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Title: Athletics and Games of the Ancient Greeks

Author: Edward M. Plummer

Release date: February 25, 2021 [eBook #64627]

Language: English

Credits: Ian Crann, Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ATHLETICS AND GAMES OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS ***




                      ATHLETICS AND GAMES OF THE
                            ANCIENT GREEKS.


                        EDWARD M. PLUMMER, M.D.,

     AURAL SURGEON TO THE CARNEY HOSPITAL; ASSISTANT AURAL SURGEON
         TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CHARITABLE EYE AND EAR INFIRMARY;
              INSTRUCTOR, BOSTON POLYCLINIC; FELLOW OF THE
                  MASSACHUSETTS MEDICAL SOCIETY, ETC.


   Reprinted from the _American Physical Education Review_, 1898.


                           CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
            LOMBARD & CAUSTIC, PRINTERS, 26A BRATTLE ST.
                                 1898.

                             Copyrighted
                  By EDWARD M. PLUMMER, M.D.
                             Boston, 1898.




              I. ATHLETIC GAMES AMONG THE HOMERIC HEROES.

                    BY EDWARD M. PLUMMER, OF BOSTON.


Few kinds of labor develop the body in a symmetrical manner. This
is true even in an elementary division of labor. The carpenter and
the blacksmith usually have strong, large shoulders and arms, but
small and weak legs. The farmer, from excessive bending over his
work, loses, in a greater or less degree, his elasticity of body, and
often becomes stoop-shouldered. If such defects result from the more
primitive forms of labor, it is not at all strange that the laborers of
the modern industrial world show bodily peculiarities and variations
that correspond, in a marked degree, to their respective trades. A
well-known teacher of gymnastics in a New England college has declared
himself able to designate the various occupations of laborers in a
Boston Labor Day parade, without reference to any sign or banner,
merely by inspecting their carriage and physical peculiarities. It may,
therefore, be asserted that, while labor involving muscular exertion,
if performed in healthful surroundings, supplies the conditions
essential to good digestion and assimilation, to a more complete
respiration, and to the maintenance of healthy nerves, yet, only
rarely, if ever, does it tend to develop the ideal body.

Physical culture differs from labor. Labor, having the design to
produce a change in the world of matter outside the body, is not
deliberately modified to suit the requirements of perfect physical
development. Physical culture, on the other hand, if it really be such,
is a system of exercises that, taken together, bring all parts and
powers of the body into play, with the sole purpose of producing not
only a healthy, but also a symmetrical and graceful body; or, in other
words, of developing what the Greeks called εὐρυθμία.

Of all the peoples, whose deeds have been recorded, the Greeks alone
made physical culture a matter of study. They did this not so much
because they considered it from the standpoint of philosophy to be
a duty to perfect the body, as because they clearly discerned the
advantages and prestige that accrued to the possessor of a powerful and
graceful body.

For the earliest account of this phase of Hellenic life one naturally
turns to the poems of Homer. Yet one must not presume that these
poems, simply because they are the earliest literary records of the
Greeks, exhibit this or any other feature of Hellenic civilization
in its initial state. The art of literature, mechanical on the one
hand and artistic on the other, though when its technique is once
learned, it becomes inseparable from civilization, and though now
we justly consider the nation that has nothing to transcribe as
uncivilized;--this art of literature is, nevertheless, only one phase
of the life of civilized man! If we reflect that even today the lives
of the majority of persons are, in most of their relations, outside the
sphere of literature, it becomes easy to conceive how a people that
has not yet mastered this art could, notwithstanding, be versed in
simpler arts that would fully entitle them to the epithet civilized;
and if we should find portrayed in the earliest literary records of
that people a very high and perfect social life, our conception would
be corroborated. We must not, therefore, regard the Homeric poems
as affording data concerning the origin and initial condition of
this phase of Hellenic life. On the contrary, the Homeric athletics
especially presuppose a long antecedent course of development. Hellenic
legend strengthens this inference. According to a myth, Apollo enjoyed
the diskos no less than music. He practiced for amusement with his
favorite Hyakinthos, whom, as it is related, he accidentally killed by
an unlucky throw. Other traditions inform us, that Orion challenged
Artemis to a contest with the diskos, and that Autolykos, son of
Hermes, instructed young Herakles in the art of wrestling.

It must be remembered, again, that Homer sang of the deeds of a very
select aristocracy, just as in later times, the French Troubadours
and Trouvères were to sing exclusively of the nobility and to them.
French literature remained aristocratic until the closing years of
the seventeenth century, when Molière made room on his stage for
the Parisian bourgeois. For Homer, even the noblest men were not
sufficient, and the gods themselves were made to act in his scenes.
There is, accordingly, some room for doubt as to whether the régime,
described in the Homeric poems, may be taken without modification,
as the régime of the Hellenic race at large at that time. It must be
remembered, too, that the poems were sung to the very class whose deeds
they portrayed, so that any additional splendor, with which the scenes
of this high life were adorned, would add to the credit of the poet.

Let us, therefore, rightly appraise the Iliad, with reference to our
subject: “Athletic Games among the Homeric Heroes.” The Homeric poems
give us the idealistic picture of the lives of a band of Greek nobles
who, with their followers, had left their native land, to besiege a
foreign and hostile city.

Occasionally, however, we find the poet dropping a line that throws
light on the pleasures and employments of the less notable classes.
Such a side reference are the lines in the second book of the Iliad,
where the followers of Achilles, unable to engage in the martial
occupations of the rest of the army, because of Achilles’ estrangement
from Agamemnon, are described as contending in games. _Il._ ii,
773-775. λαοὶ δὲ παρὰ, ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης δίσκοισιν τέρποντο καὶ
αἰγανέῃσιν ἱέντες, τόξοισίν θ’.

The word λαός, here used, is usually considered as denoting the
people or multitude. The λαός before Troy, however, was undoubtedly
of the minor nobility, since at this time the servants of the Greeks
were, probably, the vanquished portions of other peoples. And so the
“folk” regaled themselves along the shore of the sea with the diskos,
spear-throwing, and archery. Of the three missiles, the diskos alone
was originally invented for athletic purposes. The spear, in this case
at least, was an implement of hunting, while the bow was used both in
the chase and in war.

The training of the Homeric youth and heroes in athletic sports was, to
a considerable extent, the result of the prestige of those qualities
required in war and in hunting. Athletics were a means to an end, but
they were also an end in themselves. Bodily exercise was not an irksome
task, but an agreeable pastime. The ancient Hellenes were therefore
a very happy people, the ends that they sought to attain prescribed
tasks that were congenial with their national temperament. Accordingly,
we find, in a well-established condition, a system of athletic sports
that were not directly related to the feats of battle. Such a sport
was diskos throwing. The diskos was in shape a transverse section of a
cylinder, and in Homeric times was made of stone. The contestant who
hurled the diskos farthest from him was victor in the game. Doubtless
the advantageous positions and movements were well understood by the
skilled diskobolos.

That athletics were regarded as a mode of enjoyment, as well as of
military training, is shown by the fact that when for any reason
the exercises of war were suspended, the heroes and their followers
resorted to games. It was hardly necessary for warriors with years of
experience, to train for the next day’s battle; they exercised, because
to do so was a congenial pleasure. Habitual fighting will not alone
explain this temperament. With the Hellenes, bodily exercise was almost
synonymous with life itself. When they desired to escape from the
chilling effect of a hero’s death, they instituted games, and thereby
reasserted life. Perhaps the sufficient cause of this predilection for
athletic exercise was the climate of the Grecian peninsula. The clear,
serene sky over Hellas, the mild, bracing air which permitted nudity
but did not dispose to indolence, the picturesque country, girdled
by the sea, and presenting such a wonderful interchange of mountains
and valleys, smiling plains, and beautifully winding rivers, must
necessarily have aroused in the hearts of its people the desire for a
free life full of activity in the open air, and thus have contributed
to the formation of strong minds in vigorous bodies.

In order to understand Homeric athletics--the substantial basis of all
subsequent athletics--one must become interested in the method and
details of Greek warfare. For to the Greek the road to distinction lay
in the acquisition of the qualities required of the successful warrior,
and it was only natural that pleasure and expediency should combine
to make a pastime of the feats of war. Victory in modern warfare is
achieved largely by the use of superior machines and by advantage
of position. Until the time of Alexander, victory among the Greeks,
depended on the muscular power, endurance, and skill of the individual
warriors. The central and principal feature of early Greek warfare
was a personal hand-to-hand grapple. Therefore, it was essential in
preparing for war that each separate soldier should be made as active
and vigorous as possible. That this mode of warfare prevailed until
a late date, may be seen from the fact that Plutarch attributed the
victory of the Thebans over the Spartans at the battle of Leuktra,
B. C. 371, to the superiority of the former in the art of wrestling.

Battle itself was an effective, even if a very perilous, mode of
physical culture. It often involved, to be sure, the death of the
weaker adversary, who was weak only comparatively, and who, considered
by himself, was usually an admirable specimen of man. But, throughout
all historic time, a branch of athletic sports has existed that could
not be practiced without risk, as fencing, boxing, or wrestling. And it
is certain that those who have survived the risks of these sports--the
fittest--had developed bodies far superior in agility, and attained far
greater command over the muscular system, as a whole, than would have
been possible from practicing sports that do not involve risk.

Chariots drawn by swift horses drew the combatants quickly into each
other’s presence. Hereupon, either from the chariot or from the ground,
they hurled at each other, their far-shadowing spears (δολιχόσκια
ἔγχεα) _Il._ iii, 346. If neither of the adversaries succumbed, both
came closer together, and with the same or other spears thrust at each
other again.

Failing to injure each other with spears, the adversaries resorted
to their swords or to any other available implement of offense.
Their object was to disable the opponent, rather than to conform to
conventions of war. Any mode of attack was fair in the Homeric combat.
In a battle between Hector and Telamonian Aias, the two heroes, after
using their spears, seize huge stones and hurl them at each other
(_Il._ vii, 264-270).

The weapons, employed by the Homeric heroes were as heavy as could be
handled skilfully, and of course varied in weight according to the
strength of the respective warriors. As the heavier weapons, in the
hands of a man who could use them, were more effective, it was but
natural that warriors should vie with one another in developing the
strength requisite for adopting them.

Their defensive armor consisted of the helmet, corselet, girdle,
greaves and shield. The Greek helmet was a close-fitting skull-cap,
covering the head in front above the eyes, and extending down in the
back, to the nape of the neck from ear to ear. Some forms show that the
lower part was prolonged and carried round so as to cover all above
the shoulders. The corselet consisted of two pieces, a breast-plate
and a back-plate, which were laced together by cords passed through
eyelet holes made in the sides, below the bottom of which the body was
protected by metal girdle. The greaves, which were made of flexible
metal plates, fastened behind with buckles, covered the front part of
the legs from the ankles to just above the knees. The shield consisted
of a frame of bronze and several layers of tough oxhide, and reached
from the neck to the knee. The shield is described by Homer and is
pictured on Mycenæan gems.

For the risks, exigencies, and regular feats of this kind of warfare,
the Homeric youth trained himself, and Homer makes it plain that the
attainment of brute strength alone was not sufficient. Nestor is deemed
happy because his sons were “wise-minded and mighty with the spear.”
The poet frequently makes sly fun of Telamonian Aias, who, although
gigantic in size and of immense strength, was, nevertheless, somewhat
dull of intellect. To train the senses, and above all the eye, to
make the body alert and immediately responsive to the perceptions,
was considered quite as requisite as to train the muscles. For, in
the exigencies of battle, a certain quickness of intellect was often
more effective than brute strength. Agility was, therefore, prized
and cultivated above all other qualities. When the ponderous spear of
Menelaos smote and pierced the shield of Paris the latter “swerved and
escaped black death.” (_Il._ iii, 392.) To fight successfully from
the chariot, to dismount and grapple with the adversary, necessitated
not only muscular strength, but also unabating alertness of mind, an
ability to seize instantly the advantageous opportunity, to dodge or
fend instantly the deadly thrust.

While agonistic sports were practiced in an especially notable way
on certain unique occasions, such as the death of a hero, yet it
should not be supposed that such contests were at all uncommon. On
the contrary, Homer is continually dropping epithets and sentences
that presuppose the utmost frequency and universality of competitive
games. Achilles is called fleet-footed (ποδάρκης, πόδας ὠκὺς) _Il._ ix,
307; Polydeukes, brother of Helen, is called the skilful boxer (πὺξ
ἀγαθός) _Il._ iii, 237. Indeed, such skill as Homer depicts as being
shown at the more notable gatherings, could not have been exhibited,
had there not been incessant practice and continual emulation. Again,
Homer often speaks of certain heroes as if their ability in certain
lines of athletics was well known, and had been often sustained against
challengers. When Achilles summons contestants for the boxing-match, he
asks for the two who are best (ὥπερ ἀρίστω), _Il._ xxiii, 659, to come
forward, as if it were well known who the skilful boxers were. When
Antilochos is mentioned as a competitor in the foot-race, he is called
the champion of foot-racers among the youth (ὁ γὰρ αὖτε νέους ποσὶ
πάντας ἐνίκα). _Il._ xxiii, 756. Yet in this particular race, owing to
the fact that his competitors were older than he, he took last prize.
Athletic skill can be maintained only by dint of continuous practice.
We may conclude, therefore, that agonistic contests, by the time of
which Homer wrote, were of very frequent occurrence,--so frequent that
they were taken as a matter of course,--and that on special occasions,
such as the death of a hero, the arrival of a distinguished guest, or
the anniversary of some god’s benefaction, the games were conducted in
a more public and ceremonious manner; and that on such occasions prizes
were offered and intense excitement prevailed.

Funeral games were customary in Homeric times. Nestor, when an old man,
tells of competing in his youth in the various games held in honor of
Amarynkes at Buprasion; on which occasion, Nestor was in his prime and
was victor in the boxing-match, the foot-race, and the spear-throwing
contest; being surpassed only in the chariot-races. Certain recorded
myths sustain the scholar in referring the origin of funeral games to a
time much preceding the age of the Homeric heroes. Pausanias speaks of
the funeral games in honor of Azan, son of Arkas, and the nymph Erato,
as the most ancient. Minos, according to Plutarch, celebrated a funeral
contest in honor of Androgeos.

In the Twenty-Third Iliad, Homer describes with considerable minuteness
the games held in honor of Patroklos, Achilles’ friend, whom Hector
slew in battle.

