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Title: Historical and descriptive narrative of twenty years' residence in South America (Vol 3 of 3)

Author: active 1803-1825 William Bennet Stevenson

Release date: October 19, 2017 [eBook #55778]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Martin Pettit and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
        file was produced from images generously made available
        by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NARRATIVE OF TWENTY YEARS' RESIDENCE IN SOUTH AMERICA (VOL 3 OF 3) ***




Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Martin Pettit and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)






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|Transcriber's note:                              |
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|Obvious typographic errors have been corrected.  |
|                                                 |
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[Illustration: CHILEAN FARMER.

_Engraved for Stevenson's Narrative of South America._]


A

HISTORICAL

AND

DESCRIPTIVE NARRATIVE

OF

TWENTY YEARS' RESIDENCE

IN

SOUTH AMERICA,

_IN THREE VOLUMES_;

CONTAINING TRAVELS IN ARAUCO, CHILE, PERU, AND COLOMBIA;

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF

THE REVOLUTION, ITS RISE, PROGRESS, AND RESULTS.


BY W. B. STEVENSON,

FORMERLY PRIVATE SECRETARY TO THE PRESIDENT AND CAPTAIN GENERAL OF QUITO,
COLONEL, AND GOVERNOR OF ESMERALDAS, CAPTAIN DE FRAGATA, AND LATE
SECRETARY TO THE VICE ADMIRAL OF CHILE,--HIS EXCELLENCY
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD COCHRANE, &c.

VOL. III.

LONDON:

HURST, ROBINSON, AND CO.

CONSTABLE & Co. AND OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH.

MDCCCXXV.




CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

                                                                PAGE
CHAP. I.--First Revolutionary Symptoms in South
America....Morales and Quiroga....Character of Morales....Of
Quiroga....Discovery made by Captain Salinas to two
Friars....Their Report to the Government....Imprisonment of
Morales, Quiroga, Salinas, and Riofrio....Character of
Salinas....Of Dr. Riofrio....Liberation of the Prisoners....
Junto formed at Quito....Advice of to the President, Count
Ruis....Manner in which the Revolution was conducted....New
Oath....Marquis of Selva Alegre....Character of....Dissensions
in the New Government....Count Ruis reinstated....Arrival of
Troops from Lima and Santa Fé....Imprisonment of the
Insurgents....Trial of....Character of the Count Ruis....Of
the Oidor Don Felipe Fuertes Amar....Of the Fiscal Arrechaga
....Of Colonel Arredonda...._Proceso_ sent to Santa Fé             1

CHAP. II.--Second Revolution at Quito....Massacre of the
Prisoners....General Meeting held....Spanish Troops leave
Quito....Revolution at Santa Fé....Arrival of Don Carlos
Montufar at Quito....Arredonda invades Quito....Arrives at
Huaranda....Flies from....Montufar marches towards Cuenca
....Desists from attacking the City....Returns to Quito....My
Appointment to Esmeraldas....Capture and Escape....General
Montes enters Quito....Death of Montufar....Quito taken by
General Sucre                                                     26

CHAP. III.--State of Lima in 1811....Constitution proclaimed
....Some Effects of....Wishes of the Inhabitants
of Lima....Manifest of Venezuela                                  45

CHAP. IV.--State of Lima....Expedition to Chile under Colonel
Gainsa....Exit of....Regiment of Talavera arrives from Spain
....Part of sent to Huamanga....Revolution of Cusco and
Arequipa....Death of Pumacagua, and the Patriot Melgar....
Arrival of Flags taken by Osoria in Chile....Viceroy Abascal
superseded by Pesuela....Character of the former....Beginning
of Pesuela's Administration....Arrival of La Serna....State
of Lima to 1817....Battle of Chacabuco in Chile....Extract of
a Journal....New Expedition to Chile under Osoria....News of
Battle of Maypu....Loss of the Spanish Frigate Maria Isabel,
and part of Convoy....Arrival of Lord Cochrane off Callao        120

CHAP. V.--State of Lima on the Arrival of the Chilean
Squadron....Arrival of at Huacho....At Supe....Chilean Naval
Force, how composed....Capture of the Maria Isabel by
Commodore Blanco....Arrival of Lord Cochrane....Appointed
Admiral....Leaves Valparaiso....Arrives at Callao, Huacho,
Barranca, Huambacho....Proclamation of Cochrane, San Martin,
and O'Higgins....Description of Huambacho....Paita taken....
Proceed to Valparaiso....Arrival....Description of....Road
from Valparaiso to Santiago                                      141

CHAP. VI.--Santiago....Foundation....Description of
the City....Contrast between the Society here and at
Lima....State of Chile....Manners and Customs....Revolution
....Carreras....O'Higgins....Defeat at Rancagua....Chileans
cross the Cordillera....Action of Chacabuco....Of Maypu....
Death of Don Juan Jose, and Don Luis Carrera....Murder of
Colonel Rodrigues....Formation of a Naval Force....Death of
Spanish Prisoners at San Luis....Naval Expedition under
Lord Cochrane....Failure of the attack on Callao....Attack
at Pisco....Death of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles....Capture
of Vessels at Guayaquil....Squadron returns to Chile             169

CHAP. VII.--Passage from Guayaquil River to Valdivia....Lord
Cochrane reconnoitres the Harbour....Capture of the Spanish
Brig Potrillo....Arrival at Talcahuano....Preparations for
an Expedition to Valdivia....Troops furnished by General
Freire....O'Higgins runs aground....Arrival off Valdivia....
Capture of Valdivia....Attempt on Chiloe fails.... Return of
Lord Cochrane....Leaves Valdivia for Valparaiso....Victory by
Beauchef.....Arrival of the Independencia and Araucano....
O'Higgins repaired....Return to Valparaiso....Conduct of Chilean
Government....Lord Cochrane resigns the Command of the Squadron  211

CHAP. VIII.--Lord Cochrane and the Chilean Government....
Preparations for the Expedition to Peru....Captain Spry
....Charges presented by the Admiral against Capt. Guise
....Lord Cochrane throws up his Commission....Letters from
the Captains and Officers....Commission returned by the
Government....Offer made by San Martin to the Foreign
Seamen....Embarkation of Troops for Peru....Announcement
of Sailing of the Expedition....Force of the Squadron            243

CHAP. IX.--Sketch of O'Higgins, San Martin, Lord Cochrane,
Las Heras, and Monteagudo....Sailing of the Expedition, and
arrival at Pisco....Debarkation....Occurrences at Pisco....
Colonel Arenales, with a division of the Army, marches to
Arica....Troops embark, and proceed to Ancon....News of the
Revolution of Guayaquil....Capture of the Spanish Frigate
Esmeralda....Army goes down to Huacho....Head Quarters
at Huaura                                                        275

CHAP. X.--Battalion of Numancia joins the Liberating Army
....Victory at Pasco by Arenales....Route of Arenales from
Ica....Courts Martial held in the Squadron on Officers....
Conduct of General San Martin....Viceroy Pesuela deposed....
Expedition to Pisco....To Arica....Action at Mirabe under
Lieutenant-Colonel Miller....Description of Arica....Of
Tacna....Of Ilo....Armistice celebrated by Generals San
Martin and La Serna....Prorogation of....Lord Cochrane
leaves Mollendo, and arrives at Callao                           303

CHAP. XI.--Lima evacuated by La Serna....Occupation of by the
Liberating Army....Loss of the San Martin....Arrival of Lord
Cochrane at Lima....Conduct of the Spaniards after leaving
Lima....Independence of Peru sworn....San Martin constitutes
himself Protector of Peru....Interview between Lord Cochrane
and San Martin....Announcement of the views of the Spanish
Army....State of the Squadron....San Martin takes the Field
....Arrival and Departure of Cantarac....Proclamation
of San Martin....Treasure taken at Ancon by Lord Cochrane
....Surrender of Callao....Tribunal of Purification
established at Lima....Lieutenant Wynter arrested at Callao
....Paroissien and Spry visit the Squadron at Midnight
....Squadron leaves Callao, arrives at Guayaquil                 339

CHAP. XII.--Revolution and State of Guayaquil....Squadron
leaves....Island of Cocos....Bay of Fonseca....Visitors from
 the Shore....Leave Fonseca....Volcano....Arrive at Acapulco
....General Waevell and Colonel O'Reilly....Letter from
Iturbide....Leave Acapulco....Description of....Gale of Wind
off Tehuantepec....Tacames or Atcames....News of the Enemy
....Arrive at the Puná....Guayaquil....Lord Cochrane hoists
the Chilean Flag in the Vengansa....Conduct of the People at
Guayaquil....Treaty with the Government....Letter from General
La Mar....Leave Guayaquil, and arrive at Huambacho....Callao     396

CHAP. XIII.--Commercial Code at Lima....Provincial Statutes
announced....Liberty of the Press....Foreigners declared
amenable to the Laws....Institution of the Order of the Sun
....New Commercial Rules....Titles changed....Order to convene
the Constituent Congress....San Martin delegates his Authority
to the Marquis de Torre Tagle....San Martin leaves Lima and
returns....Army defeated under Tristan at Ica....State of
Lima on our Arrival....Visit of Monteagudo to Lord Cochrane
....San Martin annuls the Treaty at Guayaquil....Exile of
Spaniards from Lima....Lord Cochrane leaves Callao for
Valparaiso....Spanish Vessels that surrendered to the Chilean
Squadron....Convention of Chile meets....Monteagudo exiled
from Lima....Disturbances in Chile....San Martin arrives at
Valparaiso....O'Higgins abdicates....Lord Cochrane leaves
the Pacific                                                      423




CHAPTER I.

     First Revolutionary Symptoms in South America....Morales and
     Quiroga....Character of Morales....Of Quiroga....Discovery made by
     Captain Salinas to two Friars....Their Report to the
     Government....Imprisonment of Morales, Quiroga, Salinas, and
     Riofrio....Character of Salinas....of Dr. Riofrio....Liberation of
     the Prisoners....Junta formed at Quito....Advice of to the
     President, Count Ruis....Manner in which the Revolution was
     conducted....New Oath....Marquis of Selva Alegre....Character
     of....Dissensions in the New Government....Count Ruis
     reinstated....Arrival of Troops from Lima and Santa
     Fé....Imprisonment of the Insurgents....Trial of....Character of
     the Count Ruis....Of the Oidor Don Felipe Fuertes Amar....Of the
     Fiscal Arrechaga....Of Colonel Arredonda...._Proceso_ sent to Santa
     Fé.


Shortly after the arrival of his Excellency the Count Ruis de Castilla
at Quito, the capital of his government, the collegians of San Fernando
presented him with four theatrical representations, at which the whole
of the nobility attended as spectators. The pieces chosen were Cato,
Andromacha, Zoraida, and the Auraucana, the whole of them tending in
their design and argument to inculcate a spirit of freedom, a love of
liberty, and principles of republicanism. However, as is often the case
with people who visit public exhibitions with a predetermination to be
pleased, this tendency passed unobserved by the president and the other
members of the government. Inattentive to what the state of affairs in
the mother country might produce in the colonies, the American rulers
judged that they themselves were surrounded by the same obedient vassals
whom their predecessors had governed, without ever dreaming that the
people were awake to what was actually passing in the parent state; for,
although the opportunity of deriving information from the press was
prevented by the government, yet the Americans who resided in Spain at
this period were very actively employed in communicating to their
friends in America the true state of affairs, and the natives were
generally better informed of what passed in the mother country, than the
Spaniards resident in America or even the government itself; because
Spanish correspondents being loath to place their property in America in
jeopardy, or judging that the colonists had only to obey whatever orders
they might receive, either gave indistinct or favourably exaggerated
accounts; or else treated the Americans with that contempt which as
their superiors they fancied they had a right to exercise.

After the performance of the pieces, I became gradually acquainted with
the individuals who had selected them--Dr. Quiroga and Don Manuel
Morales; the former an advocate of some respectability, a native of
Arequipa in Peru, married in Quito; the latter, a native of the city of
Mariquita in the Viceroyalty of Santa Fé de Bogotá, had been secretary
to the government when the Baron de Carondelet was President; but having
offended him, Morales was discarded from his situation by the orders of
the Baron. He hoped to have been restored on the arrival of the Count
Ruis; but this chief having in his suite a young advocate of the name of
Don Tomas Arrechaga, whom he had educated, and for whom he wished to
provide, the claims of Morales were disregarded, and Arrechaga was
nominated secretary to the government.

Morales was possessed of a strong mind, had received a liberal
education, and having been employed many years in the secretary's
office, had obtained a knowledge of the affairs of the government and an
insight into the intrigues of the Spanish court. He considered himself
unjustly dealt with by the Baron de Carondelet, and more so by the Count
Ruis, who could only know his failings through the too often distorted
medium of report: he saw his situation filled by a stranger, himself an
exile, and was determined to be revenged on those whom he regarded as
the supporters if not the authors of his disgrace. To this end
circumstances that could not possibly escape his observation aided him;
and had not rashness prompted him to execute his designs prematurely, he
might have succeeded, and have lived to receive the thanks of his
countrymen; whereas, his ashes can only be revered by them, his name can
only dwell in their memories with painful regret, or gratitude drop a
tear at the recollection of his untimely death.

Quiroga was of an unquiet aspiring disposition, rash and undaunted in
his undertakings, but very self-opinionated: unable to brook controul in
any shape, but open to conviction when persuasion was the medium. He was
successful as a pleader at the bar, loquacious and eloquent, but even
here his hasty temper drove him into difficulties; he was repeatedly
reprimanded by the tribunal, and at length was not only mulct, but even
suspended from the exercise of his office as an advocate. In one
instance, when a fine was imposed upon him, he declared that he could in
no manner pay it, because the tribunal was not competent to levy it;
that the Regent and Oidores had taken possession of their seats on the
bench contrary to law, or held them contrary to justice; and he proved
his assertions by stating the cases, quoting the laws, and citing the
regulations of the tribunal. This necessarily drew down upon him the
hatred of the members, and obliged him to leave the bar. Quiroga was the
constant companion of Morales, and, like him, expected that on the
arrival of Count Ruis, an appeal to his Excellency, as President of the
royal audience, would restore him to the exercise of his profession; but
a report from the Regent Bustillas prevented the fulfilment of his
expectations, and this circumstance drove him to despair.

These two disappointed individuals chose the dramatic pieces which were
performed at the college of San Fernando in October, 1809, selected
perhaps in order to probe the government; if so, the result was
completely satisfactory to their views, for not the least suspicion was
evinced, nor any alarm taken.

In February, 1809, Captain Salinas, who was commander of the infantry at
Quito, informed two friars, Father Polo and another, of a plan that was
about to be formed to depose the Spanish authorities in Quito, and to
elect others from among the most respectable citizens, as substitutes.
The information was immediately reported by the friars to the President,
and a secret commission was given to the Oidor Fuertes Amar to proceed
against all suspected individuals according to law. Don Pedro Muños was
appointed to act as privy secretary, but this man had no other
qualification than that of being a native of Spain. Quiroga, Morales,
and the parish priest of Sangolqui, Dr. Riofrio, and Captain Salinas,
were apprehended, and placed under an arrest in the convent of La
Merced. Their declarations were taken down in writing by Muños, and
every possible means employed to prevent the people from becoming
acquainted with the state of the _proceso_; no person was allowed to see
the prisoners, and they were deprived of the means of communicating to
their friends any particulars relating to their situation; the secretary
was not allowed the assistance of an amanuensis, and every inquisitorial
practice was brought into action. In the beginning of April, when Muños
was going in the evening to the palace to report on the proceedings to
the President, the papers were stolen from him. This accident produced
considerable confusion; many who were really concerned in the plot were
assured that their names had never been mentioned by the prisoners, who
uniformly denied having any knowledge of it; and Salinas protested
against having mentioned any thing concerning it to the friars. Thus by
a fortunate accident the plans of the government were frustrated, the
prosecution ceased, and the prisoners were liberated. This occurrence,
however, taught them to be more on the alert, and to be more careful in
future; but the torch was lighted, and although the flame had been
smothered for a short time, it was not extinguished.

The character of Salinas was well known to Morales and Quiroga. He was a
true Quiteño, volatile and variable, embracing every novel object with
avidity, without reflection, or discrimination; the pursuit of any new
scheme was as ardently begun by Salinas, as it was easily abandoned the
moment it ceased to be new, or the moment that another was suggested;
but as this officer was at the head of the infantry, which consisted of
about four hundred men, with part of which he had been formerly
stationed at Panama, and which in their opinion was considered a
campaign in a foreign country, he had become the idol of the soldiers;
so that it was absolutely necessary that Salinas should be brought over
to second the plans of Morales and Quiroga; and this was easily
effected--the plan was novel, and promised a succession of what was most
congenial to his feelings.

Dr. Riofrio was a secular clergyman, of a sullen morose temper, ready to
coincide with any set of men whose plans were calculated to bid defiance
to any thing that did not please him; yet, whether from natural
imbecility, or natural cowardice, he seemed to be only an instrument,
and probably became acquainted with the plans in agitation by being a
frequent visitor at a house in Quito where Morales had lived, and on
account of his own house being sometimes the residence of Morales, when
he was estranged from Quito by the President Carondelet. This man and
Salinas were both natives of Quito, but neither of them of families of
rank or fortune, although from the situations which both had held they
were very respectable.

After the release of the four denounced conspirators, Salinas and
Riofrio returned to their former occupations; Quiroga to his home, more
injured than ever; and Morales went into the country, without having
reaped any advantage except experience. The government now appeared
quite satisfied in having declared the acquittal of the prisoners
honourable; they were pleased that no act of injustice had been
committed, and flattered themselves that the papers lost by Muños had
fallen into the hands of some pick-pocket, or that having been dropt in
the street, they had ceased to exist in a shape which might betray their
intentions. But they were deceived; the papers found their way into the
study of Quiroga, who drew such conclusions from them as best suited his
own ends, and disseminated their contents among such individuals as he
judged most proper to entrust them with. From April to August, 1809,
nothing particular occurred, except new advices from Spain; so that the
abdication of Carlos, the accession of Fernando, the imprisonment of the
King, and the invasion of the country by the French, were the subject
matter of every conversation. But still tranquillity reigned in every
part of the colonies, and their inhabitants seemed to vie with each
other in enthusiastic demonstrations of loyalty and attachment to their
_amado Fernando_. Every new advice from Spain served to increase the
apprehension and the dismay of the governments and Spaniards residing in
America; and their whole attention was so engrossed with the state of
affairs in the country to which they belonged, that they had not time
to meditate on the effects which might be produced by it in the country
in which they were stationed--satisfied that the colonies must follow
the fate of the parent state, just as if it had been annexed to it by
the ties of nature, instead of being attached to it by the most
unnatural connexions. But the bubble burst when and where it was perhaps
least expected to happen, and although the effects of the explosion were
soon repressed, yet it rent the veil, and laid the foundation of that
emancipation which the whole of the heretofore enslaved nations of the
new world now enjoy.

On the morning of the 10th of August, 1809, at an early hour, two
natives of Quito, Ante and Aguire, waited on the president with a
letter. The orderly who was at the door of the antechamber objected to
carry any letter or message to his Excellency at so unusual an hour; but
Ante persisted in the necessity of its immediate delivery, saying, that
it contained matters of importance from the JUNTA SOBERANA, sovereign
junta, a name as new in the ears of the orderly as was the body itself
new in America. The orderly awoke the president, delivering the letter,
and repeated the words which he had heard, as an excuse for his untimely
errand. The president having read the superscription--"From the
sovereign junta to the Count Ruis, ex-president of Quito," dressed
himself, and read the following:

"The present unsettled state of Spain, the total annihilation of the
lawfully constituted authorities, and the dangers of the crown of the
beloved Ferdinand VII. and his domains falling into the hands of the
tyrant of Europe, have impelled our trans-atlantic brothers to form
provincial governments for their personal security, as well against the
machinations of some of their traitorous countrymen, unworthy of the
name of Spaniards, as against the arms of the common enemy: the loyal
inhabitants of Quito, resolved to secure to their legitimate King and
Master this part of his kingdom, have established a sovereign junta in
this city of San Francisco de Quito, of which, and by the command of his
Serene Highness the President and the vocal members, I have the honour
to inform your lordship, and to announce to you, that the functions of
the members of the old government have ceased: God preserve your
lordship many years. Hall of the junta in Quito, August 10th, 1809:
Manuel Morales secretary of the interior."

After reading this unexpected epistle, his Excellency entered the
antechamber, and walked towards the messengers, who inquired whether he
had received the note, and on being answered in the affirmative, they
bowed, turned round, and retired. The count followed them to the outer
door and attempted to pass it, but he was prevented by the sentry. He
now sent his orderly to call the officer of the guard, who politely
answered, that he could not consistently with the orders he had
received, speak with the _Count_, pronouncing the last word with
considerable emphasis. A great number of people began to assemble in the
square before the palace, at six o'clock, when a royal salute was fired,
and the military music, stationed on the esplanade in front of the
palace, continued playing some national airs till nine o'clock. At this
time the members of the new executive government met, the Marquis of
Selva Alegre, president, the vocal members, the Marquis of Orellana,
Marquis of Solanda, Count of Casa Guerrero, Marquis of Miraflores, Don
Manuel Zambrano, Don Manuel Mateus, and Don Pedro Montufar, the two
ministers. Morales and Quiroga: the declaration of the installation was
published, and the form of the oath to be administered to all persons
employed under the new government was drawn up. The Bishop of Quito was
elected vice-president, but he refused to assist at this or any
subsequent meeting.

The whole of the revolutionary change was effected in the night of the
ninth. Morales came to Quito, and, with Quiroga, convened a meeting; he
informed the members of the risk in which the country at large stood,
set forth the intention of the government to acknowledge Napoleon as
their sovereign, because the Kings of Spain had ceded their sovereignty
to him, and exhorted them at the same time to preserve themselves and
this part of the Spanish dominions from the fate that awaited the rest;
and this he told them could only be done by establishing a provincial
government in the name of Fernando, and of removing all suspicious
persons from their offices. This harangue was nothing but a matter of
form, because all the preliminaries had been agreed on beforehand.
Salinas, being present, was deputed to bring over the soldiers, which he
immediately did; he went to the barracks, and having formed the infantry
in the square or patio--he informed them that their beloved King was a
prisoner in France; expatiated on his sufferings; told them that the
existing governments in America were determined to deliver up the
country to the common enemy, and concluded by asking them, whether they
would defend their beloved Ferdinand, or become the slaves of Bonaparte?
The deluded soldiers immediately shouted Viva Fernando Septimo! Viva
Quito! The commandant of the cavalry, Don Joaquin Saldumbide, received
orders for the same purpose, and executed them in the same manner. On
the return of these two individuals to the junta, they were commanded to
give the necessary orders to the different guards, and to administer to
the troops the following oath:

"I swear by God and on the cross of my sword, to defend my legitimate
King, Ferdinand VII.; to maintain and protect his rights; to support the
purity of the holy Roman Catholic Church; and to obey the constituted
authorities."

After the conclusion of this ceremony, the necessary orders were given
to the officer of the guard at the president's palace, barracks, and
prisons: a guard was placed at the door of each suspected person,
particularly at those of the Regent and Oidores; and the members of the
government retired to their houses.

An express was immediately sent to Chillo, an estate belonging to the
Marquis of Selva Alegre, with the news of what had taken place, and a
request that his lordship would immediately come to Quito, and take
possession of the supreme command of the government of the kingdom.
Thus, in one night, without bloodshed or even without any popular
commotion, a government which had been established for more than three
centuries was displaced, and a new one erected on its basis.

The Marquis of Selva Alegre arrived on the morning of the tenth, and was
visited by the members of the new government, while the two ministers
proceeded on their duty to place new officers and clerks in the
secretary's office, and to take charge of the archives belonging to the
royal audience.

The character of Selva Alegre is almost indefinable. As a private man he
was extremely kind and polite, having more of the polished courtier
about him than might be supposed to exist in an individual born in what
may be termed a sequestered country. Both in his town and country house
a great deal of taste and splendour were exhibited, in a manner somewhat
uncommon at Quito; yet neither his income nor his popularity could in
any way be compared to those of Miraflores nor Solanda. As a public
character Selva Alegre was extremely unfit; wavering and timid, wishing
rather to reconcile the two parties than to support either; fond of
show and parade, but frightened at his own shadow, as if it mocked him.
At the gaze of the people he would, like a peacock, have allowed his
gaudy plumage to fall to the ground; he would have endeavoured to hide
himself, or, as the most enthusiastic Quiteños expressed themselves,
"his shoes did not fit him."

On the thirteenth the new government visited the church of the Carmen
Alto, the different members dressed in their robes of ceremony; His
Serene Highness in the full costume of the Order of Charles III., of
which he was a knight; the members of the junta in scarlet and black;
the two ministers were distinguished by large plumes in their hats; the
corporation, officers of the treasury, and other tribunals, in their old
Spanish uniforms, and the military in _blue_, faced with _white_ instead
of _red_, as heretofore.

