XII Tab.
thereto appended; also Gaius, iii, 18, etc.

[815] Livy, vi, 42; vii, 1, etc.

[816] Pand., I, i, 7.

[817] The way in which the Prætor gave relief to those hard pressed by
the letter of the law, is expressed very clearly throughout the
Institutes, especially in iii, 1, 2, 9, etc.

[818] Eutropius, viii, 9; Cod. I, xvii, Tanta (+Dedôken+), etc.

[819] By the XII Tab., as J. points out, males and females, apart from
agnation, had equal rights in successions; Cod., VI, lviii, 14.

[820] Nov. cxviii; cxxvii; cf. Instit., i, 11; iii, 1.

[821] The Lex Falcidia, concerning which there is much matter in Code,
Pand., and Nov., etc.; cf. Gaius, ii, 226.

[822] Nov. cxv. Other causes for disinheriting were a son going on the
stage, or a daughter under twenty-five refusing to marry a certain
person, etc.

[823] Lex Papia-Poppaea, Pand., XXXVIII, xi; XXIII, i, and commentators;
Gaius, i, 178, etc.

[824] Cod., V, ix.

[825] Cod., VI, xl; Nov. xxii, 43. He speaks of a law said to have been
passed by one Julius Miscellus, but there was no such person. For a clue
to the muddle, see Daremberg and S. Dict. Antiq. _sb._ Lex, where the
best list of these old laws will be found.

[826] Nov. lxxiv, 4, etc. He excuses these lapses by "nothing is
stronger than the fury of love, and how can those so affected resist the
blandishments of those they love?"

[827] Cod. V, xxvii, 6, 7, 8; Nov. lxxxix, 12, 15, etc. Incestuous
children are, however, barred from all such privileges.

[828] Cod., V, xvii, 8.

[829] _Ibid._, 11; Nov. xxii. Some of Justinian's just causes of divorce
are procuring abortion and bathing in the public baths with men.
Wife-beaters are not divorceable, but must make large pecuniary
compensation; Nov. cxvii, 14.

[830] Nov. cxvii, 10; cxxxiv, 11.

[831] Nov. cxl.

[832] See the two prefaces to the Code.

[833] Cod., I, xvii, 1.

[834] As mentioned in Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3 (Tanta and +Dedôken+).

[835] Thirty-nine legal writers were excerpted, but many others are
referred to incidentally. A sketch of the origin and development of
Roman law, as well as the names and connection of the chief
practitioners from Pomponius, is included; Pand., I, ii, 2.

[836] Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3; cf. I, xiv, 12. It was part of the scheme
that no antinomies or contradictions should occur. Several such,
however, have been detected by later jurists.

[837] Instit., _præf._

[838] Pand., _præf._ (Omnem). See p. 219.

[839] Cod., _præf._, 3. The fifty Decis. are scattered through the Code
without clue to their location. One Merillus spent twenty years in
trying to solve the crux of identifying them.

[840] Some jottings as to the practice of the bar in this age occur in
Ammianus, xxx, 4; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 17; and Agathias, iii,
1. From the first it seems that there were a great many pettifogging
lawyers, who made a practice of fleecing clients by involving them in
interminable litigation.




 CHAPTER XVI
 THE LAST DAYS OF JUSTINIAN: LITERATURE AND ART IN THE
   SIXTH CENTURY: SUMMARY AND REVIEW OF THE REIGN


In the spring of 550, when the five years' truce with Persia expired,
Justinian became anxious to effect a further pacification with Chosroes,
and Peter Magister, with whose diplomatic work we are already familiar,
was entrusted with the negotiations. The Shah, however, declined to
formulate any definite terms at the moment and dismissed him with a
promise that he would shortly send a plenipotentiary of his own to the
Byzantine Court, who should have full powers to draft a treaty in
accordance with the best interests of both nations. He was as good as
his word, and the Persian embassy soon arrived at Constantinople, headed
by Isdigunas, a man insufferably pompous and arrogant, who brought with
him in his train such an immense following that he seemed to be
advancing to the battlefield rather than conducting a peaceful mission.
He was accompanied by his wife, children, and a brother; and also by two
members of the highest Persian nobility, who displayed themselves in
public wearing golden diadems on their heads. The Byzantines resented
the overwhelming magnificence of this legation, regarding it as an
intolerable assumption of superiority by the Orientals; and they were
especially indignant when they saw Justinian receiving them with an
effusive ceremony which suggested that he conceded everything to their
pretensions. These negotiations were protracted over eighteen months,
during which the multitude of Persians were allowed to pervade the city
with the utmost freedom, engaging in every sort of commerce as if they
were natives of the place; and, contrary to custom, subjected to no
supervision which might restrain them from gaining information of
strategic value. At length a second truce for five years was purchased
from Chosroes for two thousand pounds of gold (£80,000), whilst, as
compensation for the cessation of arms since the arrival of the
ambassador, a further sum of six hundred (£24,000) was agreed upon. The
Emperor, judiciously enough, wished to pay by annual instalments, so
that he might retain a pledge in his hands to ensure the faithful
observance of the compact, but the idea was abhorrent to the Byzantine
populace, who considered that they should thus become tributaries of the
Persian monarch. The amount was, therefore, paid down in full, and
Isdigunas returned home, the bearer on his own part of a splendid
pecuniary gift from Justinian.[841]

In the meantime the subsidiary war in Lazica went on continuously, as
Chosroes was unwilling to relinquish his hold on the principality, and
professed that his pacific engagements did not apply to that outlying
region. Thus the capture of Petra by Bessas, as already related, was an
occurrence of the same year as the renewal of the truce with Isdigunas.
After those events the Persian occupation was still maintained by
Mermeroes, who had already been many years in the country, and contested
the supremacy of the Byzantines with varying success. His most notable
effort was the siege of Archaeopolis, the capital, in 550, when, after
many strenuous attempts, he tried to capture the town by bribing one of
the natives to fire the granaries. He thought by this means to divert
the attention of the small garrison from the walls, so that the
attacking force should be unresisted while effecting an entry. Contrary
to expectation, however, the Byzantines were just prepared for a sally;
and, leaving a few of their number within to extinguish the flames, they
burst out suddenly on the besiegers. The latter, taken by surprise,
suffered such loss that Mermeroes forthwith raised the siege and retired
to another part of the country.[842]

Mermeroes died in 554, and was replaced by Nachoragan, whose career was
short and unfortunate. In the following year he essayed the siege of
Phasis, a town by the sea at the mouth of the river of the same name. He
had an army of sixty thousand at his disposal, while the Roman forces,
under Martin and Justin the son of Germanus, did not amount to a third
of that number. As the town was built of wood the Persian general
expected an easy conquest, and resolved to destroy the walls by fire. On
the south, where not defended by river and sea, an external muniment had
been improvised in the shape of a fosse, filled with water from an
adjacent lake, and a palisade. On the water were stationed a number of
vessels with baskets fixed to the mastheads; and from these, as from
towers, darts and missiles were shot or hurled. The Orientals, who had
rendered their line of blockade continuous by a bridge of boats across
the Phasis, were provided with elephants, having towers on their backs,
and had constructed machines for attack of every description. After a
few days' work the fosse had been levelled up to the ground by the
ingestion of various materials; and Nachoragan, at the outset of a
determined assault, said to a band of two thousand pioneers whom he was
despatching to a neighbouring wood to bring up further supplies of
timber, "When you see the smoke rising you will know that the Roman
defences are in flames, and may hasten back to aid in the work of
destruction." On the morning of the same day Justin, by a divine
inspiration, as we are told, had stolen out of the town with five
thousand cavalry and a brigade of infantry, in order to pray at a church
of great sanctity in the vicinity. Subsequent events now become shaped
by a prior incident which I have next to mention. Fearing that his men
might lose heart by comparing the paucity of their numbers with the
multitude of the enemy, Martin had a few days before caused a
travel-stained messenger to arrive ostentatiously amid a concourse of
the soldiery and hand him a letter, which he opened and read aloud. The
missive purported to come from the Emperor and to convey a notice that
large reinforcements had arrived within a score of miles and would
shortly join the garrison. "Tell them," said he, with assumed
indignation, "that their aid is not required: just as we are about to
discomfit the enemy, their coming will snatch from us the glory of
victory." The ruse succeeded; his action was acclaimed by the troops;
and not only were they inspirited, but some anxiety was communicated to
the besiegers, to whom the affair was reported, and a considerable body
of men was detached to watch the route by which the visionary army was
expected to arrive. The Persians attacked vigorously on the land side,
and were resisted with equal energy by the Byzantines. A great clamour
arose, and Justin, on the return from his pious errand, became aware
that a fierce battle was raging. He found himself in the rear of the
assaulting force, when, with sudden determination, he ordered his ensign
to be raised and charged the enemy in the back. The Romans routed those
upon whom they swept down, and a panic quickly spread through the
Oriental troops. The army of relief, whose propinquity had been
credited, was assumed to be actually present, and a general flight
ensued. Justin followed on hotly, and ten thousand of the Persians were
slain before the pursuit was abandoned. At last he collected his men and
returned to Phasis, where all the siege engines now appeared, scattered
around, as deserted by the enemy. Their destruction by fire was at once
resolved upon, and the column of smoke rose in proximity to the walls.
To those engaged felling timber in the distant wood it seemed to
indicate the consummation of their general's designs; whereupon the two
thousand pioneers at once threw down their implements, and hastened
impetuously to the town, fearing to be too late to deserve a share in
the predicted success. Thus they unwittingly ran into the arms of the
Byzantines, who slaughtered them to the last man.[843] As soon as the
news of this disaster was conveyed to Chosroes he was filled with rage
against Nachoragan, whom he immediately recalled and ordered to be
flayed alive. His skin, torn off in one piece from head to foot, so as
to retain the shape of the body, was sewn up and inflated like a
bladder; and then suspended from the summit of a lofty rock to signalize
the fate which should befall anyone who fled before the enemies of the
Shahinshah.[844]