The chariot-race was ordained as the first event. This mode of racing
was not improvised before the walls of Troy. Hellenic legend assigns
the origin of the races far back of Homeric times, in the dark heroic
age of mythology. While the site of stately Thebes was still covered
with forests, Onchestos is said to have seen in Poseidon’s grove,
horses yoked to the chariot, and panting from the race. When Apollo
thought of building a temple for himself at the sacred spring of the
nymph, Telphoussa, she dissuaded him, declaring that the god would be
disturbed by the incessant noise of chariots and the hoof-beats of
horses, and that every one would prefer to see the beautifully-built
chariots and the swift-footed horses, and so fail to appreciate the
temple with its treasures. Oinomaos is said to have offered to her
suitors his daughter, Hippodameia, as a prize for the victory in a
chariot-race.

To the competitors in the race, Achilles offered five prizes, and
called for five contestants. Eumelos, Diomedes, Menelaos, Antilochos,
and Meriones sprang forward and yoked each a span of swift horses to
his war-chariot. The competitors were directed to round a goal in the
distance and return. Says Nestor, in advising his son, Antilochos: “A
fathom’s height above the ground standeth a withered stump, whether
of oak or pine; it decayeth not in the rain, and two white stones, on
either side thereof, are fixed at the joining of the track, and all
around it is smooth driving ground. Whether it be a monument of some
man dead long ago, or hath been made their goal in the race by ancient
men, this now is the mark fixed by fleet-footed goodly Achilles.” It is
easy to see that victory depended largely on the skill and cunning of
the charioteer in obtaining for himself the shortest course round this
goal. Indeed, Nestor, in advising his son, makes cunning (μῆτις) the
principal factor of victory: “By cunning hath charioteer the better of
charioteer. For whoso, trusting in his horses and car alone, wheeleth
heedlessly and wide at either end, his horses swerve on the course,
and he keepeth them not in hand. But whoso is of crafty mind, though
he drive worse horses, he ever keeping his eye upon the post turneth
closely by it, neither is unaware how far at first to force his horses
by the oxhide reins, but holdeth them safe in hand and watcheth the
leader in the race.”

On the other hand the Homeric heroes were well aware of the advantage
that lay in the possession of powerful and well-matched horses.
Admetos, son of Pheres, is said by Homer to have possessed the best
horses of those that were gathered before Troy; they were very swift,
and were classified and paired with regard to speed, color, age, and
stature; they were “matched to the measure of a levelling-line across
their backs.” _Il._ ii, 763-765.

Achilles, being the distributor of prizes and the chief mourner of
Patroklos, his beloved friend, did not contend in the chariot-race,
although his own skill and his horses, Xanthos and Balios--the immortal
steeds bestowed on Peleus by Poseidon--would undoubtedly have won for
him the victory. Through skill and cunning, Antilochos quickly overtook
Menelaos, left him behind and won the race, although his horses were
much inferior to those of the latter.

It should be mentioned that in the race, as in hostile combat, the
Homeric hero made use of two horses. In the race he stood alone in
his chariot and managed his horses himself, but in the turmoil of
battle, he was accompanied by a comrade as driver (ἡνίοχος). This was
beautifully illustrated by scenes on the Cypseline chest, a work of
art, which belonged, probably, to the seventh century B. C.

After the chariot-race came the boxing-match. Achilles offered two
prizes to the antagonists, one to the winner and one to the loser.
He stipulated that the two contestants should be men of first-class
reputation. The well-known champion, Epeios, boldly claimed the first
prize, and in order to deter any one from contesting this claim,
gave voice to the following prediction: “I will utterly bruise mine
adversary’s flesh and break his bones; so let his friends abide
together here to bear him forth when vanquished by my hands.”

Euryalos alone dared to accept this challenge. The antagonists cast
about themselves girdles and wound about their hand strips of raw
oxhide. The struggle was violent, for “sweat flowed from all their
limbs.” But finally, Epeios smote the other on the cheek, and Euryalos
collapsed. “As when beneath the North wind’s ripple a fish leapeth on a
tangled-covered beach, and then the black wave hideth it, so leapt up
Euryalos at that blow.”

The wrestling-match was ordained as the next event. Again Achilles
offered two prizes, one for the winner and one for the loser. Only
Odysseus, the type of artfulness and trickery, and Telamonian Aias, the
representative of bodily size and brute force, essayed to struggle.
After they had girt themselves they went into the midst of the ring.
Here they stood locked in each other’s arms, like two gable rafters
joined by a builder. Their backs were gripped with such force that they
creaked; the sweat ran down their bodies in streams; blood-colored
welts appeared on their sides and shoulders. Thus they struggled with
the advantage on neither side until the spectators began to grow weary.
At last when Aias had lifted Odysseus off his feet, the latter mindful
of his wiles, smote the former in the hollow of his knee, and Aias fell
backward, and Odysseus fell upon his chest. But victory was not bought
with one throw. So they rose again and locked. After Odysseus had tried
futilely to lift Aias from the ground the two fell together in the
dust. They rose and would have wrestled the third time had not Achilles
restrained them by declaring the contest a draw.

From this detailed account it is evident that the Homeric athletes
practiced what has been styled the standing wrestling, as distinguished
from wrestling on the ground. In the former variety the antagonists
struggled until they fell, whereupon they rose and struggled again.
When an antagonist had been thrown three times the contest was decided
in favor of the other. In the latter variety the contestants continued
the struggle on the ground, after they had fallen. At a later period
standing wrestling was practiced at all the great games. Plato, who was
always alive to the value of these contests, as a preparation for war,
greatly preferred standing wrestling, because it exercised the muscles
of the upper part of the body as those of the arms, sides, shoulders,
and neck. Wrestling insures not only health and strength, but also a
fine carriage, and is an exercise well adapted to draw out all the
resources of the athlete. Plutarch then rightly calls wrestling the
most artistic and cunning of athletic exercises.

In heroic times, it should be noted that athletes did not wrestle
entirely naked. The oil which the Homeric heroes employed after the
bath and in anointing the dead, was never used in their gymnastic
exercises. The poet, who often minutely describes minor and unimportant
things, does not mention oil in this connection. He certainly would not
have passed over in complete silence, the use of oil in these contests
had he been familiar with the custom.

After the wrestling-match had been concluded, the foot-race was
ordained, and prizes for it were offered by Achilles. The competitors
were three,--Odysseus, Aias, son of Oileus, and Antilochos, son of
Nestor. Odysseus was the victor in the race.

That portion of the twenty-third book of the Iliad, that describes the
duel with spears, between Diomedes and Telamonian Aias, the contest
with the iron diskos, and the contest of archery, has been pronounced,
on good internal evidence, to be a late interpolation. It should
accordingly be considered as data for an account of the athletics of
later times.

The final contest at the funeral games for Patroklos was that of
javelin-throwing. When Agamemnon and Meriones rose to compete, Achilles
at once adjudged Agamemnon victor because of his well-known excellence
in this feat.

The scenes of the Iliad are too serious to allow the poet to dwell upon
the amusements of the common soldiery. Only at the close of the poem,
after a lull in the tumultuous succession of events, is a thought given
to sport. But even here, excepting the chariot race, the descriptions
are made with a certain careless brevity, as if the poet would dispose
of them as quickly as possible, and as if he would say: “This is not my
theme.” Achilles superintends the games with a lofty indifference, and
even cuts some of them short, as if other things were on his mind.

In the Odyssey, on the other hand, the poet seems to evince a greater
inclination to linger over the scenes of sport, as being more in
harmony with his theme. A certain voluptuousness pervades the Odyssey;
the stern scenes of war, have vanished from the poet’s imagination, and
have been replaced by those of festivity and pleasure. A new generation
is described. Athletics have become less violent and the scenes are
embellished by the interspersion of music, dancing, and poetry.

The poet, conscious of the change, portrays the new order of things
among the Phæacians, a people inhabiting a blissful island on the
western edge of the world. Hither he leads the ocean-tossed Odysseus,
the representative of the older generation. The shipwrecked stranger
does not ask in vain of King Alkinoös for an escort that may guide him
homeward. Says Alkinoös to Odysseus:
    “Say from what city, from what regions tossed,
    And what inhabitants those regions boast?
    So shalt thou quickly reach the realm assigned
    In wondrous ships, self-moved, instinct with mind;
    No helm secures their course, no pilot guides;
    Like man intelligent they plow the tides,
    Conscious of every coast and every bay
    That lies beneath the sun’s all-seeing ray.”
                                   _Odyssey_, Book viii.
But the hospitable king will not allow him to depart until a royal
entertainment has been provided.

First a feast was spread at the royal palace for Odysseus and the
Phæacian nobles; the famous bard, Demodokos, sang tales of heroes and
of gods. Then Alkinoös bade the Phæacian young men prepare for the
games in order that they might exhibit to the stranger their skill
in manly sports. Thereupon, the festive throng issued forth from the
palace to the assembly-place, and the Phæacian athletes exhibited
themselves in the foot-race and at the wrestling match, at leaping,
throwing the diskos, and boxing. All of these games, except leaping,
are mentioned also in the Iliad.

Then the son of Alkinoös, complimenting Odysseus on his massive body,
invites him to show his athletic skill. “There is no greater glory for
a man in all his life than what he wins with his own feet and hands,”
says Laodamas.

At first Odysseus declines, but when stung by the taunt of Euryalos he
decides to show his skill. “He spoke, and, with his cloak still on, he
sprang and seized a diskos, larger than the rest and thick, heavier by
not a little than those which the Phæacians were using for themselves.
This with a twist he sent from his stout hand. The stone hummed as it
went. Past all the marks it flew, swift speeding from his hands.”

Then Odysseus challenges the Phæacians to match his throw; and he
challenges any of the Phæacians, except his host, Laodamas, to contend
with him either in boxing, wrestling, or the foot-race,--it matters not
to him.

Odysseus claims for himself the honor of being an “all-round” athlete.
“Not at all weak am I, in any games men practice. I understand full
well handling the polished bow. None except Philoktetes excelled me
with the bow at Troy, when we Achæans tried the bow. I send the spear
farther than other men an arrow.”

Then the benevolent Alkinoös endeavors to soften the stern mood of
the visitor. “We are not faultless boxers,” says the king, “no, nor
wrestlers; but in the foot-race we run swiftly, and in our ships excel.
Dear to us ever is the feast, the harp, the dance, changes of clothes,
warm baths, and bed. Come then, Phæacian dancers the best among you
make us sport, that so the stranger on returning home may tell his
friends how we surpass all other men in sailing, running, in the dance
and song.”[A]

[A] Palmer’s Translation.

The scene that follows is one of exquisite grace. Nine umpires (the
mention of whom shows how important athletics have become), clear the
ring for the dance: A page brings the “melodious lyre,” Demodokos, the
blind bard, steps into the centre of the ring, and is surrounded by
youthful men skilled in dancing. “They struck the splendid dance-ground
with their feet; Odysseus watched their twinkling feet, and was
astonished.”

No languid ease was the delight of the Homeric aristocracy, but
activity of the most virile type. And, although Homer’s two epics grew
into form long after the splendid Achæan civilization of which he wrote
existed only in legend, yet he artfully excludes any references to
contemporary facts. Only by subtle inferences can information about
the Dorian successors be extracted. For instance, although works of
art were very common in the Achæan days, yet Homer rarely describes
them and when he does so it is with astonishment and admiration. It is
therefore held that in this passage the poet has inadvertently made
an admission with regard to his own times,--times, which, in fact
were characterized by a paucity of works of art. Archæologists have
demonstrated, however, that the legends, of which the two Homeric
epics are the poetic form, and that attested the vanished Achæan
civilization, were in very many details faithful to the facts of the
Mycenæan age. There is every reason to believe that the Achæan nobility
practiced athletics as Homer represents them. But it must be said in
addition that the authors of the Iliad and the Odyssey do not speak as
if athletic sports were a spectacle unfamiliar to themselves. It is
recorded by Plutarch that Hesiod won a tripod, as prize, in the funeral
games in honor of Amphidamos.




               II. THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN ANCIENT TIMES.


In historic times the great national festivals were already
established. They had undoubtedly grown out of local athletic
festivals of very ancient origin. Of these Panhellenic festivals, that
celebrated once in every four years at Olympia in Elis was the oldest
and the greatest. The nationalization of this festival is assigned
traditionally to the year 776 B. C. This date depends on a list of
Olympic victors, compiled in the last part of the fifth century by the
sophist Hippias of Elis, and handed down by Eusebios. Modern historians
are not unanimous in accepting the early part of this register, and
the minority have supported their charge of spuriousness by adducing
unharmonious facts. In itself the date 776 B. C. is not unreasonable.
And when it is considered how comparatively easy and common travel was
in Hellas, it is not rash to suppose that the festival, when once it
had become celebrated as a local affair was resorted to by travellers,
if not as participants, at least as spectators. Certain it is that the
Olympic festival was already a Panhellenic institution, when the other
three festivals were established early in the sixth century, and that
to the close of Greek history it continued the most glorious.

The Pythian games were celebrated on the Krissean Plain in Phokis in
honor of Apollo. These games were held for several days in January in
the third year of each Olympiad. The prize was a wreath of laurel and a
palm.

The Nemean games were held in the groves of Nemea, near Kleonai in
Argolis, in the winter and summer alternately of the second and fourth
years of each Olympiad. The prize was a wreath of parsley.

The Isthmian games, instituted in honor of Poseidon, took place at
Corinth in the spring and summer alternately of the first and third
years of each Olympiad. This alternation was arranged to avoid
interference with the Olympian and Pythian festivals. The victor’s
prize at the Isthmia was a wreath of pine native to the spot.

Beside the four national festivals, minor games of more frequent
recurrence existed all over Hellas. How eagerly the victor in a local
exhibition must have turned his eyes towards Nemea, the Isthmus, Pytho,
and perhaps even to Olympia may be imagined. Each of the four great
festivals had peculiar features of its own. Thus, the Pythian games,
probably next to the Olympian in importance, were characterized by
competitions in music and poetry in addition to the athletic contests.
The Isthmian games were distinguished by the addition of boat-racing
and swimming contests.