After the thirteenth of August, anarchy began to preside at all the
meetings of the junta. Morales insisted on a reform in the regulations
of the tribunals; Quiroga, that preparations offensive and defensive
against the neighbouring provinces which did not follow the example of
Quito should be made; Selva Alegre and the members wished that every
thing might remain as it was. However the army was increased, and
detachments sent to Guallabamba against the Pastusos, and to Huaranda,
to prevent an invasion by the Guayaquileños. The people began to shew
marks of discontent, particularly dreading a scarcity of salt, which
article was procured from Guayaquil. The governor of Guayaquil first
threatened to invade the provinces, next the Viceroy of Santa Fé, and
lastly the Viceroy of Peru. Advices arrived that troops from these
different quarters were absolutely on their march, and to complete the
consternation of the people, the Count Ruis retired from his palace into
the country, to a small _quinta_, or country seat, two leagues from the
city, where he remained, till on the night of the eighth of November a
deputation from the sovereign junta waited on him with proposals for his
reinstatement in the presidency, to which he acceded. On the part of the
president the condition was, that the members of the junta should retire
to their respective homes, and become quiet citizens, as before the
tenth of August; and on the part of the junta, that what had passed
should be referred to the central junta in Spain, and that no
prosecution should take place against them until the resolution of the
representative authority of Spain should be known. These simple
preliminaries being agreed to, his excellency the Count Ruis entered
Quito on the following morning, and was received with the most
enthusiastic demonstrations of joy; the inhabitants and the members of
the ex-junta presented themselves, and made a tender of their several
titles, which were accepted by the president, and with all the acts and
other papers belonging to the intrusive government, as it was stiled,
were ordered to be burnt; but Arrechaga, instead of obeying the order
given to him, kept them with the most depraved intention for the most
execrable purposes.

On the second of December the auxiliary troops arrived from Lima and
Guayaquil, composed of five hundred infantry, and fifty artillery men,
under the command of Colonel Arredonda. The inhabitants of Quito,
relying on the fulfilment of the conditions agreed to by the Count Ruis,
erected triumphal arches to receive them, and strewed flowers along the
streets as they passed; but scarcely had they taken quiet possession of
the city, and disbanded the native troops, than Arrechaga, who had been
appointed fiscal on the death of Yriarte, advised Arredonda to solicit
of the president an order for the apprehension of all persons who had
taken an active part in the late revolt, grounding his solicitude on
the law of power, that good faith ought not to be kept with traitors.
The count had the weakness to accede to the request of Arredonda, and an
order was immediately issued commanding Don Manuel Arredonda, Colonel of
Infantry, and Commandant of the Pacifying Troops, _tropas
pacificadoras_, to arrest all the persons who had been concerned in the
late rebellion, the names of whom were subministered by Arrechaga, and
on the twelfth of December upwards of fifty of the most respectable
inhabitants of Quito were dragged from their homes, and immured in cells
in the barracks. Judge Fuertes Amar was again appointed to form the
_proceso criminal_. Every succeeding day brought new victims to the
prison, for not only those who had taken an active part in the affair
were apprehended, but many individuals also to whom letters had been
written by the insurgents; and some because they had not declared
themselves hostile to the revolutionary government; however the Regent,
Oidores, Fiscals, and other persons who had remained neuter, and some
Spaniards in office who had kept their places during the administration
of the junta, were not included in the number; but the Bishop, who,
being an American, was included in the list of insurgents, and accused
of having connived at the treason of his flock, because he did not
anathematize them, interdict the places of public worship, and sentence
to everlasting torments all schismatics to royalty and passive
obedience.

Two hundred more soldiers arrived from Santa Fé de Bogotá, and brought
with them a greater security to the ministers of despotism, and the
whole of the provinces of Quito groaned under their tyranny. Many of the
most wealthy inhabitants fled to their estates in the country, and many,
although totally unconnected with the affairs of the junta, were afraid
of being swept away by the torrent of persecution. Among those who
fortunately absconded, and eluded the vigilance of the government, was
the Marquis of Selva Alegre: the Marquis of Miraflores died of grief in
his own house, and a guard of soldiers was placed over him even till he
was interred.

Not content with imprisoning those persons who might be termed the
ringleaders, the soldiers were taken into custody, and placed in a
separate prison, called the presidio. This alarmed the lower classes,
who began to steal into the country, and seek in the mountains and woods
an asylum against the systematic persecution that now pervaded the
miserable hut of the labourer as well as the residence of his
employer--the cabin of the indigent as well as the mansion of the
wealthy. Provisions became daily more scarce in the city, the soldiery
in the same ratio became more insolent, when, to crown the state of
desperation among all classes of the inhabitants, except the natives of
Spain who resided here, the examination of the prisoners was concluded,
and the _vista fiscal_ was drawn up. This horrible production, worthy of
its author, Arrechaga, divided the prisoners into three classes, but
sentenced them all to death: their number was eighty-four, including the
prisoners and the absent, who were outlawed; even the Bishop was not
excluded, although, according to the laws of Spain, he could only be
tried by the council of Castile. Distress, affliction, and grief now
reigned triumphant: mothers, wives, and daughters filled the air with
their cries for mercy on their sons, their husbands, and their brothers,
who had been torn from them and immured in dungeons, where they were not
allowed to visit them; and who lay under sentence of an ignominious
death, no hopes being left, except that the president would not confirm
the sentence, and in this hope they were not deceived.

When the proceso was concluded, and required no more than the veto of
the president, it was presented to him; but instead of concurring in the
opinion of the fiscal, and giving way to the entreaties of Colonel
Arredonda, he ordered the papers to remain in his cabinet. The agitation
of the old count was now truly distressing, and he frequently said to
me, that he would prefer signing his own death-warrant to the
sacrificing of so many deluded victims, the greater part of whom had
only committed an error of judgment, founded, perhaps, on a mistaken
sense of loyalty; at last he determined to refer the case for revision
to the Viceroy of Santa Fé, to the inconceivable chagrin of Fuertes,
Arrechaga, and Arredonda, who all founded their hopes of preferment in
Spain on the execution of the prisoners, who had been denominated
traitors.

The Count Ruis was at this time eighty-four years of age; he had resided
in America upwards of forty; first in the capacity of Corregidor of
Oruro, then of Governor Intendent of Huancavilica, afterwards as
President of Cusco, and lastly of Quito. When at Huancavilica he
commanded the troops, in 1780, against the unfortunate Tupac Umaru, who
was taken prisoner, and quartered alive in the plasa mayor at Cusco, by
being tied to four wild colts, which were driven to the four opposite
angles of the square.

When President of Cusco, the unhappy victims of Spanish jealousy and
cruelty, Ubalde and Ugarte, in 1796, were executed on an ex-parte
evidence. This proceso was conducted by the Oidor Berriosabal,
afterwards Count of San Juan and Marquis of Casa Palma, and who was
afterwards, in 1821, proscribed in Lima by San Martin. The Count Ruis as
a private individual was remarkably kind and familiar, and excessively
charitable: in his public capacity he was too easily overruled,
especially by persons in authority under him, and when he could be
induced to believe them to be actuated by motives of justice; but he was
obstinate in the greatest degree if he once suspected their integrity.
The court of Spain was so well convinced of the virtuous character of
this nobleman, that in 1795 a royal order was issued inhibiting him from
a residenciary investigation at the expiration of his first government
of Cusco: an honour which I believe was never conferred on any other
governor in the Spanish colonies.

The Oidor Don Felipe Fuertes Amar was remarkably timid, in fact he was a
complete coward, and this weakness brought him to the gallows, during a
commotion of the indians in 1810.

The Fiscal Don Tomas Arrechaga was a native of Oruro, said to be the
offspring of a friar of San Juan de Dios and a mestisa of Oruro. The
Count Ruis took him when a boy under his protection, educated him, and
brought him to Quito to establish him in the profession of the law,
which he had studied. Arrechaga was brutal in his looks, his manners,
and his actions; he was possessed of all the subtle cruelty peculiar to
the caste of chinos, which is a mixture of African and indian blood: his
mother was of the latter race, and his father was not entirely exempt
from the former. Arrechaga would have waded through the blood of his
countrymen to secure promotion; and from the first discovery of the
country this had been too often the means of obtaining it.

Don Manuel Arredonda was the son of the Viceroy of Buenos Ayres, and
nephew to the Regent of the Royal Audience of Lima; he was in search of
reputation, fame, and promotion--not in the cannon's mouth--no, for
indeed he was the original fop described by Hotspur, he was effeminate,
proud and cruel, the general qualifications of a coward soldier; an
imperious tyrant when in prosperity, but the most abject of all
wretches when in adversity.

The person chosen to convey to Santa Fé the whole of the proceso was Dr.
San Miguel, a young advocate who had become the constant companion to
Arrechaga. Not less than six reams of written paper formed the important
charge, for the safety of which a piquet of horse was ordered to escort
San Miguel as far as Pasto, lest some of the outlaws might surprize him
on the road. The prisoners expected no favour at the hands of the
Viceroy, because he was the uncle of the Oidor Fuertes who had tried
them. It was natural to suppose that he would not extend his mercy
against what he would consider the justice of the law as expounded by
his nephew; for, although it may appear very strange in England, that
the inclinations of persons in such elevated situations should be
biassed by personal interest, this was too frequently the case in South
America.




CHAPTER II.

     Second Revolution at Quito....Massacre of the Prisoners....General
     Meeting held....Spanish Troops leave Quito....Revolution at Santa
     Fé....Arrival of Don Carlos Montufar at Quito....Arredonda invades
     Quito....Arrives at Huaranda....Flies from....Montufar marches
     towards Cuenca....Desists from attacking the City....Returns to
     Quito....My Appointment to Esmeraldas....Capture and
     Escape....General Montes enters Quito....Death of Montufar....Quito
     taken by General Sucre.


After the departure of San Miguel for Santa Fé many of the soldiers who
had belonged to the insurgent army returned to the city, supposing that
the prosecution had closed; but they were apprehended, and sent to the
presidio. Several individuals also who came from different parts of the
country were apprehended on suspicion, and, although they were liberated
after examination, the alarm flew from one place to another, so that
none would bring their produce to market, and a consequent dearth of
provisions began to be experienced in the city. This, instead of
producing conciliatory measures for procuring them, enraged the Spanish
soldiers, who committed several depredations, and the injured
individuals through fear abstained from complaining to the officers, or
if they ventured to do it, they were insulted with the epithets of
rebels, insurgents, and traitors. Thus the evil increased daily till the
second of August, 1810, when some of the soldiers confined in the
presidio surprized the guard, and depriving them of their arms, and
putting on their uniforms, ran to the barracks at one o'clock in the
afternoon; the disguise prevented all suspicion on their approach, and
they succeeded in driving the sentry from his post at the door, and
securing the officer of the guard: at this moment a bell was rung in the
steeple of the cathedral, as an alarm: the officers who had just sat
down to dinner in the palace rushed into the plasa mayor, and observing
a considerable degree of commotion at the door of the barracks not fifty
yards from that of the palace, the guard was ordered to fire on those at
the barracks, which firing was returned by the opposite party. This
lasted about ten minutes, when, all being silent, an officer ran to the
barracks to inquire into the cause of the disturbance: on being informed
of what had taken place, as well as that all was then safe, he returned
with the report to his commandant, Arredonda. Another officer was
immediately sent to inquire into the state of the prisoners, and he as
briefly returned with the news, that they were all dead. Some had been
shot during the uproar by the sentries placed over them, and many had
been murdered by a zambo boy, one of the cooks to the soldiers, who had
entered their cells, and despatched them with an axe. Terror and
consternation for a moment were visible in the countenances of the
president and officers, when, on a sudden, the Spanish soldiers rushed
from the barracks into the streets, shouting revenge! revenge! our
captain is murdered. Scarcely was the alarm given, when the infuriated
soldiers abandoned their posts, and running up and down the streets,
murdered every individual they met with, without distinction either of
age or sex: the drums in different parts of the city beat an advance,
and murder and pillage raged in this horrid manner till three o'clock,
all the officers standing on the esplanade of the palace, without making
any effort to check the massacre: at length, the soldiers having
expended their stock of cartridges began to return to the barracks, some
of them so laden with plunder, that they had left their arms they knew
not where.

The number of prisoners confined in the cells, many of whom were secured
with irons, and who fell a sacrifice to the insubordination of the
soldiery, and the imbecility of the officers, was seventy-two; a
clergyman of the name of Castelo, and an individual of the name of
Romero, were the only prisoners that escaped, and they saved their lives
by feigning to be dead. Morales, Quiroga, Riofrio, and Salinas perished;
but to the memory of these, and their fellow sufferers, the government
of Venezuela ordered a day of mourning to be kept annually; thus paying
to them the greatest possible respect; they also afterwards determined
to call them the martyrs of Quito. In the streets of Quito about three
hundred individuals perished, including seven of the Spanish soldiers,
who were killed by some indian butchers, whom they had repeatedly
insulted. Such was the fury displayed by the pacifying troops, that a
party of them having met a captain in his uniform, who belonged to the
Guayaquil cavalry, a soldier seized the sword of his captain, and ran
him through the body with it, laying him weltering in his gore not fifty
yards from the door of the barracks.

No powers of language can describe the anxiety which this dreadful
affair excited in the minds of the inhabitants, who, ignorant of the
origin, considered it as an unprovoked slaughter of their countrymen,
and consequently dreaded that it might be again repeated in the same
manner. Only five of the soldiers who left the presidio entered the
barracks--had twenty entered, they would doubtlessly have succeeded in
liberating the prisoners; but these were murdered while those were
engaged with the guard at the door.

The streets of the city were entirely deserted; groups of people were
scattered about on the neighbouring hills, looking wistfully at their
apparently desolated town; dead bodies were strewed about the streets
and squares, and all was horror and dismay. During the night the bodies
of the prisoners were conveyed to the church of San Augstin, and those
that were murdered in the streets, to the nearest churches. The two
succeeding days, the third and the fourth of August, the inhabitants
kept within their houses, and, except the soldiers, not an individual
ventured into the streets. The government now began to fear that the
whole of the provinces would rise _en masse_; and as the news of the
revolution at Caracas, which took place on the nineteenth of April,
1810, had reached their ears, this, with their ignorance of what was
passing in the mother country, except that Bonaparte had taken
possession of Madrid, suggested to them an effort at reconciliation, but
without in the least reflecting on their own baseness and treachery, in
having violated the conditions which had replaced the president in his
authority, and thus branded themselves with the name which they most
justly deserved, that of _infames traidores_, INFAMOUS TRAITORS.

On the fifth an order was published for the heads of all the corporate
bodies, officers, and principal inhabitants to meet at the palace, and
resolve on such means as were most likely to restore peace,
tranquillity, and confidence to the country. Accordingly the persons who
were summoned met; the president took the chair, having the Bishop on
his right, and Colonel Arredonda on his left, the Regent, oidores,
fiscals, attorney-general, and other officers and persons of distinction
took their seats. The president rose, and in very few words expressed
his sorrow for what had happened, and his sincere wish to restore peace
and unanimity among the people. The Bishop in a short speech answered,
that he was afraid such wishes would never be fulfilled, until those
persons who had advised his Excellency to forget his promises made to
the people were removed from that part of the country. Arrechaga rose
and observed, that his lordship recriminated on his conduct; to which
the prelate replied, that years and dignity precluded any recrimination
on Don Arrechaga from him. This debate induced the president to request,
that Arrechaga would leave the hall, which request was reluctantly
complied with; although such a rebuff from the Bishop would only four
days before that of the meeting have shewn him the way to a dungeon.

Dr. Rodrigues, a secular priest, greatly revered for his wisdom and his
virtue by all who knew him, rose from his seat, and, advancing to the
centre of the hall, delivered a most eloquent and animated speech, which
lasted for more than an hour. He portrayed the character of the Quiteños
in general, explained the causes of the late revolution with evangelical
charity, and dwelt on the fatal results with the truest symptoms of
grief, in such a manner, that, not through sympathy but sensibility,
conviction, shame, and remorse, the big tear flowed down the cheeks of
his hearers. He concluded by repeating what his prelate had said, and
added further, that the people of Quito could no longer consider their
lives and property secure, unless those individuals who had so lately
forfeited their title of pacificators were removed from the country. "I
allude," said he, "to the officers and troops; they have already made
upwards of three hundred unoffending fellow-creatures, as faithful
Christians and as loyal subjects as themselves, the peaceful tenants of
the grave, and, if not stopped in their career of slaughter, they will
soon convert one of the most fruitful regions of the Spanish monarchy
into a desert; and future travellers, while execrating their memory,
will exclaim, 'here once stood Quito!'"

Don Manuel Arredonda, trembling for his personal safety, now rose. He
observed, that he was fully convinced the government of Quito ought to
rely on the loyalty of the Quiteños, and allow _him_ to retire with the
troops under his command. This was immediately agreed to, and the act of
the meeting having been drawn up, was signed by the President, the
Bishop, the Commander of the troops, and several other members.
Preparations for the evacuation of the city immediately commenced, and
the troops under the command of Arredonda began their march on the
following morning, leaving the two hundred soldiers from Santa Fé and
the government to the mercy of a populace driven almost to despair by
their cruel and murderous conduct.

A few days after the departure of Arredonda and the soldiers, Dr. San
Miguel returned from Santa Fé, bringing tidings of an insurrection
having taken place in that city. It commenced on the twenty-third of
July, 1810, the day before the arrival of San Miguel with his cargo of
papers. When he presented himself before the new authorities at Santa
Fé, he was commanded to repair to the plasa mayor with his papers, and
here he was ordered to deliver them into the hands of the hangman, who
immediately committed them to the flames. Thus a trial was concluded,
which, perhaps, in point of infamous intrigue was unparalleled in any
age or nation; and had the conductors of it suffered a similar fate at
the same time, numbers of Americans would have had just cause to have
been satisfied. The return of San Miguel only served to throw the
government of Quito into greater consternation, and the citizens who had
lost their relatives or their friends on the second of August into
deeper sorrow.

The insurrection of Santa Fé was conducted, like that of Quito, without
any bloodshed; the news of the commission conferred on Villaviencio by
the central junta of Spain, to visit his native place, and to make any
such alterations in the form of the government as might appear necessary
for the preservation of the country, had arrived at Santa Fé. The
friends of this American wished to prepare a house for his reception;
one of them begged the loan of a chandelier of a European Spaniard, who,
chagrined at the idea of a royal commission having been conferred on a
colonist, insulted the borrower; this conduct produced an altercation
between the parties, a mob collected at the door, the Spaniard attempted
to drive the people away with threats and insults, which at last
produced a cry of _Cabildo Abierto!_ an open meeting at the City Hall.
Scarcely had the shout been re-echoed by the mob, when it was extended
to every part of the city, and Cabildo Abierto became the watchword.
Crowds of people flocked to the plasa mayor, the doors of the town hall
were thrown open, and several individuals, all natives, ranged
themselves round the table. At this juncture some one advanced to the
door, and asked the populace why they had collected in that manner, at
this particular time? Some one answered, _queremos gobierno nuevo, fuera
Españoles!_ We want a new government--out with the Spaniards! Nariño was
then sent to request the presence of the Viceroy Amar, as president of
the meeting. His excellency refused; a second message was sent, and met
with the same refusal: this conduct exasperated the people, and the cry
of fuera Españoles! _fuera chapetones!_ again resounded from every
quarter. A third messenger was shortly after sent to inform Don Antonio
Amar, that his functions, with those of all European Spaniards in the
government, had ceased. Amar now volunteered to go and preside at the
meeting; but he was told, that only his baston of command was requested;
this, after a little altercation, he delivered up. The new government
took possession of the barracks, the park of artillery, and the
government stores. The ex-viceroy and some of the ex-oidores were sent
to Carthagena to be embarked for Spain. In one day the change in the
government was completed, and on the following the people retired to
their several homes and occupations in the most perfect order, after
witnessing the public burning of the papers brought by San Miguel.

In the month of September of the same year, Don Carlos Montufar, son to
the outlawed Marquis of Selva Alegre, who with several others had again
presented himself publicly in Quito, arrived, bringing with him powers
from the central junta of Spain, to establish such a government, or make
such changes in the one existing, as might ensure the allegiance of the
country to Ferdinand on his restoration. The joy which this arrival
would have occasioned a short time before it took place was
considerably damped by the recollection of the second of August.
However, to support, and as it were to exculpate the conduct of the
government with respect to the treatment of the unfortunate victims who
had perished on that day, Montufar and his friends determined on
re-establishing the junta. A meeting was convened at the hall of the
university, at which the Count Ruis presided; the commission conferred
on Montufar was read, and the formation of a junta proposed, which was
immediately agreed to. The Count Ruis was nominated president, and the
Marquis of Selva Alegre vice-president; the members for the city were
elected by the five parishes, and those for the country by the parishes
of the heads of the provinces.

Don Carlos Montufar, desirous of preserving tranquillity, and
maintaining a good understanding with the Viceroy of Peru in particular,
immediately forwarded to his Excellency Don Jose de Abascal his original
commission; but the innovation was so great, and the decrease of Spanish
authority so alarming to the Viceroy, that he returned the papers with
an assurance, that he "should exert himself in the support of his own
authority, and that of all the faithful subjects of the crown of Spain."
This imprudent and ill-timed answer, accompanied by a knowledge of the
present state of affairs in Santa Fé and Venezuela; of the revolt of San
Miguel and el Valle de los Dolores in Mexico, which took place on the
nineteenth of August; of that of Buenos Ayres on the twenty-sixth of
May, 1819; together with the condition of the mother country--distracted
the attention of the Spaniards, and first disseminated the whisper of
Independence: a whisper which was confined to private conversations, and
was heard only among the higher classes.

Colonel Arredonda and his troops were at first ordered to remain at
Guayaquil; but on the arrival of the news communicated by the
newly-established government of Quito, he was commanded to invade the
territory belonging to that jurisdiction, and to declare war against the
newly-established authorities, as being traitors to the Crown of Spain.
At the same time that Arredonda began his march, Montufar collected the
armed force of Quito, began to discipline new troops, and proceeded with
them to Riobamba. Popayan and Pasto, under the influence of Samano the
governor of the former place, declared their adherence to the old
government, and avowed their intention of invading Quito to the
northward, while Arredonda should attempt the same to the southward. A
few troops placed by Montufar at Guaitara precluded all fear with
regard to Samano, and Montufar waited at Riobamba the advance of
Arredonda.

A sentinel placed at an advanced post at the Ensillada was alarmed early
one morning by a sudden report, caused by the ice on Chimboraso, which,
when the rising sun first illumes it, sometimes cracks with a tremendous
report. Alarmed at what he heard, he abandoned his post, and
communicated intelligence of the approach of Montufar with a train of
artillery. Arredonda was now filled with the greatest possible
consternation, and without waiting to inquire into the cause of the
alarm, or to investigate the report, he mounted his horse, and fled: the
officers and soldiers followed the example of their chief, and, leaving
every thing behind them, placed their safety in their heels. Montufar,
being immediately apprised of what had passed at Huaranda, Arredonda's
late head quarters, went and took possession of the abandoned stores,
consisting of eight hundred muskets, six field-pieces, a quantity of
ammunition, the military chest, and all the public as well as private
property belonging to the tropas pacificadoras.

The city of Cuenca declared its attachment to the royal cause, as it
now began to be called, in opposition to the insurgents, and Montufar,
flushed with his good fortune at Huaranda, marched towards that city;
the Bishop, Quintian Aponte, who with a crucifix in one hand and a sword
in the other had marshalled the natives, and exhorted them with more
than pastoral eloquence, fled on receiving advices that the insurgents
were within ten leagues of the city, and left his flock at the mercy of
the very man whom he had described the day before as a ravenous wolf.

In this state of affairs, when every thing seemed to promise success to
the insurgents, a post arrived from Spain, bringing the news of the
dissolution of the junta central, and the formation of a Regency and
Cortes, and commanding all his Majesty's faithful subjects to abjure the
traitorous junta, and to take the oath of allegiance to the
newly-constituted authorities. An order of the Regency commanded that
every thing in the colonies should remain in the same state in which it
might then be, until the Regency and the Cortes should decide. Carlos
Montufar, on the receipt of this intelligence, communicated to him by
the Viceroy of Peru, answered his excellency, that as a loyal subject,
and trusting that the conduct of his excellency would evince equal
loyalty and deference to the supreme order received, he should
immediately retire to Quito with the troops under his command.

A small detachment of soldiers continued on the heights of Guaitara, and
every thing in Quito remained tranquil until the middle of November,
when General Molina arrived at Cuenca, and, by the order of the Viceroy
Abascal, peremptorily insisted on the dissolution of the junta, which
was objected to. Captain Villavicencio arrived from Guayaquil to treat
with the government on the proposals made by General Molina, and such
was the spirit of party, and the dread of again being oppressed by
pacifying troops, that on the arrival of Villavicencio, a woman, named
Salinas, a servant to Captain Salinas, who was murdered on the second of
August, collected a body of females, who armed themselves with lances,
and escorted Villavicencio to the house prepared for him, where they
remained on guard till he quitted the city. Nothing could be more
ridiculous than the appearance of this naval hero when he had to attend
the meeting of the junta, marching along the street with an Amazonian
guard, composed of twenty-five females with lances, who conducted him to
and from the hall.