Among the most notable incidents during this period of the war in Lazica
was the affair of King Gubazes. The mother of that prince was the
daughter of a senator, and before his succession he had borne arms for
some years as a silentiary at the Byzantine Court. Shortly before the
death of Mermeroes, owing to an error of judgment on the part of the
Roman generals, a section of the army had been severely handled by the
Persians; and the Lazic king had taken upon himself to report the matter
to Justinian as resulting from the incapacity of his officers. Martin
and two of his subordinates, the brothers Rusticus and John, were those
chiefly concerned; and in their minds much animosity was excited against
Gubazes. They concerted a plot, therefore, to encompass his death; and
John made a special journey to Constantinople with the object of
accusing him to the Emperor. Owing to his former defection to the
Persians, Justinian was easily persuaded that he was again meditating a
similar treachery; wherefore he ordered that he should be arrested and
brought to the capital for interrogation. "But," queried John, "should
he resist your mandate?" "Then," said the Emperor, "you may kill him as
an open enemy." Armed with this authority in a written warrant John
returned to Lazica; and the brothers at once sent Gubazes an invitation
to meet them at a certain spot, using as a pretext that they wished to
confer with him as to an attack upon the Persians. Unsuspectingly the
King advanced with a few unarmed followers to the place indicated. With
the knowledge of the other generals, who contemplated merely an arrest,
Rusticus and John, accompanied by an armed band, proceeded to meet him.
The plotters, however, knowing that an interrogatory would reveal their
treachery, had it in their minds to provoke Gubazes by an altercation,
and then to assassinate him in pretended compliance with the terms of
their warrant The parties met, and the brothers challenged the King to
join them in an expedition against the common enemy. But he declined,
saying that, until they had retrieved their errors and proved themselves
to be capable leaders, he would not follow them to the battlefield. This
attitude was taken as sufficiently evincing a determination to resist
the Imperial authority; and John struck him with his sword, causing him
to fall from his horse. Then as he lay on the ground, at the bidding of
Rusticus, some of the guards standing by consummated the murder.[845]

This foul deed aroused the utmost indignation among the Lazi; and the
nation decided forthwith to transfer their allegiance to the Persians. A
public debate, however, was held, at which moderate counsels ultimately
prevailed; and it was resolved to send delegates to demand justice of
the Emperor. On their arrival at the Court they asserted the criminality
of the assassins, and defended Gubazes from their imputations. They also
solicited that Tzathes, his younger brother, then resident in the
capital, should be appointed King in his stead. Justinian accepted their
assurances and acceded to their request; and he at once commissioned
Athanasius, a senator of the highest rank, to proceed to Lazica in order
to bring the culprits to trial. A judicial court was constituted in
public with great pomp to impress the natives; the senator occupied a
lofty throne surrounded by guards and legal assessors, and Rusticus and
John were produced loaded with shackles. Advocates of the Lazi, who were
versed in Greek, conducted the prosecution, and demonstrated that the
innocence of Gubazes was beyond question. The written commission of
Justinian was read, by which it was shown that only armed resistance to
arrest would have justified what was done. The prisoners made an
elaborate defence, asserting, but without a shadow of proof, that the
King had been a traitor, and maintained that they had acted with the
cognizance and assent of Martin. Athanasius summed up the case calmly,
and concluded that Gubazes was acting within his rights when he refused
to join the proposed expedition in view of the adverse opinion he had
formed as to their military competency. He, therefore, pronounced the
brothers to be guilty, and condemned them to be decapitated. They were
forthwith mounted on mules, and paraded to the place of execution,
whilst a herald announced their delict and proclaimed the supremacy of
the laws (555). As to Martin, his complicity was not investigated
openly, but it was considered prudent to supersede him in his command,
and relegate him to a private position. Justin was then appointed to be
principal general in Lazica.[846] After this date the Lazic war flagged,
and within a year or two the two monarchs gladly agreed to a cessation
of arms, with the understanding that each was to retain those positions
in the country of which they happened at the moment to be in
occupation.[847]

The defence of the Danubian frontier against the scarcely remittent
barbarian raids was very inefficiently maintained, at least during the
latter years of Justinian's reign. Hence the safety of life and property
in Thrace and Illyricum was in continual jeopardy. In 549 the Slavs were
first emboldened to cross the river, when a horde of three thousand
rushed headlong against the Roman forces, whom they utterly routed,
though considerably more numerous than themselves. They then pursued
their course, devastating the country mercilessly, until they arrived at
Toperus, a town of sixty thousand inhabitants, and the most important
seaport of Thrace. By a ruse they enticed the garrison to make a sally,
and, having massacred them, soon captured the town by means of scaling
ladders. The whole adult male population, amounting to fifteen thousand,
was slaughtered, and the women and children were reduced to servitude.
The Slavs then returned to their own abodes, leaving their track
littered with the unburied corpses of their victims, whom it was their
custom to kill by transfixing them to the ground by means of stakes
driven through their bodies.[848]

Less than ten years later a populous nation of barbarians, the Avars,
appeared on the west of the Caspian, who were destined during the next
couple of centuries to become troublesome enemies of the Byzantine
Empire. Justin still held the chief command in Lazica, and to him they
made overtures that they should be received into the Roman alliance. He
forwarded a chosen legate, Candich by name, to Constantinople, who
boastfully informed the Emperor that he belonged to the greatest nation
of the earth, who were capable of annihilating all his enemies. But they
demanded rich presents, a yearly subsidy, and the bestowal of a fertile
region for them to inhabit, before they entered the service of the
Empire. Justinian, as the historian informs us, was now broken by years,
and there remained to him little of the force of mind which he had
displayed when he conquered the Vandals and Goths. He was tired of war
and desired to avoid it by any pacific means. He at once accepted the
suggestion of the Avars, and despatched an ambassador to them, the
bearer of golden chains, silken vestments, and numerous other costly
gifts, which Justin was instructed to distribute judiciously and to
direct the hostilities of the recipients against various turbulent
tribes. This was done effectively, and severe chastisement was inflicted
in many quarters. The Avars, however, refused a grant of land in
Pannonia, as being too distant from their ancient seats. Subsequently
the Chagan, such was the title of the Avar chief, sent a numerous
deputation to the capital, but, after long detention, they were
dismissed without definite result. Their strange appearance was one of
the spectacles of the city at this time, and the populace wondered at
their long hair, plaited and tied up with ribbons. During their stay
they took the opportunity of purchasing a large quantity of arms, and
the Emperor notified Justin that they must by no means be allowed to
import these safely into their own district. The weapons were seized,
therefore, while in transit, by the military; and the circumstance was
the origin of the bitter hostility which was afterwards displayed by the
Chagan and his subjects towards the Empire.[849]

In 559 the most alarming barbarian invasion which occurred during the
reign of Justinian is recorded. Zabergan, an enterprising Hunnish
leader, conceived no less a design than to subvert, or, at least, to
pillage the whole Eastern Empire. The statement suggests the irruption
of a vast horde of barbarians, who would spread themselves far and wide
over the country and sweep everything before them in their destructive
course; but such was the deplorable condition of the defences of the
Empire, that this bold scheme was undertaken with an army which could
scarcely have exceeded fifteen thousand horse. With this force Zabergan
crossed the Danube on the ice in the month of March, and when he had
penetrated the interior for a sufficient distance, divided his army into
three sections. To the first was allotted the conquest of Greece; the
second was impelled towards the Thracian Chersonnesus, from whence it
was contemplated that it should pass the Hellespont and overrun the
Asiatic provinces; whilst with the third division, consisting of seven
thousand cavalry, the leader advanced against the metropolis. This plan
of campaign was entered on without hindrance, as the provinces were
almost destitute of soldiery. Those of the military who were in an
opulent position abandoned themselves to dissipation, devoting their
time to the Circus, the theatre, and courtesans, while the rank and file
of the army deserted the colours and tried to make a living as
civilians. Such was the result of the conduct of the pay-masters and
commissaries, who embezzled the funds apportioned to the military
establishment; and here again, as a second historian tells us, the
senile ineptitude of the Emperor was manifested. As Zabergan pursued his
course the districts through which he passed were devastated savagely on
every side. Private mansions and convents were broken into, women of all
classes were seized and subjected to the brutal excesses of his
followers, and infants were scattered about the fields to become a prey
to dogs and vultures. The Long Walls were dilapidated, and even those of
the city itself; the damage being chiefly the effect of earthquake
shocks, which had been severe during recent years. The barbarians passed
through the former, therefore, and encamped on the river Athyras, less
than twenty miles from Constantinople. In the meantime the capital
became filled with consternation, which was increased by crowds of
fugitives who rushed thither from the outlying tracts. From the Golden
Gate to Blachernae the suburban churches were emptied of their precious
ornaments, cartloads of which were borne within the walls. There was no
regular garrison to occupy the battlements; the Scholars and other
Palace guards, who had been ordered out to defend the Long Walls, fled
at the sight of the enemy, and the multitude of civilians and rustics
were devoid of military instinct and unable to wield the weapons which
were supplied to them; nor had the government a single officer with the
slightest capacity for active warfare at their disposal. In this strait
the Emperor found that he had no resource but to commission Belisarius
to undertake the defence of the city. The veteran general, long
unemployed, had already succumbed to age and infirmity, but he obeyed
with alacrity, and again appeared in the martial attire which he seemed
to have laid aside for ever. With difficulty he collected three hundred
soldiers of those who had served under him in his wars, and with these
as his main force, he proceeded to employ as effectively as possible the
unwarlike rabble. They were instructed to post themselves behind a long
trench which he caused them to excavate, and numerous fires were lit to
indicate the presence of a great host. At the approach of the enemy they
were also enjoined to raise a huge din by clashing together their swords
and shields. Zabergan, however, was led to suspect the real state of the
defenders, and directed a mass of two thousand cavalry to make an
impetuous dash against the Byzantines. Belisarius, forewarned, divided
his veterans into three equal bands, one of which he retained about his
own person, whilst the others were concealed in the woods, so as to
attack the enemy on the flanks as they passed. These tactics were put
into practice effectively; the general charged the Huns in front as soon
as they came in sight, and simultaneously the ambushed troops fell on
them from each side. An immediate rout of the barbarians was the result,
and they fled back with all speed to their own camp. Four hundred were
slain in the pursuit which ensued, whilst among the Romans no single
life was lost. When Belisarius returned to Constantinople he was
acclaimed as a saviour by the populace, but from the magnates of the
bureaucracy he experienced nothing but repellent looks and invidious
utterances, and he relapsed at once into the obscurity from which he had
emerged for the moment like a meteor.[850]