But all were essentially alike. All were designed as glorifications of
the strong and agile body. All were marked with patriotism. All were
embellished with the greatest products of Hellenic art. All were held
in honor of gods. And a fitting tribute and worship they furnished,
not the mumbled prayers of a sallow-visaged, stunted race, but the
exultant feats of proud, self-reliant men. All were attended by the
most studied and artistic pomp. The greatest lyric poets of Hellas,
Simonides and Pindar, for instance, celebrated the victors. Of Pindar’s
ἐπινίκια or “Odes of Victory,” we possess fourteen Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι for
winners in the Olympian games. Twelve Πυθιονῖκαι for the Pythian
games, seven Νεμεονῖκαι for the Nemean games, and eleven Ἰσθμεονῖκαι
for the Isthmian games. Even the wise men and famous bards of Greece
could not resist the desire to be present. It is said that the Spartan
Chilon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, died while witnessing
these games, being overcome with joy at his son’s victory. Sages like
Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Sokrates, Plato, Aristippos, Diogenes and
Thales came, lured not only by the desire of beholding athletic feats,
but also eager to engage in debate, or perhaps to explain some new
theory of the universe. Statesmen like Themistokles and Kimon resorted
to the games and there met the rulers of distant states. Orators and
sophists like Gorgias, Lysias and Demosthenes, were present at the
Olympian games. The first two made great panegyric speeches. The games
on the Isthmus were attended by the great dramatists Aischylos and
Ion. Historians like Herodotos carried their scrolls to read before
assembled Hellas. Artists came to exhibit their works of art, and
perhaps to obtain new customers. Sculptors showed models of their
skill, and potters exhibited vases. These games, like the Schwingfest
and the shooting-matches of Switzerland, served not only as pleasant
occasions of reunion, but tended to the diffusion of national ideas.
In the language of John Fiske, “young men of the noblest families and
from the farthest Greek colonies came to them, and wrestled and ran,
undraped, before countless multitudes of admiring spectators.”

The victor in the foot-race at Olympia was regarded as an honor to his
country, and gave his name to the current Olympiad, and on reaching
home entered his native city to the notes of a triumphal song written
by a Pindar or Simonides. Another significant fact is that the Greek
era began with the Olympic games; every period of four years was called
an Olympiad.

About twenty miles above the mouth of the Alpheios, in a long, narrow
valley surrounded by well-wooded hills, it is joined by the ancient
Kladeos, coming from the north. At the angle formed by the junction of
the two rivers is the area known as Olympia, the scene of the greatest
athletic festival that the world has ever witnessed.

To the north of this plain was a range of rocky hills, the nearest of
which was the famous Kronion, conical in shape and about 400 feet in
height. As its name signifies, this hill was sacred to Kronos, the
father of Zeus. Another low range bounded the valley on the south.
The western boundary was the Kladeos. Eastward was the hill of Pisa,
and further in the distance were visible the snow-crowned summits of
Erymanthos and Kyllene.

During the long centuries that succeeded the extinction of Greek
civilization, the precinct of the games, and the equipments, buildings
and statues that remained, were gradually covered by a stratum of
alluvium from the Alpheios, mixed with a deposit of clay from Kronion.
The rest of the world was not interested enough to record the process,
and when in modern times scholars saw no trace of the original scene,
it was supposed that the Alpheios by its overflowings had destroyed all
monuments. Recent excavations, however, have revealed a very precious
remnant at the bottom of the alluvium. It was indeed not really a
misfortune that during periods when the products of old civilizations
were treated with fanaticism on the one hand, and rapacity on the
other, the Olympian scene was covered with earth rather than left
exposed to the hand of Middle Age barbarians.

The systematic excavation of Olympia was undertaken in 1875 by the
German government. The work involved great expense, and the willingness
of the Germans to undertake and execute the task has brought them much
praise from the scholars of other countries. The excavations were
completed on the 20th of March, 1881.

During these six years a space in the form of a square, measuring 1,000
feet on each side, was stripped of the accumulated deposit of twelve
centuries; the average depth of this covering was estimated to be over
sixteen feet.

Archæologically, this excavation involved expert care and much labor.
Neither the care nor the labor was withheld. The result may best
be described in the language of an eminent professor of classical
archæology:--

“The result of these excavations, carried on there at great cost and
with supreme disinterestedness by the German people, has been to
enable the traveller at Olympia not only to study the scene of the
greatest of Greek athletic festivals, but to trace the celebration
from hour to hour and from point to point. He not only sees the hill
of Cronion, where the spectators crowded, wades through Olympic dust,
and feels the sun of Olympia beat on his head, but he can wander on
the threshold of the temple of Zeus, pass from building to building
in the sacred enclosure of the Altis, and stand at the starting-point
of the runners in the Stadium. Taking the guidebook of the old Greek
traveller Pausanias in our hand, we can follow in his steps, and out of
broken pillars, truncated pedestals and the foundations of demolished
buildings, we can conjure forth the beautiful Olympia of old, with its
glorious temples, its rows of altars, its statues of gods and godlike
men who conquered in the games, its treasuries full of the noblest
works of art and the richest spoils of war. And we can people the
solitude with the combatants and with the spectators, a crowd filled
with the enthusiasm of the place and with delight in manly contests;
a crowd over whom emotions swept as rapidly as chariots through the
hippodrome, and who were ever breaking out into wild cries of delight,
or loud shouts of scorn and derision. We can see the bestowal of the
crowns of wild olive, and can hear the heralds recite the names of
those who have been victorious.”

Here, then, in the summer time was held the great athletic festival in
honor of Olympian Zeus. At the beginning of authentic history it was
already a venerable institution. We have already learned that early in
the sixth century the other three Panhellenic festivals were modeled
upon it. Many myths very early sprang into existence to explain its
origin. Pindar, it is well known, in one of his Olympian odes makes
the Dorian Herakles the founder. Of course, the myths do not agree,
and if they did would establish nothing directly; indirectly, however,
they show that at the time of their first promulgation the festival
had attained so approved a system, so wide a celebrity, and so great a
prestige as to need accounting for and to be compatible with an exalted
origin. And as a matter of fact, system, celebrity and prestige do not
fall to the lot of an institution in the period of a single generation.

The festival was from the first under the charge of the Eleians. But
so liberal a policy did this nation adopt and pursue that people from
neighboring states were glad to send competitors. Rapidly the custom of
resorting to the games spread to more distant states. From an Eleian
event, the festival became Peloponnesian, and finally Panhellenic.
The Athenians and Thebans at a very early date achieved splendid
victories in these games. The Theban Pagondas was crowned victor in the
four-horse chariot race in the 25th Olympiad, when for the first time
this was a feature of the festival. Thus one state after another turned
its attention to the venerable celebration, and if it happened that a
citizen of one state was crowned victor in a contest, interest in the
games was sure to be increased in that locality.

Even in the absence of positive evidence it would be contrary to
reason to suppose that the games were originally established as they
existed at the time of Pindar. In fact, the different features were
added successively. According to a fairly reliable tradition, there
was originally and for twelve following Olympiads only one contest:
the δρόμος, a foot-race consisting of a single lap of a stadion of two
hundred yards. About 720 B. C., according to the tradition, was added
the δίαυλος, a race in which the stadion was traversed twice. Soon
afterward was added the δόλιχος, or long race, consisting of seven,
then of twelve and perhaps twenty-four laps. The next contest to be
introduced was the wrestling-match. In the same year that wrestling
was introduced, about the 18th Olympiad, the pentathlon made its
appearance. This feature, though consisting of five contests--leaping,
spear-throwing, diskos-pitching, running and wrestling--was
nevertheless a single event, inasmuch as victory in one contest alone
was not rewarded; an athlete to be crowned victor in the pentathlon
must win at least three of the contests. Boxing and the chariot race
are said to have been added in the 23d Olympiad. Thus the games grew
more elaborate, and the time over which they extended was increased
from a single day to five or six.

The festival was conducted by judges, called Hellanodikai, elected
by the people of Elis a year beforehand. The number of these judges
was about ten; they were expected to give close attention to their
duties. Thirty days before the festival, candidates for the various
contests presented themselves before the Hellanodikai for examination.
In order that the name of a candidate could be considered, he must
prove himself to be of pure Hellenic stock, and must give evidence of
having practised in a gymnasium for ten months previously; finally,
the candidate must practise for thirty days in the great gymnasium of
Elis, under the supervision of the Hellanodikai. The names of those
who were able to satisfy the judges were placed on a white board which
was exposed to view at Olympia. After an athlete had been entered for
a contest, it was considered the greatest ignominy for him to withdraw
for any reason; indeed, for so doing he was heavily fined. Theagenes,
an athlete of wide fame, was unable to enter the pankration because he
had been disabled in the boxing-match; but inasmuch as he had had his
name entered for both events, he was fined.

Eleven days before the festival, the Hellanodikai caused to be
proclaimed by heralds throughout all the cities of Hellas the truce,
sacred to Olympian Zeus, which was to last a month. It was this truce
that made the Olympia possible as a Panhellenic institution. During the
month that followed the proclamations of the heralds, all wars between
Hellenic states were held in abeyance, and travellers were allowed to
journey through them unmolested. The awful name of Zeus coupled with
the decrees of rulers made this truce effective.

During the eleven days pilgrims from all over Hellas were approaching
Olympia. Some of the scenes may be imagined. In the language of
Professor Percy Gardner: “From all the shores of the Mediterranean
and the Euxine seas the Greek colonies sent deputations to represent
them at the games, to bear offerings to the temple, and to perform
sacrifices on their behalf. And the Greeks readily took a tinge from
the land wherein they dwelt. There were dwellers on the northern
shore of the Black Sea, to whom continual intercourse and frequent
intermarriage with their Scythian neighbors gave almost the aspect
of nomads; and colonists from Massilia, who in dress and blood were
half Gauls. There were people from Cyrene, with the hot blood and dark
complexions of Africa, and oriental Ionians, with trailing robes and
effeminate airs. There were rude pirates from Acarnania, and delicate
sensualists from Cyprus.”

To give a detailed account of the competitions at each of the great
festivals would involve much unnecessary repetition. That held at
Olympia, therefore, may be taken as the type and the ideal of the
others. But even at Olympia, the celebrations of which have been most
widely written of both by ancient and modern scholars, it is not always
easy to determine the exact order of the various contests.

There is hardly a doubt that at the Olympic festival as well as at
the others the foot-races were the initial competitions. Plato says
that at his time when a contest took place the herald first called on
the σταδιοδρόμος to do his part. The reason for beginning with the
foot-race was probably an historical one; as has been said, it was
originally the sole competition at the Olympic celebration. According
to the old Eleian priest legends, the Idaian Herakles, one of the
Cretan Kouretes, came to Elis in the reign of Kronos, in the golden
age, and arranged a foot-race in which the victor was crowned with wild
olive. The legends further state that the place thus honored by the
priest of Olympian Zeus was afterward called Olympia, and that in time
the celebration was repeated at intervals of four years. Of course the
foregoing is a tale invented to explain the priority of the foot-race
as well as the founding of the festival. Another legend recounts that
at one of these subsequent celebrations Endymion, son of Æthlios,
offered the kingdom of Klymenos, whom he had conquered, as a prize to
that one of his sons who should be first in the foot-race. Such are
some of the myths that helped to sanction and endear an inviolable
Olympic custom. It is noteworthy in this connection that in the Odyssey
the Phæacians had opened their games with the foot-race.

The technique of foot-racing, the style of running most advantageous,
and the training and qualities necessary for it, differ considerably
with the distance covered. Accordingly very early in the history of the
Olympic festival races of varying length were one by one introduced,
and the variety doubtless tended to attract a larger number of
competitors and to make the occasion more interesting.

For thirteen Olympiads, however, the race called the δρόμος was the
only feature. In this race the stadion was traversed but once. As the
course of the stadion was about 200 yards, the δρόμος was what we
call a sprint, and required that a runner exert himself to the utmost
from start to finish. This simple race remained a favorite mode of
competition among the Greeks until a late time--being practised by
Alexander.

The δίαυλος, or double course of the stadion, was introduced in
the 14th Olympiad. This race required that the runner, after having
traversed the 200 yards and reached the goal, should return to the
point of starting. As he rounded the goal he described an arc, and on
his way back took the opposite side of the track in order that he might
not collide with other runners.

Very soon after the introduction of the δίαυλος the ἵππιος δρόμος and
then the δόλιχος were instituted. The ἵππιος δρόμος, which implies a
horse-race, was in reality a foot-race, the contestant running the
distance generally covered in a horse-race--namely, four times the
length of the stadion, or 800 yards.

The δόλιχος was added to the Olympic games in the 15th Olympiad, and
was, like our long runs, a test primarily of endurance and lung-power.
The distance covered varied from seven to twenty-four laps of the
stadion, or from less than a mile to about three miles. At Olympia,
however, the distance was twelve stadia. As the δόλιχος was run on the
same track on which the single and double races took place, it was
really only a series of double races.

In the 65th Olympiad, the ὁπλίτων δρόμος was introduced. In this race
the competitors wore helmets and greaves, and carried shields on their
left arms. Pausanias claims to have seen the statue of Demaratos
equipped with a round shield, helmet and antique greaves. At a later
period, however, the helmet and greaves were discarded at Olympia, and
the race was run with shields alone. The distance covered in this race
was two stadia--the length of the δίαυλος. Pindar, the poet laureate
of the Olympians, mentions the race with shields, and with poetic
privilege ascribes its origin to heroic times. Plato considered the
exercise very valuable as war training, and prescribed it as a part
of the athletics of his ideal commonwealth. Plato devised two other
races involving armor: in one the competitor should be equipped as
a heavy-armed hoplite, and should cover a distance of sixty stadia
on a level plain; in the other the competitor should wear the light
equipments of an archer, and should cover one hundred stadia over hills
and valleys.

The running contests at the great games were governed by certain
established rules. No fraud or guile was allowed to be used by the
contestant on the track for the purpose of impeding his companions.
They were very particular that all should start at the same time and
from the same line, so that no one might have the advantage over
the others. It was also contrary to rule for an athlete voluntarily
to slacken his speed and allow his fellow-contestants to win. The
competitors were appointed by lot and arranged in groups. These groups
raced in heats of four, ranged in the places assigned them by lot. The
first group was followed by the second, the second by the third, etc.
When all groups had finished, the victors of each again entered the
contest and strove for the prize; so that every σταδιοδρόμος had to win
twice before he was crowned victor.

The physicians of olden times mentioned two other foot-races which
in their opinion afforded excellent gymnastic exercise. The first of
these was practised in the sixth division of the stadion and consisted
of running first forward and then backward. In this race the body was
not turned once, but the distance that was run forward was continually
shortened by backward running until the contestant finally stood at the
starting-point. In the second race the contestant ran on tiptoe with
outstretched arms which he swung violently to and fro. It was practised
along a wall so that, should the balance be lost, the runner could hold
and support himself against it.

Among the less important foot-races were two that had their origin in
certain local celebrations, namely, the torch race and the race of the
vintage festival, held at Athens. Similar races took place at Sparta
during the great national festival of the Κάρνεια held in honor of
Apollo.

In the preparation for these different kinds of foot-races everything
was done in the way of training that would tend to make the body as
light as possible and increase its rapidity, although the different
cities of Greece varied to some extent as regards the question of diet,
rubbing and baths.