During the time that Montufar was absent from the city with the troops,
several popular commotions took place, particularly of the indians;
these were principally excited by a native of the name of Peña, who had
had a son slain in the massacre of the second of August. During this
time, the Oidor Fuertes and the postmaster-general attempted to escape,
with an intention of proceeding down the Marañon, but they were seized
by the indians, brought back to Quito, and before the respectable part
of the inhabitants could relieve them from the danger in which they were
placed, the indians erected a temporary gibbet in the plasa mayor, and
hanged them: being in the street myself, the indians seized me also, and
were hurrying me along towards the place of execution, but I was
providentially rescued by the interference of an old clergyman, to whom
I was known, and to whom I undoubtedly owe the preservation of my
existence.

The adherence of Popayan and Pasto to the Spanish governors precluded
all communication between Quito and Santa Fé, Venezuela, and other
places. The junta determined to open a communication by the coast with
Cali and Buga, and also with those parts of the country which had
established the same form of government as themselves. Owing to the
knowledge which I had acquired of the coast, the title of governor of
Esmeraldas, and military commander of the coast, with the rank of
lieutenant-colonel of artillery was conferred on me; and on the fifth of
December I left Quito with fifty soldiers, took possession of my
command, opened the communication, and secured the depôt of arms
belonging to the Spaniards at Tumaco.

During my residence on the coast of Esmeraldas, nothing particular
occurred in the capital, except preparations for defence: General Molina
died at Cuenca, and the Bishop of Cuenca at Guayaquil. Aymerich, the
governor of Popayan, solicited a brig of war, which was sent by the
governor of Guayaquil; with this assistance Esmeraldas was invaded, and
I was taken prisoner in May, 1811; but with the permission of Captain
Ramires I made my escape from the brig. Don Toribio Montes was appointed
by the Regency president of Quito, and immediately took the command of
the troops stationed at Guayaquil and Cuenca, and began his march on
Quito. The president, Count Ruis, retired to a small convent in the
suburbs of Quito; but a popular commotion of the indians in the city
occurred, a party of them went to the convent and dragged the venerable
good old man into the street, where they murdered him. Montes had a few
skirmishes with the Quiteños; but he entered the city, and caused
several of the principal individuals who had been concerned in the late
transactions to be put to death. Among these was Don Carlos Montufar,
who, being sentenced as a traitor, was shot through the back, his heart
taken out and burnt. Some of the indians who had been the ringleaders in
the death of the Count Ruis were hanged, and their heads placed in iron
cages in different parts of the city, where they remained until taken
down by order of General Sucre.

From the year 1811 Quito continued to be governed by the Spanish
authorities, till May, 1822, when General Sucre entered by force of
arms, and at that time it became a part of the republic of Colombia.




CHAPTER III.

     State of Lima in 1811....Constitution proclaimed....Some Effects
     of....Wishes of the Inhabitants of Lima....Manifest of Venezuela.


On my arrival in Lima I found the same spirit of revolutionary
principles disseminated among all ranks of creoles, excepting some few
individuals who possessed lucrative employments under the government.
The Viceroy Abascal endeavoured to check the spirit of rebellion by the
mildest measures possible, avoiding all acts of persecution; he
established a regiment, called _de la Concordia_, of concord, from the
respectable inhabitants of the city, constituted himself the colonel of
it, and nominated the officers from among the more leading individuals,
whether Spaniards or creoles: this for a short time lulled the spirit of
insurrection. The victory of Guaqui, gained by General Goyoneche over
the army of Buenos Ayres, was welcomed with feasts and rejoicings; but
the scarcity of wheat, the ports of Chile being closed, began to be very
apparent.

In 1812 the constitutional government was proclaimed, and copies of the
constitution of the Spanish monarchy were the only books that were read,
consulted, and studied by all classes. The formation of a constitutional
corporation, cabildo, and the election of constitutional alcaldes,
caused some uproar in the city; but the measures became alarming to the
Spaniards when the election of deputies for the cortes took place. The
Spaniards, accustomed to consider the natives as inferiors, and almost
as intruders in their own country, had now to brook their contempt in
return, to bear with their opposition, and sometimes with their
reproaches. The poll was conducted in the patio, or principal cloister
of the convent of La Merced; several collegians of San Carlos placed
themselves on the hustings, and, according to the _Ley de Partido_, no
native of Spain is permitted to reside in the colonies without a special
license of the Casa de Contratacion of Seville, or in the employ of the
government, and the latter were declared by the constitution, tit. 2,
cap. IV. art. 24, to have no vote. Thus as no Spaniards in Lima could
produce a license, or passport, they were not allowed to vote; and this
excited in them the most frantic rage and chagrin. One Spaniard
presented himself with his passport, and insultingly advanced towards
the hustings to vote; but one of the collegians, looking over the
paper, found that the voter was a native of the Canary Islands, which
being African islands, and all Africans, or descendants of Africans,
being declared by art. 22, tit. 2, cap. IV. of the constitution, as not
having an elective vote, unless they had obtained a letter of
denizenship from the cortes, he was obliged to retire amid the shouts of
the creoles, and the curses against the cortes of the Spaniards.

Nothing could possibly be more favourable to the colonies than the
publication of a constitutional form of government, and the liberty of
the press, as it was sanctioned by the cortes. The restrictions were
such as would have produced a clamour in England, but to a slave an hour
of rest is an hour of perfect freedom, and to men whose pens had been
chained by political trammels and inquisitorial anathemas, a relief from
such restrictions was hailed as an absolute immunity. Those colonies
that still remained faithful to the mother country had an opportunity of
reading the periodical papers, a thing unknown at this time, unless we
except the government gazette; and although such news as was
unfavourable to the Spanish system did not appear in print, yet the
barefaced falsehoods of the old ministerial paper were checked in their
exaggerations, by the appearance of authentic intelligence in the new
papers, and the public were informed of such facts as had taken place:
they were apprised of the establishment of republican governments in
Mexico, Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chile--facts that would have been
disguised by the old established authorities, and the people would have
been stigmatized by the name of banditti, of discontented indians, a
gang of traitors, or a horde of highwaymen and freebooters.

The inhabitants of Lima wished for a change in their form of government
as ardently perhaps as those of any other part of America; and for not
having established one, they have been considered by many as a race of
effeminate listless cowards, and have been reported as such--but most
undeservedly. Although in a cause adverse to their own interest, for
many years they sustained the brunt of the war against all the forces
that could be brought to the field by those whom they were taught to
consider as enemies. Soldiers are instructed by the precepts and the
examples of their commanders, and rarely reflect on what is right or
wrong; otherwise history would not present us with such numberless
instances of armed forces acting in open hostility against their very
homes, their friends, and their parents; wherever a city is garrisoned
by a military force, the inhabitants as well as the soldiers must submit
to the will of the commanders. Such was the state of Lima: many of the
soldiers it is true were Limeños, but many were from different parts of
Peru, and nearly the whole of the officers were Spaniards, and those who
were not were under the suspicious eye of jealous masters.

At first, the several provinces that revolted, and which had established
new governments, most solemnly declared, that it was not their intention
to separate from the crown of Spain, but to govern themselves in such a
manner as would secure to that crown the possession of America. The
Regency of Spain, however, invested with the authority to govern the
peninsula, insisted on the prerogative of governing the American
colonies, forgetting that the famous grant of America made by Pope
Alexander VI. annexed America to the crowns of Castile and Arragon, and
not to the nation nor to any representative body belonging to that
nation. Every individual that was apprehended during the first years of
commotion was treated as a traitor. At Quito the words "constituted
authorities" contained in the oath which was administered were
converted into high treason, and there is no doubt but Arrechaga would
have solicited the sentence of capital punishment on all those who had
taken it, had not their number included many of his friends.

Declarations of independence, and manifestos containing the motives for
at once separating from the mother country, now began to circulate among
the natives of Peru; and although some of them contained exaggerations,
and the government of Lima became possessed of copies of them, yet such
was the apathy or the timidity of the chiefs, that no attempt at
refutation was ever made. The following are translations of papers from
Venezuela, which fully express all the grievances of which the
Hispano-Americans complained. They were drawn up for the purpose of
instilling into the minds of their countrymen a determination to shake
off those grievances, and to convince the world at large that the
insurrection of the Spanish colonies had become a matter of necessity
and not of choice:

"Manifesto made to the world by the confederation of Venezuela in South
America, of the reasons on which it founds its absolute independence of
Spain, and of every other foreign power. Done by the general Congress of
the United States, and ordered to be published.

"Spanish America, condemned for more than three centuries to exist only
for the purpose of increasing the political preponderance of Spain,
without the least influence in, or participation of her greatness,
would, according to the order of events in which she had no other part
than that of sufferance, have been the victim and the sacrifice of the
disorder, corruption, and conquest, which have disorganized the nation
her conqueror, if the instinct of self-preservation had not dictated to
the Americans, that the moment of action had arrived, and that it was
time to reap the fruits of three centuries of patience and forbearance.

"If the discovery of the new world was to the human race an occurrence
highly interesting, the regeneration of this same world, degraded from
that period by oppression and servitude, will not be less so. America,
raising herself from the dust, and throwing off her chains without
passing through the political gradations of other countries, will in her
turn triumph over the world, without deluging it in blood, without
enslaving it, without brutifying it. A revolution most useful to mankind
will be that of America, when she shall constitute her own authorities
and govern herself, opening her arms to receive those people of Europe
who may be trampled on by policy, wish to fly from the evils of war, or
escape the persecution and the fury of party. The inhabitants of one
hemisphere will then cross the ocean to the other in search of peace and
tranquillity; not with the lust nor perfidy of conquest, like the heroes
of the sixteenth century--as friends, not as tyrants: as men willing to
obey, not as lords to command--not to destroy, but to save--not as
ravenous tigers, but as human beings, who, horror-struck at the account
of our past misfortunes, were taught to estimate them by their own--who
will not convert their reason into a spirit of blind persecution, nor
wish to stain our annals with blood and misery. Then shall navigation,
geography, astronomy, industry, and trade perfected by the discovery of
America, though until now the source of her debasement, be converted
into the means of accelerating, consolidating, and making more perfect
the happiness of the two worlds.

"This is not a flattering dream, but the homage of reason to prudence,
whose ineffable wisdom designed that one part of the human race should
not groan under the tyranny of another; consequently, the great fiat of
what should precede the dissolution of the world could not take place
before one part of its inhabitants had enjoyed their inherent rights.
Every thing has long been preparing for this epoch of felicity and
consolation. In Europe the shock and the fermentation of opinions, the
contempt and the inversion of the laws; the profanation of those bonds
which ought to have held states together; the luxury of courts, the
cessation of industry, the consequent unproductiveness of lands, the
oppression of virtue, and the triumph of vice accelerated the progress
of evil in one world, while the increase of population in America, of
the wants of foreign countries dependent on her, the development of
agriculture in a new and fertile soil, the germ of industry under a
beneficent climate, the elements of science under a privileged
organization, the means of a rich and prosperous trade, and the strength
of a political adolescence, all, all contributed to accelerate the
progress of good in the other.

"Such was the advantageous alternative that enslaved America presented
to her mistress, Spain, on the other side of the ocean, when oppressed
by the weight of every evil, and undermined by every principle
destructive to society, America called upon her to ease her of her
chains that she might fly to her succour. Fortunately prejudice
triumphed, the genius of evil and disorder seized on the government,
goaded pride usurped the seat of prudence; ambition triumphed over
liberality, and substituting deceit and perfidy for generosity and
integrity, those very arms were turned against us which we ourselves
used when impelled by fidelity and good faith; we taught Spain herself
the way to resist her enemies, under the banners of a presuming king,
unfit to reign, and void of all title except the generous compassion of
the people and his own misfortunes.

"Venezuela was the first in the new world to pledge to Spain that
generous aid which she considered as a necessary homage; Venezuela was
the first to pour the consoling balm of friendship and fraternity into
her wounds when afflicted; Venezuela was the first that knew the
disorders which threatened the destruction of Spain; she was the first
to provide for her own safety, without severing the bonds that linked
her to the mother country; the first to feel the effects of her
ambitious ingratitude; she was the first on whom war was declared by her
brethren; and she is now the first to recover and declare her
independence and civil dignity in the new world. In order to justify
this measure of necessity and of justice, she considers it an incumbent
duty to present to the universe the reasons which have urged her to the
same, that her honour and principles may not be doubted, nor endangered
when she comes to fill the high rank which Providence restores her to.

"All those persons who are aware of our determinations know what was our
fate previous to the late inversion of things, which alone dissolved our
engagements with Spain, even granting that these were legal and
equitable. It would be superfluous to present again to impartial Europe
the misfortunes and vexations she has so often had cause to lament, at a
time when we were not allowed to do so; neither is it necessary to
assert the injustice of our dependence and degradation, when every
nation has viewed as an insult to political equity, that Spain
unpeopled, corrupted, and plunged into a state of sloth and indolence by
the measures of a despotic government, should have exclusively usurped
from the industry and activity of the rest of the continent, the
precious and incalculable resources of a world constituted in the fief
and monopoly of a small portion of the other.

"The interest of Europe cannot oppose the liberty of one quarter of the
globe, which now discovers itself to the interest of the other three;
yet a mere peninsula is found to oppose the interests of its government
to those of its nation, in order to raise the old hemisphere against the
new one, since the impossibility of oppressing it alone for any longer
period is now visible. In opposition to these endeavours, more fatal to
our tranquillity than to our prosperity, we will disclose to the world
the causes which operated on our conduct on the fifteenth of July, 1808,
and the acts that have wrested from us the resolutions of the nineteenth
of April, 1810, and of the fifth of July, 1811. These three epochs will
form the first period of the glories of regenerated Venezuela, when the
impartial pen of history shall record the first lines of the political
existence of South America.

"Our manifests and public papers testified almost all the reasons that
influenced our resolutions, as well as our designs, and all the just and
decorous means that were employed to realize them; it might be supposed
that an exact and impartial comparison of our conduct with that of the
late governments of Spain would of itself suffice to justify not only
our moderation, not only our measures of security, not only our
independence, but also even the declaration of an irreconcilable enmity
to those who directly or indirectly have contributed to the unnatural
system now adopted against us. Nothing in truth should we have to do if
good faith had been the spring of action, used by the partisans of
oppression against liberty; but, as the last analysis of our
misfortunes, we cannot extricate ourselves from the condition of slaves
without being branded with the disgraceful epithets of ungrateful
rebels. Let those therefore listen and judge us who have no part in our
misfortunes, and who are now desirous of having none in our disputes, in
order not to augment the prejudices of our enemies, and let them not
lose sight of the solemn act of our just, necessary, and modest
emancipation.

"Caracas was apprised of the scandalous scenes which took place at the
Escurial and Aranjues at a time when she was already convinced of what
were her rights, and the state in which they were placed by those
extraordinary occurrences; but the habit of obedience on the one hand,
the apathy that despotism had produced on the other, and in fine our
fidelity and good faith, were at that moment paramount to every other
feeling. After the communication of Murat, the kingly substitute of
Joseph Bonaparte, had reached the capital of the monarchy, the
authorities did not even hesitate respecting the reception of it, the
people only thought of being faithful, consistent, and generous,
without premeditating on the evils to which this noble and gallant
conduct would expose them. Without any other view than that of honour,
Venezuela refused to follow the opinions of the leading characters in
Madrid, some of whom, in support of the orders of the French Regent of
the kingdom, exacted of us the oath of allegiance to the new king;
others declared and published that Spain had received a new existence
since her old authorities abandoned her, since the cession made by the
Bourbons and the entrance of the new dynasty; that they had recovered
their absolute independence and liberty, and that they offered the same
alluring terms to the Americans, who by the same means might procure the
same rights. But the first step we took for our own security convinced
the junta central that there was something in us besides habits and
prejudices, and they began to change their tune respecting liberality
and sincerity; they perfidiously adopted the talisman Ferdinand at first
practised in good faith; they suppressed, but with cunning and suavity,
the plain and legal project of Caracas in 1808 to form a junta, and to
imitate the representative system of the governments of Spain; and they
began to set up a new species of despotism under the factitious name of
a king, acknowledged only from a principle of generosity, and destined
to oppress and tyrannise us by those who had usurped the sovereignty.

"New governors and judges initiated in the new system projected by Spain
against America, decided in the support of it at our expense, and
provided with instructions for even the last political change which
might occur in the other hemisphere, were the consequences resulting
from the surprize that our unparalleled and unexpected generosity caused
to the central junta. Ambiguity, artifice, and disorder were the springs
employed to keep in motion this short-lived administration: as they saw
their empire exposed and tottering, they wished to gain in one day what
had enriched their ancestors for many years; and as their authority was
backed by that of their parasites, all their endeavours were directed to
the support of each other under the shadow of our illusion and good
faith. No statute or law against these plans was effective; and every
measure that favoured the new system of political freemasonry was to
have the force of law, however opposed it might be to the principle of
equity and justice. After the declaration of the Captain-general Emparan
made to the _audiencia_, that in Caracas there was no other law nor
will but his own, and this fully demonstrated in several arbitrary acts
and excesses, such as placing on the bench of the judge the King's
accuser-general; intercepting and opening the papers sent by Don Pedro
Gonsales Ortega to the central junta; expulsing from the provinces this
same public functionary, as well as the captain, Don Francisco
Rodrigues, and the assessor of the consulate, Don Miguel Jose Sanz, who
were all embarked for Cadiz or Porto Rico, as well as sentencing to
labour in the public works without any previous form of trial a
considerable number of men, who were dragged from their homes under the
epithet of vagrants; revoking and suspending the resolutions of the
royal audience, when they were according to his caprice and absolute
will, after naming a recorder without the consent of the corporation;
creating and causing the assessor to be received without either title or
authority for the same, after he had supported his pride and his
ignorance in every excess; after many scandalous disputes between the
audience and the corporation, and after all the law characters had been
reconciled to the plan of these despots, in order that these might be
more inexpugnable to us, it was agreed to organize and carry into
effect the project of espionage and duplicity.

"Of all this there remains authentic testimony in our archives,
notwithstanding the vigilance with which these were examined by the
friends of the late authorities: there exists in Cuenca an order of the
Spanish government to excite discord among the nobles and among the
different branches of American families. There are besides many written
and well-known documents of corruption, gambling, and libertinism
promoted by Guevara, for the purpose of demoralizing the country; and no
one can ever forget the collusions and subornings publicly used by the
judges, and proved in the act of their residencia.

"Under these auspices the defeats and misfortunes of the Spanish armies
were concealed. Pompous and imaginary triumphs over the French on the
peninsula were forged and announced; the streets were ordered to be
illuminated, gunpowder was wasted in salutes, the bells announced the
rejoicings, and religion was prostituted by the chanting Te Deums and
other public acts, as if to insult Providence, and invoke a perpetuity
of the evils we groaned under. In order to allow us no time to analyze
our own fate, or discover the snares laid for us, conspiracies were
invented, parties and factions were forged in the imagination of our
oppressors, every one was calumniated who did not consent to be
initiated in the mysteries of perfidy; fleets and emissaries from France
were figured as being on our seas, and residing among us; our
correspondence with the neighbouring colonies was circumscribed and
restricted; our trade received new fetters, and the whole was for the
purpose of keeping us in a state of continual agitation, that we might
not fix our attention on our own situation and interests.

"When our forbearance was once alarmed, and our vigilance awakened, we
began to lose all confidence in the governments of Spain and their
agents; through the veil of their intrigues and machinations we
perceived the horrid futurity that awaited us; the genius of truth,
elevated above the dense atmosphere of oppression and calumny, pointed
out to us with the finger of impartiality the true fate of Spain, the
disorders of her governments, the unavailing energy of her inhabitants,
the formidable power of her enemies, and the groundless hopes of her
salvation. Shut up in our own houses, surrounded by spies, threatened
with infamy and banishment, scarcely daring to bewail our own
situation, or even secretly to complain against our vigilant and cunning
enemies; the consonance of our blinded sighs exhaled in the moments of
the most galling oppression, at length gave uniformity to our sentiments
and united our opinions. Shut up within the walls of our own houses, and
debarred from all communication with our fellow-citizens, there was
scarcely an individual in Caracas who did not think that the moment of
being for ever free, or of sanctioning irrevocably a new and horrid
slavery, had arrived.

"Every day discovered more and more the nullity of the acts of Bayonne,
the invalidity of the rights of Ferdinand, and of all the Bourbons who
were privy to the arrangements; the ignominy with which they delivered
up as slaves those who had placed them on the throne in opposition to
the house of Austria; the connivance of the head functionaries in Spain
to the plans of the new dynasty; the fate that these same plans prepared
for America, and the necessity of forming some resolution that might
shield the new world from the calamities which from its relations with
the old were about to visit it. All saw their treasures buried in the
unfathomable disorders of the peninsula; they wept for the blood of
Americans spilt in defence of the enemies of America, in order to
support the slavery of their own country. Notwithstanding the vigilance
of the tyrants, all saw the very interior of Spain, where they beheld
nothing but disorder, corruption, factions, misfortunes, defeats,
treacheries, dispersed armies, whole provinces in the hands of the enemy
and their disciplined troops, and at the head of all a weak and
tumultuary government formed out of such rare elements.

"Dismay was the general and uniform impression observed in the
countenances of the people of Venezuela by the agents of oppression sent
from Spain to support at any hazard the infamous cause of their
constituents; a word might cause proscription, or a discourse banishment
to the author; and every attempt to do in America what was done in
Spain, if it did not shed the blood of the Americans, it was at least
sufficient to occasion the ruin, infamy, and desolation of many
families, as may be seen by the act of proscription of several officers
and citizens of rank and probity, decreed on the twentieth of March,
1810, by Emparan.[1] Such a miscalculation could not fail to produce or
multiply the convulsions, to augment the popular reaction, to prepare
the combustible, and dispose it in such a manner that the least spark
would kindle it, and create a blaze that would consume, and even efface
every vestige of so hard and melancholy a condition. Spain needy and
almost desolate, her fate dependent on the generosity of America, and
almost in the act of being blotted out from the list of nations,
appeared as if transported back to the sixteenth or seventeenth
centuries, she again began to conquer America with arms more destructive
than iron or lead; every day gave birth to some new proof of the fate
that awaited us, a fate that would place us in the sad alternative of
being sold to a foreign power, or obliged to groan for ever under a
fresh and irrevocable bondage, whilst we alone were expectant on the
happy moment that might bring our opinions into action, and join us in
such a manner that we could express them, and support them.

"Amidst the sighs and imprecations of general despair, the entrance of
the French in Andalusia, the dissolution of the central junta brought
about by the effects of public execration, and the abortive institution
of another protean government, under the name of regency, reached our
ears. This was announced under ideas more liberal, and on perceiving the
efforts of the Americans to avail themselves of the opportunity which
the vices and nullities of so strange a government presented to them,
they endeavoured to strengthen the illusion by brilliant promises, by
theories barren of reform, and by announcing to us that our fate was no
longer in the hands of viceroys, ministers, or governors; at the same
time that all their agents received the strictest orders to watch over
our conduct, and even over our opinions, and not to suffer these to
exceed the limits traced by the eloquence that gilded the chains forged
in the captious and cunning promise of emancipation.

"At any other period this would have sufficed to deceive the Americans,
but the junta of Seville, as well as the central junta, had already gone
too far in order to remove the bandage from our eyes, and what was then
combined, meditated, and polished to subject us again with phrases and
hyperboles, only served to redouble our vigilance, to collect our
opinions, and to establish a firm and unshaken resolution to perish
rather than remain any longer the victims of cabal and perfidy. The eve
of that day on which our religion celebrates the most august mystery of
the redemption of the human race, was that designated by Providence to
be the commencement of the political redemption of America. On Holy
Thursday, April nineteenth, 1810, the colossus of despotism was thrown
down in Venezuela, the empire of law proclaimed, and the tyrants
expelled with all the suavity, moderation, and tranquillity that they
themselves have confessed, so much so in fact, as to have filled with
admiration of, and friendship for us the rest of the impartial world.

"All sensible persons would have supposed that a nation recovering its
rights, and freeing itself from its oppressors, would in its blind fury
have broken down every barrier that might place it directly or
indirectly within the reach of the influence of those very governments
that had hitherto caused its misfortunes, and its oppression. Venezuela,
faithful to her promises, did no more than ensure her own security in
order to comply with them, and if with one strong and generous hand she
deposed the authors of her misery and her slavery, with the other she
placed the name of Ferdinand VII. at the head of her new government,
swore to maintain his rights, promised to acknowledge the unity and
integrity of the Spanish nation, opened her arms to her European
brethren, offered them an asylum in their misfortunes and calamities,
equally hated the enemies of the Spanish name, solicited the generous
alliance of England, and prepared to take her share of the success or
misfortunes of the nation from whom she could and ought to be separated.