As for the further efforts of Zabergan's expedition, they may be
dismissed in a few words. At the Pass of Thermopylae the Huns were
brought up by a wall from which they were repulsed by the garrison; and
at the entrance to the Chersonnesus their career was similar checked. In
the latter case, however, they constructed a fleet of rafts, by means of
which six hundred of them tried to land on the peninsula from the waters
of the Hellespont; but they were attacked by a number of Byzantine
galleys during their perilous navigation, and almost all perished by
drowning. Ultimately the survivors of both failures rejoined their
leader, who still maintained his ground and proclaimed that he would not
quit the Roman soil until he had been paid a large sum in gold. His
captives were then reviewed and assessed at so much a head, and with the
ransom thus accumulated Zabergan retreated to the Danube. Justinian,
however, was determined to prevent his escaping at so little cost to
himself; and he forthwith despatched an emissary to Sandichl, chief of
another tribe of Huns, who had been heavily subsidized for guarding the
approaches to the Empire from the north. Having upbraided him for
negligence, he informed him that the funds which should have been his
had now been paid out to Zabergan, wherefore he must be satisfied to
lose the amount unless he could recover it by force. Hence an
internecine war broke out between the two tribes, who were named Utigurs
and Cotrigurs respectively, in the course of which they mutually
destroyed each other, much to the advantage of the Byzantines.[851] At
the same time a fleet of biremes was sent up the Danube to assist in the
retaliative operations. Soon after the departure of the enemy, a great
concourse of citizens, with the Emperor himself at their head, although
now probably in his seventy-seventh year, went out from the capital to
survey the Long Walls; and Justinian continued to reside in the vicinity
all the summer engaged in supervising the restoration of that
bulwark.[852]

In 562 a definite and comprehensive treaty was at last concluded with
Persia, by which Chosroes agreed to relinquish all claim to Lazica in
consideration of an annual payment of thirty thousand solidi (£17,000).
This peace, which was to remain in force for fifty years, was the final
diplomatic achievement of Peter Magister, who died soon after, on his
return to Constantinople.[853] During the next year Justinian undertook
a pilgrimage to Myriangeli, a holy place in Galatia, at a distance of
three hundred miles from the capital, being the longest journey he had
made since he mounted the throne.[854] On his return, octogenarian
though he was, a conspiracy to assassinate him was promoted by some
officials who had access to the Palace, but the design was betrayed by
one of the associates of the plot. Many arrests were made, and some of
the prisoners tried to save themselves by pretending that they had
merely been suborned by Belisarius. The general was summoned before the
Imperial council for interrogation, and, although there was no evidence
to substantiate the accusation, he was degraded from his rank and
ordered to be detained as a prisoner in his own mansion.[855] This
formal incarceration was not relaxed for over six months, but at last
Justinian became persuaded of his innocence and allowed him to resume
his position at Court.[856] About eight months afterwards the great
soldier died, having had nothing but disregard and ingratitude for his
lot during the final years of his life, but there is no foundation for
the story of later centuries that he was actually reduced to indigence
and used to sit as a mendicant in the streets of Constantinople,
protesting his blindness and begging a copper of those who passed
along.[857] After his death, we read that his fortune was raked into the
coffers of the state,[858] whence it is inferred that his daughter
Joannina, the only relative he is known to have possessed, must have
predeceased him. The death of his stepson Photius is mentioned as having
occurred a decade or so previous to his own,[859] but his wife Antonina,
notwithstanding that she was so much his senior, appears to have long
outlived him and to have ended her days in the odour of sanctity. It is
recorded that the pious widow went to live with Vigilantia, the sister
of Justinian, and at her suggestion restored a church which had been
destroyed by fire.[860]

In the closing scene of his life Justinian is exhibited to us as
agitated by his ruling passion, devotion to theological subtleties, and
as expending his last breath in an attempt to impose on the Church a
heresy which he had rejected when his faculties were more acute. With
one foot in the grave he became convinced that the Aphthartodocetae or
Incorruptibles had arrived at the true view as to the properties of the
flesh of Christ; and the octogenarian Emperor embarked on the enterprise
of elevating this tenet to the rank of an Orthodox dogma. The resistance
of Eutychius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had presided at the
Fifth General Council, was punished by expulsion from his see; and
Anastasius, the Patriarch of Antioch, was threatened with a similar
fate. To enforce conformity with the Emperor's most recent conviction an
edict was prepared, which would have excited a commotion among the
Orthodox communions throughout the Empire, but its issue was prevented
by the unexpected death of its author.[861]

Justinian died in November, 565, at an early hour of the morning, in the
thirty-ninth year of his reign, and the eighty-third of his age.[862]
The news was at once conveyed to the Senate, who forthwith aroused
Justin, the son of Vigilantia, and besought him to accept the Crown. He
occupied the post of Curopalates, or intendant of the Imperial
household, and his succession had doubtless been privately arranged for
some time previously. After his formal acquiescence the funeral rites of
the deceased monarch were the first care. The body was placed upon a
golden bier in a hall of the Palace, and Sophia, the wife of Justin, and
a niece of Theodora, herself enshrouded it in a purple robe, on which
were pictorially embroidered all the great events of Justinian's reign.
By sunrise the people had become informed, and the assemblage in the
Hippodrome followed in accordance with time-honoured precedent. Justin
appeared, was acclaimed and hoisted on a buckler, and all the customary
preliminaries of a coronation were enacted. The new Emperor made a
speech, in which he promised to reform all abuses, and gave a practical
earnest of his intentions by announcing that his uncle's debts would be
paid forthwith. A band of notaries, accompanied by a gang of porters
bearing bags of gold, then entered the arena, and all creditors who
presented themselves had their accounts settled. The completion of the
obsequies was the next duty to be accomplished. The people thronged the
hall where the corpse lay in state; the bier was lifted up and borne
away amid a crowd of mourners carrying wax lights, and a choir of
virgins who intoned hymns as the procession moved along. The Church of
the Holy Apostles was its destination, and when that edifice was reached
the body was deposited in a golden sarcophagus which had been prepared
for its reception by Justinian himself. A popular festival followed; the
city was decorated with flowers, fruits, reeds, and olive branches; a
variety of musical instruments resounded from every quarter amid popular
applause and rejoicings; and the reign of Justin II was inaugurated with
all the illusive hopes which foresaw the return of the Golden Age in the
accession of the new monarch.[863]

With respect to literature and art in this age, a few remarks may be
added to what has already been said upon the subject in a previous
chapter of this work. But in relation to the productions of the Eastern
or Later Roman Empire, the words literature and art must be used in a
modified sense, because there were no Byzantine classics and no artistic
masterpieces. Greek poetry ended with Menander and Theocritus, nearly
three centuries before the Christian era; the last Latin poet was
Claudian, who flourished more than a century before the time of
Justinian. During the succeeding millennium, however, there were many
versifiers at Constantinople, but no poet. Yet we could rarely spare
their works, as they are often valuable for the historical or other
information which they contain. As regards prose, of course, the
position is different; for in that domain highly meritorious works can
be produced without the aid of genius. The chief Byzantine writer there
is Procopius, to whose compositions, considerable in bulk as they are,
we are indebted for almost all detailed history of the sixth century. He
was, as we have seen, for the most part the companion of Belisarius in
his wars, not in a military capacity, but as a civil adjutant; and hence
he is generally describing events in which he himself took an active
part. He appears to be absolutely truthful, and it is improbable that he
has given currency to any deliberate falsehood. In recondite matters he
is sometimes corroborated by other historians, and he has never been
contradicted.[864] Close critics of his text are able to point out that
he used Herodotus and Thucydides as his models.[865] He was a man of
abundant common sense, well informed for his epoch, and less
superstitious than any typical specimens of his contemporaries. In
religion he was a freethinker, believing in a Providence, which,
however, had not become concrete in the form of any personal being in
his mind.[866] When making use of previous writers he adopts their
accounts with little discrimination, though he sometimes suggests that
the reader may disbelieve if he sees fit to do so.[867] Three terms may
be distinguished in his literary career. During the first, which extends
to about 550, he was actively engaged in the Persian, Vandalic, and
Gothic wars, and wrote his account of them in seven books. In the
meantime he had opportunities of becoming intimately acquainted with the
system of government and personality of the bureaucracy; and his
observations led him to feel a strong repugnance for the administration
and all connected with it. In the second term he resolves to register in
a secret work his adverse conclusions and private information respecting
the actors in the scenes which were passing around him, in the hope that
it may lead to their being one day shown up in their true colours for
the common benefit of humanity, when the dangers of such a publication
shall no longer exist.[868] In 550, therefore, he writes his Secret
History or Anecdotes, which he anticipates will attain the desired
end.[869] He then turns his attention to the more recent operations of
the Persian and Gothic wars, in which he had not himself borne a part,
and describes them by adding an eighth, and final, book to his
historical compositions. Gradually his literary work becomes generally
known, and its merit recognized; the Emperor himself becomes one of his
readers, and concludes that Procopius is the historian by whom his name
will be handed down to future ages. He becomes personally interested in
him, and the third term sees him enjoying the sunshine of Court favour.
Justinian, proud of his extensive building achievements, is anxious that
his activity in this sphere shall not perish in obscurity, and employs
the historian to compose a work in which all his notable architectural
works shall be described in realistic detail. For this compilation the
Emperor himself affords information, and has the book written under his
own eye in the flattering style usually adopted by courtiers when
referring to the sovereign. Procopius, not indifferent to material
advantages, complies with established formalities, and receives the meed
of his talents and industry from the Emperor impersonally, as the state
official who acts as the deputy of the public. Later on he is promoted
to the post of Praefect of the City; and it falls to his lot to become
custodian of his former chief when arrested on suspicion of
conspiracy.[870] He had no biographer, and of his private life and
connections nothing is known except that he was a native of Caesarea, in
Palestine.[871]