In practising for the foot-race the contestant, having divested himself
of every shred of clothing and anointed his body with oil, was made to
exert himself as much as possible. The exertion was often increased
by making the run in deep sand instead of on firm ground; the foot
having a less firm support, the runner was obliged to work harder and
more quickly. In this way these exercises gave to the body not only
great power of endurance, but also increased speed, and as a result the
δολιχοδρόμοι possessed strong and well-developed legs. The shoulders
and upper part of the body, on the other hand, owing to insufficient
exercise were small and narrow. On that account Sokrates did not favor
the races because they did not produce a harmonious development of the
body. The skilled runner naturally strove to preserve an erect carriage
while running, and to conform to all established rules regarding the
contest. In this connection it may be interesting to mention the
strange ideas entertained among the Greeks regarding the influence of
the spleen over the powers of the body. This little organ, situated
behind the stomach on the left side of the abdomen, and exercising
some function which still remains unknown, would in their opinion if
diseased prove a great hindrance to a contestant in the race. In order,
therefore, to prevent such a catastrophe they resorted to extraordinary
means, namely, the use of certain plants which they believed would
dissolve or eat away the spleen; or even to surgical operations, such
as cutting or burning it out. On the other hand, they believed that a
diseased spleen was greatly benefited by exercise in running. Laomedon
of Orchomenos is quoted as furnishing an example of this kind.

The attitude of the runners we learn from vases. Those who were
contending in the short race or dash swung their arms backward and
forward alternately. This is beautifully shown by a painting on a
Panathenæan vase in the possession of Koller. It represents four
athletes running, hardly touching the ground with one foot, while
the other is raised and moved forward in order to cover the greatest
possible distance with one step. The hands are wide open; the arms are
moved about freely and appear to act as the wings of the body, and
their motion is in harmony with that of the lower limbs. Another vase,
discovered in the ancient tombs of Volci, also shows a similar method
of running. The athletes are moving rapidly, and using their arms
as wings. On the other hand, those who were running a long distance
clenched their fists and held their arms close to their sides, as do
our modern runners. A peculiar custom prevailed during the games. It
is said the contestants kept up a loud shouting in order to retain
their courage, while at the same time the admiring spectators cheered
wildly as some favorite or friend neared the goal. As the Greeks did
not possess the modern mechanical means of communication, they had
to rely mostly upon messengers; hence the great necessity for expert
runners. To this fact is due to a considerable degree the development
of agonistic and running contests in Greece. It is said that after the
battle of Platæa all the sacred fires which had been profaned by the
Persians were extinguished, and that Ἐνχίδας, a Platæan, covered in one
day the distance of a thousand stadia from Platæa to Delphi and back
again, and brought his fellow-citizens the pure fire from the altar
of Apollo. As a result of this terrible strain he sank to the ground
and died. The Cretans were especially noted in the δόλιχος. Sotades
and Ergoteles were among the most famous. The Arcadian Dromeos was
another celebrated runner, having been like the former twelve times
victorious in the δόλιχος. Ladas, the famous Spartan runner, was also
victorious in the δόλιχος, but according to Pausanias died at the goal
on completing a race.

Comparison of the speed of Hellenic athletes with that of modern
runners is exceedingly difficult, because the Hellenes had no means of
measuring minutes of time; they did not say of an athlete that he ran
the δίαυλος in such a time, but that he won (_i. e._, surpassed his
competitors) in a certain Olympic celebration.

Probably the next event was the pentathlon. This competition was
introduced into the festival at about the 18th Olympiad. As the
etymology of the word signifies, the pentathlon consisted of five
distinct competitions, enumerated in a well-known pentameter ascribed
to Simonides: leaping (ἅλμα), running (ποδωκείην), diskos-throwing
(δίσκον), spear-throwing (ἄκοντα), wrestling (πάλην). That the poet
arranged the events in this order cannot be taken as positive proof
that this was the real order, as it is hard to see how these words
could be arranged otherwise in a pentameter. It is probable, however,
that wrestling was the final contest. There is some uncertainty as to
what constituted a victory in the pentathlon, but it is evident that
the purpose of this competition was to develop what we call “all-round
athletes,” and the assertion that the victor must have won three out of
the five contests cannot be far from the truth.

In such a combination of exercises it would certainly be good athletic
policy to make leaping the first contest. It may be questioned whether
an athlete could leap so well after having engaged in the more violent
exercises, whereas leaping itself, instead of disqualifying for the
other exercises, would on the contrary rouse the animal spirits without
bringing on exhaustion, and thereby put the athletes at once in good
condition. For the leap requires not only vigor and elasticity, but
also courage and determination.

The beneficent results of this exercise were recognized at a very early
period by the Hellenes, although in the heroic world the leap was not
considered so important as the other modes of contest. In the games
of Achilles the leap is not mentioned. In the Odyssey, however, the
Phæacians, a light-hearted people, more fond of amusement than of war,
are said to be skilled in leaping. It is in historic times, however,
that leaping, as an important event in the pentathlon of the public
games, acquires its technique, and receives the careful attention of
athletes.

What may be called the pure leap, that is the standing leap without
accessory aids, was not practised at Olympia. The leaper held in his
hands weights resembling our dumb-bells, and known as ἁλτῆρες. To
determine the dynamic advantage of these weights is not easy, but
it is certain that with them the exercise required more skill, and
accordingly more practice, that it called into play more muscles, and
that it was more attractive to athletes as a mode of competition.

While little information can be obtained from classic writers
concerning the ἁλτῆρες, much can be learned from archæological
specimens. Pausanias describes them as having the form of a semi-oval,
or inaccurately-rounded ring that could be grasped by the fingers as a
shield was grasped. This description corresponds with a drawing of the
ἁλτῆρες on a vase in Hamilton’s second collection. Ἁλτῆρες of another
shape, however, resembling very closely the modern dumb-bells, are
seen on many other vases and gems. These had both ends rounded, and
were narrow in the middle in order that they might be easily held. In
Hamilton’s first collection are vases giving representations of these
ἁλτῆρες. In the Museo Borbonico may be seen on a patera a drawing in
which the ἁλτῆρες have still another form: when the hand has grasped
the handle of these, beyond the hand, on one side only, a club-shaped
part protrudes. The ἁλτῆρες were usually made of lead.

In the pentathla, leaping never took place without ἁλτῆρες, which the
athlete usually held directly in front of him, and then, as he sprang,
brought behind him, thus helping to propel his body forward.

In addition to the ἁλτῆρες, professional athletes made use of another
aid--the βατήρ. The latter was a board on which they stood before
taking the leap, and which may indeed have been provided with a spring.

Pausanias especially mentions the fact that the leaping of the
pentathli in the Olympic festival was accompanied by airs on the flute.
This music was probably to open the pentathlon, the most splendid and
stirring of gymnastic contests, as well as to increase the courage of
the leapers.

The only leap that belonged to the pentathlon was the standing long
jump. There is no trace of anything like the hop, step and jump. The
figures of athletes on vases are represented not as running, but as
standing and swinging the ἁλτῆρες. Then, too, it would seem that in
the running jump the weights would be an impediment rather than an
aid. With the aid of the ἁλτῆρες and the βατήρ enormous distances
were covered. Phaÿllos of Rhegium is said to have covered more than
fifty-five feet at a leap. But the record is incredible. Some German
professors, however, are inclined to credit the record on the ground
that the ancients had studied the theory of leaping more scientifically
than have the moderns. For the sake of comparison the modern records
in jumping may be introduced. On May 28, 1890, J. Darby of England,
without the aid of weights, made a standing long jump of 12½ feet. At
Romeo, Mich., October 3, 1879, with 22-pound weights, G. W. Hamilton
made a standing jump of 14 feet, 5½ inches. A record of 23 feet, 6½
inches, in the running long jump has been made twice: by C. L. Reber at
Detroit, July 4, 1891, and by C. B. Frye of England, March 4, 1893. A
jump of 48 feet, 8 inches, without weights and preceded by a hop and a
step, was made October 18, 1884, by T. Burrows of Worcester.

In the palæstra and the gymnasium, leaping was practised in many
different ways, as through a hoop, or over a rope. That the high jump
also was practised is evident from the fact that the athletes leaped
not only over pointed poles fixed in the ground, but also over one
another’s heads, after the manner of modern circus performers. Leaping
from a higher place to a lower was also practised. Leaping took place
in dancing and in various other sports. A dance, consisting principally
of leaping was practised at Sparta, particularly by young women and
girls. In this the dancers aimed to hit their backs with their heels.
Aristophanes alludes to this custom in the following dialogue between
Lysistrata and Lampito:

            LYSISTRATA.
    Hail! Lampito, dearest of Lakonian women.
    How shines thy beauty, O, my sweetest friend!
    How fair thy colour, full of life thy frame!
    Why, thou couldst choke a bull.

            LAMPITO.
                                  Yes, by the twain;
    For I do practise the gymnastic art,
    And, leaping, strike my backbone with my heels.

            LYSISTRATA.
    In sooth, thy bust is lovely to behold.

It is probable that in the Olympic pentathlon leaping was followed by
diskos-hurling,--a contest of great antiquity. An old myth represents
Apollo as a diskos-thrower.

The diskos was circular in form with perhaps an average diameter of a
little less than a foot, and was made of various materials at different
periods and places. The heroic diskos, as has been said, was made of
stone, while that of a later period was of metal, and even of wood.
The diskos in common use at the Olympic festival was metallic, and
resembled a small shield.

In the local gymnasia the size and weight of the diskos varied in
order that an athlete might select one in accord with his strength.
But in the men’s pentathlon at the public games a standard diskos was
required,--uniform in material, form, and weight, in order that the
strength and skill of the competitors might be impartially tested and
the victory correspondingly awarded. There is considerable doubt as to
the dimensions and weight of this standard diskos. It is likely that
the weight was between four and five pounds. A specimen found at Ægina
and now preserved among the bronzes at Munich is about eight inches
in diameter and slightly less than four pounds in weight. But another
specimen at present in the British Museum weighs twelve pounds.

There is also doubt as to the distance to which a skilful athlete
could hurl the diskos. An extravagant record of one hundred cubits is
preserved in the writings of Philostratos. It is probable, however,
that one hundred feet was an extraordinary throw and was exceeded only
by the best athletes. While it is unlikely that the throws of renowned
athletes were carelessly measured at the time, it is probable that
many subsequent accounts were more or less exaggerated. It is well to
bear in mind that the statue of Phaÿllos was greatly admired among the
Greeks because that athlete had thrown the diskos ninety-five feet.

It is interesting in this connection to note that at the International
Athletic Games, celebrated at Athens in 1896, the victor in the
diskos-throwing competition made a record of 95.64 feet. The diskos
used in this competition weighed 4¾ pounds. Although three skilful
Greek athletes participated in this competition and exhibited a
technique much superior to that of the foreign competitors, yet the
victory was won by Mr. Garret, an American, who though never having
handled the diskos before threw it to the above distance, thereby
surpassing the best throw of M. Paraskevopoulos, the Greek champion,
by .64 feet.

To return to the ancient contests, the Homeric heroes practised
diskos-throwing without completely disrobing,--the upper garment only
being laid aside. But at Olympia after the 15th Olympiad all clothing
was dispensed with, and the advantage of entire nudity in this sport
came to be clearly recognized. Nudity characterized, of course, the
diskoboloi of the other great athletic festivals. Again, while the
Homeric heroes did not anoint the body with oil, the athlete of
historic times did not consider his preparation complete without it.

After roughening his hands and the diskos with earth, in order to grasp
it more firmly and handle it more deftly, the diskobolos ascended an
eminence, called the βαλβίς. When about to throw, the body of the
diskobolos was bent quite a little to the right and forward. At the
same time the head was bent to the right so far that it was possible
for him to see the upper left side of his body. The right arm was now
moved from below, first backward to the height of the shoulders, and
then with a rapid movement forward it described a semi-circle, giving
the diskos at once velocity and direction. In throwing the diskos, the
diskobolos rested first on the right foot and then on the left. At the
moment of hurling the diskos the left knee was slightly bent, while the
other was kept backward. As the diskos left his hand he took one or
more steps forward, like a person throwing a ball in a bowling alley.

Again we are indebted to the archæologist who has brought to the light
of day not only statues but also vases and gems with their elaborate
scenes of the diskobolos in various attitudes, for they reveal to us
many facts about which the ancient historians are silent.

In classifying these works of art three different attitudes may be
recognized:
  (1) The diskobolos preparing to throw.
  (2) The diskobolos in the act of throwing.
  (3) The diskobolos having hurled the diskos and still following it
with his eyes, or where he has already been declared victor.

In the Museo Pio Clementino is a statue representing an athlete about
to hurl the diskos. In his left hand he is testing the weight of
the diskos, but holding the right ready to receive it and hurl it
into space. This statue was supposed by Visconti to be a copy of a
diskobolos by Naukydes, the pupil of Polykleitos. Many other copies are
also seen on vases and gems. On one of Hamilton’s vases the diskobolos
holds the diskos in his right hand, supporting its weight in his left.

Of the statues representing the athlete in the act of throwing, we
will consider only Myron’s Diskobolos, the beau ideal of athletic
motion, famous even in antiquity. Eight copies in a more or less
mutilated condition have come down to us. That which was found in the
Villa Palombara in 1781 on the Esquiline is the best reproduction of
the original. This statue passed from the palace known as that of the
_Massimi alle Colonne_ to the _Lancelotti Palace_, Rome, where it still
remains. The attitude of the diskobolos is very nearly that described
by Lucian and Quintilian. In the _Philopseudes_--1, 8, Lucian gives
the following description of Myron’s Diskobolos: “Thou speakest of
the disk-thrower, who is bending forward for the throw, with his face
turned away towards the hand that holds the disk, and with one foot
slightly pointed, as if he would raise himself with the action of
throwing.”

The statue reveals probably the most approved attitude of a diskobolos
just before making a throw. The centre of gravity falls upon the right
foot, which, though the leg is bent in a slight curve, rests firmly on
the ground; both legs are bent at the knees, but the left more acutely;
the right fore-leg is perpendicular, while the left is thrust backward
obliquely; the left foot, forming a noticeable curve, is upright and
touches the ground only at the tips of the toes; the thighs, close
together, slant upward, making an angle of over 45° with the ground;
the upper part of the body is bent forward, and is steadied by the left
arm whose hand rests against the right knee; the upper half of the body
is twisted to the right; the right arm is extended backwards and is
straight; the fingers of the right hand, which is somewhat above the
level of the right shoulder, firmly grip the edge of the diskos; the
head is turned so far to the right that the right side of the body is
plainly visible; the eyes are fastened on the diskos.

It is evident that the diskobolos must have swung the disk in a
semi-circle, and have hurled it from below forward, and that the whole
body must have relaxed and readjusted itself as the right arm moved
forward and imparted the pent-up energy to the disk.