"But it was not this that the regency exacted of us, when it declared us
free in its theories, it subjected us in practice to a small and
insignificant representation, believing that those to whom it considered
nothing was due, would be content to receive whatever was granted to
them by their masters. Under so liberal a calculation the regency was
desirous of keeping up the illusion, to pay us with words, promises, and
inscriptions for our long slavery, and for the blood and treasure we had
expended in Spain. We were fully aware how little we had to expect from
the policy and intrusive agents of Ferdinand, we were not ignorant that
if we were not to be dependent on viceroys, ministers, and governors,
with greater reason we could not be subject to a king, a captive and
without the rights of authority; nor to a government null and
illegitimate, nor to a nation incapable of holding sway over another,
nor to a peninsular corner of Europe, almost wholly occupied by a
foreign force. Nevertheless, desirous of effecting our own freedom by
the means of generosity, moderation, and civic virtues, we acknowledged
the imaginary rights of the son of Maria Louisa, we respected the
misfortunes of the nation, and officially announced to the regency that
we disowned, that we promised not to separate from Spain so long as she
maintained a legal government, established according to the will of the
nation, and in which America had that part given to her, required by
justice, necessity, and the political importance of her territory.

"If three hundred years of former servitude do not suffice to authorize
our emancipation, there has been sufficient cause in the conduct of the
governments which arrogated to themselves the sovereignty of a conquered
nation, which never could have any property in America declared an
integral part of the same, whilst they attempted to involve it in
conquest. If the governors of Spain had been paid by her enemies, they
could not have done more against the felicity of the nation, bound in
its close union and correspondence with America. With the greatest
contempt of our importance, and of the justice of our claims when they
could not deny us the appearance of a representation, they subjected it
to the despotic influence of their agents, over our municipalities, to
whom the election was committed; and whilst Spain allowed even for the
provinces in possession of the French, the Canaries and Balearic
islands, one representative for each 50,000 souls, freely elected by
these, in America a 1,000,000 scarcely sufficed to have the right of one
representative, named by the Viceroy or captain-general, under the
signature of the municipality.

"At the same time that we, strong in the right of our own justice and
the moderation of our proceedings, hoped that if the reasons we alleged
to the regency to convince them of the necessity of our resolution did
not triumph, at least that the generous disposition with which we
promised not to become the enemy of our oppressed and unfortunate
brethren would be successful, dispositions which the new government of
Caracas was desirous should not be limited to barren promises; and the
unprejudiced and impartial world will know, that Venezuela has passed
the time which intervened between April 19th, 1810, to July 5th, 1811,
in a bitter and painful alternative of acts of ingratitude, insults, and
hostilities on the part of Spain; and of generosity, modesty, and
forbearance on ours. This period is the most interesting of the history
of our revolution, so much so, that its events present a contrast so
favourable to our cause, that it cannot have failed to gain over for us
the impartial decision of those nations that have no interest in
disparaging our efforts.

"Previous to the result of our political transformation, we received
daily new motives sufficiently strong for each to have caused us to do
what we have now done, after three centuries of misery and degradation.
In every vessel that arrived from Spain new agents with fresh
instructions came to strengthen those who supported the cause of
ambition and perfidy. For the very same ends, those Europeans who wished
to return to Spain, and assist in the war against the French, received a
refusal to their request. On the tenth of April, 1810, the schools were
ordered to be closed, to the end, that under the pretence of attending
solely to the war, both Spain and America might be sunk deeper into a
state of ignorance. It was also ordained, that rights and rewards should
be forgotten, and that we should do nothing but send to Spain our money,
our men, provisions, productions, submissions, and obedience.

"The public press teemed with nothing but triumphs and victories, with
donations and acknowledgments wrested from the people, as yet uninformed
of our resolution; and under the most severe threats of punishment, a
political inquisition with all its horrors was established against those
who should read, possess, or receive papers, not only foreign but even
Spanish that were not issued at the manufactory of the regency. Contrary
to the very orders of the self-constituted sovereignty, previously
issued to deceive us, every bound was over-leaped in the re-election of
ultramarine functionaries, whose only merit consisted in swearing to
maintain the system contrived by the regency. In the most scandalous and
barefaced manner, that order which favoured our trade and encouraged our
agriculture was annulled, condemned to the flames, and its authors and
promoters proscribed. Every kind of aid was expected of us; but we were
never informed of its destination, inversion, and expenditure. In
contempt of even a shadow of public faith, and without any exception
whatever, all epistolary correspondence from these countries was ordered
to be opened, an excess unheard of even under the despotism of Godoy,
and only adopted to make the espionage over America more tyrannical. In
fine, the plans laid for the purpose of perpetuating our bondage now
began to be practically realized.

"In the mean time, Venezuela, free, and mistress of herself, thought of
nothing less than imitating the detestable conduct of the regency and
its agents: content with having secured her fate against the ambition of
an intrusive and illegitimate authority, and shielded it against the
blackest and most complicated plans, was satisfied with shewing by
positive acts her desire for peace, friendship, correspondence, and
co-operation with her European brethren. All those of this class who
were among us, as such were considered, and two-thirds of the political,
civil, and military employments, both of the high and middle classes,
remained or were placed in the hands of Europeans without any
precaution, but with a sincerity and good faith that nearly proved fatal
to our own interests.

"Our treasures were generously opened to our enemies, that they might
enjoy every convenience and profusion in their passage from our country:
the captains of the packets, Carmen, Fortuna, and Araucana were received
into our ports, and assisted with money to enable them to proceed on
their voyage, and fulfil their respective commissions, and even the
insolence and crimes of the captain of the Fortuna were referred to the
judgment of the Spanish government. Notwithstanding the junta of
government of Caracas made manifest the motives of precaution which
obliged them not to expose the public funds which were destined to
recover the nation, to the veracity of government they allowed and
exhorted the people to be generous, and use their fortunes according to
the impulse of their own sensibility, by publishing in the public papers
the mournful statement of the regency, in which was portrayed the
agonizing state of the nation, with the view to solicit our aid, and the
same time that they represented it, through the medium of their public
prints, as vigorous, organized, and triumphant; but these were destined
to deceive us. The commissioners of the regency sent to Quito,[2] Santa
Fé, and Peru were hospitably received, treated as friends, and their
pecuniary wants supplied to their own satisfaction. But we lose time in
thus analyzing the dark and cunning conduct of our enemies, as all their
endeavours have not sufficed to warp the imperious and triumphing
impression of ours.

"The arrogant mandataries of our country were not, however, the only
persons authorized to support the horrid plans of their constituents;
the same uniform and universal mission was brought out by all those who
inundated America from the sad and ominous reigns of the junta of
Seville, the central junta, and the regency, and under the system of
political freemasonry, founded on the Machiavelic pact; they all
accorded in mutually substituting, replacing, and assisting each other
in the combined plans against the felicity and political existence of
the new world. The island of Puerto Rico was immediately made the haunt
of all the agents of the regency; the place of equipment for all the
expeditions; the head quarters of all the anti-American forces; the
workshop of all the impostors, calumnies, triumphs and threats of the
regents; the refuge of all the wicked; the rendezvous of a new gang of
bucaniers, in order that there might not be wanting any of the
calamities of the sixteenth century in the new conquest of America in
the nineteenth. The Americans of Puerto Rico, oppressed by the bayonets,
cannons, fetters, and gibbets which surrounded the bashaw Melendes and
his satellites, had to add to their own misfortunes the painful
necessity of contributing to ours. Such was the fate of the Americans;
condemned not only to be galley-slaves, but to be the drivers of each
other.

"The conduct observed by Spain to America is harder and more insulting
than that which she appears to exercise towards France. It is well known
that part of the dynasty, still resisted by part of the nation, has had
decided partizans in many of those who considered themselves the first
national dignitaries, for their rank, offices, talents, and knowledge;
among these may be counted Morla, Azanza, Ofarrill, Urquijo, Masarredo,
and many others of every class and profession; but still there has not
appeared one of those who so much desire the liberty of independence and
regeneration of the peninsula, that has raised his voice in favour of
the American provinces. These, therefore, adopting the same principles
of fidelity and national integrity, have of their own accord been
ambitious of preserving themselves independent of such intrusive,
illegitimate, weak, and tumultuary governments, as have been all those
that have hitherto called themselves the agents of the king, or
representatives of the nation. It is vexing to see so much liberality,
so much civism, and so much disinterest in the cortes with regard to
disorganized, exhausted, and nearly conquered Spain, and full of so much
meanness, suspicion, prejudice and pride, towards America; tranquil,
faithful, generous, decided to assist her brethren, when she alone can
give reality, at least in the most essential point, to the theoretical
and brilliant plans which make the Spanish Congress so arrogant. How
many treasons, murders, assassinations, perfidies and convulsions have
appeared in Spain; these have passed by as the inseparable misfortunes
of circumstances, yet not one of the provinces that surrendered, or was
attached to the French domination, has been treated like Venezuela;
their conduct must however have been analyzed, and characterised
according to reasons, motives, and circumstances that dictated it; this
must have been judged in conformity to the rights of war, and the
sentiments of the nation must have been pronounced according to the
statements laid before it, but not one of them has yet been declared
traitorous, in open rebellion, and unnaturalized as was Venezuela; for
none of them has been created a public commission of diplomatic
mutineers, to arm Spaniard against Spaniard, to fan the flame of civil
war, and to burn and annihilate all that cannot be held in the name of
Ferdinand VII. America alone is condemned to endure the until now
unheard of condition of being warred upon, destroyed, or enslaved with
the very means of assistance which she destined for the liberty and
common felicity of the nation of which she was led to believe for a few
moments that she constituted a part.

"It appears that the independence of America creates more irritation to
Spain, than the foreign oppression that threatens her, for against her
are in preference employed measures that have not even been adopted
against the very provinces that have proclaimed the new king. The
incendiary and turbulent talent of a minister of the council of Indies
could not have a more dignified employment than that of again conquering
Venezuela with the same arms as those of the Alfingers and the Welzers,
those first tyrants of Venezuela, authorized by Charles V., and the
promoters of civil war amongst her primitive inhabitants, now re-assumed
in the name of a king placed on the throne against the pretensions of
the family of him who let out these provinces to the German factors.
Under this name of Ferdinand all the sluices of iniquity are opened upon
us, and the horrors of conquest are renewed, the remembrance of which
we had generously endeavoured to blot out from the memory of our
posterity; under this name we are treated with more severity than those
who abandoned it before we did; and under this name it is attempted to
continue the system of Spanish domination in America, which has been
looked upon as a political phenomenon even in the times of the reality,
energy and vigour of the Spanish monarchy. And can there be found any
law that obliges us to preserve it, and to suffer in its name the
torrent of distresses heaped upon us by those who call themselves the
agents of the peninsula? By their means this very name obtained the
treasures, the obedience, and acknowledgments of America, and by means
of their flagitious conduct afterwards, in the exercise of their powers,
the name of Ferdinand has lost every consideration amongst us, and
consequently we ought to abandon it for ever. _Ex qua persona quis
lucrum capit, ejus factum præstare tenetur._

"The tyrant of Borrigum (primitive name of Puerto Rico) not content with
constituting himself a sovereign, to declare war against us, and with
insulting and calumniating us in his flimsy, mean, and self-flattering
papers; not satisfied with creating himself the gratuitous gaol-keeper
of the emissaries of peace, and confederation sent to him by his
comrade Migares from the castle of Zapáras de Maracaibo; because they
overturned the plans he had received, and accepted from the regency and
the new king of Spain, in exchange for the captain-generalship of
Venezuela, purchased at a cheap rate of the regents; not considering
such superior merit sufficiently rewarded with the honour of faithfully
serving his king; in the most barefaced manner plundered upwards of a
hundred thousand dollars from the public funds belonging to Caracas,
that had been embarked in the ship Ferdinand VII. in order to purchase
stores and military clothing in London, where the insurance was
effected; and in order that his insult might be the more complete, he
alleged that the Spanish government might waste and misapply them, that
England might appropriate them to herself, disowning our resolution, so
that in no place they could, or ought to be more secure than in his
hands, negociated by means of his partners in trade, as in fact they
were in Philadelphia, adding that an account should be given in when
Puerto Rico had conquered Venezuela, when the latter should deliver
herself up to the regency, or when Ferdinand VII. should return to reign
in Spain. Such it appears were the periods that the governor of Puerto
Rico imposed upon himself to render an account of so atrocious and
scandalous a depredation; but this is not all that this worthy agent of
the regency has done in favour of the designs of his constituents.

"Notwithstanding so much insult, robbery, and ingratitude, Venezuela
maintained her resolution, not to vary the principles she had traced out
for her conduct; the sublime act of her national representation was
proclaimed in the name of Ferdinand VII.; under his phantasmagorical
authority all the acts of our government and administration were
maintained, though they required no other origin than the people who had
constituted them. By the laws and regulations of Spain a horrible and
sanguinary gang of European conspirators were tried, and these laws were
mercifully infringed to save their lives, in order that the
philanthropic memory of our revolution might not be stained with the
blood of our brethren, although they were perfidious. Under the name of
Ferdinand, and through the interposition of the bonds of fraternity and
patriotism, endeavours were used to inform and reduce the imperious
mandataries of Coro and Maracaibo, who kept separated from our interests
our brethren of the west; under the auspices of reciprocal interests,
we triumphed over the oppressive acts of Barcelona, and under the same
we will conquer Guayana, twice snatched from our confederation, as was
Maracaibo, against the general wishes of its inhabitants.

"It would appear as if nothing now remained to be done to secure a
reconciliation with Spain, or the entire and absolute separation of
America, equally as ruinous and calamitous to the one, as it was
ungratefully despised by the other party; but Venezuela was desirous of
draining every means left within her reach, in order that justice and
necessity should leave her no other alternative than that of total
independence, which ought to have been declared on the fifteenth of
July, 1808, or on the nineteenth of April, 1810. After appealing to
sensibility and not to vengeance, in the horrid scenes that took place
at Quito, Pose, and La Pas; after beholding our own cause supported by
the uniformity of opinions in Buenos Ayres, Santa Fé, the Floridas,
Mexico, Guatemala, and Chile; after obtaining an indirect guarantee on
the part of England; after having our conduct applauded by impartial
individuals in Europe; after seeing the same principles triumph from the
Orinoco to the Magdalena, and from Cape Codero to the Andes; we have
still to endure fresh insults, before we fly to the extreme of breaking
with our brethren for ever.

"Caracas, without having done more than imitate the conduct of many of
the provinces of Spain, and practised the rights that the regency
declared to appertain to America; without having had in this conduct
other designs than those inspired by the necessity of not being involved
in an unknown fate, and to relieve the regents from attending to the
government of countries as remote as they are extensive, at the same
time they protested to attend to nothing but the expulsion of the French
from Spain; without having rent her unity and political integrity with
Spain; without having disowned as was possible and proper the lame
rights of Ferdinand; the regency, far from applauding on the right of
convenience, if not of generosity, so just, modest and necessary a
resolution, and without even answering or submitting to the judgment of
the nation our complaints and our claims: Caracas is declared in a state
of war, her inhabitants are proclaimed rebels and unnaturalized, every
communication with her brethren is cut off, England is deprived of her
trade, the excesses of Melendes are approved of, and he is authorized to
commit whatever the malignity of his heart may suggest to him, however
opposed to reason and to justice; all this is proved by the order of
the fourth of September, 1810, unparalleled for its enormity even among
the despots of Constantinople or Indostan; and not to deviate in the
least from the plots of the conquest, a new _encomendero_ is sent out,
under the title of a pacificator, (pacificador) who with more
prerogatives than conquerors and settlers themselves, was to fix his
residence in Puerto Rico, and thence to threaten, rob, pirate, promise,
deceive, excite civil disturbances, and all in the name of the beloved
Ferdinand VII.

"Till then the progress of the system of subversion, anarchy, and
depredation, which the regency proposed to itself on hearing of the
movements of Caracas, had been but slow; now the principal fears of
civil war being transferred nearer to us, the subaltern agents acquired
more strength, the flames of passion were increased, as well as the
efforts of the parties guided by the directions of Cortavarria and
Melendes. Hence originated the incendiary energy acquired by the
ephemeral sedition of the west; hence the flame of discord, newly formed
by Myares, rendered vain and arrogant by the imaginary and promised
captain-general-ship of Venezuela; hence the American blood spilled in
spite of ourselves on the plains of Coro; hence the robberies and
assassinations committed on our coasts by the commissioned pirates of
the regency; hence that miserable blockade, intended to reduce and
disaffect our settlements on the coast; hence the insults committed on
the English flag; hence the falling off of our trade; hence the
conspiracies of the valleys of Aragua and Cumaná; hence the horrid
perfidy in Guayana; and the insulting transportation of its leading
characters to the Moorish dungeons of Puerto Rico--dungeons constructed
like those of Tunis and Algiers; hence the generous and impartial
offices of reconciliation sincerely interposed by a representative[3] of
the British government in the Antilles, and rejected by the pseudo
pacificator; hence, in fine, all the evils, all the atrocities, and all
the crimes which are and ever will be attached to the names of
Cortavarria and Melendes in Venezuela, and which have impelled her
government to exceed what was proposed when it took upon itself the fate
of those who honored it with their confidence.

"The mission of Cortavarria in the nineteenth century, and the state of
Spain which decreed it, compared with America, against whom it is
directed, evinces to what an extent the illusion of ambition blinds
those who found all the origin of their authority on the depravity of
the people. This act alone sufficed to authorize our conduct. The spirit
of Charles V., the memory of Cortes and Pizarro, and the names of
Montesuma and Atahualpa, are involuntarily reproduced in our
imagination, when we see the _adelantados_, the _pesquisadores_, and the
_encomenderos_, officers peculiar to the first settlement of America,
renewed in a country which, having suffered three centuries of sacrifice
and debasement, had promised to continue faithful on the only condition
of being free, in order that accidents of slavery might not tarnish the
merit of fidelity. The scandalous plenitude of power conferred on a man
who is authorised by an intrusive and illegitimate government, under the
insulting name of pacificator, to tyrannize and plunder, and to crown
the vexation, that he might pardon a noble, generous, tranquil, innocent
people, who were masters of their own rights, could only be credited in
the impotent delirium of a government that tyrannizes over a
disorganized nation, stunned by the fury of the tempest that reaches
her; but as the evils of this disorder, and the abuses of such an
usurpation might be considered as not derived from Ferdinand, already
acknowledged in Venezuela, at the time that he was unable to prevent
such accumulated insults, such excesses, and so much violence, committed
in his name, we consider it necessary to retrace the origin of these
rights, that we may descant on the nullity and invalidity of our
generous oath, by which we acknowledged him conditionally;
notwithstanding, we have in spite of ourselves to violate the
spontaneous silence we had imposed upon ourselves respecting every thing
that occurred prior to the affairs at the Escurial and Aranjues.

"The fact, that America does not belong to the territory of Spain is
self-evident, and it is equally evident that the right which the
Bourbons justly or unjustly exercised over it, and notwithstanding this
was hereditary, yet it could not be disposed of without the consent of
the people, and particularly of those of America, who, on the election
between the French and Austrian dynasties, might have acted in the
seventeenth century as they now have done in the nineteenth. The bull of
Alexander VI., and the titles which the house of Austria alleged in the
American code had no other origin than the right of power and conquest,
partially ceded to the conquerors and to the settlers for their
assistance rendered to the crown in extending its dominion in America.
Without taking into consideration the scanty population of the country,
the extermination of the natives, and the emigration which the
self-called mother country sustained; it appears that when the fury of
conquest had ceased--when the thirst for gold was satisfied--when the
continued equilibrium was declared in favour of Spain, by the
advantageous acquisition of America--the feudal government destroyed and
rooted out from the time of the Bourbons in Spain, and every right
extinct that did not originate in the new concessions or commands of the
prince, the conquerors and the settlers then became absolved of theirs.
As soon as the faultiness and invalidity of the rights which the
Bourbons have arrogated to themselves are demonstrated, the titles by
which the American descendants of the conquerors possessed these
countries revive--not to the detriment of the natives and primitive
proprietors, but to equalize them in the enjoyment of liberty, property,
and independence, which they always held by a right stronger than that
of the Bourbons or any other person or persons to whom they may have
ceded America, without the consent of its natural owners, the Americans.

"That America does not belong to the territory of Spain is a principle
of natural, and a law of positive right. No title just or unjust which
exists of American slavery can belong to the Spaniards of Europe, and
all the liberality of Alexander VI. could only declare the Austrian
kings promoters of the faith, in order to find out for them a
preternatural right by which to make them lords of America. Neither the
pre-eminence of the parent state, nor the prerogative of the mother
country, could at any time constitute the origin of lordship on the part
of Spain. The first was lost the moment the monarch who was acknowledged
by the Americans left his country and renounced his rights; and the
second never was more than a scandalous abuse of words, as great as that
of calling our slavery felicity; that of calling the fiscals protectors
of the indians; and that of saying that the sons of Americans were
divested of every right and civil dignity. By the mere act of even
passing from one country to another to settle in it, those who do not
leave their homes acquire no property, nor do they expose themselves to
the hardships of emigration. Those who conquer and obtain possession of
a country by means of their labour, industry, cultivation, and
connection with the natives thereof, are the individuals who have a
right of preference in preserving it, which right they transmit to their
posterity born therein; for if the country where one is born possessed
the origin of sovereignty, or gave the right of acquisition, the general
will of nations, and the fate of the human race, would then be riveted
to the soil, as are the trees, mountains, rivers, and lakes.

"Neither could it ever be considered as a title of property to one part
of a nation, the other having gone to another country to settle in it;
for by such a right Spain would belong to the Phoenicians, or their
descendants, or to the Carthagenians, wherever these may be found; even
the whole of the nations of Europe would have to change their abodes to
make room for and re-establish so singular a territorial right; home
would then become as precarious as are the wants and caprices of men.
The moral abuse of the maternity of Spain, with regard to America is
still more insignificant, for it is well known that in the natural order
of things, it is the duty of the father to emancipate the son, so soon
as his minority expire, and he is able to use his strength and reason in
providing for his subsistence; and also that it is the duty of the son
to emancipate himself, whenever the cruelty or extravagance of the
father or tutor endanger his welfare, or expose his patrimony to become
the prey of a miser, or an usurper. Under these principles let a
comparison be made of the three hundred years of our filiation to Spain;
and even when it is proved, that she was our mother, it still remains to
be proved that we are yet her minors or pupils.

"At any period when Spain has entertained any doubt of the rights of the
Bourbons, or of any other dynasty, the only source, and that not a very
clear one, of the Spanish dominion in America, it would appear that the
Americans were excluded from alleging any reasons that might destroy
such claims, though doubtful from their very origin; but as Venezuela
may hereafter be reproached for the conditional oath by which the
representative body that now declares its absolute independence of any
foreign power previously acknowledged Ferdinand VII., the same august
body feels anxious that no room should be left for scruples of
conscience, for the illusions of ignorance, and for the malice of
wounded ambition, whereby to discredit, calumniate, and weaken a
resolution, taken with such maturity and deliberation as best suited its
magnitude and importance.

"It is well known, that the promissory oath in question is no more than
an accessory bond, which always pre-supposes the validity and legitimacy
of the contract ratified by the same. When in the contract there is no
defect that may render it null and illegitimate, it is then that we
invoke God by an oath, believing that he will not refuse to witness it,
and guarantee the fulfilment of our promises, because the obligation to
comply with them is founded on an evident maxim of the natural law
instituted by the divine author. God can at no time guarantee any
contract that is not binding in the natural order of things, nor can it
be supposed that he will accept any contract opposed to those very laws
which he himself has established for the felicity of the human race. It
would be insulting his wisdom to believe that he would listen to our
vows when we implore his divine concurrence to a contract that is
opposed to our own liberty, the only origin of the right of our
actions--such a supposition would inculcate an idea that God had an
interest in multiplying our duties by means of such agreements, to the
prejudice of our national liberty. Even in case the oath could add any
new obligation to that of the contract thereby confirmed, the nullity of
the one would consequently be inseparable from the nullity of the
other; and if he who violates a sworn contract be criminal, and worthy
of punishment, it is because he has violated good faith, the only bond
of society, without the perjury being more concerned than to increase
the crime, and to aggravate the punishment. That national law which
binds us to fulfil our promises, and that divine one which forbids us to
invoke the name of God in vain, do not in any manner alter the
obligation contracted under the simultaneous and inseparable effects of
both laws, so that the infraction of the one supposes the infraction of
the other. For our good we call on God to witness our promises, and when
we believe that he can guarantee them, and avenge their violation, it is
only because the contract has nothing in itself that can render it
invalid, illicit, unworthy of or contrary to the eternal justice of the
Supreme Arbiter to whom we submit it. It is according to these
principles that we are to analyze the conditional oath by which the
congress of Venezuela has promised to preserve the rights legally held
by Ferdinand VII., without attributing to it any other which, being
contrary to the liberty of the people, would consequently invalidate the
contract, and annul the oath.