As literature, all other Byzantine authors are practically negligible,
but their value as sources of historical information has been
sufficiently evidenced in the course of this work. At no subsequent
period did a second Procopius arise, but a few words may be said about
his immediate continuator, Agathias. He was an advocate by profession,
in modern phrase, a briefless barrister, whose tastes were literary
rather than forensic. He attempted poetry with slight success, and
finally hoped to find his vocation in writing history in emulation of
Procopius.[872] Not being a man of action like his predecessor, nor
occupant of a post which enabled him to base his narrative mainly on
personal experience, he wrote as a student rather than as an observer of
events. He is thus better acquainted with books than with men, more
widely read than Procopius, but studied, diffuse, deficient in personal
convictions, and lacking in historical insight. His short history, which
was interrupted by death, is, however, invaluable as being a sole
source; and it is unlikely that, had he not undertaken it, anyone else
would have filled his place and done it better.[873]

The sixth century in the West was not altogether an age of darkness and
ignorance, but was illuminated by two writers—who have already been
mentioned as intimates of Theodoric—Cassiodorus and Boethius. The latter
was a voluminous and able author; and his _Consolation of Philosophy_,
composed in the prison from which he was released only by a death
sentence, is well known to modern readers, and has every title to rank
as one of the Latin classics. Cassiodorus, also a prolific writer,
though of no great talent, is important in the world of letters as
having been the founder of literary monkhood, which he originated in a
monastery erected by himself at Squillace, whither he retired after his
political career.[874] He is understood to have survived there for
thirty years, and almost to have become a centenarian in the enjoyment
of learned leisure. St. Benedict also flourished in the first half of
the sixth century; and the well-known order instituted by him, the
Benedictines, ultimately took up the work initiated by Cassiodorus, and
produced some of the most erudite contributors to knowledge of the
ancient classics.

When treating of Byzantine art the question must always arise whether
that term can be applied to productions which in previous or subsequent
ages would not have been accepted as competent work. The renaissance of
art in Italy is a phrase virtually synonymous with emancipation from
Byzantine methods, but the latter, as already explained, ultimately
became rooted in a conventionalism which was not typical of earlier
efforts.[875] In the time of Justinian there is no evidence that
painting and sculpture in the higher sense existed at all. We know of no
pictorial representations, with the exceptions of miniatures in
manuscripts and mosaics on the walls of sacred edifices,[876] while the
glyptic art seems to have been almost confined to columnar capitals and
carving on plates of ivory.[877] Of the former class it can only be said
that all specimens are not bad, of the latter that there is some
meritorious work.

The Byzantines were great builders, and in this sphere alone are their
artistic creations really worthy of consideration. The features of
classical Greek architecture, which with certain variations subsequently
became Roman, are familiar to all. A Hellenic city of the best period
was a chaste arrangement in white marble, in which the simplicity of the
straight line was applied to define the form of all public buildings.
Rows of accurately proportioned pillars, supporting a continuous
entablature, invested both edifices and open spaces, and formed
sheltered colonnades which were a defence against extremes of weather at
all seasons. The architectural conception originated at some time far
back when timber was the only material used for construction.
Geometrical curves were rarely if ever seen, except in fluted columns,
but the diversity of form to be found in the undulating lines of nature
was profusely represented by foliaceous capitals, and in pediments,
friezes, and metopes sculptured with the various figures of animal life.
The Byzantine Greeks, however, completely reversed the conceptions of
their ancestors, and abandoned the purity of classical style. Interest
in form was gradually lost along with the capacity to execute it; and
the taste of the age found its refuge in an overwhelming attachment to
diversity and brightness of colour. To satisfy this craving recourse was
had to variegated marbles, of which lavish use was made, for pillars in
the mass, and in thin slabs for mural decoration. For the latter purpose
also every available space was invested with glaring mosaics, the gaudy
hues of which compensated for the absence of grace and natural
proportions in the gaunt figures with which they were crowded. But these
methods were applicable only to interiors, whence the building itself
came to be considered as merely a packing-case into which was to be
stuffed the wealth of meretricious adornment. Thus a temple, that is a
church, became a ponderous and shapeless mass of brickwork, with an
appearance appropriate, perhaps, to a barrack or a barn, instead of
being a civic ornament of light and beauty. The Romans had the secret of
a form of construction other than the continued entablature, and were
attached to the method of sustaining superimposed masses by means of the
arch, akin to which was the dome, which they probably adopted after
their arms had penetrated to the East. On the Tiber, therefore, the
straight entablature began to be displaced by a series of arches; and
vaulted roofs were occasionally seen under the first emperors. In the
new Byzantine architecture, which originated, or, at least, came to
maturity under Justinian, both these methods of building were developed
to the fullest extent. Among the lost arts at Constantinople about this
time, seems to have been the skill to sculpture capitals after the
Corinthian or Ionic patterns, the place of which was taken by clumsy
inverted pyramids, quadrangular and truncated, which were used to effect
a junction between the pillars and the superimposed structure.[878] It
is possible, as suggested,[879] that this device may have been first
adopted to support the roof in the obscurity of an underground cistern,
but it was afterwards transported to the upper air and employed, as at
St. Sophia, to complete the columns in the most decorative edifices. In
these positions it was necessary to abolish the crudeness of such
capitals, and, as there was a partial revival of art under Justinian,
this object was accomplished with some success by cutting the surface of
the pyramid over with a tracery of vegetable foliage, in the midst of
which simple monograms were often interspersed. As such shapes are not
produced in any strict conformity of outline, they are usually imitated
with facility, and a measured or geometrical treatment is, in general,
satisfactory to the eye.

In the sixth decade of this century, three incidents occurred, which
were of more or less importance in connection with the subject of this
section. In 551 some Asiatic monks introduced themselves to Justinian,
and informed him that it was in their power to solve the difficulties
which oppressed him with respect to the silk trade. Having resided long
in China, they had become familiar with the method of rearing the
silkworm, and they explained that if the eggs were transported to Europe
they could be hatched in dung, so that a native manufacture of silk
could be established. The Emperor promised to reward them liberally if
they should succeed in the enterprise; and the next year they again
presented themselves, furnished with a stock of the eggs, which, as some
say, they had been obliged to carry away furtively concealed in hollow
canes. Successful incubation followed; the worms were fed on mulberry
leaves; and from this beginning dates the active propagation of the
insects throughout Southern Europe, from whence nearly half the quantity
of silk in commercial demand is supplied to the markets of the
world.[880] In 554 a severe earthquake occurred, the violence of which
was chiefly operative along the Syrian coast. The city of Berytus was
totally wrecked, and many persons, including numbers of law students,
perished in the ruins. The law school was then removed to the
neighbouring town of Sidon until Berytus should be rebuilt, but,
although the restoration was effected satisfactorily, there is some
doubt as to whether the city regained its celebrity as a centre of legal
education.[881] Another disastrous earthquake happened in 557 and
wrought much havoc at Constantinople. One of the results of the
catastrophe was that the dome of St. Sophia collapsed, bringing
destruction to many of the elaborate and precious structures which
occupied the floor of the church. The original architects were dead, but
a younger Isidorus was entrusted with the work of reinstatement, and a
new dome was constructed, having its altitude increased by twenty feet.
At the re-opening a grand ceremony was enacted comparable to that which
had taken place on the first occasion a score of years previously.[882]

       *       *       *       *       *

It appears that the requisites for the welfare of a nation might with
general consent be defined as peace abroad, and prosperity at home. We
have seen that the reign of Justinian was one of incessant activity, but
we fail to discern that the continuous ferment, the motive impulse of
which emanated from Constantinople, was in any way beneficial to the
human race. For nearly forty years war was almost peripheral with
respect to the dominions of that Emperor; in Africa, in Italy,
aggressive; on the Danube and on the Euphrates, defensive. It is
possible that the lot of the Orthodox Christians in Africa may have been
ameliorated by the expulsion of their Vandal rulers; but we are told by
an eye-witness that the country, which had previously been flourishing
and populous, was thereby reduced for hundreds of miles to a desert, and
that as an ultimate result the Byzantine invasion might be credited with
the annihilation of fully five millions of the inhabitants.[883] There
is good reason to conclude, however, that before the time of Justinian,
the religious rancour which had prevailed between the Arians and the
Orthodox in the African provinces had been subdued to the level of
mutual toleration, so that in the best interests of that region a
continuance of the Vandal administration would have been desirable. If
there be any doubt as to whether the Vandal war was really harmful to
the people chiefly concerned, there can be no question but that the
invasion of Italy was an unmitigated calamity for the inhabitants of
that peninsula. It would be difficult to define an age, even prior to
the dissolution of the Roman Republic, during which the Italians could
be said to have lived in the uninterrupted enjoyment of peace and
prosperity. From the foundation of Rome the peninsula was distracted for
more than twelve centuries, first by ethnical and then by civil
commotion, and ultimately by barbarian devastation. But for nearly forty
years under the rule of Theodoric, a settlement was reached, when
beneficent government without fiscal rapacity went hand in hand with
religious toleration.[884] It must be conceded that the successors of
the founder of the Gothic monarchy were true neither to their own
interests nor to those of the Italians, but the wanton warfare carried
on so persistently by Justinian for nearly two decades, whilst he
neglected the defence of his own dominions, was more fraught with
disaster to Italy than the transient, though determined, barbarian
irruptions: and we have it from the same authority that the depopulation
of the country was even more evident to the contemporary observer than
was that of Africa.[885]