The pose of the large cast in the Boston Athenæum, as well as that
of the cast in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, is not in accordance
with Lucian’s description. Both represent the head as not turned aside
but directly forward, with the eyes looking straight ahead. There is,
however, in the Fourth Greek Room, a cast of a small bronze statuette,
which is preserved in the Antiquarium at Munich. This is in many
respects an excellent copy of Myron’s diskobolos. In the catalogue
of the casts in the Museum, this statuette is pronounced especially
satisfactory from an æsthetic point of view because the line of
equilibrium falls perpendicularly through the centre from whatever
point of view the statuette is seen.

Besides this copy of Myron’s statue, we find on many vases and gems the
diskobolos in the act of hurling the diskos. For instance, on one of
Hamilton’s vases we see a diskobolos with a diskos in his right hand,
while the right arm is bent and held forward, showing that he is on the
point of moving the arm backward, and then forcibly hurling the diskos
from below, forward. The left arm is bent over the head, the eyes are
fixed on the diskos, the right foot is placed forward, so that the
centre of gravity falls on the left, which is obliquely bent at the
knee.

We will now consider the third class of statues, gems and
vase-paintings representing the diskobolos as having thrown the diskos,
and still following it with his eye, or where he has already been
declared victor and adorned with the palm. In 1754 there was discovered
at Herculaneum the bronze statue of a diskobolos from whose hand the
diskos has just flown. He is still standing, however, with the upper
portion of his body bent forward, the eyes looking sharply into space,
the face full of expectation. The position of the right arm indicates
that the hand is only just freed from the heavy diskos. Both feet are
placed wide apart, as may be observed in several other instances, at
the moment of throwing. In the _Galerie de Florence_ is a gem which
represents a diskobolos who has been declared victor. He holds the
diskos in his left hand, the palm of victory in his right. At his
right stands a prize cup, while at his left is a tripod upon which is
a wreath and a palm. A painting from Herculaneum also represents a
diskobolos after having thrown the diskos.

If space permitted, many other statues, vase and gem pictures could
be cited to show the different positions of the skilled diskobolos.
But enough has been said to show that to hurl the diskos through the
air at once gracefully and effectively required the greatest skill
and dexterity, and was an art acquired only through long practice. In
diskos-throwing, distance, not height, determined the victor. He who
threw the farthest beyond the mark or σῆμα was awarded the prize.

Diskos-throwing was a good preparation for war, as it developed great
skill in stone-throwing--a very important feature in the war practices
of the ancients. This exercise must have developed to a remarkable
degree the muscles of the upper part of the body, shoulders, arms and
hands--especially those of the right side of the body. At the same time
the feet were trained in a firm and secure step, and, although the
diskos was thrown at no fixed point, the eye was nevertheless used and
trained. So beneficial was the exercise in certain cases that it was
often ordered by the ancient physicians. Among the Spartans the diskos
was especially loved, ostensibly on account of Apollo’s contest with
Hyakinthos on Spartan soil.




               III. THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN ANCIENT TIMES.


The third event of the pentathlon was spear-throwing. In the athletic
training of an Hellenic youth, spear-throwing came after the hand and
arm had been strengthened by ball-playing and diskos-throwing.

Spear-throwing, as has been shown, growing out of the very early
necessity of war-training, was a primitive mode of exercise. The spear
(δόρυ, λόγχη) used by the Homeric heroes was very large, and as heavy
as they could handle effectively. None but that warrior himself could
wield the spear of Achilles. Hector’s spear was 16 feet long; the
shaft was made of ash. A socket was fitted to the upper end of the
spear, in which was inserted a bronze spear point. But that used at the
pentathlon, and denoted by the term ἄκων, was smaller and lighter.

The attitude of the body, the movement of the arms and shoulders,
and the carriage of the head were very different in spear-throwing
from those in diskos-hurling. The athlete stood erect, and raised his
right arm upward and slightly backward; his right foot was generally
placed backward, while his left was advanced; his eye was fixed on a
goal straight ahead. He grasped the spear in the middle and held it
in a horizontal position on a level with his right ear; sometimes he
moved it backward and forward before throwing, but as often omitted
such preliminary exercise. Sometimes it was thrown by means of a strap
attached to it, as is still the custom in many countries.

In the pentathlon, spear-throwing was a test rather of skill than of
strength; an athlete who could win the victory with the diskos might
suffer defeat with the spear, although diskos-throwing required more
strength than spear-throwing. Spear-throwing trained the eye and made
the arm deft in executing the eye’s direction.

It conferred upon the body other peculiar benefits; the organs of
respiration were stimulated; the chest was strengthened and enlarged;
the right arm was strengthened; in order to throw the spear effectively
the athlete must maintain a graceful poise and have command of his
entire body; to do so with a weight held aloft, strengthened the lower
limbs, made their muscles more facile, and the step more sure.

By inserting this particular exercise into the pentathlon the early
Olympians not only recognized the foregoing advantages, but they also
honored the characteristic exercise of their ancestors, and subsequent
Olympians followed their example. For the spear was the traditional
sign of the freeman; as far back as myth and memory could go, it had
been carried, even in peace, as an honorable and distinguishing token.

Plato, in his scheme of the ideal state, prescribed spear-throwing as a
training for war, and directed that it should be practiced by women as
well as by men.

At Rome, during the time of the emperors, spear-throwing was included
among the gymnastic exercises of that city. Instruction in this
art was received from the Mauritanians. But it is said that the
Emperor Commodus surpassed even the skill of his instructors; in the
amphitheatre he killed, according to the story, a hundred lions with
as many spears; at another time he astonished the spectators by the
dexterity with which he hurled his spear at the Mauritanian ostriches,
as they ran by the amphitheatre at full speed; with every throw he
severed a bird’s head from its body.

We have no accounts to show as to how far a Greek athlete could hurl
a spear, but we know that savages of today can hurl it to a great
distance. It is said by travellers that a Kaffir who suddenly comes
upon game will hit an antelope ten or fifteen yards away without
raising his arm.

The three events that have been described, leaping, diskos-throwing
and spear-throwing, were probably the essential features of the
pentathlon; that is to say, an athlete who won in all three events
was probably crowned victor. If, however, the victories in the three
events were not secured by the same man, the competition was decided by
additional contests in running and wrestling. But as at other stages of
the festival these two exercises were distinct events, a description
of their technique may be omitted in this place. Among those who
distinguished themselves in the pentathlon, were included some of the
most illustrious men of Greece.

The pentathlon was succeeded by horse and chariot races.

Chariot racing, even as far back as the heroic time, had attained a
high rank in the domain of antagonistics; it was, indeed, the first
contest in the funeral games of Patroklos. (Il. xxiii. 262-650.)
In the minute and vivid description of Homer, the nature of the
contest and the arrangements are very clearly indicated. There was
no artificially constructed hippodrome. A flat, open plain, with its
natural irregularities and without buildings of any sort, served as
the race-course. The point of starting was on the sea-coast, but the
turning point was in the plain of Troy. The goal, which was the stump
of a tree, could be seen in the far distance only by its having two
white stones leaning against it on either side. On account of the great
distance, the spectators were not able to distinguish between the
approaching horses. (Il. 450 ff.) Hence rose an altercation between
Idomeneus and Aias, as to whose chariot was leading in the race.
Achilles advised both to wait quietly until the horses were nearer and
the order of the chariots could be recognized by all.

With a very few points of difference, this description of Homer gives
a good idea of a chariot race at Olympia. The difference consisted,
first, in running the length of the course several times instead of
once, in order that a body of spectators might witness the entire
race; second, in the greater number of chariots, and third, in the
arrangements, whereby they might start without confusion. In the games
of Achilles, the chariots were five in number, each with two horses and
a single driver, who stood upright in the chariot. As we have already
mentioned, the Homeric hero made use of two horses in the race as
well as in hostile combat, while the Olympic contestant did not limit
himself to two horses. In fact, the four-horse chariot-race, which was
introduced in the twenty-fifth Olympiad, was the first in honor and in
importance, and always remained the most popular. In this contest, only
kings, nobles, and the wealthy could take part, on account of the great
expense involved in rearing fine horses, and in maintaining costly
chariots. Very often, the victor had his triumphs recorded on the state
issues of coins.

Races on horseback date from the thirty-third Olympiad. Philip of
Macedon won in this contest, and celebrated his victory by having an
enormous horse, ridden by a diminutive jockey, placed on his coinage.
As this victory took place in the same year in which Potidaea fell
into his hands and his son Alexander was born, he regarded that year as
especially auspicious.

While the race of the quadrigæ of horses was introduced as early as the
twenty-fifth Olympiad, that of the bigæ of horses was not introduced
until the ninety-third Olympiad. A quadriga consisted of four horses
harnessed to a chariot; a biga, of two horses. In the seventieth
Olympiad, bigæ of mules were admitted, but in the eighty-fourth
Olympiad they were excluded; their exclusion may be ascribed to two
reasons: first, they presented an unpleasing appearance; second, among
the Eleians, according to Pausanias, a curse had rested on the animals
from ancient times.

Prior to the twenty-fifth Olympiad, all athletic contests had taken
place in the Stadion. As chariot-racing, however, demanded more room,
a separate race-course, called the Hippodrome, was established. The
site of the Hippodrome cannot be exactly traced. This is because
the Alpheios has washed away all certain indications of its limits.
But from the account of Pausanias (V, 4; VI, 20, 7 foll.) it may be
approximately located; it lay to the south of the Stadion and extended
roughly parallel with it, though stretching far beyond it to the east.
The German explorers who excavated Olympia inferred from the state
of the ground that the Hippodrome was about 2526 feet in length. The
Stadion and Hippodrome were closely connected, the rear part of the
aphesis, or starting point, of the Hippodrome adjoining the end of the
Stadion. At the farther end of the Hippodrome was the goal outside of
which the chariots had to turn. To round this goal with advantage, that
is, to keep as close to it as it was possible to do without upsetting
his own chariot or colliding with another, required long practice
and great dexterity on the part of the driver; it was indeed a very
dangerous feat; at every race a large number of the chariots involved
were wrecked, and in such accidents the charioteers rarely escaped
without serious injuries. According to legend, Orestes had met his
death at a Pythian festival; his chariot colliding with the goal, he
fell to the ground, became entangled in the reins, and was dragged or
trampled to death. After every turning of the goal, the chariots were
greeted with the sound of trumpets in order that men and horses might
attain new courage and vigor after so dangerous an ordeal.

The signal for the chariots to come out from the rooms allotted to
them in the aphesis and form in line for the race was given by an eagle
which, by means of mechanism, rose into the air at the same moment that
a dolphin fell to the ground. Such a signal was characteristic of the
Greek; but in the Roman races, the chariots started at the waving of a
white cloth by a person of distinction.

The equestrian contests at Olympia were succeeded by boxing. Boxing
for men was introduced at the Olympic festival in the twenty-third
Olympiad, and for boys in the thirty-seventh Olympiad. But the sport
was already very old, and its introduction at Olympia was probably a
recognition of its popularity and antiquity. In fact, as the fist is
the simplest and most natural weapon of mankind, it is not surprising
to find that boxing was one of the earliest athletic games among the
Hellenes. Homer’s detailed description of the contest of the invincible
Epeios with Euryalos has already been mentioned, and Homer had probably
heard many similar tales of the prowess of Mycenæan boxers. Polydeukes,
the bravest boxer among the pre-Homeric heroes, is said to have
defeated the strong Amykos. The latter was a teacher of the art, and
allowed no stranger to depart from his country without challenging him
to a pugilistic contest. Apollo himself, the gracious companion and
leader of the Pierides, is described as engaging in a boxing contest at
Olympus with Ares, the powerful god of war; perhaps in this myth there
is a suggestion of the advantage which the nimble and quick-witted
boxer sometimes has over a more bulky one. In the mythical founding of
the Nemean games, Tydeus was victorious in a boxing contest. In the
passage of Virgil’s Æneid (Book V, 401 ff.), which so closely resembles
the twenty-third Book of the Iliad, the aged Entellus vanquishes the
young and boastful Dares. This contest showed a complete system of
striking and parrying.

It is quite likely that these and many other similar legends augmented
the natural interest in the sport, and hastened its introduction into
the greatest of all athletic festivals. But at Olympia the sport was
marked with variations. Whereas, for instance, the Homeric heroes, when
boxing, had protected their bodies by means of a girdle around the
loins (Il. XXIII, 683), the Olympian athletes, being already accustomed
to nudity in the wrestling and racing contests, dispensed with such
protection. Again, from the first, Olympian boxers oiled the body,
contrary to the practice of Homeric athletes.

Probably very few of the tactics of modern pugilists were unknown to
the Greek athletes. Some of the accessories of a modern ring-fight,
such as the “preliminary hand-shake,” tossing for corners, etc., were
of course wanting; particularly noticeable was the absence of ropes and
stakes; there was no referee to enforce so strict a code of ethics as
the Marquis of Queensberry rules, fair play being secured by the voice
of the people. Grasping or hugging the opponent was not permitted; it
was in the elimination of such tactics that boxing differed from the
pankration, a combination of boxing and wrestling. Kicking was likewise
forbidden.

The set-to of Greek boxers probably resembled very closely that of
modern pugilists. The ancient descriptions of the manner of giving and
guarding or blocking blows are rather vague; but on antique vases may
be seen representations of boxers facing one another in well-balanced
attitudes, their heads thrown back, and their arms well advanced, in
the manner of the best modern pugilism. In a famous Greek painting of
boxers, one of the men stands with his left foot and hand advanced, his
left arm slightly bent, and his right arm held across his lower chest,
in fact, just as Fitzsimmons or Corbett would stand when expecting a
blow. In the beginning of the contest, the boxer was sparing of his
strength and preferred to assume the defensive position, and so wear
out his opponent. It was, of course, considered a merit for a boxer to
conquer without receiving wounds.

The principal differences between the technique of Olympian boxing and
that of modern pugilism must be ascribed to the use at Olympia of that
cruel boxing weapon known as the cæstus. This consisted of a heavy
thong of dry, hardened leather, wound about the palm of the hand so as
to form a formidable ridge of considerable circumference; it was even
rendered more formidable by being loaded with lead, and studded with
little metal projections. This nail-studded covering was called σφαῖρα,
and was unknown to the ancient Greeks. That it was very dangerous is
shown by the fact that when used in the practice gymnasia, it was
itself covered, in order that young athletes might become accustomed to
its use before subjecting themselves to its deadliness. But even more
brutal than these were the μύρμηκες, called the breakers or crushers
of limbs. One cannot conceive of a more formidable covering for the
hand, unless it be the terrible cæstus of the Romans, to which Virgil
alludes in the memorial games of Anchises (Æn. V, 401): “Tantorum
ingentia septem Terga boum plumbo insuto ferroque rigebant.” “So
terrible was the seven-fold bullhide stiffened with patches of lead and
iron.” An examination of the representations of hands armed with this
covering makes it evident that the straight blow or counter would not
only fail to make the weapon effective, but would, if forcible enough,
crush the fingers of the boxer between the leather and the adversary’s
body. The cæstus must, therefore, have been used for round blows, or
for the old English blow called the “chopper”; these were delivered by
the back of the hand in an outward and downward swing, and, to be given
without injury to the one who dealt them, required considerable skill.