"We have seen that the people of Venezuela, impelled by the government
of Spain, became insensible of the circumstances that rendered the
tolerated rights of Ferdinand void, in consequence of the transactions
of the Escurial and Aranjues, as well as those of all his house, by the
cessions and abdications made at Bayonne; and from the demonstration of
this truth, follows, as a corollary, the invalidity of an oath, which,
besides being conditional, could not subsist beyond the contract to
which it was added as an accessory bond. To preserve the right of
Ferdinand was all that Caracas promised on the nineteenth of April, at a
time when she was ignorant that he had lost them--_Judicio caret
juramentum, incantum Div. tom. 22, p. 80, art. 3. Si vero sit quidem
posibile fieri; sed fieri non debeat, vel quid est per se malum, vel
quia est boni impeditivum, tunc juramento deest justitia, et ideo non
est servandum_. Quest, cit. art. 7. Even if Ferdinand retained them with
regard to Spain, it remains to be proved, whether by virtue of the same
he was authorized to cede America to another dynasty, without the
concurrence of her own consent. The accounts which Venezuela, in spite
of the oppression and cunning of the intrusive government, was enabled
to obtain of the conduct of the Bourbons, and the fatal effects that it
was likely to entail on America, have constituted a body of
irrefragable proofs, evincing that as Ferdinand no longer retained any
rights, the preservation of which Venezuela promised, as well as the
oath by which she confirmed this promise, consequently are, and ought to
be cancelled--_Jurabis in veritate, et in judicio, et in justicia_. From
the first part of the position, the nullity of the second becomes a
legitimate consequence.

"But neither the Escurial, Aranjues, nor Bayonne were the first theatres
of the transactions which deprived the Bourbons of their rights to
America. By the treaty of Basil, made July fifteenth, 1795, (by which
Godoy obtained the title of Prince of the Peace), and in the court of
Spain the fundamental laws of the Spanish dominion were broken. Charles
IV., contrary to one of them (Recopil. de Indias, law 1. tit. 1.) ceded
the island of Santa Domingo to France, and disposed of Louisiana to the
same foreign power, which unequalled and scandalous infractions
authorised the Americans, against whom they were committed, as well as
the whole of the Colombian people, to separate from the obedience, and
lay aside the oath by which they had bound themselves to the crown of
Castile, in like manner as they were entitled to protest against the
imminent danger which threatened the integrity of the monarchy in both
worlds, by the introduction of French troops into Spain previous to the
transactions at Bayonne, invited no doubt by one of the Bourbon
factions, in order to usurp the national sovereignty in favour of an
intruder, a foreigner, or a traitor; but as these events are prior to
the period that we have fixed on for our discussion, we will return to
those which have authorised our conduct since the year 1808.

"Every one is aware of the occurrences that took place at the Escurial
in 1807, but perhaps all are not acquainted with the natural results of
those events. It is not our intention to enter here into the discovery
of the origin of the discord that existed in the family of Charles IV.;
let England and France attribute it to themselves, both governments have
their accusers and their defenders; neither is it to our purpose to
notice the marriage agreed on between Ferdinand and the daughter-in-law
of Napoleon, the peace of Tilsit, the conference at Erfuhrt, the secret
treaty at St. Cloud, and the emigration of the house of Bragansa to the
Brasils. What most materially concerns us is, that by the transactions
of the Escurial, Ferdinand VII. was declared a traitor to his father
Charles IV. A hundred pens and a hundred presses published at the same
time in both worlds his perfidy, and the pardon which at his prayer was
granted to him by his father; but this pardon, as an attribute of the
sovereignty and of paternal authority, only absolved the son from
corporal punishment; the king his father had no power to free him from
the infamy and inability which the constitutional laws of Spain impose
on the traitor, not only to prevent him from obtaining the royal
dignity, but even the lowest office of civil employment; Ferdinand
therefore never could be a lawful king of Spain, or of the Indies.

"To this condition the heir of the crown remained reduced till the month
of March, 1808, when while the court was at Aranjues, the project that
was frustrated at the Escurial was converted into insurrection, and open
mutiny, by the friends of Ferdinand. The public exasperation against the
ministry of Godoy served as a pretext to the faction of Ferdinand, and
as an indirect plea to convert to the good of the nation what was
perhaps allotted to other designs. The fact of using force against his
father, instead of supplication and convincing arguments; his having
excited the people to mutiny; his having assembled the mob in front of
the palace, in order to take it by surprise, to insult the minister,
and force the king to abdicate his crown, which, far from giving
Ferdinand any title to it, tended to increase his crime, to aggravate
his treachery, and to complete his inability to ascend the throne,
vacated by violence, perfidy, and faction. Charles IV., outraged,
disobeyed, and threatened, had no other alternative suitable to his
decorum, and favourable to his vengeance, than to emigrate to France to
implore the protection of Bonaparte, in favour his offended royal
dignity. Under the nullity of the abdication of Aranjues, and contrary
to the will of the people of Spain, all the Bourbons assembled at
Bayonne, preferring their personal resentments to the safety of the
nation. The emperor of the French availed himself of this opportunity,
and having under his controul, and within his influence the whole family
of Ferdinand, and several of the first Spanish dignitaries, as well as
many substitutes for deputies in the cortes, he obliged Ferdinand to
restore the crown to his father, and then the latter to cede it to him,
the emperor, in order that he might afterwards confer it on his brother
Joseph.

"When the emissaries of the new King reached Caracas, Venezuela was
ignorant or knew but partially what had happened. The innocence of
Ferdinand, compared to the insolence and despotism of the favourite,
Godoy, directed the conduct of Venezuela when the local authorities
wavered on the fifteenth of July, 1808; and being left to choose between
the alternative of delivering himself up to a foreign power, or of
remaining faithful to a king who appeared to be unfortunate and
persecuted--the ignorance of what had occurred--triumphed over the
interests of the country, and Ferdinand was acknowledged, under the
belief, that by this means, the unity of the nation being maintained,
she would be saved from the oppression that threatened her, and the king
ransomed, of whose virtues, wisdom, and rights we were falsely
prepossessed. But less was requisite on the part of those who relied on
our good faith to oppress us. Ferdinand, disqualified, and unable
legally to obtain the crown--previously announced by the leaders of
Spain as dispossessed of his right of succession--incapable of governing
in America, and held in bondage by a foreign power--from that time
became by illusion a legitimate but unfortunate prince. As many as had
the audacity to call themselves his self-created heirs and
representatives became as such, and taking advantage of the innate
fidelity of the Spaniards of both worlds, and forming themselves into
intrusive governments, they appropriated to themselves the sovereignty
of the people, under the name of a chimerical king, began to exercise
new tyrannies, and, in a word, the commercial junta of Cadiz sought to
extend her controul over the whole of Spanish America.

"Such have been the antecedents and consequences of an oath, which,
dictated by candour and generosity, and conditionally maintained by good
faith, is now arrayed against us, in order to perpetuate those evils
which the dear-bought experience of three years has proved to be
inseparable to so fatal and ruinous an engagement. Taught as we are by a
series of evils, insults, hardships, and ingratitude, during the
interval of from the fifteenth of July, 1808, to the fifth of July,
1811, and such as we have already manifested, it became full time that
we should abandon it, as a talisman invented by ignorance, and adopted
by a misguided fidelity, as from its first existence it has constantly
heaped upon us all the evils that accompany an ambiguous state of
suspicion and discord. The rights of Ferdinand, and the legitimate
representation of them on the part of the intrusive governments of Spain
on the one side, demonstrations of compassion and gratitude on the
other, have been the two favourite springs alternately played on to
support our illusion, to decrease our substance, to prolong our
degradation, to multiply our evils, and ignominiously to prepare us to
receive that passive fate prepared for us by those who have dealt with
us so kindly for three centuries. Ferdinand VII. is the universal
watch-word for tyranny, as well in Spain as in America.

"No sooner was that vigilant and suspicious fear, produced among us by
the contradictory acts and artificious falsehoods of the strange and
short-lived governments which have succeeded one another since the junta
of Seville, made known to these governments, than they recurred to a
system of apparent liberality towards us, in order to cover with flowers
the very snare we had not perceived while covered by the veil of
candour, which was at length rent asunder by mistrust. For this purpose
of deceit were accelerated, and tumultuously assembled, the cortes, so
wished for by the nation, and opposed by the commercial government of
Cadiz, but which were at length considered as necessary to restrain the
torrent of liberty and justice, which on every side burst the wounds of
oppression and iniquity in the new world; it was even still supposed
that the habit of obedience, submission, and dependence, would be in us
superior to the conviction which at so high a price we had just
obtained.

"It is most strange by what kind of deception, fatal to Spain, it has
been believed, that the one part of a nation which crosses the ocean, or
is born under the tropics, acquires a habit united to servitude, and
incapable of bending to the habits of liberty. The effects of this
strong-rooted prejudice, as notorious to the world as they are fatal,
were at length converted into the welfare of America. Without it Spain
would perhaps not have lost the rank she held as a nation, and America
in obtaining this blessing would have had to pass through the bitter
ordeal of a civil war, more ominous to its promoters than to ourselves.

"Our public papers have already sufficiently demonstrated the defects
under which the cortes laboured respecting America, and the measures as
illegal as insulting adopted by that body to give us a representation
which we could not but object to, even though we were, as the regency
had loudly boasted us to be, integral parts of the nation, and had no
other complaints to allege against their government than the scandalous
usurpation of our rights at a moment when they most required our aid.
They have, no doubt, been informed of the reasonings we used with their
perfidious envoy, Montenegro, at a time that the former missions being
frustrated, the great shipments of newspapers filled with triumphs,
reforms, heroic acts, and lamentations, being rendered useless; and the
inefficacy of blockades, pacificators, squadrons and expeditions, made
known; it was thought convenient to dazzle the self-love of the
Americans, by seating near to the throne of the cortes deputies whom we
had never named, and who could not be chosen our substitutes by those
who created them such, in the same manner as they did others for the
provinces in possession of the French, submitting to, and alleging
themselves content under their domination. In case this puerile measure
of the prolific genius of Spain should not produce a due effect, the
envoy (and for this purpose an American, a native of Caracas, was
selected) was ordered, that in case the energy of the country, now
called rebellion, should prevail against fraternity, (the name given to
perfidy), he was to add fuel to the flame already kindled in Coro and
Maracaibo, and that discord, again raising her serpent head, might lead
the herald of the cortes by the hand under the banner of rebellion
through those deceived districts of Venezuela that had not been able
to-triumph over their oppressing tyrants.

"Stratagems and artifices were repeatedly forged, in order that
duplicity and cunning might prepare the road for the sanguinary armies
of the chiefs of Coro, Maracaibo, and Puerto Rico; and when the cortes
were convinced that the conduct of Ferdinand, his bonds of affinity with
the emperor of the French, and his influence over all the Bourbons
already placed under his tutelage, began to weaken the insidious
impressions, which fidelity, sustained by illusion, had produced in the
Americans; preventatives were employed to stop the flame already
kindled, and limit it to what was yet necessary for their vast
complicated and dark designs. For this purpose was written the eloquent
manifest which the cortes on the ninth of January directed against
America, worded in a stile worthy of a better object; but under the
brilliancy of diction the dark side of the argument, designed to
deceive, was discovered. Fearing that we should be the first to protest
against the whole of these nullities, they began to calculate on what
was already known, not to risk what was yet hidden. The misfortunes of
Ferdinand were the pretexts that had obtained for his
pseudo-representatives the treasures, submission, and slavery of
America; and Ferdinand seduced, deceived, and prostituted to the designs
of the emperor of the French, is now the last resource to which they fly
to extinguish the flames of liberty which Venezuela had kindled in the
south continent. We have discovered and published the true spirit of the
manifest in question, reduced to the following reasoning, which may be
considered as an exact commentary:--'America is threatened with becoming
the victim of a foreign power, or of continuing to be our slave; but in
order to recover her rights, and to throw off all dependency whatever,
she has considered it necessary not violently to break the bonds that
held her to this country. Ferdinand has been the signal of reunion which
the new world had adopted, and we have followed; he is suspected of
connivance with the emperor of the French, and if we give ourselves up
blindly to him, we afford the Americans a pretext for believing us still
his representatives; and as these designs already begin to be understood
in some parts of America, let us previously manifest our intention not
to acknowledge Ferdinand, except under certain conditions; these will
never be carried into effect, and whilst Ferdinand neither in fact nor
right is our king, we shall reign over America, the country we so much
covet, which although so difficult to preserve in slavery, will not then
so easily slip through our fingers.' Such are the expressions
illustrative of the opinions of Spaniards, agitated in the cortes,
respecting the allegiance to Ferdinand.

"The above brilliant appearance of liberality is now the real and
visible spring of the complicated machine destined to excite and stir up
commotions in America; at the same time that within the walls of the
cortes justice towards us is overlooked, our efforts are eluded, our
resolutions are contemned, our enemies are supported, the voices of our
imaginary representatives are suppressed, the inquisition is renewed
against them, when the liberty of the press is proclaimed, and it is
controversially discussed whether the regency could or could not declare
us free, and one integral part of the nation. When an American, worthy
of that name, speaks against the abuses of the regency in Puerto Rico,
endeavours are made to silence his just, energetic, and imperious
claims, that distinguish him from the slaves of despotism, and by means
of a short, cunning, and insignificant decree, they strive to avoid the
conflict of justice against iniquity. Melendés, named by the regency
king of Puerto Rico, is by a decree of the cortes left with the
equivalent investiture of a governor, names synonymous in America,
because it now appeared too monstrous to have two kings in a small
island of the Spanish Antilles. Cortavarria only was capable of eluding
the effects of a decree dictated merely by a momentary fit of decency.
It happened that when the investiture, granted by the regency to
Melendes was declared iniquitous, arbitrary, and tyrannical, and a
revocation was extended to all the countries of America, then situated
as was Puerto Rico, nothing was said of the plenipotentiary Cortavarria,
authorized by the same regency against Venezuela, with powers the most
uncommon and scandalous ever registered in the annals of organized
despotism.

"After this decree of the cortes the effects of discord promoted,
sustained, and denied at the fatal observatory of Puerto Rico were more
severely felt; it was after this decree that the fishermen and coasters
were inhumanly assassinated in Ocumare, by the pirates of Cortavarria,
after the report of which Cumana and Barcelona were blockaded,
threatened, and summoned. A new and sanguinary conspiracy against
Venezuela was formed, and organized by a vile emissary, who perfidiously
entered the peaceable bosom of his country, in order to destroy it;
deceptions were successively practised on the most innocent and
laborious classes of the imported colonists of Venezuela, principally
emigrants from the Canary Islands, and in spite of our endeavours the
chief instigators were led to the block as a sacrifice to justice and to
tranquillity. By the suggestions of the pacificator of the cortes, and
posterior to their said decree, the political union of our constitution
was lacerated in Valencia; attempts were made in vain to reduce other
cities of the interior; a false summons was sent to Carora, by the
factious leaders of the west, to the end that Venezuela might on the
same day be deluged in blood, and sunk in affliction and desolation, and
be hostilely assaulted from every point within the reach of the
conspirators, who were scattered amongst us by the same government that
issued the decree in favour of Puerto Rico and of all America. The name
of Ferdinand VII. is the pretext under which the new world is about to
be laid waste, if the example of Venezuela does not henceforward cause
the standard of our unshaken and established liberty to be distinguished
from the banners of a seditious and dissembled fidelity.

"The bitter duty of vindicating ourselves would carry us still further,
if we did not dread splitting on the same rocks as have the governments
of Spain, by substituting resentment for justice; at the same time that
we can charge her with three centuries of acts of injustice, we have
opposed three years of lawful, generous, and philanthropic efforts to
obtain what it was never in our power to dispose of, although by nature
ours. Had gall and poison been the chief agents of this our solemn,
true, and candid manifest, we should have begun by destroying the rights
of Ferdinand, in consequence of the illegitimacy of his origin, declared
by his mother at Bayonne, and published in the French and Spanish
papers; we should have proved the personal defects of Ferdinand, his
ineptitude to reign, his weak and degrading conduct in the court at
Bayonne; his inefficient education, and the futile securities that
offered for the realization of the gigantic hopes of the governments of
Spain; hopes founded in the illusion of America, nor any other support
than the political interests of England, much opposed to the rights of
the Bourbons. The public opinion of Spain, and the experience of the
revolution of the kingdom, furnish us with sufficient proofs of the
conduct of the mother, and the qualifications of the son, without
recurring to the manifest of the minister Azanza, published after the
transactions of Bayonne, and the secret memoirs of Maria Luisa; but
decency is the guide of our conduct, to which we are ready to sacrifice
even our reason. Sufficient has already been alleged to prove the
justice, necessity, and utility of our resolution, for the support of
which, nothing is wanting but the examples by which we will strive to
justify our independence.

"It were necessary for the partizans of slavery in the new world either
to destroy, or to falsify history, that unchangeable monument of the
rights and of the usurpations of the human race, before they could
maintain that America was not liable to the same changes that all other
nations have experienced. Even when the rights of the Bourbons had been
incontestible and indelible, the oath that we have proved never did
exist, the injustice, force, and deceit with which the same was exacted
of us would suffice to render it null and void, so soon as it was found
to be opposed to our liberty, grievous to our rights, prejudicial to our
interests, and fatal to our tranquillity. Such is the nature of an oath
made to the conquerors and to their heirs, at the same time that the
crown holds them in oppression by means of the same additional strength
that it obtained by means of the result of their conquest. It was in
this manner that Spain herself recovered her rights, after she had sworn
allegiance to the Carthagenians, Romans, Goths, Arabs, and almost to the
French; nevertheless she yet disowns the rights of America, no longer to
depend on any nation when she is capable of throwing off the yoke, and
following the example of Spain and of other nations.

"It would be superfluous to remind our enemies of what they already
knew, and in what they have themselves founded the sacred right of their
own liberty and independence; epochs so memorable, that they ought not
to have been tarnished with the slavery of the greater part of a country
situated on the other side of the ocean. But unfortunately it is not
they alone whom it is necessary to convince by palpable examples of the
justice and common resemblance that our independence bears to that of
all other nations which had lost and again recovered it. The illusions
of slavery, kept alive by the candour of the Americans, and supported by
the most criminal abuse that superstition can form of the established
belief and religion, which one would suppose were only dictated for the
happiness, liberty, and salvation of the people, namely, by the
excommunications denounced against the people of Caracas for changing
their government, render it necessary to tranquillize the deceived piety
of some, to instruct their unwary ignorance, and stimulate their apathy,
that had slumbered since the unusual tranquillity of the new order of
things: in short, it is time to inculcate, that governments never had
nor ever can have any other duration than the utility and happiness of
the human race may require; that kings are not of any privileged nature,
nor of an order superior to other men; that their authority emanates
from the people, directed and supported by the providence of God, who
leaves our actions to our own free-will; that his omnipotence does not
interfere in favour of any peculiar form of government; and that neither
religion nor its ministers can anathematize the efforts of a nation
struggling to be free and independent in the political order of things,
and resolved to depend only on God and his ministers in a moral and
religious sense.

"The very people of God, governed by himself, and guided by such
miracles, portentous signs and favors as will perhaps never again be
repeated, offer a proof of the rights of insurrection on the part of the
people sufficiently satisfactory to the orthodox piety of the friends
of public order. The subjects of Pharaoh, and bound by force to obey
him, collect round Moses, and under his guidance triumph over their
enemies, and recover their independence without being blamed by God or
his prophet and legislator, Moses, for their conduct, or being subjected
by them to the least malediction or anathema. This same people being
afterwards subjected by the forces of Nebuchadnezzar; first--under the
direction of Holofernes, Judith was sent by God to procure their
independence by the death of the Babylonian general. Under Antiochus,
Epiphanes, Mattathias and his sons raised the standard of independence,
and God blessed and aided their efforts till he obtained the entire
liberty of his people against the oppression of that impious king and
his successors. Not only against the foreign kings who oppressed them
did the Israelites resort to the right of insurrection by breaking
through the obedience to force; but even against those whom God had
given them in their own country and of their own nation do we behold
them claim this imprescriptable right wherever their liberty and their
advantage required it, or when the sacred character of those facts by
which God himself bound them to those he chose as their governors, had
been profaned. David obtained the allegiance of the Israelites in favour
of his dynasty, and his son Solomon ratified it in favour of his
posterity; but at the death of this king, who had oppressed his subjects
by exactions and contributions to support the splendour of his court and
the luxury and sumptuousness of his pleasures, then the tribes of Judah
and Benjamin alone acknowledged his son, and the other ten, availing
themselves of their rights, recovered their political independence, and
in excuse thereof deposited their sovereignty in Jereboam, the son of
Nabath. The momentary and passing hardships of the reign of Solomon were
sufficient for the Israelites to annul their obedience sworn to his
line, and to place another on the throne without waiting for an order
from the Deity, informing them, that their fate no longer depended on
the kings of Judah, nor on the ministers, chiefs, or priests of Solomon.
And shall the Christian people of Venezuela and of all Spanish America
be still in a worse plight, and after being declared free by the
government of Spain after three hundred years of captivity, exactions,
hardships, and injustice, shall they not be allowed to do what the God
of Israel, whom they equally adore, formerly permitted to his people
without being spurned, and without vengeance being hurled upon their
heads? It is his divine hand that guides our conduct, and to his eternal
judgments our resolution shall be submitted.

"If the independence of the Hebrew people was not a sin against the
written law, that of a Christian people cannot be such against the law
of grace. At no time has the apostolical see excommunicated any nation
that has risen against the tyranny of those kings or governments which
had violated the social compact. The Swiss, Dutch, French, and North
Americans proclaimed their independence, overturned their constitution,
and varied their forms of government without having incurred any other
spiritual censures than those which the church might have fulminated for
the infringements on the belief, discipline, or piety, but without their
being connected with political measures or alluding to the civil
transactions of the people. The Swiss were bound by oath to Germany, as
were also the Dutch to Spain, the French to Louis XVI., and the North
Americans to George III.; yet neither they nor the princes that favoured
their independence were excommunicated by the Pope. The grandfather of
Ferdinand VII., one of the most pious and catholic kings that ever
filled the throne of Spain, together with his nephew, Louis XVI.,
protected the independence of North America, without dreading
ecclesiastical censures or the anger of heaven; and now that the order
and succession of events more justly place it within the reach of South
America, those who call themselves the authorized agents of the grandson
wish to abuse that same religion so much respected by Charles III., in
order to prolong the most atrocious and unparalleled usurpations. Just,
omnipotent, and most merciful God! Till when will fanaticism dispute the
empire of that sacred religion which thou sent to the uncorrupted
regions of America for thy glory and her felicity.

"The events which have accumulated in Europe to terminate the bondage of
America, beyond doubt entered into the high designs of Providence.
Placed at a transatlantic distance of two thousand leagues, we have done
nothing in the three years which have elapsed since we ought to be free
and independent, till the period when we resolved to be so, than pass
through the bitter trials of stratagems, conspiracies, insults,
hostilities, and depredations on the part of that same nation whom we
invite to partake of the good of our regeneration, and for whose
welfare we wished to open the gates of the new world, heretofore closed
to all communication with the old one, now wasted and inflamed by war,
hunger, and desolation. Three distinct oligarchies have declared war
against us, have despised our claims, have excited civil dissensions
amongst us, have sown the seeds of discord and mistrust in our great
family, have planned three horrible conspiracies against our liberty,
have interrupted our trade, have suppressed our agriculture, have
traduced our conduct, and have sought to raise against us an European
power, by vainly imploring its aid to oppress us. The same flag, the
same language, the same religion, the same laws, have till now
confounded the party of liberty with that of tyranny: Ferdinand VII. as
liberator, has been opposed to Ferdinand VII. as oppressor; and if we
had not resolved to abandon a name at the same time synonymous with
crime and virtue, America would in the end be enslaved by the same power
that is exercised for the independence of Spain.

"Such has been the nature of the imperious impulse of conviction,
tending to open our eyes, and to impel Venezuela to separate eternally
from a name so ominous and so fatal. Placed by it in the irrevocable
alternative of being the slave or the enemy of her brethren, she has
preferred the purchase of her own freedom at the expense of friendship,
without destroying the means of that reconciliation she desired. The
most powerful reasons, the most serious meditations, the most profound
considerations, long discussions, contested debates, well analyzed
combinations, imperious events, imminent dangers, and the public opinion
clearly pronounced and firmly sustained, have been the precursors of
that solemn declaration made on the fifth of July, by the general
congress of Venezuela, of the absolute independence of this part of
South America; an act sighed for and applauded by the people of the
capital, sanctioned by the powers of the confederation, acknowledged by
the representatives of the provinces, sworn to and hailed by the chief
of the church of Venezuela, and to be maintained with the lives,
fortunes, and honour of all the citizens.

"Freemen, companions of our fate! Ye who have known how to divest your
hearts of fear, or of hope; give from the elevation on which your
virtues have placed you an impartial and disinterested look on the
portrait that Venezuela has just traced out to you. She constitutes you
the arbitrators of her differences with Spain, and the judges of her new
destinies. If you have been affected by our evils, and are interested
in our felicity, unite your efforts with ours, that the artifices of
ambition may not any longer triumph over liberality and justice.