The incapacity of the Byzantine administration to create and protect a
thriving population, has been sufficiently exemplified in the foregoing
chapters, wherein we have seen the results of fiscal oppression and of
ineffective preparations for repelling the Persians and barbarians.[886]
A glance at the course of events after the time of Justinian will
complete the picture, and illustrate more fully the imbecility of the
empire which that monarch attempted, but failed to consolidate. Scarcely
three years had elapsed from the death of Justinian until the Lombards
invaded Italy, and in a short time the greater part of the peninsula as
far south as Naples was permanently wrested from the Byzantines. It is
said that this irruption was provoked by Narses himself out of revenge
for his having been treated with contumely by the Byzantine Court. He
sent samples of fruits and agricultural produce to King Alboin, and
counselled him to migrate southwards with his nation in order to enjoy
the fertility of Italy.[887] But, being soon repentant, the eunuch died
at Rome shortly afterwards at the age of ninety-five (568).[888] The
fifty years' peace with Persia lasted only ten years, and in 572
Chosroes again crossed the Euphrates, ravaged the Roman provinces, and
made himself master of Dara. Later on, however, he was successfully
opposed by the Emperor Tiberius, and in 579 he died of chagrin, as it is
said, at the ill success of his arms.[889] But early in the seventh
century Chosroes II overran Syria and Asia Minor, taking Damascus and
Jerusalem, and established his camp at Chalcedon, in sight of
Constantinople. About 622, however, the fortune of the Byzantines was
restored by the notable campaigns of the Emperor Heraclius; and in 650
the Saracenic successors of Mohammed conquered the Persian empire. But a
decade before that event, they had overthrown the Byzantine armies, and
had taken permanent possession of Syria and Egypt. In the meantime the
Imperial capital itself had been severely oppressed by the martial
activities of the age; and between 625 and 680 had undergone several
sieges by Persians, Avars, and Saracens. Such was the state of the
Eastern Empire less than a century after the death of Justinian. One
third of its home territory had passed into the hands of the
Mohammedans, and half of the appanage of Italy into those of the
Lombards. Before the year 700 the Arabs had worked their way to the
extreme West, and the whole of Christian North Africa had been effaced
by the votaries of Islam. If the Vandal kingdom had been left
undisturbed, there is no reason to suppose that it could have withstood
the conquering fanatics who were inspired by the Apostle of Mecca;
although the existence of a flourishing Western civilization for more
than seven hundred years between the Red Sea and the Atlantic proves
that states of the highest European type might be permanently
established in those latitudes. The subject need not be pursued into
further detail; the samples given illustrate sufficiently how the
Græco-Roman power became progressively dilapidated, with occasional
intervals of better fortune, until in the fifteenth century the
Byzantine Empire became synonymous with the area circumscribed by the
walls of Constantinople. In 1453 the city was taken by the Turks, and
the fact announced to Christendom that civilization and progress in the
modern sense had become extinct in three-fourths of the countries which
lie around the basin of the Mediterranean.[890]

Shortly after his accession we find Justin II reprobating in the old
strain the rapacity of the Rectors,[891] deploring the fact that they
buy instead of earning their appointments as the reward of having proved
their capacity, and reiterating the futile injunction that they are to
delay their departure from the provinces for fifty days after laying
down their office. In the exordium to this Constitution he characterizes
in a pregnant allusion the administration of his predecessor, and may be
said to pronounce the epitaph of Justinian:

"THE MERE PROMULGATION OF ADMIRABLE LAWS IS NOT THE SOLE ESSENTIAL IN A
STATE, BUT THE ENACTMENTS MUST BE ZEALOUSLY MAINTAINED AND ENFORCED,
WHILST DELINQUENTS ARE SUBJECTED TO CONDIGN PUNISHMENT. FOR WHAT CAN BE
THE UTILITY OF LAWS WHICH APPEAR ONLY ON PAPER, AND ARE NOT RENDERED
BENEFICENT TO THE SUBJECT BY BEING PRACTICALLY APPLIED?"

THE END

[841] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, 15.

[842] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 14.

[843] Agathias, iii, 19 _et seq._

[844] _Ibid._, iv, 23.

[845] Agathias, ii, 2 _et seq._

[846] Agathias, iv, 1 _et seq._

[847] _Ibid._, 30. An incident in the Lazic war may serve to illustrate
the usual manners of the soldier of the period. A band of forty beset a
mountain fortress inhabited by a tribe in league with the Persians. It
was called the Iron Castle from its supposed impregnability. A single
rocky path, steep and narrow, led to the gate, where some huge stones
were poised, capable of sweeping the track from top to bottom in their
downward course if set in motion. In the darkness of the night, the
Romans essayed the capture. Eight sentinels were seen at their posts,
but all asleep. One of the ascending party slipped and made a racket
with his shield, which roused the guards, who snatched up torches and
gazed in every direction. But the Romans stood stock still, and escaped
notice in the dark. The sentinels returned to their slumbers, and were
at once attacked and slain. The Romans then rioted through the town, set
fire to the houses, which were of wood; massacred women who scurried
around; even a lady of rank, jewelled and elegantly dressed, who stepped
out with a torch, was received with lance thrusts in the abdomen;
children were flung into the air and transfixed by being caught on the
points of pikes; until all seemed to be exterminated. The Byzantines
then rested carelessly, as assured of safety, but the enemy collected
from another quarter and, observing their fewness, killed nearly all by
an unforseen attack; Agathias, iv, 15 _et seq._

[848] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 38. It was about this time, after
the death of Theodora, that John of Cappadocia returned to the capital,
but he had fallen into too great disrepute to be reinstated in any
creditable post by the Emperor. Being reduced to great poverty, he found
that at last he must take seriously to the priesthood. At the ceremony
of his ordination, not having a decent cassock, a monk named Augustus,
who was standing by, lent him his garment. Shortly it was noised through
the city that the prophecy as to John's exaltation had been fulfilled,
and that he had now really "assumed the mantle of Augustus"; De Bel.
Pers., ii, 30.

[849] Menander, Legat., i; Theophanes, an. 6050.

[850] Agathias, v, 11, _et seq._

[851] Agathias, 24, _et seq._ But Menander says Sandichl only seized on
their horses, declining to make war on his own blood; Legat., ii; cf. p.
415.

[852] Theophanes, an. 6051.

[853] Menander, Legat., ii.

[854] Theophanes, an. 6056. The chronology seems to be muddled here.

[855] Jn. Malala, p. 493.

[856] Theophanes, an. 6055.

[857] Codinus, p. 29 (from Banduri).

[858] Theophanes, an. 6057.

[859] John Eph., Hist. (Smith), _loc. cit._

[860] Codinus, p. 108. On her return to Constantinople after the death
of Theodora, Antonina broke off the match with Anastasius, although, in
order to make sure of the alliance, the Empress had caused the young
people to cohabit during their betrothal; Procopius, Anecd., 5.

[861] Evagrius, iv, 39, _et seq._; Eustathius, Vit. Eutychii, etc.

[862] Theophanes, an. 6057, etc.

[863] The funeral and coronation scenes are described by Corippus in his
poem, De Laud. Justini Min., i, 226, _et seq._, iii, 28, _et seq._, etc.
Theophanes Byz. mentions a general of the East, "Theodore, son of
Justinian," who is generally supposed to be a son of the Emperor by a
concubine after the death of Theodora. Procopius gives an account of a
youth whom the latter was attached to, but treated cruelly. He seems,
however, not to have been a lover, but merely a _protégé_; Anecd., 16.
Justinian figures in Dante's Paradise (vi), and has a whole canto to
himself. He summarizes Roman history both before and after his own
times, and confesses that he owes his salvation to having been converted
from Monophysitism by Pope Agapetus.

[864] See pp. 345, 348, 441, 442, 454, 620.

[865] A fallacy seems to have gained currency that Procopius is pedantic
because he nearly always calls Constantinople Byzantium. He could not do
otherwise without being singular: the new name is scarcely ever used,
except in official documents and ecclesiastical writers. It is to this
persistence of the original title of the city that we owe the survival
into modern times of the epithet Byzantine.

[866] See p. 514; cf. De Bel. Pers., ii, 9, 10; De Bel. Goth., i, 3,
etc.

[867] The general ignorance of this age is well illustrated by the
ridiculous account Procopius gives of Britain; De Bel. Goth., iv, 20.
The island, he says, is divided longitudinally by a wall on account of
the diversity of climatical conditions which prevail on the different
sides. To the east the country is genial and salubrious, fertile with
corn crops and fruit trees, and thickly populated. But on the west of
the wall everything is the contrary, and no man could exist there, even
for half an hour. The region is thronged with vipers, serpents
innumerable, and poisonous beasts. And, what is hardly credible, if
anyone should cross the wall, he at once succumbs fatally to the
pestilential air—as the natives relate. But he thinks it must be
altogether a fable when they say that the villagers on a certain part of
the Gallic coast, who live as fishers and farmers are absolved from
payment of taxes on condition of their ferrying the souls of the dead
across the ocean to this adjacent isle of Britain. In tempestuous
weather, at the dead of night, they are summoned from their beds, and
have to rush to the sea-shore. There they find numbers of apparently
empty boats. They have to seize the oars and row for a day and a night.
When they start, the vessels are weighed down to the water's edge, but
on returning, they are so light as barely to skim the surface. Yet all
the time they see no one; but when landing the souls, they hear a voice
calling out the names and titles of each of the deceased.

Procopius also makes an excursion into British history, which is,
perhaps, no more authentic than his ghostly narrative. The Franks, he
informs us, claimed some extent of suzerainty over the island, and when
they sent a legation to Justinian in 548, they included, for the sake of
ostentation, a number of Angles in the party. He goes on to relate that
a prince of the Varni, a nation occupying lands to the north of the
Rhine over against Britain, had betrothed his son Radiger to a British
maid, the sister of the King of the Angles. He had himself recently
taken, as his second wife, a sister of Theodebert, the Frankish monarch.
Soon afterwards, finding himself on his death-bed, he exhorted his son
to marry his step-mother, a connection permitted by their law, as being
more to the interest of the Varni than the British alliance. On his
father's decease, Radiger obeyed these instructions, whereupon the
British princess, indignant at being jilted, assembled an army of one
hundred thousand, under one of her brothers' generalship, and invaded
the country of her faithless lover. Procopius explains that all this
force consisted of infantry, since the islanders had never even seen a
horse. A great battle was fought, in which the Varni were defeated and
put to flight. Radiger being taken prisoner, was brought before the
martial princess, who reproached him severely for his conduct towards
her. He excused himself by pointing out the various necessities which
had weighed upon him, but expressed his present willingness to fulfil
his first contract of marriage. His offer was accepted, and ultimately
the nuptials of Radiger and the English princess were peacefully
solemnized; _ibid._

[868] Anecd., _praef._

[869] He mentions (Anecd., 18, 23, 24), that he is writing thirty-two
years after Justinian came into power, meaning 518, the date of the
accession of the superannuated Justin; see p. 304. The credit of
pointing out the very obvious fact that Procopius ignores Justin as a
cypher, is due to Haury, Procopiana, Augsburg, 1891.