The blows were directed at the upper parts of the body, and the wounds
inflicted on the head, the temples, ears, cheeks and nose, were very
severe and frequently proved fatal. The teeth were often broken or
injured. It is related of Eurydamas, the Cyrenean, that his teeth
were knocked out by his adversary, but that he quietly swallowed them
in order to conceal from him how much he was injured; his adversary,
disheartened by the apparently small effect of his powerful blow, lost
hope and allowed Eurydamas to win the victory. The ears, especially,
were exposed to great danger, and those of regular pugilists were
usually so mutilated and swollen that the phrase “fighter’s ear”
became a stereotyped expression. Little covers for the ear, known as
αὐφώτιρες, were invented for gymnasium work, but they were not used
in public games. Boxers, on account of the bruises and disfigurations
that usually marked their features, were the subjects of numerous
epigrammatic jests. Here is a sample from the pen of a comic poet:

“After twenty years,” says the author of the epigram, “Ulysses was
recognized from his appearance returning to his home, by his dog,
Argos. But thou, Stratophon, after boxing for four hours, hast been so
altered, that neither dogs nor any person in the town could possibly
recognize thee. And if thou lookest at thy face in a mirror, thou
thyself wilt swear that thou art not Stratophon.”

Of the boxer Olympikos, a poet says that he once had a nose, a beard,
eyebrows, ears and eyelids, but that when he had inscribed his name
among the pugilists he lost them all.

The only protection against the wound-dealing cæstus, aside from skill
in blocking blows, was a cap of bronze that was worn by boxers at
Olympia.

Another noteworthy point of difference between Olympian and modern
boxing is that instead of maintaining silence during the contest, as
do the moderns, the Olympians accompanied their blows with certain
inarticulate sounds, believing that their force was thereby increased.
Modern stone-masons frequently do the same.

The contest at Olympia did not end until one of the combatants was
rendered unconscious, or was compelled by fatigue, wounds or despair to
declare himself conquered, which he signified by lifting his right hand.

In this connection it is interesting to trace the evolution of boxing
in Greece. At first, of course, the bare fist was used; but as time
went on, boxers learned to cover their fists and wrists with strips of
undressed oxhide, the ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς ἀγραύλοιο in the contest
of Epeios and Euryalos (Il. XXIII, 684). Homer mentions these ἱμάντες
as if they were very common. The name μειλίχαι was given them by
later writers, because they dealt a mild blow; they are described by
Pausanias (VIII, 40, 3) as made of raw oxhide, cut into thin strips
and braided according to the custom of the ancients. The strips were
wound round the palm, leaving the fingers uncovered, at least enough so
that they could be bent to form a clenched fist. As the name indicates,
the μειλίχαι were not cruel weapons; they served not only to moderate
the force of the blow, but also to protect the hand from injury. They
were used at the Nemean games as late as the famous contest between
Kreugas and Damoxenos. It is likely that with these soft coverings the
technique of blows conformed more nearly with the modern technique.
It has been already shown that the straight counter was rendered
impracticable by the cæstus. But without the cæstus the Greek was very
skillful with this blow. The Greek also understood the advantage of the
cross-counter, a blow sometimes thought to be a comparatively recent
discovery in pugilism. If the Homeric description of the bare-handed
fight between Odysseus and the impudent ruffian and parasite, Iros,
be analyzed, the blow will be found plainly involved. Iros, who is of
gigantic size, has insulted Odysseus. A ring is formed and they begin
to fight (Od. XVIII, 73-231).

    “On his right shoulder Iros laid his stroke,
    Odysseus struck him just beneath the ear,
    His jaw-bone broke, and made the blood appear,
    When straight he strewed the dust.”

The blow of Odysseus must have been a cross-counter. Iros leads with
his left at Odysseus’ head, but the blow falls instead on his right
shoulder. Odysseus avoids the blow just as a trained boxer would avoid
a similar one today; that is to say, he moves his head to the left, and
catches the blow on his right shoulder, at the same moment, “rising
to the stroke.” He then crosses Iros’ arm with his right, strikes him
beneath the ear, and breaks his jaw, thereby “knocking him out.”

The introduction and use of the cæstus, brought about by the
blood-thirstiness of the ancient mob, instead of being in the interest
of further skill was decidedly a backward step. For not only did it
improperly limit the technique of blows, as has been shown, but it was
too sure a menace to the very source of human skill, the senses and
consciousness itself.

Solon praised boxing from an educational point of view. Cato the elder
must have entertained a high opinion of this art, for, according to
Plutarch, he himself instructed his son, with whose education he took
the greatest pains, in the art of boxing.

In justification of this praise, it must be remembered that Greek
boxing, aside from its brutal features, had also its æsthetic side.
A graceful carriage, dexterity, and promptness of activity were
cultivated. We find Apollo, the embodiment of youthful grace and
beauty, and the ideal of Hellenic æstheticism, represented as a boxer.
Even from the medical point of view, boxing was highly esteemed.
Aretaios recommends it for vertigo and chronic headache (De Morb. Dint.
Cur. 1, 2).

This sport engaged young men of the noblest families in all parts of
Hellas. Pythagoras is said to have been victorious when a youth in a
boxing contest at Olympia. Rhodes, Ægina, Arkadia and Elis were noted
for producing skilled pugilists.

Boxing was followed by wrestling and the pankration which were the
final competitions. As is well known, wrestling was one of the most
popular sports among the Greeks, from the days of Homer. According to
mythology, Palaistra, the daughter of Hermes, established the πάλη,
while her brother, Autolykos, is mentioned as the instructor of the
young Herakles in this art. Plato also assigns the origin of wrestling
to the earliest times and declares Antaios and Kerkyon to be the most
ancient wrestlers. But the mode of wrestling was the result of a mere
desire to fight, and so did not develop wrestling as an art. Theseus is
said to have been the first to reduce it to a system and to practice
it according to definite rules. We have already mentioned how Homer,
in the games of Achilles, causes the powerful Telamonian Aias and
Odysseus to engage in a wrestling bout. Wrestling matches were among
the chief events in the famous games at Olympia and elsewhere. They
were introduced earlier than boxing and were believed to show off the
strength, activity and grace of the body to more advantage than any
other contest. No other exercise required such perfect development
of every muscle in the body, or an equal combination of strength and
agility.

Plutarch calls wrestling the most artistic and cunning of athletic
sports. It was as full of tricks and feints as that of modern times.
The opponent was often deceived by feigned positions and movements.
Sometimes the wrestler would feint as if to grasp his adversary in a
certain place, but by a quick, cat-like movement would attack him in
another which had been left exposed. Cunning was likewise practiced by
the Homeric heroes. Odysseus overpowered Aias by striking him in the
hollow of the knee. But while wrestling was characterized by tricks,
the observance of certain rules was insisted on at Olympia. Striking,
kicking, and pushing were prohibited, but, strange to say, disjointing
an opponent’s fingers was allowed, probably on the ground that it
involved grasping.

While the Greeks in their athletic sports sought for grace and symmetry
as well as strength, it is nevertheless true that their wrestlers were
noted for their bulk. Corpulency was considered advantageous for a
wrestler for two reasons: first, the increased weight rendered it less
easy for an opponent to lift him off the ground; second, it was easier
for him, on the other hand, to overpower his adversary at the opportune
moment. Nevertheless, a graceful style of wrestling, while less easy
to attain under this condition, was much sought after. And oftentimes
grace is the concomitant of a skill that possesses a sure advantage
over mere bulk. Very joyous were the Olympic spectators when this fact
was demonstrated. When the boy Kratinos of Aigeira was victorious
in a match in which skill was more apparent than mere strength, the
authorities permitted him to have placed in the Altis not only his own
statue, but that of his teacher. Pausanias says that Kratinos exhibited
a more graceful style than any other wrestler of his time.

Two modes of wrestling were in vogue at Olympia, standing and ground
wrestling; the former, called the τριαγμός, was most common. The
contestants stood upright, face to face, and after one had been thrown
and had risen, the contest was renewed. This was the style practiced
by the Homeric heroes. After Aias and Odysseus had thrown each other
to the ground, they rose and continued the struggle. Victory was
bought with three throws. Standing wrestling was practiced in later
times at all the great games. Plato, especially, prefers this style,
as it develops the upper parts of the body, the arms, shoulders, chest
and neck. In the latter, or ground wrestling, when the combatants
had fallen they continued the struggle on the ground, until one
acknowledged himself conquered. This kind of wrestling belonged
especially to the pankration, and like that cruel contest was unknown
in heroic times. Solon, according to Lucian, claims that this mode is
of great value as a preparation for war. Plato, however, does not so
regard it. Dion Cassius, in his description of a battle between the
Romans and the Jazyges on the ice of the Danube, claimed that in this
particular instance, familiarity with ground wrestling was especially
advantageous.

Of the numerous tricks, feints and holds practiced by the Greeks, the
following were the most noteworthy. The antagonist endeavored to throw
his opponent either by tripping him, or by grasping his foot with
his hand. This latter style is differently illustrated on two vases.
On the first vase the antagonist is represented as grasping with his
right hand his opponent’s foot, which he has raised to a line with the
middle of his body, while with the left arm he is further raising the
thigh, thus forcing his opponent to the ground. On the second vase, the
contestant has raised his opponent’s foot and is holding it up with the
left hand, which is placed under the knee; both contestants are moving
the right arm as if preparing to strike. This probably represents
the pankration, as striking was not allowed in the wrestling bout. A
similar illustration is seen on a coin; but here the antagonist, whose
foot is held by his opponent, holds the latter in his arms in order to
drag him down if he should fall.

Another trick, in which the athlete wound his leg around his opponent’s
thigh, was often practiced. This point is beautifully illustrated by
the famous group of wrestlers in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence, of which
a fine cast may be seen in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Winckelmann
considers these wrestlers to be the sons of Niobe, as they were found
in 1583 at the same time and place as the Niobe group. According to the
legend, they were engaged in a wrestling match when slain by Apollo’s
arrows.

The technical names of the various locks and holds which have come
down to us do not give a clear and definite idea of wrestling. If
one of the Hellenic gymnastes, who must have written accounts of the
different modes of wrestling, had left behind a complete list of
movements, or if the most important parts of the literature bearing
upon gymnastics and agonistics had been preserved, we might form a
more definite conception of the wrestling match. To the student of
athletics it may be interesting to mention a few expressions which
have come down to us from this ancient nomenclature. The word δράσσειν
which literally means to seize or grasp the hand, was probably applied
to the alternate grasping of the arms. This movement is beautifully
illustrated on many antique works of Greek art, especially on vases,
gems and coins. It was one of the chief manœuvres of the wrestlers
and might have occurred at the beginning of the contest. Plutarch
designates the different modes of attack, position and manœuvres of the
wrestlers by the terms ἐμβολαί, παρεμβολαί, συστάσεις, παραθέσεις, from
which general conceptions may be formed, but hardly clear imagery. The
following Greek words, ὠθισμοί, περιπλοκαί, λυγισμοί, which literally
mean pushing, grasping and twisting the limbs, were used by Lucian to
express different styles of wrestling. The terms συναφή and κατοχή
used by Hesychios when speaking of athletics, can apply only to the
wrestling match itself. The movement whereby the antagonist is forced
from his position is described by the term ἀπάγειν, literally to
lead away or carry off. Ἄγχειν and ἀποπνίγειν describe the grasping
of the neck and choking, in order to prevent respiration. This trick
of grasping the opponent’s neck and then throttling him until he
acknowledged himself conquered was considered a very cunning act.
Sometimes the wrestler would obstruct respiration by forcing his elbow
under the chin of his adversary, or he would attempt to bring the neck
of the latter between his thighs and then exert such pressure as
almost to strangle him. This occurred more frequently in the ground
wrestling. On a gem is portrayed a group of boy wrestlers, one of whom,
while resting on his right knee, is firmly holding by the throat his
opponent, who is on both knees; to the right stands a prize vase with a
palm, to the left, an umpire with a rod.

The ἅμμα involved grasping the opponent in such a manner that he
could be held in a position that would tire him and perhaps exhaust
his energy. Herakles in his wrestling contest with the mighty giant,
Antaios, was believed to have used this trick; but Herakles held his
antagonist in the air. Running toward each other with lowered heads
for the purpose of butting, after the manner of rams, also belonged to
the province of wrestling, and was practiced by Lucian himself in the
Lykeion at Athens.

Plato protests against right-handedness (Laws, 8-794). He demands that
a trained wrestler, pankratiast and boxer should be able to use both
hands equally, so that if his opponent should succeed in turning him
around he could defend himself from the other side. The wrestler would
sometimes endeavor to place himself behind his adversary by a quick
movement, then wind his leg around his opponent’s body and throw him.
If successful in this attempt he would choke him.

Besides these tricks there were others with the fingers. For instance,
a wrestler would grasp his opponent’s finger-tips and disjoint or break
them, not letting go until the pain compelled his victim to declare
himself conquered. This finger contest sometimes preceded the actual
contest, and was oftentimes the only feature. Sostratos of Sikyon
was specially famed for this mode of contest; he was twelve times
victorious in the Nemean and Isthmian, twice in the Pythian and three
times in the Olympian games. Leontiskos of Messina, in Sicily, also
practiced wrestling in this manner and gained his victory by breaking
his opponent’s fingers.

In ground wrestling the athlete even attempted to break his opponent’s
toes. Another special scheme which belonged to the standing wrestling
was as follows: the contestant made a circle around himself and
challenged his opponent to force him from his position. If the latter
failed to do this, the victory belonged to the former. Especially
noted in this style of wrestling was Milo of Crotona, the most famous
wrestler of antiquity. When a mere boy he was victorious in the
Olympic and Pythian games. Six times his head was crowned with the
sacred olive of Olympia. Young men of the noblest families engaged in
these wrestling contests. Plato, when a youth, is said to have been
victorious in the Pythian and Isthmian games, probably in the wrestling
match.