"To you it belongs to convince Spain of what an unfortunate rivalship
places beyond the reach of America. Refrain the giddiness that has
seized on her new governments; point out to them the reciprocal
advantages of our regeneration; unfold to them the soothing prospect
that they are prevented from beholding in America by that monopoly which
has hardened their hearts; tell them what threatens them in Europe, and
point out to them what they may expect in America, tranquil,
uncorrupted, and already covered with all the blessings of liberty; nay
swear to them in our name, that Venezuela awaits her brethren with open
arms to share with them her happiness without asking any other sacrifice
than that of prejudice, pride, and ambition, which for three centuries
have produced the united misery of both countries."

     "Juan Antonio Rodriguez Dominguez, _President_."

     "Francisco Isnardy, _Secretary_."

     "_Federal Palace of Caracas, July 30th, 1811._"

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The occurrences at Quito also bear testimony to this.

[2] Montufar, Villavicencio, Goyoneche.

[3] Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane.




CHAPTER IV.

     State of Lima....Expedition to Chile, under Colonel Gainsa....Exit
     of....Regiment of Talavera arrives from Spain....Part of sent to
     Huamanga....Revolution of Cusco and Arequipa....Death of Pumacagua,
     and the Patriot Melgar....Arrival of Flags taken by Osoria in
     Chile....Viceroy Abascal superseded by Pesuela....Character of the
     former....Beginning of Pesuela's Administration....Arrival of La
     Serna....State of Lima to 1817....Battle of Chacabuco in
     Chile....Extract of a Journal....New Expedition to Chile under
     Osoria....News of Battle of Maypu....Loss of the Spanish Frigate
     Maria Isabel, and part of Convoy....Arrival of Lord Cochrane off
     Callao.


The preceding manifest from Venezuela, shewing the principal grievances
of the Americans in that particular part of the country, was equally
applicable to the colonists in general; but many of the provinces
laboured under peculiar disadvantages and oppressions, particularly
those situated on the western side of the continent; nor were the
creoles the first nor the loudest in their clamours. The Spanish
merchants felt very severely the decrease of their monopoly, by the
non-arrival of vessels from Cadiz, as well as by the arrival of several
vessels, under Hamburgh colours, with British cargoes and masters,
under the protection of passports from the constituted sovereignties of
Spain; the large planters also felt the want of new importations of
slaves, and although the Creoles suffered equally with the Spaniards,
yet accustomed to suppress their feelings, they remained silent, while
the former were loud in their deprecations. The sugar planters began,
under the sanction of the new laws of the constitution and the cortes to
manufacture rum, to the detriment of the owners of vineyards at Pisco
and Cañete, many of whom were Spaniards. Secret meetings were held in
every part of the city; those of the Spaniards were permitted by the
government under the pretence that they were innocent or virtuous, while
those of the natives were called seditious and unwarrantable. Every
opportunity was taken to lull the people with stories of victories
obtained against the insurgents in Upper Peru, and the most tyrannical
espionage was set on foot by the government, for the purpose of
thwarting any communication of the true state of affairs in America,
when the government of Peru could only expect support from the native
troops. Every thing seemed to augur to the government in Lima the fate
of those of the other capitals of South America; indeed Mexico and Lima
were the only two capitals that preserved their ancient authorities;
the other two viceroyalties, Buenos Ayres and Santa Fé, and the
captain-generalships and presidencies of Chile, Chuquisaca, Quito and
Caracas, with the greater part of the governments of South America, were
under the protection of their own constituted authorities, and declared
by the Spanish Viceroys in open war with the mother country.

Colonel Gainsa was sent with an expedition against the revolted Chileans
in 1812, and having landed at Talcahuano, he marched towards the
capital: his successes were the continued boast of the Spaniards in
Lima, who insulted with taunts the creoles respecting their inferiority,
forgetting that the army of Gainsa was almost exclusively formed of
natives; however, in 1813 it was found that the career of Gainsa was at
an end, and that he had come to terms with the insurgents, the principal
import of which was, that things should remain as they then were, until
the decision of the cortes in Spain; for the purpose of obtaining which
the Chileans should send their deputies. This treaty was guaranteed by
Captain Hillyer, and sent to Lima for the ratification of the Viceroy,
who, expecting troops from Spain, deferred its signature. In April,
1813, the regiment of Talavera arrived, and Abascal followed the example
of the Count Ruis; he declared that Gainsa had no powers to capitulate,
and prepared another expedition against Chile.

The arrival of Spanish troops made the resident Spaniards more imperious
and insolent than ever; but they had soon cause to regret having
solicited the assistance of an armed force from Spain, for all the
expenses incurred in the equipment of the expedition at Cadiz were
ordered to be defrayed by the merchants of Lima. The officers and
soldiers were also of the worst character, the former having been
expelled from different corps in the mother country for crimes which
they had there committed, and the latter were taken from the common
gaols, places of exile, and the galleys. The insolence of these
protectors was not limited to any class of people in Lima: they had been
informed in Spain, that the booty or plunder of the insurgents in
America would make them as rich in the nineteenth century as that of the
indians had rendered their forefathers in the sixteenth; thus robberies
and even murders were committed under the sanction of rich promises; and
it was dreaded by the government, that the very force sent to protect
them would cause a revolution, or perhaps head one in Lima; however an
opportunity presented itself to dispose of two hundred of the nine that
had arrived. The Cacique Pucatoro revolted at Huamanga, deposed the
Spanish authorities, and declared himself in favour of the Buenos Ayres
army: this blow so near to Lima called for an immediate remedy. Two
hundred soldiers of Talavera were sent to quell the rebel Indian, who
led them into a narrow ravine, and ascended the mountains on each side,
where large piles of stones had been so artfully placed, that by
removing one, placed as a key-stone, the whole mass rolled down the
sides of the mountains, and not one of the Spaniards escaped. The
victorious indians then continued throwing and rolling down pieces of
rock till they had completely buried their enemies. This patriotic
Cacique was afterwards taken prisoner by a party of troops sent from
Cusco, and was hanged and quartered at Huamanga.

This disgraceful expedition only tended to render the Spanish soldiers
more insolent; and it became a difficult matter to prevent an open
revolt.

Early in July, 1813, the transports for a new expedition to Chile were
ready, and, on the thirteenth, Colonel Maroto and the troops of Talavera
embarked for Talcahuano. Lima resumed her tranquillity, with what she
considered her safety, and the departure of the protecting force was
hailed as that of an insolent and oppressive enemy. But the calm was not
of long duration. The news from the north, of the conquests in Quito by
General Montes was accompanied by that of the revolution of Cusco in the
south, and the possession of Arequipa by the Cacique Pumacagua; this
threatened the most fatal consequences to Lima; however, General Ramires
was sent from Upper Peru with a division of the army, then under the
command of General Pesuela, and retook Cusco and Arequipa, where he put
the old Cacique and upwards of a hundred of his followers to death,
among whom was my particular friend, Jose Maria Melgar.

Friendship and admiration demand of me a short account of this virtuous
youth. He was a native of Arequipa, and educated for the bar at Lima: he
had retired to his native city, and was on the eve of marriage with a
female whom he loved. Pumacagua arrived at Arequipa, and took it; Melgar
was a patriot, he offered his services to the Cacique-general, they were
accepted, and he was appointed judge advocate to the army. On the
capture by Ramires, Melgar was apprehended, tried, and sentenced to be
shot. His parents, his relations, and his friends solicited his pardon,
which was promised, on condition that he would publicly recant: to this
he objected, and he was led to the place of execution.

The assisting priest seated himself on the stool, and Melgar knelt to
confess his sins, invoke a pardon, and receive absolution; but he
suddenly rose from his knees, and, in a state of agitation, said to his
confessor, "Is it possible that you should here speak to me of things of
this world! It was your duty to speak to me of those in the next, which
I am on the verge of witnessing: this world must soon cease to exist for
me, and I had hoped to have left it in peace; but your request and
promises have unsettled my mind, and agitated my soul. I took a part in
the cause of my country; I believed it to be my duty, I did it, I
considered it just; I embraced it, and I die for having done my duty,
and only regret at this moment that I shall not die so calmly as I
expected. You, father, who ought to have endeavoured to create
tranquillity in my soul in my last moments, have destroyed my
peace!"--He then asked the adjutant if he might be allowed to smoke a
segar, which being granted, he turned round and said, "will any one for
the love of God give me a segar?" A soldier handed him one; he sat down
on the stool, and smoked about half the segar, knocked off the ashes,
and threw it aside; he then thanked the adjutant and the soldier, and
said "thank heaven I am again calm and resigned; now, Sir, do your
duty." The bandage was ordered to be tied over his eyes, but he begged
that this ceremony might be omitted: "I am not afraid to die," said he,
and clasping his hands over his eyes, he exclaimed, "this will do!" The
fatal signal was then given--the soldiers fired, and the virtuous
patriot Melgar fell! The executioners muttered, "so may the enemies of
Spain perish;" but the genii of American liberty sang for joy, and the
response was--so may the sons of America evince to posterity, that no
sacrifice is too great for a true PATRIOT!

The arrival of new troops from Spain in 1814, the defeat of the
Chileans, and the occupation of Santiago by General Osorio; the victory
of Vilcapugio in Upper Peru by Pesuela, all seemed to threaten American
independence, and the Spaniards grew more insolent and haughty. The
colours taken by Osorio in Chile were brought to Lima and carried in
procession to the church of Santo Domingo, where they were presented at
the altar of the Rosary, and there deposited. The new president and
captain-general of Chile, Don Casimiro Marcó arrived, and proceeded to
his presidency. The finances began to be insufficient for the payment of
the troops, and those from Spain marched from their barracks in la
Recoleta, and took possession of the citadel, Santa Catalina, where they
declared, that unless the government paid them their arrears, they would
pay themselves; assuring the natives at the same time, that no
hostilities should be committed against them. The alarm was so great,
that the Viceroy Abascal sent a message to the soldiers, declaring, that
their request should be complied with; but he received for answer, that
they would not alter their determination until the money due was
actually paid to them. The Viceroy then went in person, and harangued
the troops; but he received only a repetition of the former answer; nor
did they desist until their arrears were paid.

In 1815 the Viceroy Abascal was superseded by General Don Joaquin de la
Pesuela, when he immediately retired to Spain. On the arrival of the new
Viceroy, the city was entertained with the _entrada publica_, public
entry, balls, feasts, and bull-fights, with all of which his predecessor
Abascal, had dispensed on his arrival, not wishing to oppress the city
with such unnecessary expenses.

It is due to the Viceroy Abascal to say, that his prudence preserved
the capital to the crown of Spain; and although no Viceroy of Peru had
ever more accidental duties to attend to, or more critical affairs to
manage, yet Lima is indebted to him for the foundation of the college of
San Fernando, instituted for medicine and surgery; the pantheon or
general cemetery, and the absolute prohibition of burying within the
walls of the city; the rebuilding of the college del Principe, for the
study of Latin; the thorough repair of the city walls; as well as
several excellent police establishments; and notwithstanding the public
feeling at this time in Lima, he was accompanied to Callao by all the
respectable inhabitants, and his departure was a day of mourning in the
city: such are generally the sentiments, even towards an enemy, when
moderation has presided at his councils, and justice has guided his
actions.

Pesuela, the hero of Huiluma and Vilcapugio, on taking cognizance of the
treasury, discovered what was too well known to his predecessor--the low
state of the funds: many plans were proposed for replenishing them;
donations were at first solicited, and afterwards contributions were
exacted; but these were incompetent to support the expenses of the
government and the army, which, during the first years of warfare,
levied large sums of money, as well on friends as on enemies, and
derived some support from the different royal treasuries at Arequipa, at
Cusco, Charcas, and other cities in Upper Peru; but, notwithstanding
these temporary resources, the means continued to fail, and the
exigences continued to increase. The equipment of expeditions to Quito,
Upper Peru, and Chile; the demand of arrears by the troops that arrived
from Spain, and the necessary remittances for the support of the royal
armies, preyed heavily on the national funds, so much so, that the
treasury dreaded a bankruptcy. The pay of all civil officers was reduced
one-third, and at last a viceregal decree was issued, augmenting the
tithes from ten to fifteen per cent.: this impost caused the greatest
consternation throughout the country, and met with strong opposition
from the inhabitants; many of the provinces refused to pay, and the
governors were unable to exact it for want of an armed force to protect
them against the fury of the people.

General Ramires was left by Pesuela in the command of the army of Upper
Peru; but he was soon superseded by General Don Jose de la Serna, who
landed at Arica, and proceeded direct to head quarters. This general was
sent by the king to command the army, and with power to act
independently of the Viceroy, at a time when any change in the
established order of things was likely to be most productive of injury
to the Spanish cause, and to this may be attributed the inactivity of
the army under La Serna.

The tranquillity experienced in Lima till the beginning of 1817 induced
the Spaniards to believe that all was well: Chile was quiet, the enemy
made no advances in Upper Peru, Quito was under the dominion of Spain,
Morillo victorious in Venezuela and Santa Fé; the Mexican insurgent
chief, Morelos, had ceased to exist; Ferdinand was restored to his
throne; the constitution was abolished; the inquisition was
re-established, and monarchical despotism had resumed its seat; new
auxiliary troops were preparing in Spain to give the last blow to the
patriots in America, and the most sanguine American began to droop for
the cause of his country. But a change, unexpected by the Spaniards, and
unhoped for by the Americans, took place in Chile on the twelfth of
February, 1817, the news of which reached Lima on the ninth of March.
This was no less than the entire defeat of the Spanish army at
Chacabuco by General O'Higgins: the victory has generally been
attributed, but most unjustly, to General San Martin, who was not even
present in the action. The following is an extract from the journal of a
Spaniard with whom I was acquainted in Lima.

"February 4th, Don Miguel Atero, chief of the staff, informed the
government of Santiago, that the enemy had surprised the guards of the
Andes, placed about twelve leagues in advance of Santa Rosa,
(twenty-five leagues from the capital) and that of seventy-five men,
thirteen only had escaped, bringing with them the news, that the enemy
was advancing; at the same time Major Vila reported to the government,
that the advanced guard at the paso de los Patos had reconnoitred the
enemy, and requested a reinforcement. Atero immediately sent a company
of Talavera infantry, and then retreated with the division of the army
stationed at Santa Rosa, to Chacabuco, leaving behind him two pieces of
artillery, ammunition, baggage, and warlike stores: the force stationed
at Santa Rosa amounted to about four hundred men.

"February 5th, the Captain-general Marcó ordered Colonel Quintanilla to
join the army at Chacabuco, with the battalion of carabiniers; they
arrived on the 6th, when Quintanilla immediately advanced to the convent
of Curimon to reconnoitre the enemy in Villa Vieja, and having reported
to Atero that their number did not exceed six hundred, an attack was
immediately ordered, which took place on the morning of the seventh.

"The cavalry engaged that of the enemy in a place called de las Comas;
the crafty enemy retired towards the Cordillera, and halted at Putendo,
where they were joined by an ambuscade of a hundred horse. Our infantry
did not advance with the cavalry, so that as soon as they were
overpowered by the enemy they fled in the greatest disorder towards our
infantry for support; on their return, to their great surprise they
found that the infantry also was in a disordered retreat, without having
taken part in the action, and also that the commander in chief, Atero,
had fled. Colonel Quintanilla now took the command, and collected the
dispersed soldiers; he placed the infantry in the centre, and flanked it
with the cavalry, although harrassed in the rear by the enemy in his
retreat. Having at length reached Villa Vieja, a council of war was held
by the officers, and it was resolved to continue their march to Curimon;
on their arrival they learnt that the enemy was about to renew the
attack; on hearing which, Colonel Marqueli, to whom Atero had given the
command, continued his march to Chacabuco. The victorious army took up
its quarters in Villa Vieja: our loss was about thirty carabiniers.
There is no doubt that the whole of our loss is to be attributed to
Atero, who, observing a party of the enemy's cavalry on an eminence to
the right, exclaimed, "we are cut off!" when he immediately mounted his
horse and fled. At ten o'clock at night the news arrived at Santiago,
and the greatest confusion began to prevail.

"On the morning of February 8th, the two judges, Pereyra and Caspi, and
the general of brigade, Olaguer Feliu, fled to Valparaiso.

"On the 9th, Colonel Barañao arrived at Santiago with Colonel Eloriga,
and 360 hussars.

"On the 10th, Lieutenant-colonel Morgado arrived with 450 dragoons; at
ten o'clock at night Brigadier-general Maroto was appointed by Marcó to
take the chief command: our whole force consisted of 1000 cavalry and
1100 infantry.

"On the 12th, at six o'clock in the afternoon, an officer arrived at
Santiago with a verbal communication from General Maroto, declaring,
that he had suffered a total defeat. This was confirmed on the 13th by
the arrival of Maroto and Quintanilla; Marcó had left the city with
about 1500 men, and resolved on renewing the attack; but after more
private conversation with Maroto, he returned to the capital, and
summoned a council of war. After a long conference nothing was
determined on, and the sub-inspector-general Bernedo, the judge advocate
Lescano, and the commandant of artillery, Cacho, fled to Valparaiso.
From the 13th at noon to the evening of the 14th, officers, soldiers and
civilians continued to arrive at Valparaiso, where they embarked on
board several vessels then at anchor in the bay, and fled to Lima; but
it was not known till our arrival at Callao, that the president Marcó
was left behind at the mercy of Bernardo O'Higgins, to whom the
insurgents owe their victory, and we our disgrace."

The most astonishing difference in the behaviour of the Spaniards was
now observable. The haughty Maroto, who, when in Lima with his regiment
of Talavera, despised and insulted every one, now that he had neither an
officer nor a soldier left, was humbled, and the bow of a negro or an
indian was most courteously answered by this vaunting coward.

New insurrections in the provinces of Upper Peru began to break out;
the victories of General Bolivar in Colombia became known, and although
reports from the mother country were flattering, yet the repeated
requisitions for money were distressing.

Notwithstanding this state of affairs, the Viceroy Pesuela determined on
another expedition to Chile, the command of which was again given to
General Osorio. The Spanish troops consisted of a battalion of hussars
and the regiment of Burgos, the best troops that had arrived from
Europe. Their destination was to Talcahuano, which place, as it had been
fortified by the Spaniards, was still held by them, with the auxiliary
troops of Chile. For the equipment of this expedition, the Viceroy took
possession of the treasury belonging to the commissariat of the
crusades, money, which in the opinion of all the lower classes, could
only be appropriated to the support of war against Turks, Moors and
Infidels, and the greatest clamour was raised when it was applied to the
purpose of waging civil war with Christians. This treasure being
insufficient, that called of the holy places, _santos lugares_, at
Jerusalem, was also added to that of the bulls.

After many difficulties had been surmounted, the expedition left Callao
in October, 1817; and calculating on its success, the Spaniards again
resumed their arrogance, which in some was carried to such an extreme as
to enter into a bond with one another of two thousand dollars never
again to employ a creole. A Spaniard said to me one evening, that he had
six children, but if he thought that they would ever be insurgents, he
would go to their beds and smother them.

This chivalrous fanaticism had risen to such a height, that a Peruvian
officer, Landasuri, said, in the presence of Pesuela, that he hated his
father and mother, because he was born in America, and that if he knew
in what part of his body the American blood circulated, he would let it
out; however Pesuela reprimanded him severely for such unnatural
expressions.

Nothing but reports of victories arrived from Chile, the bells scarcely
ever ceased ringing in Lima, and the choristers were hoarse with
chanting Te Deums; the haughtiness of the Spaniards became
insupportable; they paraded the streets in triumph, and, forming
themselves into groups, insulted every creole who chanced to pass them.
But their insolence was at its highest pitch in April, 1818, when the
news of the victory over San Martin and O'Higgins at Cancha-rayada
arrived; they considered Osorio more than a human being; his wisdom and
valour were the theme of the pulpit, the palace, the coffee-house, and
the brothel. The hero Osorio was at Santiago; he would soon cross the
Andes, and release his virtuous and brave countrymen from their dungeons
at San Luis and las Bruscas, and with the reinforcements expected from
Spain, in a convoy under the protection of the Spanish frigate Maria
Isabel, he would conquer the Buenos Ayreans, and return to Lima with the
heads of San Martin, O'Higgins, and those of all the other chiefs of the
banditties.

This ferment of insolence and insults continually increased till the
evening of the fourth of May, when about ten o'clock at night a
_valancin_, post chaise, drove up to the gates of the viceregal palace,
bringing the hero Osorio, and the news of his total defeat at Maypu. On
the morning of the fifth a creole was allowed to pass the streets
unmolested, and might even presume to seat himself in a coffee-house at
the same table with a Spaniard. Confusion and dismay were visible in the
countenances of the royalists, the great Osorio suddenly became an
ignorant coward, who had sacrificed his countrymen, and indecently fled
to save his own life; even the Americans were now courted to join the
Spaniards in declamations against the late demi-god Osorio, and no hope
was left but that the arrival of the expedition from Spain would
retrieve the losses occasioned by the dastardly conduct of this chief.

The first news, however, which they obtained of the issue of the boasted
expedition was, that the soldiers of La Trinidad, one of the transports,
had murdered their officers, taken possession of the vessel, and carried
her to Buenos Ayres; this was seconded in November, 1818, with the news,
that the Maria Isabel and part of her convoy had been taken at
Talcahuano and the island of Santa Maria by the insurgents of Chile; and
this blow was aggravated with the abandonment of Talcahuano, the strong
hold of the Spaniards in Chile, by General Sanches, who took the command
after Osorio fled. Still there was gall in reserve for the humbled
Spaniards. The Chilean squadron, commanded by the Right Honourable Lord
Cochrane, made its appearance off Callao on the twenty-eighth of
February, 1819, his lordship's flag waving at the main of the
ex-Spanish frigate Maria Isabel, now the Chilean flag ship O'Higgins.

It became impossible for me to remain longer in Lima, so I left that
city for the Barranca, where I arrived on the first of March.




CHAPTER V.

     State of Lima on the Arrival of the Chilean Squadron....Arrival of
     at Huacho....At Supe....Chilean Naval Force, how composed....
     Capture of the Maria Isabel by Commodore Blanco....Arrival of Lord
     Cochrane....Appointed Admiral....Leaves Valparaiso....Arrives at
     Callao, Huacho, Barranca, Huambacho....Proclamation of Cochrane,
     San Martin, and O'Higgins....Description of Huambacho....Paita
     taken....Proceed to Valparaiso....Arrival....Description of....
     Road from Valparaiso to Santiago.


The arrival of the Chilean squadron on the coast of Peru produced at
once a dread that this part of South America would become the theatre of
war, and that retaliating fate would inflict on this part of the
colonies all the distresses which had been so universally spread among
the others: it was feared, that the calamities produced by invasion
would now be wreaked on it in return for those that had been experienced
in the provinces of Upper Peru, Quito and Chile. War was at the very
door, and the system of offence had almost rendered that of defence
nugatory. It was believed that an army accompanied the squadron; and
the patriots of Lima busied themselves in surmising which would be the
point of debarkation. On Wednesday, the third of March, a rumour arrived
at the capital, that the land forces would debark at Ancon, five leagues
to the northward of Lima; at midnight the report of rockets was heard in
the large street in the suburbs of San Lasaro, called Malambo; this was
supposed by the patriots to be a signal for reunion; and by the
royalists, of the landing of the army: upwards of a thousand of the
former immediately repaired to Malambo, and so completely filled the
street, that the cavalry sent by the government could not pass the mob,
and they retired to the bridge: both parties were anxiously inquiring
the cause of the reports, and both retired without obtaining any
satisfactory information: had the squadron landed five hundred more, and
marched to the city, there is not the least doubt but that with the
assistance of the native inhabitants, they would have entered and taken
possession of Santa Catalina and the different barracks, as the number
of Spanish troops at that time did not exceed three hundred.

On the 29th of March, part of the squadron anchored in the bay of
Huacho, for the purpose of obtaining news from the patriots on shore,
and also of landing two spies, sent down by the Chilean government, as
well as for the distribution of proclamations and other papers. Lord
Cochrane here received the intelligence, that a quantity of money,
belonging to the Phillipine company, had been sent down to Huarmey to be
embarked in the North American schooner Macedonia, and that another
considerable sum was on the road to the same destination; and as the
port of the Barranca was better calculated for the purpose of
intercepting the treasure than that of Huacho, the O'Higgins and the
brig Galvarino dropped down to it, and a party of marines were sent
ashore, and took the money in the river of the Barranca before the
muleteers could cross it. This was effected without any opposition from
the Spanish soldiers that were sent to protect it as a guard. Mr.
Eliphalet Smith, of the United States, at first claimed the money; but
he afterwards signed a document which specified the names of its true
owners; this was also corroborated by several documents which Mr. Smith
delivered to his lordship.