[870] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._ The name was not uncommon, so that the
identification is only highly probable.

[871] De Bel. Pers., i, 1.

[872] See his own remarks, i, introd., iii, 1.

[873] For an expanded account and appreciation of Byzantine writers, see
Krumbacher's Gesch. d. Byz. Lit., 2nd ed., Munich, 1896; also the
introduction to Diehl's _Justinian_, and his Études Byzant., 1904.
Useful summaries and jottings on various points are also to be found in
the appendixes to Bury's Gibbon, especially vol. iv.

[874] See his tracts for educational purposes, some of which are
referred to on p. 212.

[875] See Agincourt's pictorial series, which exemplifies the perfection
of Greek and Roman art, traces its decay, and finally illustrates its
rehabilitation in the fifteenth century. In Diehl's _Justinian_ there
are many excellent photographs of sixth century productions.

[876] The mosaics of Ravenna can be examined in the South Kensington
facsimiles, and their crudity recognized by comparing them with modern
work of the same kind executed on the walls of the museum. One of the
faces in these tableaux, that of Maximian, Bishop of Ravenna, who stands
besides Justinian, gives the impression of being a faithful likeness;
which is probable, since the work was executed under his own supervision
(_c._ 545). This was a man of some force of character, who gained
considerable repute in his day. Of him an amusing story is told: it is
said that he discovered a great treasure, which it was his duty to hand
over to the Emperor, but, as he wished to retain a portion for his
charitable obligations, he hit on the following expedient. Having killed
an ox, he emptied the abdomen and stowed a quantity of the gold inside.
He then took a pair of boots and filled them with a further amount. With
the rest of the treasure he set out for Constantinople and, on his
arrival, presented it to Justinian. The Autocrator immediately inquired,
"Is this the whole of what you discovered?" "All," said Maximian,
"except what I put in the belly and the boots." By this answer he is
supposed to have hoodwinked the Emperor, who imagined him to allude
merely to his sustenance and travelling expenses while on the road;
Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., _in Vita_.

[877] There is one very pleasing example, the well-known diptych of the
archangel Michael in the British Museum, but it seems of unique merit.

[878] A century or so before Justinian, however, very fine capitals of a
Corinthian type were being sculptured at Thessalonica; see the pictorial
exposition of the churches in that city by Texier and Pullan. Some of
those done in the sixth century are represented, and seem to be very
inferior, as are those at St. Vitale.

[879] See p. 539.

[880] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 17; Theophanes Byz. etc.

[881] Agathias, ii, 15.

[882] _Ibid._, v, 9; Theophanes, an. 6051, etc.

[883] Procopius, Anecd., 18.

[884] The reign of Theodoric has been treated most fully by Hodgkin,
Italy and her Invaders, Lond., 1880, etc.

[885] Procopius, Anecd., 18.

[886] It appears that Justinian kept up an army of no more than 150,000
men, whereas for the Eastern Empire alone twice that number at least was
considered necessary by former rulers. Agathias, v, 13; see p. 167.
Thus, notwithstanding the numerous forts he built ostentatiously, he
neglected to garrison them, both in Europe and Asia; (Procopius, Anecd.,
24; see p. 541), whilst the lavish subsidies paid to the barbarians
constituted a standing invitation for the most distant tribes to present
themselves constantly in order to receive those gratifications (_Ibid._,
8, 11, 19). As for the Long Walls, they were so devoid of troops that,
as Agathias remarks (v, 13), they were not even so well protected as a
farm yard, where at least a watch-dog's bark might be heard.

[887] It is said that in his latter days he incurred the enmity of his
subordinates through parsimony, whence they petitioned for his recall.
On his refusal to return to the capital in obedience to a mandate,
Sophia taunted him by writing, "Come and take up your proper place among
the handmaids who ply the distaff in the women's apartments," to which
he replied, "I will find a yarn for her to spin which she will not be
able to get through in her lifetime"; Paulus Diac., Hist. Miscell.,
xviii, etc.

[888] Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, Peter Sen.

[889] Agathias, iv, 29.

[890] The history of the Empire up to the fall of Constantinople, has
been narrated by Gibbon, and at greater length by Finlay. The fullest
account of the siege is that of Pears, Lond., 1896.

[891] Nov. clxi. At all times and places the Byzantine system was so
oppressive, that even the Abasgi and Tzani, who were supposed to have
found salvation in Christianity (pp. 700, 702), revolted to the Persians
and had to be reconquered; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 9; Agathias, v,
1. Notwithstanding his Roman experience, his having retrieved his
character at Petra, and his age, Bessas at once entered on another
campaign of fiscal extortion in Pontus and Armenia; Procopius, De Bel.
Goth., iv, 13. Justin also, the son of Germanus, countenanced a
subordinate in harrying the farmers for military stores which they could
not supply, in lieu of which they had to buy off their liability for an
exorbitant sum; Agathias, iv, 22.




INDEX


Abasgi, conversion of, 702;
  revolt of, 758.

Academy of Plato, 421.

Achaemenian dynasty of Persia, 373.

Adarbâd, revisor of Avesta, 384.

Aerikon, a tax, 485.

Africa, provinces of, 492;
  campaigns of Belisarius in, 501 _sqq._;
  Byzantine government of, 517.

Africans, character of, 496;
  dress of, 497.

Agapetus, Pope, at CP., 671.

Agathias, historian, on philosophers, 436;
  his writings, 748.

Agnates, relatives by males, 715.

Ahura-Mazda, Persian "Lord of Wisdom," 376.

Alamundar, Arab sheikh, invades Syria, 404.

Alexander the Great, his conquests and successors, 371.

Alexander the "Scissors," 624.

Alexandria, corn monopoly at, 483;
  religious war at, 676.

Amalasuntha, Gothic Queen, 546;
  her death, 550, 611.

Amshaspands, Persian council of Heaven, 377.

Anastasius, his savings dissipated, 441.

Ancona, naval battle of, 646.

Angra-Mainyu, Persian "Devisor of Evil," 376.

Anthemius, architect, 529.

Anthimus, Monophysite Patriarch, 670.

Antioch, 587;
  capture of, 590.

Antonina, wife of Belisarius, her infidelities and intrigues, 605,
    611, 673;
  supposed capture at Portus, 637;
  her death, 741.

Apamea, Persian King at, 592.

Apostles, Holy, new church of, 537, 743.

Aphthartodocetæ, heresy of, 742.

Arab conquests, 757.

Archaeopolis, siege of, 728.

Arda Virâf, visits heaven and hell, 384.

Ardeshír, founder of later Persian Empire, 373;
  avenger of Darius, 385.

Areobindus, African governor, his murder, 522.

Arethas, Arab sheikh, 407, 594, 688.

Ariminum, betrayal of, 572;
  siege of, 574;
  battle at, 652.

Aristotle, philosopher, 421.

Arsacid or Parthian dynasty of Persia, 371, 373.

Art, Byzantine, 749 _sqq._

Artabanes, a general, in Africa, 522;
  in Armenia, 585;
  at CP., 621;
  in Sicily, 646;
  in Italy, 662.

Artabanus, defeated by Ardeshír, 373.

Asclepigeneia, female philosopher, 428.

Athanagild, Visigothic King, 527.

Athanasius, judge in Lazica, 732.

Augustus, his limiting of the Empire, 371;
  tomb of, 557.

Aurelian, walls of, at Rome, 555.

Auximum, siege and capture of, 572, 573, 578.

Avars, embassy from, 735.

Avesta, the Persian Bible, 376.


Bachelors, disabilities of, 718.

Baduela, Gothic King. _See_ Totila.

Balâsh, Shah, dethroned for building baths, 379.

Barbarians, assaults of on Empire, 417, 734, 736.

Barishnûm, Persian purification, 379.

Belisarius, his campaigns against Persia, 397, 593, 596;
  quells Nika riot, 468;
  in Africa, 505;
  his triumph, 515;
  in Italy, 550, 630;
  at Ravenna, 580;
  characterization of, 580, 582;
  in disgrace, 618, 740;
  letters of, 631, 641;
  last campaign, 738;
  his death, 741.

Berytus, loses silk trade, 483;
  law school at, 724;
  ruin of, 753.

Bessas, a general, in Armenia, 413;
  at Petra, 601;
  at Rome, 634, 637;
  his avarice, _ib._, 758.

Bishops, rules for appointing, 689;
  ethics of, 690;
  exemptions of, _ibid._

Boarex, Queen of Huns, 418.

Boethius, statesman and author, 546, 749.

Bolum, a fort, 402.

Bosporus, revolt of, 701.

Britain, fabulous account of, 745.

Brunechilde, daughter of Athanagild, 528.

Burial in earth illegal in Persia, 378.

Butilin and Leuthar, Frankish generals, invade Italy, 661;
  their death, 663, 664.

Butzes, a general, 395.

Buzes, a general, 398, 413;
  he deserts Hierapolis, 586.


Callinicus, battle of, 407;
  taking of, 597.

Callinicus, a Rector, impaled, 455.

Carthage, topography of, 493 _sqq._;
  siege of, 510.

Casilinum, battle of, 664.

Cassiodorus, statesman and author, 546, 749.

Cassius, Avidius, his massacre of the Seleucians, 372.

Cavades, Persian king, his deposition, 387;
  restoration, 388;
  his war with Rome, 395;
  his death, 414.

Cavades, Persian prince in Roman army, 415, 649.

Centumcellae, 644.

Chalke, vestibule, restoration of, 537.

Children, illegitimate, 691, 719.

Chosroantioch, 591.

Chosroes, Persian king, his accession, 415;
  his character and studies, 435, 484;
  in Lazica, 594, 607;
  his death, 757.

Church property, 692.

Circus factions, affectations of, 453;
  enormities of, 454.

Cisterns at CP., 539;
  Strzygowski and Forscheimer on date of, _ibid._

Clergy, rules for, 691.

Code of Justinian, 721.

Comito, sister of Theodora, 403.

Constantina, new anti-Persian fortress, 416.

Constantine, a general, 564, 567;
  his death, 606.

Constitutum, Justinian's doctrinal thesis, 684 _sqq._

Consuls, abolition of, 484.

Corippus, poet, 526, 743.

Cothon, harbour at Carthage, 494.