     IV. TOYS AND GAMES FOR CHILDREN AMONG THE ANCIENT HELLENES.


We have endeavored to describe at its height the system of professional
athletics in ancient Hellas. Such a system must necessarily have
influenced the more widespread practices whereby the young developed
their bodies, just as today the system of professional athletics is
a model for college training and exerts an influence upon the sports
of even young children. But professional athletics, even in ancient
Hellas, must be regarded as quite distinct from that important phase of
Hellenic education called γυμναστική.

In Sparta physical culture was a stern business and could by no means
be styled a pastime; it was almost the sole requisite of education.
But it was in Sparta that professional athletics were held in least
favor. Spartan authorities did not delude themselves; being thoroughly
in earnest to produce a race that was hardy and valiant to the last
degree, and regarding physical culture as a serious and all-engrossing
business rather than an exciting amusement, they quickly discerned that
the specialism of professional athletics was detrimental to this end.

The greatness and welfare of the state was the standard whereby all
Spartan life was regulated. The needs of the state were ever uppermost
in the minds of Spartan authorities. They neither deluded themselves in
their estimate of these needs, nor did they even dream of a compassion
that would deter them from establishing and executing regulations
whereby these needs would be met. In Sparta the unfortunate individual
who did not conform in promise or attainment to the criterion of a
Spartan citizen found no pity.

And what was the criterion of the Spartan citizen? It was the man,
without defect of body, who had learned not merely to stifle outward
show of fear, but who had early learned to be absolutely fearless,
who had learned to be calm while suffering agonizing pain; it was the
man whose powers of endurance were very great, who could march long
distances over a rough country without fatigue, who could then halt
and await the onset of an enemy with a glad and confident heart, and
who could engage his enemy and be victorious; it was the man who loved
combat.

The Spartan state possessed absolute authority over its citizens
through all stages of their lives. Even before birth that authority
was exerted; for the state prescribed the age at which citizens should
marry, and approved or vetoed all propositions of marriage. If at the
present day we exercised the same care to bring sound children into the
world there would be little need of being “born again.” Spartan infants
were subjected to the judgment of a body of selected citizens, and if
approved by the latter became thenceforth the objects of the care and
direction of the state, but if condemned as not promising health and
vigor they were killed. According to Plutarch unhealthy infants were
exposed in the apothetæ, a sort of chasm under Taygetos (Ταΰγετος) and
left to die.

Until the age of seven, Spartan children were left to the care of their
parents, but even during this early period they received a foretaste
of future deprivations and exercises. Their food was very plain and
limited in quantity. Care was taken to eradicate the little fears of
childhood. They were taught not to be afraid in the dark or when left
alone.

Many interesting little sports were in vogue among Hellenic children,
and it may well be believed that in Sparta they were practised with a
peculiar earnestness. Most of the amusements of modern children were
also the delight of Hellenic children, while some of the sports of the
latter are no longer in use. Even the infant’s rattle (πλαταγή) was
a Greek toy ascribed to the invention of the philosopher, Archytas.
Then there were hoops (τροχοί or κρίκοι). The childish game of rolling
the hoop was called κρικηλασία. The κρίκος corresponded to the Roman
trochus described by Horace (_Ode_ 3; 24, 57) and Ovid, as well as by
Propertius, Martialis, and other writers. The κρίκος was a large hoop
probably of iron or copper. According to Antyllos, its diameter was
less than the height of a man, reaching probably to his chest. The
implement used in rolling it is said to have been a crooked-necked iron
with a wooden handle, called ἐλατήρ (Mart. xiv, 169). Sometimes, as
with us, the hoop was set round with small metal rings or bells which
when in motion caused a jingling sound very pleasing to a child’s ears.
Some regarded these rings as unnecessary, but Antyllos favored them
on the ground that the sound they produced added much to the child’s
happiness and engaged his attention in a pleasant way. Antyllos also
considered this game to be a very healthful form of exercise and
advised that it be practised immediately before bathing and eating.
The familiar top (βέμβηξ, βέμβιξ, ῥόμβος, στρόβιλος), old as the
days of Homer, was a common amusement with Greek boys, as in our own
times--“στρόμβον δ’ ὣς ἔσσευε βαλών, περὶ δ’ ἔδραμε πάντη” (_Il._ xiv,
413).

The humming top, used by Greek and Roman children and made to revolve
by whipping, is also prettily alluded to by Virgil in the following
lines:

    “Ceu quondam torto volitans sub verbere turbo,
    Quem pueri magno in gyro vacua atria circum
    Intenti ludo exercent.”
                               _Æneid_ vii, 378-380.

Kite-flying also seems to have been known to the Greek children. Stilts
(καλόβαθρα) were much used by children and also by adults in certain
mimic dances. The girls had dolls (κόραι) of wax or clay, and the usual
paraphernalia connected with this ever popular plaything. Many of
these, which still survive, show that they were painted and that the
arms and legs were so fastened with strings as to be easily movable.
The word κόρη literally means a “little girl.” At marriage the Greek
girls dedicated their dolls to Artemis, the Roman girls to Venus.
If they died unwedded, their dolls were buried with them. The terms
δάγυνον, δαγύς and πλαγγών were often applied by the Greeks to the wax
doll.

The swing αἰώρα occupied the same position in Greece as in our
nurseries. Then there were clappers (πλῆκτρα), toy-carts (ἁμαξίδες),
hobby-horses (ἱππίδια ξύλινα), toy soldiers and animals, made of clay.

In addition to these toys, many games may be mentioned. From
the standpoint of education, games for children are worthy of
consideration. For, if human nature is most plainly shown in sport,
then from these games one can obtain a clear idea of a child’s
character, inclination and intellect, the recognition of which should
be of utmost importance to the educator. Games also furnish endless
and varied material for the cultivation of the child’s mental powers
and natural talents, which are developed by physical exercise. The
Spartan children were superior to the other Greek children in the
power of expression, although they were not so highly educated. This
is no doubt due to the fact that at a very early age the Spartan
children were forced into a free life in the open air and to systematic
gymnastic exercise. The Romans, also though they did not consider
gymnastics of so much importance as did the Hellenes, did not neglect
them. Being a warlike people, they began to develop and strengthen
the body of the child at an early age. The sports of childhood are as
important to the boy as work is to the man, and demand as much of his
strength and intelligence. The victory in a game gratifies the child as
a real victory in battle delights the conqueror. Besides, most games
are imitations of the various occupations of adult life and cause
the child to show a decided inclination for some particular branch.
Plato, as well as other philosophers, recognized this fact. He claimed
that a boy, in order to be skilled in a special line of work, should
be trained to that work from childhood, and that his first training
should be by means of his games. Such preliminary instruction should
be followed by that based on theory and science. Experience has often
corroborated this theory of Plato, and Hellenic life itself furnishes
the best illustration of it. According to the legend, Achilles, attired
in the garb of a girl among the daughters of the king, betrayed himself
to the keen eye of Odysseus, by handling the weapons, placed by the
latter among the ornaments which he offered for sale. Strepsiades,
hard pressed by his creditors, says that his son’s extreme fondness
for horses and chariots has ruined him, and continuing, he relates
with pride how as a mere child his son had made tiny leather carts,
moulded houses and ships, and carved frogs from pomegranate rind.
(Aristophanes, _Nub._ 877.) Cato the Younger also, says Plutarch,
gave strong indications of his character by the games he played. The
youthful Nero amused himself daily by playing with ivory four-horse
chariots, thus indicating his future passion for chariot-racing in the
circus. The distinguished men of antiquity, when at home, often entered
heartily into the children’s games. The famous general, Agesilaos, is
represented as riding the hobby-horse with his little boys. Alkibiades
was surprised to see Sokrates doing the same thing while at play with
young Lamprokles. The Romans, a more serious people than the Greeks,
often sought recreation in ball-playing. Cato the Elder, and also
Scævola, are mentioned as expert ball players.

The Hellenes were thus well aware that uninterrupted employment was
detrimental to both physical and mental life. This idea was most
beautifully expressed by Pythagoras in his hygiene of body and soul.
Therefore, in connection with the gymnastic system of the Hellenes,
were developed many gymnastic games which did not require any special
apparatus and which were not intended for tests of superior strength,
but merely to furnish pleasant and suitable physical exercise.

A game called ὀστράκου περιστροφή was often played. The boys arranged
themselves in two divisions on either side of a line. One of them
then held up a piece of broken crockery, or an oyster shell, one side
of which was blackened with tar. One division chose the black side,
the other the white. A boy then threw the fragment, with the words,
νύξ, ἡμέρα. The advantage belonged to that side whose color appeared
uppermost after the throw; this division then pursued the other; those
who were captured were called donkeys and were debarred from further
participation in the game.

The ἐποστρακισμός (_Pollux_ ix, 119), a more informal game, was played
by boys on the beach, or on the shore of a pond. The sport consisted
in “skipping” smooth, flat pebbles or shells over the surface of the
water. The boy who “skipped” his pebble to the greatest distance,
or, perhaps, made it cut the water the greatest number of times, was
victor. This pastime, known as “Ducks and Drakes,” is still in favor
with boys.

There were two games for testing bodily strength, the διελκυστίνδα and
the σκαπέρδα. In the διελκυστίνδα a party of children separated into
two divisions, each of which faced the other in a row, so as to give
every member an opponent. Probably a line of some kind lay between the
two divisions, and the game consisted in each boy’s striving to pull
his opponent across it by means of a rope. The victory was decided when
all members of one side had been forced to the other.

The σκαπέρδα was a game in which a rope was passed through a hole made
in a tree-trunk or rough pillar, at some distance from the ground. Two
contestants then took their places on opposite sides of the pillar,
with their backs to each other and each holding an end of the rope.
If one of them could succeed in lifting the other from the ground he
was declared victor, but so difficult was the feat that the phrase
σκαπέρδαν ἕλκειν came in time to be a proverbial expression applicable
to very difficult tasks. This sport was one of the amusements at the
Attic Dionysia.

“Blind man’s buff” was played with slight variations under the name
χαλκῆ μυῖα, or “brazen fly,” very prettily described by _Pollux_ ix,
122. ἡ δὲ χαλκῆ μυῖα, ταινίᾳ τὼ ὀφθαλμὼ περισφίγξαντες ἑνὸς παιδός, ὁ
μὲν περιστρέφεται κηρύττων· χαλκῆν μυῖαν θηράσω· οἱ δὲ ἀποκρινάμενοι,
θηράσεις ἀλλ’ οὐ λήψει, σκύτεσι βιβλίνοις παίουσιν αὐτόν, ἕως τινὸς
αὐτῶν λήψεται. One child was blindfolded and was obliged to capture
one of the rest. With outstretched arms he groped about, repeating
the words χαλκῆν μυῖαν θράσσω, “I will hunt a brazen fly.” The others
responded θράσσεις ἀλλ’ οὐ λήψει, “you will hunt, but you will not
catch,” and at the same time struck him more or less lightly with whips
or threads of papyrus. When one of them was caught, he was blindfolded
in place of the other, and the game repeated.

A game called χυτρίνδα (_Pollux_ ix, 110-113) demanded great dexterity
on the part of the player. One child sat in the middle and was called
χύτρα. The others ran round him, pinching or striking him until by a
quick movement he managed to catch one of them, who was obliged to take
his place and be the χύτρα in turn. Sometimes the child ran about in a
circle, carrying on his head a jar which he held with his left hand.
His companions would strike him while asking him the question, τίς
τὴν χύτραν; (who has the jar?), to which he answered, ἐγὼ, Μίδας (I,
Midas). If he touched one of the children with his foot, that child had
to take his place.

The term χυνδαλισμός (_Pollux_ ix, 120) was applied to a juvenile play,
which somewhat resembled our peg-top. The game consisted in flinging
short, pointed poles into the earth, in the following manner. The first
child holds his pole, directed downward, and then throws it so as to
leave it standing upright in the ground. The second child then tries to
throw his pole in such a way as to upset the first one and leave his
own standing in its place. The former player then tries his skill, and
so on. The arm and eye are especially trained in this game, which is
still played in some countries, generally in the spring when the ground
is soft.

A game especially suited to develop attention was the following. The
players formed a ring: One of them was provided with a cord which he
tried to place beside another child without being detected in the act.
If he succeeded in doing this, the one beside whom the cord was found
had to run round the ring amid the blows of his playfellows; if, on the
other hand, he had noticed the other when putting the cord there, that
one would have been obliged to run round the ring himself.

A game resembling the modern jack-stones, in which five pebbles were
flung from the back of the hand and caught in the palm in falling,
was played under the name of πεντάλιθος. This game was much in favor
with Hellenic women, as well as with children, and was said to be the
favorite amusement of the famous beauty, Phryne of Athens.

The game of king (βασιλίνδα) consisted of feats, done by one child at
the bidding of another, as a soldier would obey a king. Who should be
king and who soldier was decided by lot.

A favorite pastime with children was the game called ἀρτιασμός or “Odd
and Even” (_Pollux_ ix, 101), in which they guessed whether the number
of objects one held concealed in his hand was odd or even. Dice, nuts,
coins, etc., were used for this purpose. The amount won or lost was
either the articles themselves or a sum of money staked upon the guess.
Horace also in the Satires alludes to this game under the name _ludere
par impar_ (_Satires_ 2, 3; 248). Still another game of guessing was
κολλαβισμός, in which a child, with closed eyes, guessed who had given
him a box on the ears, and also which hand he had used in striking him.

Greek children often played at the game called “hunt the slipper”
(σχοινοφιλίνδα), a piece of rope being used instead of the slipper. The
modern “hide and seek” was the Greek ἀποδιδρασκίνδα. “Kiss in the ring”
(κυνητίνδα) is another ancient game of which, however, we possess no
correct details. “Ride a cock horse” (κάλαμου περιβῆναι) was also an
amusement of great antiquity, and was very popular both in Greece and
in Rome. Horace in the Satires (2, 3: 248) refers to this sport in the
following words: _equitare in arundine longa_.

The Greek and Roman children played several games of skill with nuts,
which resembled very closely our modern game of marbles. Nuts played
so important a part in childish sports that _nuces relinquere_ became
a proverbial expression for “putting away childish things.” The nuts
were pitched into a circle drawn on the ground called ὤμιλλα (_Pollux_
ix, 102-3) or into a hole βόθρος dug in the ground. Those that fell
outside the circle were forfeited. The name delta was given to a
certain game with nuts in which a triangle was chalked on the ground,
and marked across with lines or bars running parallel to the base. The
player then flipped nuts into the triangle, winning as many nuts as
he crossed bars, provided, of course, that they did not roll outside
the triangle, in which case they were forfeited. Therefore, the most
skilful play consisted in driving the nut exactly to the apex of the
triangle.