During the few days that the Chilean vessels of war remained at Huacho,
the indians were at first allowed by the governor to take down to the
beach their fruit and vegetables, and sell to them; but the commandant
of the county militia having collected about two hundred of his troops,
ordered the Indians to desist, and in the most insolent manner commanded
Lord Cochrane to depart, unless he wished to be driven out of the port.
On receiving this message his lordship immediately ordered the marines
to land and march to Huaura, which was done, and the town taken: indeed
the troops never attempted to defend it, but fled with their chief at
their head: the property belonging to the government at the custom house
and the _estanco_ of tobacco were taken on board: no private property
was touched. After this the trade with the indians was resumed; however,
on the departure of the squadron, five young indians were apprehended,
tried by a court martial, without their even having been soldiers; and,
contrary to the laws of the country, they were sentenced to death and
shot, without any other reason being assigned to their
protector-general, Manco Yupanqui, in Lima, than that it was necessary
to set such an example, because it might deter others from having any
communication with the insurgents.

Such were the feelings of the people in this part of Peru, that the
inhabitants of the village, called Supe, deposed the alcalde, who was a
Spaniard, and declared themselves independent; but after the departure
of the squadron, the principal ringleaders, Villanueva and Aranda,
retired to a farm in the interior, where they bade defiance to the
Viceroy and his powers. These two, with Reyes, a respectable farmer,
Franco, Requena, a priest, and myself, were summoned to a court martial;
but having embarked in the flag ship, we could not appear, in
consequence of which we were sentenced to death, declared contumacious,
and all justices were authorized to apprehend any or all of us, and put
the sentence into immediate execution.

Before I proceed with the operations of the Chilean squadron, I shall
give some account of its origin, and the arrival of Lord Cochrane to
take the command.

The brig Pueyrredon of fourteen guns was the first vessel of war that
the state possessed: the brig Araucana of sixteen, and the sloop
Chacabuco of twenty-two, were afterwards purchased. Captain Guise
brought out the brig Galvarino of eighteen guns, formerly in the British
service, and sold it to the government; the San Martin of sixty-four
guns, and the Lantaro of forty-four, were two East Indiamen, purchased
by the state, and converted into vessels of war. When Chile was
possessed of this force, the news arrived of the sailing of the
expedition from Cadiz, under the convoy of the Maria Isabel, and having
obtained possession of the orders given to the captains of the
transports from the Trinidad that entered Buenos Ayres, and of their
rendezvous in the Pacific, Don Manuel Blanco was appointed to command
the Chilean vessels of war, San Martin, flag ship, Captain Wilkinson,
commander; Lantaro, Captain Worster; and the Araucana: they had the good
luck to take the frigate, Maria Isabel in the bay of Talcahuano on the
twenty-eighth of October, 1818, and four of the transports off the bay
and at the island of Santa Maria. On the seventeenth of November the
victorious Blanco entered Valparaiso with his prizes, amid
manifestations of joy in this port. The government of Chile, to
commemorate the action, ordered a badge of honour to be presented to
Commodore Blanco and each of his officers: this was a scutcheon of a
pale green colour, having a trident in the centre, with the motto, "this
first essay gave to Chile the dominion of the Pacific"--_este primer
ensayo dió a Chile el dominio del Pacifico_.

The naval force of Chile having a native as commander in chief, and the
captains, officers, and crews composed principally of foreigners, must
of course have been conducted in a very irregular manner; and as Don
Manuel Blanco had never served in a situation higher than that of an
ensign, alferes, in the Spanish navy, it could not be expected that he
was competent to fill that of a commander in chief, and to conduct with
either honour to himself or profit to his country the operations of a
body composed of such discordant materials as the squadron of Chile then
was. It must be recollected, notwithstanding, that he added a page of
glory to the annals of South American naval triumphs by the capture of
the Maria Isabel of forty-eight guns, and part of her convoy.

For the future success of the Chilean navy, the welfare of the state,
the progress of independence, and the consummation of South American
emancipation, LORD COCHRANE arrived at Valparaiso, on the twenty-eighth
of November, 1818. The known valour of this chief, his love of rational
liberty, and the voluntary sacrifice which he had made by accepting a
command in the new world, had reached Chile before the hero himself, and
his arrival was hailed with every demonstration of jubilee by the
natives. Before his arrival, however, Captain Spry, an Englishman, and
Captain Worster, a North American, both in the Chilean service, had
been very loud in declaiming against him; without alleging any other
reason, than that it was quite contrary to all republican principles to
allow a "nobleman" to retain his title in the service; but the true
motive was too visible to escape the most blunted apprehension.
Commodore Blanco had then the command of the squadron, and these
gentlemen had assured themselves that they could controul him just as
they chose, on account of his indifferent knowledge of his duties as
commander in chief, and especially as he had to manage British seamen.
This with all possible delicacy had been mentioned to Blanco, together
with many whispers detrimental to the character of Lord Cochrane. On the
arrival of his lordship, Commodore Blanco was one of the first to hail
him as the preserver of the liberties of his country, and to offer his
services under the command of his lordship; and thus the patriotic
Chilean smothered dissention in the bud, and left its cultivators to
feel the rankling of those thorns which they themselves had planted.

A few days after the arrival of Lord Cochrane he received from the
government of Chile his commission as Vice-admiral of Chile, Admiral and
Commander in Chief of the naval forces of the Republic; and on the
twenty-second of December he hoisted his flag at the main of the
ex-Maria Isabel, now the O'Higgins, which flag Chile can exultingly say,
was never hauled down until the last Spanish flag in the Pacific had
acknowledged its empire, and either directly or indirectly struck to it.
At the close, when the fleet had finished its career of glory, it was
lowered by the same individual who hoisted it; it dropped like the sun
in the west, while the descendants of the Incas blessed it, for the
benefits they had received, with songs of heartfelt gratitude.

On the sixteenth of January, 1819, Lord Cochrane left the port of
Valparaiso on board the O'Higgins, Captain Forster, with the San Martin
bearing the flag of Rear-admiral Blanco, Captain Wilkinson, the Lantaro,
Captain Guise, and the Galvarino, Captain Spry; the Chacabuco, Captain
Carter, followed, but a mutiny taking place on board, he entered
Coquimbo, where the principal mutineers were landed, sentenced by a drum
head court martial, and shot.

Lord Cochrane chose the first day of the carnival for his first entrance
into the bay of Callao, suspecting that the whole of the inhabitants
would be engaged in the follies of the season--but he was deceived. The
Viceroy Pesuela had chosen that day for one of his visits to Callao,
and was sailing about the bay in the brig of war Pesuela; when the
Chilean squadron appeared off the headland of San Lorenzo, the captain
at first mistook the Chilean vessels for Spanish merchantmen expected
from Europe; however, fortunately for himself and the party, he
immediately came to an anchor under the batteries. The circumstance of
the visit of the Viceroy had caused the whole of the military force to
be under arms, and the whole of the batteries were manned. A thick fog
coming on, the San Martin, Lantaro, and Galvarino, lost sight of the
flag ship; however, without waiting for them, the admiral stood close in
under the forts, and dropped his anchor; a very brisk cannonading
immediately commenced, and the dead calm that followed obliged his
lordship to remain alone nearly two hours, under the continued
cannonading from ashore, besides a brisk fire from the two Spanish
frigates Esmeralda and Vengansa, brigs Pesuela and Maypu, and seven
gun-boats. As soon as the breeze sprang up, the O'Higgins stood out,
having sustained very little damage either in her hull or rigging, and
without a single person on board having been killed. The north corner of
the Real Felipe was considerably shattered by the shot from the
O'Higgins, and thirteen persons were killed on shore.

His lordship next entered into a correspondence with the Viceroy,
concerning the treatment which the prisoners of war (Chileans and Buenos
Ayreans) had received, and were actually receiving in the Casas Matas of
Callao; the Viceroy denied that they had received any ill treatment,
asserted that they were considered as prisoners of war, although rebels,
and traitors to their king, and concluded by expressing his surprise,
that a nobleman of Great Britain should so far have forgotten his
dignity, as to head a gang of traitors against their legitimate
sovereign, and his lawfully constituted authorities. To this his
lordship replied by saying, that the glory of every Englishman was his
freedom, and that this had entitled him to choose to command the vessels
of war of a free country, in preference to that of a nation of slaves--a
command which had been offered to him by the Duke de San Carlos in the
name of his master, Ferdinand VII.

The following proclamations were distributed along the coasts of Peru,
and sent also to the Viceroy.

Lord Cochrane to the inhabitants of Lima, and other towns of Peru:

COMPATRIOTS! I flatter myself, that ere long I shall address you more
cordially with this epithet. The repeated echoes of liberty in South
America have been heard with pleasure in every part of enlightened
Europe, and more particularly in Great Britain; I, not being able to
resist the desire of joining in the defence of a cause that was
interesting to all mankind, the felicity of half the new world to
thousands of generations, have determined to take an active part in it.
The republic of Chile has confided to me the command of her naval
forces. To these the dominion of the Pacific must be consigned; by their
co-operation your chains of oppression must be broken. Doubt not but
that the day is at hand, on which, with the annihilation of despotism,
and the infamous condition of colonists which now degrades you, you will
rise to fill the rank of a free nation; that august title to which your
population, your riches, your geographical position in the world, and
the course of events naturally call you. But it is your duty to
co-operate in preparing for this success, to remove obstacles, and to
pursue the path to glory: under the assurance that you will receive the
most efficacious assistance from the government of Chile, and your true
friend,

COCHRANE.

Don Jose de San Martin, to the soldiers of the army of Lima:

Soldiers of the army of Lima!--The object of my march towards the
capital of Peru is to establish an eternal reconciliation for the
happiness of all. Nine years of horror have inundated America with blood
and tears. You have been oppressed and fatigued with the evils of war,
undertaken by the proud agents of Spain, to satisfy their own passions,
and not for the good of the nation. The opinions and the arms of this
part of the world will soon be presented before Lima, to put an end to
so many misfortunes. You will only prolong the sterile sacrifice, if,
blind to the irresistible force of the general will, you attempt to
support so rash an enterprize. Each of you has belonged to the cause of
the people; each of you belongs to the cause of humanity; the duties of
a soldier cannot alter those of nature. The soldiers of the Patria, as
faithful in the path of honour as in that of victory, are terrible only
to the enemies of liberty. They set a higher price on the value of a
victory, more from the injustice which it prevents, than for the glory
they acquire. Fly then from the ignominy of perishing with your
detestable tyrants. In the ranks of your brother patriots you will find
the path to honour, to felicity and peace. A general who has never
asserted a falsehood ensures this to you.--Head quarters, Santiago de
Chile, 30th December, 1818.

Jose de San Martin.

The Supreme Director of Chile, to the inhabitants of Peru:

Liberty, the daughter of Heaven, is about to descend on your fertile
regions; under her shade you will occupy among the nations of the globe
that high rank which awaits your opulence. The Chilean squadron, now in
sight on your coasts, is the precursor of the great expedition destined
to establish your independence. The moment desired by all generous
hearts approaches. The territory of Chile, and her adjacent islands are
free from the yoke of the oppressor. Our naval forces may compete with
those of Spain, and destroy her commerce; in them you will find a firm
support.

It will be an inexplicable enigma to posterity, that enlightened Lima,
far from aiding the progress of Columbian liberty, shall endeavour to
paralyze the generous efforts of her brothers, and deprive them of the
enjoyment of their imprescriptible rights. The time is arrived for you
to wash out the stain, and in which to revenge the innumerable insults
you have received from the hand of despotism, as the reward of your
blindness. Fix your eyes on the havoc occasioned by the tyrants in your
delightful country; at the sight of them engraved in its depopulation,
want of industry, monopoly and oppression; observe the insignificancy
under which you have so long groaned; fly to arms, and destroy in your
just indignation the standard of that despotism which oppresses you, and
you will then soon arrive at the summit of prosperity.

Believe not that we wish to treat you as a conquered country; such an
idea never had existence except in the heads of our enemies--of your
common oppressors; we only aspire to see you free and happy. You[4]
shall establish your own government, selecting that which is most
analagous to your customs, situation, and inclination; you shall be your
own legislators, and of course you will constitute a nation as free and
independent as we are.

Peruvians! why do you hesitate? Hasten to break your chains; come and
sign on the tombs of Tupac Amaru and Pumacachua, the illustrious martyrs
of liberty, the contract that must ensure _your_ independence, and _our_
everlasting friendship.

Bernardo O'Higgins.

On the twenty-sixth a Spanish merchant ship, called la Victoria, laden
with cedar planks and horses, from Chiloe, was taken by the San Martin,
and on the twenty-eighth the attack was made on Callao, and two of the
gun-boats were taken, after which his lordship dropped down to Huacho,
and ordered rear admiral Blanco to continue in the blockade of Callao
with the San Martin and Lantaro, and any other vessels that might arrive
from Chile; but Blanco, after remaining a few days, raised the blockade,
and sailed to Valparaiso, where he was immediately placed under an
arrest by the government until the arrival of the admiral, when he was
tried by a court martial for a dereliction of duty, but acquitted. Lord
Cochrane proceeded from Huacho to Barranca, and thence to Huarmey and
Huambacho, where he found a French brig that had received on board part
of the money belonging to the Phillipine company, and which the captain
immediately delivered up.

The bay of Huambacho, about fifteen miles to the southward of Santa, is
one of the most convenient on the western shores of America: it is
completely land-locked: the anchorage is capital, and the landing is
very good: a small river of excellent water enters the bay, and in the
valley abundance of fire-wood may be procured. This valley formerly
belonged to the ex-Jesuits; but on account of the decrease of water in
the river at certain periods of the year, there not being sufficient for
the ordinary purposes of irrigation, the government has never yet found
a purchaser for it.

The soil is sandy, with a mixture of vegetable mould; but like the
generality of the lands cultivated in Peru it is extremely productive
when irrigated. This is evinced at the small indian hamlet of Huambacho,
about two leagues from the sea, and it would doubtlessly be a very fit
situation for a cotton plantation, which does not require so much water
as the sugar-cane or lucern. The hills that surround the valley are
covered with the remains of houses belonging to the indians before the
conquest; great numbers of huacas are found here, and probably much
treasure is buried in them.

Lord Cochrane, after the O'Higgins and Galvarino had wooded and
watered, proceeded down the coast to Paita, where having anchored, he
sent a flag of truce on shore, by Don Andres de los Reyes, a Peruvian,
who embarked at la Barranca, stating that the town and inhabitants
should receive no injury, and that nothing but the treasures belonging
to the government should be taken, as had already happened at Huaura. He
requested that no resistance should be made, as it would be unavailing,
and only subject the town to the destructive effects of war. The answer
was, that the town and the lives and property of the inhabitants
belonged to the king, and that all should be sacrificed in defence of
the Spanish flag. The same individual was sent a second time, to request
that the military force would not expose the town and its inhabitants;
but instead of receiving the message they fired on the flag, and opened
their battery on the Galvarino. This insult was immediately resented;
the marines were landed, and soon drove the Spaniards from the battery
and the town, which was then pillaged; the artillery was embarked, and
the fort blown up. The O'Higgins and Galvarino went to the port of
Barranca, and took some cattle, sugar, and rum from the farm of San
Nicholas, belonging to Don Manuel Garcia, a Spaniard. It was the
constant practice of Lord Cochrane to quarter on the common enemy, and
nothing was ever taken from a native by force, or without paying for it.
Hence we proceeded to Callao, and thence to Valparaiso, where we arrived
on the fifteenth of June.

Valparaiso, situate in latitude 33° 1´ 45´´ S., and longitude 71° 30´
56´´ west of Greenwich, is the principal port in Chile. The natives
flatter themselves, that this name was given to the port by the first
Spaniards who visited it, and that it is a syncope of Valle del Paraiso,
valley of Paradise; but it is equally possible, that the Spaniards, who
had received exaggerated accounts of the country, comparing it to
Paradise, on their first approaching this part of the coast, might have
exclaimed, valde Paraiso! vain Paradise! which designation its
appearance at present would better justify. The bay is of a semicircular
form, surrounded by very steep hills, which rise abruptly almost from
the edge of the water, particularly to the southward and about half of
the range to the eastward; the other half forms a kind of recess, and
the hills are not so perpendicular. During the winter season they are
covered with grass, with some stunted trees and bushes, such as molles,
myrtles, espino, and maytenes; but the soil being a red clay, the
verdure soon disappears when the summer sun begins to shine on them and
the rain ceases to fall.

The principal part of the town is built between the cliffs and the sea,
forming a row of houses, or rather shops; a few good houses stand also
in a narrow street, but they cannot be seen from the bay, because a row
of low houses with their backs to the sea prevent the prospect. The
greater number of the inhabitants of this part of the town, called the
port, to distinguish it from the suburbs, called the Almendral, reside
in the ravines of San Francisco, San Augustin and San Antonio, where the
houses rise one above another, forming a species of amphitheatre; in
many of them a person may sit in his parlour, and look over the roof of
his neighbour's house; at night the appearance of this part of the town
is pleasing, the lights being scattered about the hills in every
direction. The Almendral, or suburbs, stands in a kind of recess in the
hills, on a sandy plain, and most probably was in times past a part of
the bay of Valparaiso; indeed it is now often inundated by the spring
tides. Some regularity begins to be adopted here in the formation of
streets, and some of the houses are neat. At the bottom of the Almendral
there is a small rivulet.

Valparaiso is defended by a fort on the south side of the harbour, one
at the residence of the governor, and one on the north side of the bay:
a citadel on the hill behind the governor's palace on an extensive scale
is and will perhaps remain unfinished. The places of worship are the
parish church, the conventuals of San Francisco, San Augstin, La Merced
(in the Almendral) Santo Domingo, and the hospital chapel of San Juan de
Dios. Some of the principal houses are built of stone, but the greater
part are of adoves; all of them are covered with tiles, and those that
have an upper story have a balcony in front.

Since the revolution many English conveniences and luxuries in dress and
furniture, as well as improvements in the manners and customs of the
inhabitants, have been adopted, and almost any thing _a la Inglesa_
meets with approbation.

The market of Valparaiso is well supplied with meat, poultry, fish,
bread, fruit, and vegetables at very moderate prices and of good
quality. The climate is agreeable except when the strong winds prevail.
In the months of June and July the winds from the northward are at times
very heavy; on this account the anchorage is insecure, because the bay
is not sheltered in that quarter.

From the time of the discovery to the year 1810 this port was only
visited by vessels from Lima, bringing sugar, salt, tobacco, a small
quantity of European manufactured goods, and some other articles of
minor importance; shipping in return wheat, charqui, dried fruits, and
other produce of Chile and Peru. The population amounted to about five
thousand souls; the commerce was in the hands of four or five merchants,
Spaniards, and the annual duties at the custom-house amounted to about
twenty-five thousand dollars. After the victory obtained by the Chileans
at Chacabuco almost two-thirds of the population of Valparaiso abandoned
their homes, or were forced on board Spanish vessels and taken to Peru,
and the town was nearly depopulated; but since the revolution it has
been constantly increasing in size, population, and riches. In 1822 it
contained about fifteen thousand souls, three thousand of whom were
foreigners. From 1817 to 1822 upwards of two hundred houses were built;
at the latter date there were thirty-one established wholesale
merchants, besides an incalculable increase of retail dealers: there
were also twenty-six inns, coffee-houses, &c. Besides the vessels of war
belonging to the state, forty-one traders bear the national flag; and
the bay, formerly empty more than half the year, contains on an average
fifty foreign vessels either of war or commerce during the whole year.

The hospital of San Juan de Dios has been transferred from the centre of
the town to the suburbs, and a Lancasterian school is established in the
old building.

A general cemetery for catholics is building by subscription, and
upwards of two thousand dollars have been collected for another for the
dissenters. As a proof of the increase of trade and speculation, a daily
post is established between the port and the capital.


                                            DOLLARS.
     The receipts at the custom-house in
       1809, Chile being then a Spanish
       colony, were                           26738½

     Do. in 1821, being a free port          464387¾


     Number of vessels that entered and left
       Valparaiso in 1809, all Spanish           13

     Do. that entered and cleared out in 1821   142

              That is:--Vessels of war           21
                                of commerce     121


It is quite unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of commerce to any
nation; but here the result is peculiarly apparent, not only among the
higher and middle classes, but among the lowest: the peasant who at the
time of my residence in Chile, 1803, if possessed of a dollar, would
bore a hole through it, and hang it to his rosary--the same peasant can
now jingle his doubloons in his pocket. Those who in 1803 wore only the
coarsest clothing, of their own manufacture, are now dressed in European
linens, cottons, and woollens; those who were ashamed to present
themselves to a stranger or who dared not even speak to a master, now
present themselves with confidence, as if conscious of the importance of
their civil liberty; they boast too of Christian patriotism, generosity,
and valour. The monopolizing Spanish merchants who purchased the wheat
and other produce before it was ready for market at almost any price,
especially if the owner were necessitated, or who lent the farmer
money, to be paid in produce at his own price--such merchants have
disappeared, and a regular market is substituted, where the natives of
every class enjoy an opportunity of speculating and of reaping the
advantages of experience. Labourers of every class have a choice of work
and of masters, and this secures to them a just remuneration for their
labour. The higher and middling classes now know their importance as
citizens of a free and independent country, in the prosperity of which
they are interested, because they are aware, that with it their personal
prosperity is connected; they can express and discuss their political
opinions, and in short, from the lowest order of colonial vassals they
have become the subjects of an elective government and citizens of the
world.

The road from Valparaiso to the capital, Santiago, crosses the first
range of mountains at the northern extremity of the Almendral, and after
passing over very uneven ground for about five leagues, a dismal looking
plain presents itself; the grass is entirely parched in summer, and in
winter the water forms itself into several small lakes or swamps; and
scarcely a tree is to be seen in the vicinity. A small number of horned
cattle is fed, but the prospect is cold and dreary. After crossing this
plain more uneven ground presents itself, but being covered with grass,
brushwood, and trees, forming several small ravines, quebradas, with a
few cottages straggling in different directions, the country appears
beautifully romantic.

The plain of Casa Blanca next presents itself, having the town of the
same name nearly in the centre.[5] The plain is perfectly level, about
two leagues broad, and two and a half long; it has the appearance of
having been at some remote period a large lake, but as the race of
Promaucian indians, who inhabited this part of the country before the
conquest, has become extinct, all oral traditions have been extinguished
with them. The soil is a hard clay, scantily covered with grass, and the
only trees are a considerable number of espinos. The town contains about
two thousand inhabitants, who are generally employed in the cultivation
of the surrounding farms. Having slept here I proceeded on the following
day to Bustamante, passing the cuesta de Prado, and the small town and
river of Curucavé. Some parts of the road are remarkably picturesque; in
the ravines or valleys the view of the mountain scenery is grand; from
the mountains the prospect of the ravines and valleys, as well as the
distant view of the snow-topped Andes, is magnificent. The myrtle, of
three or four varieties, the different species of cactus, the arrayan,
the peumos, the boldos, and the beautifully drooping mayten adorn the
sides of the ravines, offering a shade and rich pasture, on which a
considerable number of horned cattle, horses, and mules, are seen
feeding.

Bustamante is a post house, where travellers often pass a night when on
their journey to or from the capital; the accommodations are
indifferent, but a few years ago nothing of the kind existed: it must
therefore be considered an improvement. After leaving Bustamante the
road gradually ascends, and at the distance of about a league from the
house the cuesta de Zapata commences. From the top of this eminence the
view of the Andes is most enchanting; the snow-covered mountains rise
majestically, one range behind another, until their summits are lost in
the clouds, or, when the sky is clear, till they are most exactly
defined in the azure vault of heaven. When nearly at the foot of the
cuesta, the city of Santiago, the capital of Chile, makes its
appearance; it is situated in a large plain, having a small rocky
mountain, called Santa Lucia, almost in the centre of which is a small
battery.

The excellent road from Valparaiso to Santiago was made by the order and
under the direction of Don Ambrose Higgins, when president of Chile.
Before the formation of this road all goods were carried to and from the
capital or the port on the backs of mules, but the greater part is now
conveyed in heavy carts, _carretas_, drawn by two or three yokes of
oxen. A coach was established in 1820 by Mr. Moss, a North American; it
went from Valparaiso to Santiago, and returned twice a week. The
distance is thirty leagues.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] From the very first proclamation this promise was made to the
Peruvians; but we shall soon see how it was fulfilled by San Martin.

[5] This town was completely destroyed by the earthquake in 1823.




CHAPTER VI.

     Santiago....Foundation....Description of the City....Contrast
     between the Society here and at Lima....State of Chile....Manners
     and Customs....Revolution....Carreras....O'Higgins....Defeat at
     Rancagua....Chileans cross the Cordillera....Action of
     Chacabuco....Of Maypu....Death of Don Juan Jose, and Don Luis
     Carrera....Murder of Colonel Rodrigues....Formation of a Naval
     Force....Death of Spanish Prisoners at San Luis....Naval Expedition
     under Lord Cochrane....Failure of the Attack on Callao....Attack at
     Pisco....Death of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles....Capture of Vessels
     at Guayaquil....Squadron returns to Chile.


SANTIAGO, the capital of Chile, was founded on the 24th February, 1541,
by the Spanish conqueror Pedro de Valdivia. Its situation is in an
extensive valley called de Mapocho, bounded on the east by the
Cordillera, on the west by the hills or mountains de Prado and Poanque,
on the north by the small river of Colina, and on the south by the river
Mapocho, or Topocalma, which passes the city on one side, and feeds many
_asequias_, small canals for irrigation; it also supplies the city with
water.