Council, Fifth Oecumenical, 684, 899.

Cow, sacred to Persians, 379.

Cremation, illegal in Persia, 378.

Cruelties of Roman soldiers in Lazica, 733.

Ctesiphon, Parthian capital of Persia, 374;
  taken by Trajan, 372.

Cudworth, Cambridge Platonist, 439.

Cumae, siege of, 659;
  surrender of, 662.

Cutzes, a general, 395.

Cyrus, the Achaemenian, founder of Persian Empire, 371;
  a new, at Istakhr, 373.


Dagisthaeus, a general, parallel between and Bessas, 658.

Damascius, philosopher, 432, 438.

Daphne, grove at Antioch, 589, 592.

Dara, battle of, 397;
  fortifications of, 542.

Darmsteter on Zoroaster, 376 _sqq._

Debtors, new laws in favour of, 712.

Decimum, battle of, 507.

Defenders of Cities, restoration of, 476.

Demetrius, a general, 626 _sqq._

Demarch and Mandator, dialogue between, 456.

Diehl, Byzantine archaeologist, 410, 473, 497, 543, 749.

Digest or Pandects, 722.

Dinkhard, late Pahlavi treatises, 394.

Diocletian, his Persian wars, 372.

Divorce, laws respecting, 719.

Dog, wonderful, 643.

Domitian, resemblance of Justinian to, 366.

Druj Nasu, Persian demon of lies, 377.


Edessa, engineering at, 541;
  siege of, 598.

Elesbaas, Negus, embassy to, 410.

Elijah, Justinian compared to, 443.

Encyclical, Papal decree, 687.

_Epibole_, a tax, 485.

Epicurus, philosopher, 423.

Erse, Irish and Sanskrit, 375.

Eudaemon, Prefect of City, 458.

Eudocia, Roman princess, marries Vandal King, 500, 516.

Eudoxia, Empress, 499.

Euphemia, daughter of John of Cappadocia, 614.


Father and son, laws as to, 713.

Firdausi, Persian poet, 394.

Fire-temples, Persian, 393.

Forscheimer (and Strzygowski) on date of cisterns at CP., 539.

Forts, Byzantine, 542.

Foundlings, laws as to, 711.

Funeral rites, Justinian's described, 742.


Gaianus, heresiarch, 675.

Galerius, his Persian wars, 372.

Gelimer, Vandal king, 501;
  his capture, 514;
  at CP., 516.

Genseric, Vandal king, 499, 563.

Germanus, nephew of Justinian, in Africa, 520;
  at Antioch, 588;
  his death, 646.

Goat, abandoned infant reared by a, 575.

Golden Horn, new bridge at, 541.

Gontharis, revolt of, 521.

Gubazes, Lazic king, revolts to Persia, 594;
  his murder, 731;
  trial respecting, 732.

Gudelina, wife of Theodahad, 610, 611.


Hadrian, Emperor, Mausoleum of (Castle of St. Angelo), 557, 567;
  his Perpetual Edict, 716.

Heraion, palace of, 368.

Heretics, disabilities of, 692 _sqq._;
  punishment of, _ibid._

Hermogenes, minister and general, 396.

Hierapolis, desertion of, by Buzes, 586.

Hilderic, Vandal king, 500, 549.

Homerites, or Himyarites, 410.

Hormisdas, palace, later use of, 669, 682, etc.

Huns, irruptions of, 412, 648, 736;
  conversion of, 701.

Husband and wife, laws as to, 719.

Hypatius and Pompeius, usurpers, 460, _sqq._


Illegitimate children, 691, 719.

Inheritance, laws as to, 715, _sqq._

Institutes of Justinian, 723.

Interest on money lent, 713.

Iran, native name of Persia, 373.

Iron Castle, Lazica, taking of, 733.

Isdigunas, Persian ambassador, 600, 726.

Isidorus, architect, 529, 754.

Islands, prefect of, 473.

Istakhr, capital of Persis, 373;
  a new Cyrus arises at, _ibid._


Jacob Baradaeus, apostle of Monophysites, 688.

Jews, treatment of, 698.

Joannina, daughter of Belisarius, 741.

John, nephew of Vitalian, a general, in Italy, 571, 572, 574, 651, 660.

John of Antioch, historian, 417, 545.

John of Cappadocia, a financier, 444;
  his carousing, 447;
  his fall, 613;
  his return, 735.

John, officer, murders Gubazes, 731.

John of Ephesus, Monophysite bishop and historian, 699, etc.

John, son of Theodora, 621.

John the Armenian, 506, 511;
  his death, 512.

John Troglita, a general, 526.

Judges, puisne, 478.

Judicatum, Papal decree, 681, 685.

Julian, legate to Aethiopia, 410.

Julian, Emperor, 425, 433.

Julian, heresiarch, 675.

Julian, rebel, 695.

Junonia, first name of Roman Carthage, 492.

Justin, a general in Lazica, 728, 735.

Justin II, Emperor, his accession 742.

Justinian, Emperor, personal appearance and character, 365;
  suppresses revolt, 467;
  popular execration of, 486;
  his clerical laws, 689;
  his persecutions, 692;
  his theological works, 702;
  his legislation, 709, _sqq._;
  his heresy, 742;
  his death, _ibid._


Kavádh. _See_ Cavades.

Krumbacher, editor of Byzantine literary history, 748.

Kvêtûk-das, Persian marriage custom, 382.


Lactarian Mount, 660.

Latin, proposed abolition of at CP., 445.

Lazica, war in, 594, 600, 608, 727.

Leo, Emperor, African expedition of, 499.

Leuthar. _See_ Butilin.

Literature, Persian, 395;
  Byzantine, 744.

Lombards invade Italy, 756.

Lydus, Jn., his office, 487.


Magdalen Asylum, 479.

Majorian, Emperor, 499.

Mandator and Demarch, dialogue between, 456.

Mandracium, harbour at Carthage, 493.

Marcus Aurelius endows Athenian schools, 424.

Marinus, philosopher, 430.

Marriages, incestuous, legal in Persia, 380;
  Chrysostom on, 381.

Martin, a general, in Lazica, 729, 733.

Martyropolis, siege of, 412.

Mashita palace, 394.

Matasuentha, wife of Vitigis, 564;
  her treacheries, 572, 580;
  marries Germanus, 623.

Maxilloplumacius, extortioner, 446, 452.

Maximian, bishop, 750.

Mazdak, Persian heretic, 386;
  his sect massacred, 388.

Mazdeism, Persian religion, 376.

Melchites, 689.

Menna, patriarch, 675.

Mermeroes, Persian general, 727.

Milan, surrender of, 573;
  recapture of, 575.

Milvian bridge at Rome, 573, 643.

Missions to Nubia, 688;
  to Caucasus, 700.

Mithra, Persian sun-god, 377.

Monasteries, constitution of, 691.

Monophysites, encouraged by Theodora, 370, 669 _sqq._

Montanists, revolt of, 694.

Moors, their method of warfare, 524.

Mosaics, 497, 535, 538, 751.

Mundas, a general, 419;
  at CP., 467;
  his death, 551.

Mutilation as punishment, 452, 480.

Myriangeli, Justinian's pilgrimage to, 740.


Nachoragan, Persian general, 728;
  his punishment, 730.

Naples, sieges of, 552, 626.

Narses, eunuch general, at CP., 467;
  in Italy, 574, 648, _sqq._;
  takes Rome, 658;
  at Casilinum, 664;
  at Alexandria, 676;
  his death, 756.

Nasks, divisions of Avesta, 376.

Negus of Axum, embassy to, 410.

Neoplatonism, 425.

Neoplatonists in Persia, 434 _sqq._

Neoplatonism and Christianity, 438.

Nestorius, heresiarch, 679.

Nika revolt, 459.

Nisibis, Persian, 395, 399, 416, 593, 600.

Nöldeke, his Persian researches, 374.

Novels of Justinian, 725.

Nubia, mission to, 688.

Numidia, pillars in, 497.

Nushirvan (Chosroes) 389.


Odovacar, barbarian king in Italy, 545.

Origen, Egyptian Father, 677, 701.

Ormuzd and Ahriman, 376.

Orontes, river of Antioch, 587.

Otter or water-dog, sacred to Persians, 379.


Pahlavi, old Persian, 376.

Palestine, religious wars in, 694, 697.

Palladius, rapid courier, 448.

Pan, Great God, death of, 431.

Pandects. _See_ Digest.

Parthians, their conquest of the Seleucidae, 371.

_Patria potestas_, 713.

Patricians, 90, 714, 770.

Paul, Patriarch, 677.

Paul the Silentiary, his poem on St. Sophia, 533.

Peace, Perpetual, 416.

Pelagius, Pope, at Rome, 633, 639;
  at CP., 677;
  in Italy, 686.

Pergamus, philosophy at, 425.

Perozes, Persian prince, his attack on Dara, 397.

Perpetual Edict, 716.

Persepolis, Persian capital, 373;
  fired by Alexander, _ibid._

Persian queen, a Christian (?), 415.

Persians, sociology of, 374 _sqq._

Persis, home of Persian race, 372.

Peter Magister, ambassador in Italy, 540;
  in Persia, 726, 740.

Petra, sieges of, 594, 601.

Petronius, official plundering of, 446.

Pharangium, a fort, 402.

Pharas, Gelimer's captor, 513.

Phasis, siege of, 728.

Philosophers, female, 428.

Philosophy, Greek, various sects of, 421, _sqq._;
  in Persia, 434.

Photius, son of Antonina, 607, 616;
  his death, 741.

Plague in the East, 602.

Plato, philosopher, 421.

Plotinus, philosopher, 427, 430.

Plutarch, philosopher, 426.

Pompeius and Hypatius, usurpers, 460, _sqq._

Pontus, Vicar of, restored, 486.

Porch, painted, 422.

Porphyrio, a ferocious whale, 368;
  capture of, 643.

Porphyry, philosopher, 430.

Portus, operations at, 632, 635, 644.

Praetor, Edict of, 716.

Praetor of the people, new official, 478.

Pragmatic Sanction, 665.

Prejecta, Justinian's niece, 521, 622.

Proaeresius, philosopher, 426, 428.