The ball (σφαῖρα) was not only a favorite toy among children, but it
also played an important part in the physical exercises of youths and
adults. No other gymnastic exercise was so popular among the Greeks
and Romans of different periods as the ball games, though regarded
less as a game than as an exercise for strengthening the muscles and
cultivating grace and symmetry of body.

They were a favorite pastime in the Heroic age of the Hellenes as well
as in later times when Greece was at the height of its glory. The
Romans of the old Republic, and even in the reign of the emperors,
also sought recreation in ball-playing. The continued favor which
ball-playing enjoyed is sufficient proof of its benefit to the body.
The earliest mention of ball-playing is found in two passages of the
Odyssey (vi, 100; viii, 370; compare _Athen._ i, 15, c. Plutarch,
_Alex._ c. 73). In the second passage, Homer represents ball-tossing as
an adjunct to the dance. The game was accompanied by music and Odysseus
was surprised at the marvelous dexterity of the players.

“And now Alcinoüs called on Halius and Laodamas to dance alone, for
with them none could vie. So taking in their hands a goodly purple
ball, which skilful Polybius had made them, one, bending backward,
flung it toward the dusky clouds; the other, leaping upward from the
earth, easily caught the ball before his feet touched ground again.
Then after they had tried the ball straight in the air, they danced
upon the bounteous earth with tossings to and fro. Other young men beat
time for them, standing round the ring, and a loud sound of stamping
arose. Then to Alcinoüs said royal Odysseus: ‘Mighty Alcinoüs, renowned
of all, you boasted that your dancers were the best, and now it is
proved true. I am amazed to see.’” (Palmer’s translation.) This choric
ball-playing was very popular at Sparta (_Athenaios_ i, 246), and long
survived.

The beautiful princess, Nausicaä (_Od._ vi, 100), and her companions
accompanied their game by singing, and the women of Corcyra at a later
period are said to have followed this ancient custom. (_Athen._ i. 24
_b_.) At Sparta and Sicyonia ball-playing was also accompanied by music.

The Athenians were so fond of ball-playing that they bestowed the
right of citizenship on Aristonikos of Karystos and erected pillars
in his honor, because he was so skilled and graceful a player. The
Spartans held this game in as high estimation as did the Athenians, and
to them is attributed the invention of ball games. Among the kings of
Greece, Alexander is mentioned as favoring ball-playing.

In one of his plays, Πλυντρίαι, which was received with great favor,
Sophocles introduced Nausicaä at play with a ball. Only the Milesians,
who were devoted to agonistic contests, disdained ball-playing, as
it did not tend to increase athletic ability and was of no value in
helping them to win prizes in the public games. Balls are found carved
on ancient monuments and tombs, especially on those of physicians, as
ball-playing was a form of gymnastics, and gymnastics as a foundation
for dietetics was a part of medicine. A gymnasium was not considered
complete without having a special room, called the σφαιριστήριον,
devoted to the games of ball. A special instructor (σφαιριστικός) who
had made a scientific study of the games was appointed to superintend
this exercise, for it required much skill and practice for one to
become an expert in this branch of gymnastics.

The Romans were especially fond of ball-playing and considered it a
pleasant pastime for men rather than for boys. Cato the Elder enjoyed
a game of ball on the Field of Mars on the same day that he received
the refusal of the consulate (_Oratio pro Archia Poeta_ _c._ 6, §6).
Cicero, however, in a public speech, decried ball-playing along with
banquets and games of dice. The emperor, Augustus, enjoyed a game of
ball. Pliny, the younger, relates that the aged Spurinna wrestled with
old age by indulging in ball-playing. At the time of the emperors a
game at ball was the most common exercise practised immediately before
bathing in the σφαιριστήριον (ball-court) connected with the bath.

The Hellenes practised this exercise entirely naked or in light
undress. The Romans, on the other hand, never disrobed during the game,
except in the σφαιριστήριον and probably not always even there.

There were many different ways of playing at ball. Definite
descriptions of some have been handed down to us, but of others we know
simply by name. Pollux, Hesychios, Photios and Eustathios consider
the game called οὐρανία to be identical with that practised by the
Phæacians, as in this, according to Homer’s description, the body
was bent backward and the ball was thrown high up into the air. The
players then tried to catch the ball before it touched the ground.

The game called ἐπίσκυρος (_Pollux_ ix, 104) at first peculiar to
Sparta, was very popular and took its name from the line σκῦρος which
separated the two divisions. On either side of this line and parallel
with it were drawn two base lines (γραμμαὶ κατόπιν) beyond which the
players could not go in catching the ball. The latter was placed
upon the σκῦρος (whence the name ἐπίσκυρος) and the players started
simultaneously from their respective base lines. Whoever seized the
ball first, threw it as far as he could toward the enemies’ base
line. The object, of course, was to force the line of enemies back,
by constantly returning the ball further and further over their heads
until they were driven over their own base lines. In this case a swift
runner must have had a great advantage over the others, by securing the
first throw.

A favorite game is described by the term (φαινίνδα). The peculiar
feature of this game was that the player who held the ball appeared
to aim it at a certain person, but really threw it in an entirely
different direction, thus disappointing one contestant and surprising
another. This game is said to have demanded the utmost dexterity of a
flexible, elastic body. It also allowed a skilful player to display
a fine carriage and much grace, as may be seen in the description of
Damoxenos by Athenaios (_Athen._ i, 15, 7).

Νεανίας τις ἐσφαίριζεν εἷς ... ὃς ἐπεί ποτ’ ἐμβλέψειε τοῖς καθημένοις,
ἢ λαμβάνων τὴν σφαῖραν, ἢ διδοὺς, ἅμα πάντες ἐβοῶμεν.

ἤ τ’ εὐρυθμία, τό τ’ ἦθος, ἡ τάξις θ’ ὅση ἐν τῷ τι πράττειν ἢ λέγειν
ἐφαίνετο, πέρας τι κάλλους ἄνδρες· οὔτ’ ἀκήκοα ἔμπροσθεν οὔθ’ ἑώρακα
τοιαύτην χάριν, ἐσφαίριζε δ’ οὐκ ἀηδῶς, καὶ Κτησίβιος ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς
φιλόσοφος.

The ἁρπαστόν was the name of a certain game at ball much in favor with
the Greeks and also with the Romans of the time of the emperors. It
required skill in throwing, rapidity of movement, power of estimating
distance, as well as great care in catching the ball. The name of
the game indicates that each player tried to prevent the other from
catching it. This game is very frequently mentioned by Martialis, and
according to him it was also played by women.

The term ἀπόῤῥαξις was given to a certain ancient game at ball in which
the ball was thrown to the ground with great force and continually
struck back with the hand, as it rebounded. The number of times the
ball was forced to the ground was counted. The victor was called king
and could order the others about. The loser was called donkey (ὄνος).
In another form of the game the point was to keep tossing the ball up
into the air as long as possible with the open hand.

According to Oribasios, Antyllos at a later period reduced ball-playing
to a system, from a dietetic point of view. He made four divisions
according to the size and kind of ball used, and which he described
in detail. Galen also wrote exhaustively on the ball games, which he
considered of great importance on account of the benefit which they
imparted to the mental and physical powers.

In connection with these various ball games, they practised a peculiar
gymnastic exercise with the κώρυκος, a leathern sack that must have
resembled the modern punching bag on which pugilists try their fists.
In form it resembled a ball, but in size and weight far surpassed the
largest and heaviest ball. The κώρυκος was filled with fig seeds, meal
or sand, and its size varied according to the age and strength of the
individual. It hung from the ceiling so as to reach to about the middle
of the player’s body. The bag was to be kept in increasingly rapid
motion by swinging it to and fro with the breast and hands. The game is
alluded to by Plautus (_Rud._ iii, 4, 16). This sport cannot properly
be styled a ball game, although it resembled one in some respects.
Athletes also engaged in this game, and the ancient physicians regarded
this exercise as very beneficial, because it not only strengthened the
muscles and nerves, but also tended to prevent corpulency.

There are no records in classical literature to show that the Greeks
and Romans used the bat or racquet in any of their games.

At the early age of seven, the Spartan child was initiated into
disciplinary exercises of a severe character. At that age he came
under the charge of the παιδονόμος; this official was, in conformance
with the direction of Lykourgos, one of the best citizens; he was
expected to discipline the youth in all the exercises that were so
nicely adapted to develop the Spartan citizen, and to teach him all the
cunning and courage that would afterwards be required in his service of
the state.

In Attica a far different pedagogical scheme presents itself. When
children reached a proper age, the training of mothers and nurses
was succeeded by that of the school; hither they were conducted each
day by the παιδαγωγός, a special slave whose duty it was not only to
conduct the children to and from school, but also to supervise their
deportment.

In the Athenian school, gymnastics (γυμναστική) was not by any means
the sole course of training. The curriculum in fact included three
distinct courses:
  (1) γραμματική.
  (2) μουσική.
  (3) γυμναστική.
Under γραμματική were included reading and writing, to which were added
after the 4th century B. C. elementary geometry, arithmetic and drawing.

When the child was able to read and write with facility, he entered
on the course called μουσική, which embraced the study of poetry and
music. Passages from Homer, Hesiod, Theognis, Phokylides, and Solon,
and from many lyric poets, were read and committed to memory. Xenophon
mentions in his Symposium (_Symp._ iii, 5) a certain Nikeratos who
had committed to memory the whole of both the Iliad and the Odyssey.
The boys were also taught to chant the poems they had learned to the
accompaniment of the lyre. Much stress was laid on the moral effects of
music.

But from no system of Greek education was γυμναστική, the careful
and systematic development of the young body excluded. Nor did this
training cease in mature years; when young men left the palæstra, they
found awaiting them the gymnasium,--an institution that was adapted to
social as well as athletic purposes.

Nor did any Greek philosopher, as might, perhaps, be expected, ever
dream of dropping γυμναστική from his ideal scheme. In the Laws of
Plato there is a detailed discussion of the education of children, and
the plan is therein advocated of restricting the education of boys to
gymnastics until their tenth year; the regular study of letters was
not to begin until after the body had been made sound. Aristotle also
maintained that gymnastic training should precede as well as accompany
that of the mind.

Enough has been said to show that the Hellenic ideal of manhood was
not the mere scholar and subtle thinker, but the naked athlete with
firm flesh and swelling muscle. It may be asserted that the mass of
their young men reached during the best age of Greek history a stage
of physical perfection which has never been attained in any other age
or country. This is attested by thousands of statues of victorious
athletes, not only in Olympia but throughout Greece. Although the
Greeks had no cricket or football they had on the other hand a far
greater variety of games than we have, and this variety made for the
symmetrical development of the body. The athletic sports of Greece
remained great and respected until excessive training and extreme
specialization brought ruin to them; that is, when a boxer devoted
all his time to boxing, and a wrestler to wrestling at the expense of
a harmonious development of the body. The influence of the old Greek
games upon sculpture, painting and poetry, as well as upon athletics,
will continue to keep alive for centuries to come the ideal of a sound
body for a sound mind.




                          Transcriber’s Notes


The following inconsistencies and typos were corrected:

  Changed +accidently+ to +accidentally+ in “he accidentally killed by
    an unlucky throw”.

  Changed +greeves+ to +greaves+ in “helmet, corselet, girdle, greaves
    and shield”.

  Changed +greeves+ to +greaves+ in “The greaves, which were made of
    flexible metal plates”.

  Changed +ox hide+ to +oxhide+ in “layers of tough oxhide”.

  Changed +Mycenæn+ to +Mycenæan+ in “pictured on Mycenæan gems”.

  Changed +subtile+ to +subtle+ in “Only by subtle inferences”.

  Changed +Pausanius+ to +Pausanias+ in “old Greek traveller Pausanias”.

  Changed +Pausanius+ to +Pausanias+ in “Pausanias claims to have seen”.

  Changed +Pausanius+ to +Pausanias+ in “according to Pausanias died”.

  Changed +Phæcians+ to +Phæacians+ in “the Phæacians, a light-hearted
    people”.

  Changed +Pausanius+ to +Pausanias+ in “Pausanias describes them”.

  Changed +Pausanius+ to +Pausanias+ in “Pausanias especially mentions”.

  Changed +Phayllos+ to +Phaÿllos+ in “Phaÿllos of Rhegium is said”.

  Changed +Hippodrom+ to +Hippodrome+ in “a separate race-course,
    called the Hippodrome”.

  Changed +Mycenean+ to +Mycenæan+ in “the prowess of Mycenæan boxers”.

  Changed +ox-hide+ to +oxhide+ in “strips of undressed oxhide”.

  Changed +ἁγραύλοιο+ to +ἀγραύλοιο+ in “ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς
    ἀγραύλοιο”.

  Changed +ox-hide+ to +oxhide+ in “made of raw oxhide”.

  Changed +ὠθιομοί+ to +ὠθισμοί+ in “The following Greek words,
    ὠθισμοί, περιπλοκαί, λυγισμοί”.

  Changed +advsied+ to +advised+ in “and advised that it be practised”.

  Changed +ρόμβος+ to +ῥόμβος+ in “βέμβηξ, βέμβιξ, ῥόμβος, στρόβιλος”.

  Changed +Plutrach+ to +Plutarch+ in “Cato the Younger also, says
    Plutarch”.

  Changed +ἔλκειν+ to +ἕλκειν+ in “the phrase σκαπέρδαν ἕλκειν”.

  Changed +ταινία+ to +ταινίᾳ+ in “ταινίᾳ τὼ ὀφθαλμὼ περισφίγξαντες
    ἑνὸς παιδός”.

  Changed +ἐνὸς+ to +ἑνὸς+ in “ταινίᾳ τὼ ὀφθαλμὼ περισφίγξαντες ἑνὸς
    παιδός”.

  Changed +ἔως+ to +ἕως+ in “ἕως τινὸς αὐτῶν λήψεται”.

  Changed +περιβήναι+ to +περιβῆναι+ in “κάλαμου περιβῆναι”.

  Changed +ὥμιλλα+ to +ὤμιλλα+ in “a circle drawn on the ground called
    ὤμιλλα”.

  Changed +Nausicaa+ to +Nausicaä+ in “introduced Nausicaä at play with
    a ball”.

  Changed +recieved+ to +received+ in “he received the refusal of the
    consulate”.

  Changed +ἐσφαίριζειν+ to +ἐσφαίριζεν+ in “Νεανίας τις ἐσφαίριζεν
    εἷς”.

  Changed +ἀνδῶς+ to +ἀηδῶς+ in “δ’ οὐκ ἀηδῶς”.

  Changed +κτησίβιος+ to +Κτησίβιος+ in “καὶ Κτησίβιος ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς
    φιλόσοφος”.

  Changed +ὄνοξ+ to +ὄνος+ in “was called donkey (ὄνος)”.



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