Proclus, Neoplatonist, 427, _sqq._

Procopius, historian, 503, 578;
  his writings, 744;
  arrests Belisarius, 748.

Property, church, 692.

Prostitution, at CP., 479;
  of slaves forbidden, 710.

Provinces, changes in government of, 473 _sqq._


Queer occurrences, 382, 575, 735, 750.

Quicherat on Plotinus, 437.


Ravenna, mosaics at, 366, 367, 750;
  sieges of, 545, 578.

Rectors of provinces, their rapacity, 449, _sqq._;
  reforms respecting, 472;
  rewards for, 477.

Robespierre compared to Justinian, 366.

Rome, topography of, 555;
  sociology of, 558;
  sieges of, 566, 630, 642, 643, 658.

Rufinas, legate to Persia, 396;
  his peace, 416.

Rusticiana, widow of Boethius, 639.

Rusticus, officer, murders Gubazes, 731.


St. Saba at CP., 696.

St. Sophia, church of, 530;
  dilapidation of, 754.

Salona, taking of, 551;
  Narses at, 649.

Salvian on rapacity of Rectors, 451;
  against the Africans, 496.

Salvius Julianus, lawyer, 716.

Samaritans, revolt of, 695, 697.

Sandichl, Hunnish leader, 739.

Sanskrit, related to Zend, Erse, etc., 376.

Sapor, Shah, persecutes Christians, 386.

Sassanian dynasty of Persia, 373.

Seleucus and Seleucidae, successors of Alexander the Great, 371.

Severus, heresiarch, 675.

Severus, Sept., his Persian wars, 372.

Silk trade, 411, 483.

Silkworm imported into Europe, 753.

Silverius, Pope, 554, 569;
  his deposition and death, 612, 673.

Simplicius, philosopher, 435.

Sisimithres, his mother-wife, 382.

Sittas, a general, 403, 700;
  his death, 585.

Slaves, new laws in favour of, 708.

Slavs, irruption of, 734.

Socrates, philosopher, 420.

Spain, Byzantines in, 526.

Stagnum, harbour at Carthage, 493.

Stoa, painted, 422.

Stoic philosophers, 422.

Stotzas, revolt of, 518.

Strzygowski (and Forscheimer) on date of cisterns at CP., 539;
  _Byzantinische Denkmäler_, 770, 771.

Sycae, Theodora's monastery at, 676.

Synesius at Athens, 426.

Syrianus, philosopher, 426, 432, 433.


Taginae, battle of, 654.

Tansar, his letter, 384;
  oldest document of Mazdeism, _ibid._

Taxes, oppressive, 445, 481;
  in Persia, 391.

Teïas, Gothic general, 650;
  elected king, 657;
  his death, 660.

Theodahad, Gothic king, 547, 550;
  his death, 554.

Theodebald, Frankish king, 659, _sqq._

Theodebert, Frankish king, 576, 579, 645, 746.

Theodora, Empress, personal appearance and character, 367;
  conduct during revolt, 466;
  popular execration of, 486;
  her intrigues, 609;
  letters of, 608, 619;
  her religious policy, 669, _sqq._;
  her death, 643, 689.

Theodore Ascidas, bishop, 677, 687.

Theodoric, Gothic king, 544, 755.

Theodosius, lover of Antonina, 603, _sqq._

Three Chapters, controversy of, 678, _sqq._

Tiberius, Emperor, 431, 433.

Tibur, capture of, 630.

Ticinum, the Goths at, 657, 659.

Tiridates, Parthian King, visits Nero, 379.

Totila or Baduela, Gothic king, his accession, 625;
  at Naples, 626;
  at Rome, 629, 643;
  at Taginae, 652;
  his death, 656.

Toperus, massacre at, by Slavs, 734.

"Towers of Silence" or Dakhmas, 378.

Trajan, Emperor, his conquests, 371.

Tribonian, a lawyer, 442;
  his legal work, 720.

Tricamerum, battle of, 510.

Triumph at CP., 515.

Tyre, loses silk trade, 483.

Tzani, conversion of, 700;
  their revolt, 758.

Tzathes, Lazic King, 732.


Uranius, charlatan, 436.

Usdrilas, Gothic general, 651.


Vandals, persecute Catholics, 494;
  their character, 500.

Vendidâd, part of Zend-Avesta, 377, etc.

Vigilius, Pope, in Sicily, 632;
  at Rome, 680;
  at CP., 681, _sqq._;
  his death, 686.

Vitigis, Gothic king, 553;
  at Rome, 566, _sqq._;
  capture of, 581;
  his death, 623.


Walls, Long, 543, 737, 756.

Water, sacred among Persians, 378.

Water storage at CP., 539.

Whale. _See_ Porphyrio.

Wife, husband and, laws as to, 719.

Wills, laws as to, 715, 717.

Women in the church, 691.


Xenophon, his description of Syrian desert, 405.


Yemen, Christianity in, 409.


Zabergan, Hunnish leader, 736.

Zaberganes, Persian minister, 608.

Zend, language, 376.

Zeno of Citium, philosopher, founder of Stoics, 422.

Zooras, fanatical monk, 675.

Zoroaster or Zarathushtra, 376;
  Darmsteter on, _ibid., sqq._;
  Mills on, 384.




CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA


Pp. 19, 744, notes. See a letter of mine in _The Athenæum_, 30th June
1906, p. 798, in which I show that, almost without exception, Byzantine
writers use the old name even as late as Photius and Anna Comnena. Cf.
note to p. 632 _infra_.

P. 20, _for_ 446 _read_ 409.

P. 34, n. 2, insert, the elephants are.

P. 49. There is an ivory carving thought to represent a religious
procession passing the Chalke, _c._ 552: reproduced in Strzygowski,
Byzant. Denkmäler, iii, 1903, p. xviii; also in Beylié's work and
others. The identifying feature is a bust of the Saviour above a portal
(see text).

P. 61, _for_ xv, 7, _read_ vii.

P. 66, n. 7, _add_ Suetonius, Augustus, 96.

P. 67, n. 4, _for_ 325 _read_ 334.

P. 80, n. 4, _for_ xiii _read_ xviii.

P. 87. A monograph on the headdress of Byzantine ladies has been written
by Molinier (Etudes hist. du moyen âge, 1896). It was a usual fashion to
puff up the hair in a great roll or crown such as is often noticed in
the miniatures of medieval MSS.

P. 88, n. 2, _for_ 21 _read_ 181.

P. 90. The difference between the Patricians created by Julius Caesar
(Suetonius, J. C., 41) and those by Constantine is that the former were
hereditary, the latter only life peers.

P. 91, n. 4, _read_ Hefner-Alteneck.

P. 110, _add_ Jn. Lydus, De Magist. i, 32 _et seq._

P. 114, n. 6, _add_ Cod. III, xxxviii, 11.

P. 126, n. 4, _for_ 770 _read_ 792.

P. 133, n. 3, _read_ +Karximades+.

P. 167, n. 3, _add_ They were under the Master of the Offices.

P. 169, n. 6, _read_ Marcellinus.

P. 188, n. 1, _for_ 330 _read_ 530.

P. 191, n. 1, _for_ xii _read_ XII.

P. 202, n. 1, _add_ cxxviii.

P. 216, n. 3, _for_ A to E _read_ a to e.

P. 222, n. 3, _read_ Juliana. The miniatures in this work have been
critically discussed by Diez in Strzygowski's Byzant. Denkmäler, 1903.

P. 232, n. 1, _add_ on its way to resolution into the formless protyle
or ether.

P. 237, note, _read_ Olympius.

P. 238, n. 2, _read_ Peripatetics.

P. 245, _read_ currents for; n. 1, _read_ of Abonoteichos.

P. 265, l. 8, _read_ and Iranian ... those.

P. 273, n. 1, for the two _read_ Pagan and Christian metaphysics.

P. 281, n. 4, _add_ Some others, and especially one Paul of Thebes,
assumed the eremitic life previous to Anthony, but their example did not
become conspicuous enough to set the fashion; see the life of Paul by
Jerome.

P. 283, _read_ the outposts.

P. 300, n. 6, _add_ cf. Jn. Malala, xxiii, p. 430.

P. 330, n. 2, _read_ VIII, vi, 20.

P. 332, note, _add_ Suetonius wrote the lives of Roman _meretrices_, but
the work is lost; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 54. Not known otherwise.

P. 342, n. 2, _read_ 497 as the date of her birth.

P. 482, n. 3, _for_ Minor _read_ Major (Roman). See the collection of
Armenian historians (in French) by Langlois, Paris, 1864-69. According
to Moses of Chorene (iii, 42) the partition into Roman and Pers-Armenia
was made by Sapor and Arcadius. But the Persian here concerned must have
been Shapur III who, (Nöldeke) reigned 383-388. Hence the Roman
potentate could be no other than Theodosius the Great. All the Armenian
writers mention the division (as Faustus, Byz. vi, 1), but do not name
the contracting rulers. Persarmenia comprised the eastern two-thirds of
the country. Theodosiopolis, the seat of government in the Roman third,
was built _c._ 420 by Theodosius II (?). Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 15,
Moses, iii, 59. Needless to say Nöldeke's dates do not agree with St.
Martin's.

P. 523, last line, _read_ "girl." Apparently then she was not an old or
even a mature woman.

P. 540, _read_ Asia Minor and Syria.

P. 612. _After_ could desire, _read_ he should wear the robe of
Augustus, etc.

P. 632. Epidamnum. Procopius always uses this name, but twice adds,
"they now call it Dyrrhachium" (De Bel. Vand., i, 1, etc.), meaning, I
presume, locally, his readers knowing only the original name. The Greeks
as a nation never took to these new names. Thus he makes a similar
remark about Antioch (De Aedif., v, 5, etc.) which never became
Theopolis to the general. Dyrrhachium was about fifty-five miles down
the coast from the southernmost point of Dalmatia.

P. 675, l. penult. Date 535 according to Brooks, _Byzant. Zeitsch._,
xii, 494, 1903.

P. 731, _read_ Byzantine Court.[892]

P. 734. _After_ unforeseen attack _read_ a nemesis approved of by the
historian who relates the occurrence.

[892] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 29. Arrears of pay for ten years
seem to have been owing to him for this service.


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