About the year 1450 Chile was invaded by the prince afterwards the Inca
Sinchiroca, who, more by persuasion than by force, possessed himself of
this valley; it was called at that time, Promocaces, the place of
dancing, or merriment. The Peruvian government was not established here
on the first arrival of the Spaniards, owing perhaps to the opposition
made by the Promaucians, who resided between the rivers Rapel and Maule,
and whom they never subdued; thus, although Garcilaso de la Vega Inca
places the boundary of the territory governed by the Incas on the river
Maule, it is more probable that it was on the Rapel, for near the union
of the Cachapoal with the Tinguiririca, taking the name of Rapel, there
are some ruins of a Peruvian fortress, built in the same manner as those
of Callo and Asuay, in the province of Quito; these apparently mark the
frontier, and especially as none are found more to the southward.

Santiago is divided into squares or _quadras_, containing in the whole,
if we include the suburbs, about a hundred and fifty, which are marked
out by the streets; but many are incomplete, wanting houses to finish
the boundaries. The principal public buildings are the mint, the palace
of the supreme director, and the cathedral, which, like that of
Conception, is in an unfinished state. The mint is a very handsome
edifice, vieing in elegance with any other in South America, and equal
to many of considerable note in Europe. It was built by Don Francisco
Huidobro, at the expense of nearly a million of dollars: he presented it
to the king, and in return received the title of Marquis of Casa Real;
but this and all other titles are declared extinct by the independent
government. The palace of the supreme director is incomplete; the right
wing, which should correspond with the left, is entirely wanting. In it
are the different offices belonging to the government, and also the
public gaol. The unfinished state of the cathedral is likely to
continue; for large funds are wanting to finish so extensive a building.

The bridge across the Mapocho is a handsome structure of brick and
stone. The _tajamar_, breakwater, serves to preserve the city from being
inundated by the river when the waters increase, either by heavy rains
in the Cordillera, or the melting of the snows in the summer, at which
time this stream, though at other times insignificant, becomes a rapid
torrent. Here is a public promenade, like the Alamedas at Lima, having a
double row of Lombard poplars on each side, forming a shady walk for
foot passengers, while the middle one serves for carriages and horses.
The tajamar is formed of two walls of brick-work, and the interior is
filled with earth; a very agreeable promenade is made on the top, having
several flights of steps to ascend it; some seats are also placed in the
parapet which fronts the river; the whole being two miles long. The
snow-covered Andes are about twenty leagues from the city, yet they seem
to overhang it, and the view of them from the tajamar is very majestic.

Santiago is divided into four parishes; San Pablo, Santa Ana, San
Isidro, and San Francisco de Borja. It has three Franciscan convents,
two of the Dominicans, one of San Augustin, and two of La Merced: those
belonging to the Jesuits were five. Here are seven nunneries, two of
Santa Clara, two of Carmelites, one of Capuchins, one of Dominicans, and
one of Augustinians; a house for recluse women called el Beaterio, and a
foundling hospital.

Santiago was made a city by the king of Spain in 1552, with the title of
very noble and very loyal; its arms are a shield in a white ground, in
the centre a lion rampant holding a sword in his paw, and orle eight
scallops, Or. It was erected into a bishopric by Paul IV. in 1561. It
was the residence of the President, and Captain-General of the kingdom
of Chile, and counts fifty governors from Pedro de Valdivia, the first,
to Don Casimiro Marcó del Pont, the last; also twenty-three bishops,
from Don Rodrigo Gonsales Marmolijo to the present Don Manuel Rodriguez.
Here was also a tribunal of royal audience, one of accompts, a
consulate, or board of trade, treasury, and commissariate of bulls. The
whole of the territory extends from the desert of Atacama to the
confines of Arauco, and was subject to the above-mentioned authorities
from the foundation of the government in 1541 to the beginning of the
fortunate revolution in 1810.

The contrast between the society which I had just quitted in the capital
of Peru and that which I here found in the capital of Chile was of the
most striking kind. The former, oppressed by proud mandataries,
imperious chiefs, and insolent soldiers, had been long labouring under
all the distressing effects of espionage, the greatest enemy to the
charms of every society: the overbearing haughty Spaniards, either with
taunts or sneers, harrowing the very souls of the Americans, who
suspected their oldest friends and even their nearest relations. In this
manner they were forced to drain the cup of bitterness to the last
dregs, without daring by participation or condolence to render it less
unpalatable; except indeed they could find an Englishman, and to him
they would unbosom their inmost thoughts, believing that every Briton
feels as much interest in forwarding the liberty of his neighbour, as he
does in preserving his own. In Lima the tertulias, or chit-chat parties,
and even the gaity of the public promenades, had almost disappeared, and
_quando se acabará esto?_ when will this end? was the constantly
repeated ejaculation. In Santiago every scene was reversed; mirth and
gaity presided at the _paseos_, confidence and frankness at the daily
tertulias; Englishmen here had evinced their love of universal liberty,
and were highly esteemed; friendship and conviviality seemed to reign
triumphant, and the security of the country, being the fruits of the
labour of its children, was considered by each separate individual as
appertaining to himself; his sentiments on its past efforts, present
safety, and future prosperity were delivered with uncontrolled freedom,
while the supreme magistrate, the military chief, the soldier, and the
peasant hailed each other as countrymen, and only acknowledged a master
in their duty, or the law.

Another prominent feature in Chile is the state of her commerce,
entirely formed since the revolution; it has rendered her not only
independent of Spain, but of Peru also. Formerly the fruits and produce
of this fertile region of the new world were entirely indebted to Peru
for a market; but with the spirit of freedom that of speculation arose,
and markets and returns were found in countries, of whose existence ten
years ago (1819) even the speculators themselves were ignorant. Several
of these provinces were conceived to be so situated, that no one
attempted to visit them, judging that such a journey would be attended
with almost insurmountable difficulties; dangers as great as the
majority of the inhabitants of Europe supposed were to be encountered by
a visit to the coasts of Peru.

The manners and customs of the inhabitants of Santiago are now very
different from those of Conception in 1803, which was at that time
nearly as affluent as the capital; the estrado is almost exploded; the
ladies are accustomed to sit on chairs; the low tables are superseded by
those of a regular height, those on which the family, who at that period
crossed their legs like turks or tailors, sat on a piece of carpet, are
now abolished; formerly all ate out of the same dish, but now they sit
at table in the same manner as the English, and their meals are served
up with regularity and neatness. The discordant jarring of the old half
strung guitar has given place to the piano, and the tasteless dance of
the country to the tasteful country-dance. In many respects, indeed, the
Chileans here appear half converted into English, as well in their dress
as in their diversions and manners.

The following brief statement of the revolution in Chile, extracted from
official documents, and faithful reports, will I flatter myself be found
interesting to all classes--its details, however, must necessarily be
confined within short limits.

One of the peculiar features in all the South American revolutions was
the accomplishment of the principal object, which consisted in deposing
the constituted authorities without bloodshed. This was the case at
Caracas, Santa Fé de Bogotá, Quito, Buenos Ayres and Chile; and at a
later period at Guayaquil, Truxillo, Tarma, and even at Lima; for the
Spanish forces quitted the city, and the Chilean entered without the
occurrence of a skirmish either in the capital or its vicinity.

The same causes which operated in Venezuela and Quito, and have been
already stated, were felt in Chile, and produced similar effects. On the
18th July, 1810, the president Carrasco was deposed by the native
inhabitants, under the plea of his incapacity of preserving this part of
the Spanish dominions for Ferdinand, when he should be freed from his
captivity, and a junta which was formed of the Cabildo took upon itself
to govern according to the old system, but with the secret intention of
following the course and example of Buenos Ayres in declaring her
independence. In 1811 Don Juan Jose Carrera, the son of Don Ignacio
Carrera of Chile (who had been sent to Europe, and in the continental
war had attained the rank of a lieutenant-colonel and commandant of a
regiment of hussars) crossed the Atlantic to succour his native country,
which he was considered by his friends as the only person capable of
saving from the impending ruin which threatened it from the result of
the steps taken; and he was in consequence nominated by the junta
supreme president of the congress which was convened, besides which he
was appointed general in chief of the army about to be formed. The first
step which Carrera took was to establish a defensive army, which he
immediately began to recruit and discipline, choosing his officers from
among the most zealous friends of liberty. He constituted himself
colonel of the national guards, appointed his elder brother, Don Jose
Miguel, colonel of grenadiers, and his younger, Don Luis, colonel and
commandant of artillery. At this time the principal military force of
Chile was at Conception; indeed the whole of the force, excepting two
companies, which had always been on duty in the capital, and about fifty
stationed as a garrison at Valparaiso, was employed on the frontiers of
Arauco. On hearing of what had taken place in the capital, the troops at
Conception declared themselves in favour of the cause of liberty. The
inhabitants of Conception pretended that their city was better
calculated to be the seat of government than Santiago; and as the troops
were principally composed of Pencones, natives of the place, they were
persuaded to join in the request, which occasioned some difficulties to
Carrera, and it was feared that this untimely pretension would be the
cause of a civil war; but it was finally adjusted that, for a specified
time, the troops of Conception should remain to the southward of the
river Maule, and those of Santiago to the northward. This gave Carrera
an opportunity to gain over the troops, which he did by sending
emissaries to Conception, when a general reconciliation took place, and
the whole of the troops were placed under the command of Don Juan Jose
Carrera.

The Spanish troops from Lima, Coquimbo and Chiloe, under the command of
Colonel Gainsa, began hostilities in the south of Chile; various actions
and skirmishes occurred between them and the undisciplined Chileans, the
result being favourable to the latter. In 1812, Don Bernardo O'Higgins
(then a captain of militia) joined Carrera, who bestowed on him the rank
of lieutenant-colonel of the line, and shortly afterwards raised him to
that of brigadier general, for the important services he rendered with
the Guerilla parties.

In 1813, the three Carreras, with a considerable number of their
officers, were retaken prisoners by the Spaniards, and confined at
Talca. The command of the army devolved on O'Higgins, he being the
senior officer. He availed himself of this opportunity, assumed the
civil power, caused himself to be proclaimed president, and appointed a
substitute in the capital to govern during his absence. The Carreras
being possessed of money bribed the soldiers at Talca and made their
escape. O'Higgins instantly offered a reward for their apprehension. The
three Carreras immediately set off to Santiago, disguised as peasants,
and made themselves known to some friends; Don Luis was apprehended and
imprisoned; Don Juan Jose went in his disguise to the artillery
barracks, and having entered, discovered himself to the officers and
soldiers, who welcomed his arrival, and promised to support him; in
consequence of which he marched with the soldiers to the plasa, and
liberated his brother Luis. The citizens promptly reinstated the
Carreras, and the news being conveyed to O'Higgins, he marched his army
towards the capital, leaving the enemy to avail himself of the civil
discords of the Chileans. Carrera proposed to unite their respective
forces, proceed against the common enemy, and leave their private
quarrels to be decided by the fortune of war, or by the suffrages of the
people. To these proposals O'Higgins objected, and the two generals
prepared for action. Carrera chose the plain of Maypu, when O'Higgins
soon began the attack, and was repulsed; the peasantry, under the
command of Carrera, although victorious, called on their countrymen to
desist, not to fly, but to surrender to their first and best chief; this
they did, were generously received, and forgiven. O'Higgins and his
principal officers were made prisoners. They all expected that their
offended general would bring them to judgment as traitors; but they were
pardoned, restored to their former situations in the army, and
O'Higgins was reinstated in the command of the van-guard, and received
orders to march towards Rancagua, where Carrera soon afterwards repaired
with the remainder of the army. The Spaniards profited by the
dissentions of the patriot chiefs, recruited and disciplined more
troops, and invested the town of Rancagua on the first of October, 1814.
Carrera and his troops defended themselves here forty-eight hours, and
when their ammunition was expended and they were obliged to evacuate the
place, they cut their way through the ranks of the Spanish soldiery
sword in hand. General Carrera and his two brothers, O'Higgins,
Benevente, the unfortunate Rodrigues, and several of the more wealthy
citizens, crossed the Cordillera, leaving General Osorio in possession
of the whole of Chile.

The Spanish regime being thus re-established in Chile, the different
functionaries who had been deposed resumed their offices, and a new
tribunal called _de la purification_ was established, through which
ordeal all those natives who wished to be considered as loyal subjects
to Spain had to pass. It was composed of Spaniards, principally
officers, having the celebrated Major San Bruno as president. Nothing
can be imagined more arbitrary than the conduct of this tribunal; its
assumed duties were to examine the proceedings of the inhabitants, and,
independently of any established laws or set forms, to sentence or
acquit. The prisons were filled with the objects of persecution, the
places of exile were crowded with the victims of this political
inquisition, and Chile groaned under the unwise administration of
Osorio. This tyrannical general and Marcó, instead of pursuing
conciliatory measures, which would have attached the mal-contents to
their party, adopted every kind of persecution, and cultivated distrust;
until enmity, which ripened in secret, at the first favourable
opportunity produced conspiracies and all the fatal effects of revenge.

General Carrera pursued his route to Buenos Ayres, where he embarked for
the United States to solicit assistance; while O'Higgins, Rodrigues,
McKenny, and Calderon began to recruit and discipline a new army for the
re-occupation of Chile: the command of the army was given to San Martin;
it crossed the Cordillera, and the battle of Chacabuco was fought on the
twelfth of February, 1817, the result of which has already been stated.
On the arrival of the patriot troops in Santiago an elective government
was formed, of which General San Martin was nominated the supreme
director; but he declined the offer, and recommended his friend, General
O'Higgins, to fill the place.

The refusal of San Martin to accept the first and highest post of honour
in Chile was misunderstood at the time; it was construed into a
deference to the superior abilities of O'Higgins, and to modesty on the
part of the hero of Chacabuco; whereas some who knew him better were
persuaded, that he intended to govern the government, and to make it
subservient to his own purposes. Besides, a wider field for the ambition
of San Martin now presented itself. He began to look forward to Peru,
which afterwards became the theatre of his warlike virtues.

The Spaniards kept possession of Talcahuano, as well as the southern
provinces, and received supplies from Peru, principally composed of the
regiment of Burgos, one of the finest bodies of troops ever sent from
Spain. General Osorio again took the command of the army, and marched
towards the capital, while the patriots mustered all their forces to
oppose him. The Spanish force was composed of about five thousand
regulars, and it gained several advantages, particularly one at
Cancharayada, where they surprised the Chilean army in the night, and
completely dispersed it; and had Osorio continued his march, he might
have entered the capital without any opposition; but he remained at
Talca, and allowed the patriots to collect their scattered forces. This
they were not slow in performing, for on the fifth of April they
presented themselves on the plain of Maypu about seven thousand strong,
including the militia; indeed very few of them could be called veterans,
except in their fidelity to the cause of their country. O'Higgins having
been severely wounded in his right arm at Cancha-rayada, could not take
the field, but remained in his palace at Santiago. San Martin and Las
Heras commanded the patriots, and Osorio the royalists on this memorable
day, which sealed the fate of Chile. The conflict was obstinate and
sanguinary during the greater part of the day; in the afternoon fortune
appeared to favour the Chileans, when lieutenant-colonel O'Brian
observed, that the regiment of Burgos were endeavouring to form
themselves into a solid square; he immediately rode up to General San
Martin; and begged him to charge at the head of the cavalry and prevent
the completion of this manoeuvre, stating, that if it were effected
nothing could prevent their marching to the capital. San Martin, instead
of charging at the head of the cavalry, ordered O'Brian to charge,
which he did, and completely routed the Spaniards, and gave the victory
to the patriots. Osorio on observing the fate of the regiment of Burgos
fled with a few officers and part of his body-guard. When O'Brian
returned to the commander in chief and reported to him the news of the
victory, he was answered by a bottle of rum being offered to him by the
hero of Maypu, accompanied with this familiar expression, _toma!_ take
hold!

Of the five thousand men commanded by Osorio two thousand fell on the
field, and two thousand five hundred were made prisoners, with one
hundred and ninety-three officers, who were immediately sent across the
Cordillera to the Punta de San Luis and Las Bruscas; General Osorio,
with about two hundred followers, escaped from the field of action and
fled to Conception.

This victory over the Spaniards gave to the Chileans that complete
independence for which they had been struggling ever since 1810; but the
glory of the achievement was tarnished by what took place as well at
Mendosa on the east side of the Cordillera as at Quillota on the west.
On the return of General Carrera from the United States, bringing with
him several officers and some supplies of arms, for the purpose of
equipping an expedition for the liberation of his country, he found, on
his arrival at Buenos Ayres, that his two brothers were on their parole
of honour in this city, and were not allowed to return home nor to join
the army. This proceeding astounded Carrera, but he had scarcely time to
inquire into what had taken place, when he was himself arrested and
placed on board a gun brig belonging to Buenos Ayres; at which time his
two brothers, fearing the same fate, fled, Don Luis on the nineteenth of
July, 1817, and Don Jose Miguel on the eighth of August: on the
seventeenth they were apprehended near Mendosa, and thrown into prison,
when they were in hopes of having been able to cross the Cordillera and
again to serve their country.

It appears that Don Jose Miguel Carrera when at Rio Janeiro had obtained
a copy of the negociation which had been carried on in France by Don
Antonio Alvares Jonte, the agent of the supreme director of Buenos
Ayres, Pueyrredon, for the purpose of establishing a monarchy in this
place, and of giving the throne to Charles Louis Prince of Lucca, the
son of Don Louis of Bourbon, heir apparent to the Dukedom of Parma, and
Dona Maria Louisa of Bourbon, daughter to Charles IV. of Spain,
afterwards called the king and queen of Etruria. The possession of these
documents, and a knowledge of all that had transpired, rendered Carrera
an unwelcome visitor at Buenos Ayres, and a suspicious character to
Pueyrredon, who, to provide for his own safety, determined on the
destruction of this individual, but he escaped from the brig and fled to
Monte Video.

Don Jose Miguel and Don Luis were equally dangerous opponents to the
vices of San Martin, who on hearing of their being arrested sent over
his arch-secretary Don Bernardo Monteagudo to bring them to their trial;
and as it was necessary to forge some ostensible motive for their
execution, as that of having disobeyed the orders of a government to
which they had never promised fealty could not be accounted sufficient,
Don Juan Jose was accused of having murdered the son of the postmaster
of San Jose in the year 1814, of which act, however, Monteagudo himself
says, in his _Extracto de la Causa seguida contra los Carreras_, _p. 7_,
"although from the nature of the circumstances the murder could not be
proved by evidence, yet the whole of the procured evidence was such,
that the probability of the aggression was in the last degree
approaching to a certainty." As this accusation did not include Don
Luis another plan was laid that should inculpate the two brothers. Some
of the soldiers then on duty at Mendosa were directed to propose to the
prisoners the means of escaping, to which they acceded, and on the 25th
of February, 1818, Pedro Antonio Olmos informed the governor of Mendosa
that Don Juan Jose and Don Luis Carrera had formed a plan to escape from
prison on the following night, and brought in Manuel Solis to support
the information. This put the machine in motion, and five other soldiers
were adduced as evidence against the unfortunate brothers. On the 10th
of March the examinations closed, on the 11th they were requested to
appoint their counsel, and on the 4th of April the Fiscal solicited the
sentence of death; on the 8th the solicitation was approved of, as being
according to law, by Miguel Jose Galigniana and Bernardo Monteagudo, to
which was subjoined the following order: "let the sentence be
executed--Don Juan Jose and Don Luis Carrera are to be shot this
afternoon at five o'clock." (Signed) Toribio de Lusuriaga. The two
unhappy brothers heard their sentence at three o'clock in the afternoon,
and they were slaughtered at six. They left the dungeon arm in arm,
walked to the place of execution, and having embraced each other, sat
themselves down on a bench, and ordering the soldiers to fire, they
again embraced each other in death. The conduct of General San Martin in
this affair may perhaps be defended by his friends and partisans; but
the prevalent belief is, that on finding a considerable party in Chile
in favour of the Carreras, he was determined on their destruction, and
that the order for the execution of Don Juan Jose and Don Luis was sent
by him to Lusuriaga the governor. Nothing however can be conceived more
brutal than what occurred at Santiago after the execution of the two
brothers. San Martin sent to their unhappy father an account of the
expenses incurred on their trial and execution, with an order for
immediate payment, or that the father should be committed to prison. The
venerable old man defrayed the bloody charge, and two days afterwards he
expired, the victim of malice and of persecution. I was at Santiago at
the period, and followed the corpse to the grave.

At the same time that this tragedy was performed on the eastern side of
the Cordillera, another, which for its midnight atrocity exceeds even
the fabulous legends of cold-blooded cruelty, was performed by the same
manager on the western side: an act that would curdle the milk of
sympathy into a clotted mass of hatred. Don Manuel Rodrigues obtained
the rank of colonel in the service of his country; he crossed the
Cordillera after the defeat of the patriots at Rancagua, remained with
O'Higgins, and assisted to discipline the army commanded by San Martin;
the battle of Chacabuco added honour and glory to his name, and the
field of Maypu crowned him with laurels. His conduct as a soldier and
his manners as a gentleman had endeared him to all who knew him; but the
record of his virtues was the instrument of his destruction; the
jealousy of San Martin could not brook a rival in those glories which he
considered exclusively his own, and that the popularity of Rodrigues
might withdraw for one moment the attention of a single individual from
contemplating the greatness of the hero of Maypu. Rodrigues was
apprehended, and sent to Quillota, where after he had remained a few
days, San Martin sent a corporal and two soldiers, with an order for
Rodrigues to be delivered up to them; he was conducted along the road
leading to the capital, and not permitted to stop at night at a house
which they passed, and where he requested they would allow him to rest.
The morning dawned on the everlasting resting place of this gallant
Chilean--he was murdered at midnight by his ruffian guard, and buried
at a short distance from the high road. Inquiries were afterwards made
by the relatives of Rodrigues, but no satisfactory accounts could be
obtained at head-quarters; the soldiers who were the only persons
capable of giving information were not to be found; this was easily
accounted for; General San Martin had sent them to the Punta de San
Luis, to be taken care of by his confidant Dupuy, who was at this time
under training for another scene of bloodshed, more horrible, if
possible, than the past.

After the expulsion of the Spaniards, the supreme director, O'Higgins,
knowing the importance of a naval force, which might protect the shores
of Chile and its commercial interests against the Spanish vessels of
war, applied himself seriously to the acquisition not only of vessels
but of officers and crews. The two East-indiamen, the Cumberland and the
Windham, afterwards the San Martin and the Lautero, were purchased; the
Chacabuco and the Pueyerredon were equipped; the Galvarino was
purchased, and the Maria Isabel was taken. But after all this the
possession of vessels would have been attended only with expense, had
not the good fortune of South America been supported by the devoted
services of Lord Cochrane, to whom the western shores of the new world
owe their emancipation, and England the commerce of this quarter of the
globe.

O'Higgins being desirous of lightening the burden of the administration
which had been confided to him, nominated five individuals as consulting
senators; but he unwarily granted to them such powers as made them
independent of his own authority, and consequently rendered himself
subservient to their determinations. This caused innumerable delays in
the despatch of business, and prevented that secresy which is often
indispensably necessary in the affairs of state; indeed these two
defects of tardiness and publicity were often visible in Chile, for by
such delays the enemy was informed of the designs of the government, and
prepared to thwart their execution.

After the squadron had sailed from Valparaiso on the fifteenth of
January, 1819, under the command of Lord Cochrane, the whole attention
of the Chileans was engrossed with the expectation of decisive victories
which were to be obtained over the Spaniards in Peru; they felt
themselves secure under the protection of the fleet, and congratulated
each other on having now transferred the theatre of war from their own
country to that of their enemy; but a new scene of horror presented
itself, sufficient not only to astonish the inhabitants of this part of
the new world, but to call down on the head of its author universal
execration. The following extract is from the ministerial gazette of
Santiago of the fifth of March, 1819:--

"On the eighth of February last, between eight and nine o'clock in the
morning, my orderly informed me that some of the Spanish officers
confined here wished to see me. I ordered him to allow them to enter; I
was at this time conversing with the surgeon Don Jose Maria Gomes and my
secretary Don Jose Manuel Riveros. Colonel Morgado, Lieutenant-Colonel
Morla, and Captain Carretero entered; Carretero sat himself down on my
left hand, and after a few compliments, he drew from his breast a
poignard, and struck at me with it, but I fortunately parried the blow.
Carretero exclaimed at the same time, "these are your last moments, you
villain, America is lost, but you shall not escape!" I drew back to
defend myself against Colonel Morgado, who attempted a second blow, at
which time General Ordoñes, Colonel Primo, and Lieutenant Burguillo
entered; Gomes, the surgeon, immediately left the room, calling for
assistance, and my secretary Riveros endeavoured to do the same, but
was prevented by Burguillo. For a considerable time I had to defend
myself against the six assassins, who began to desist on hearing the
shouts of the people that surrounded the house, and were using every
effort to enter it; I requested they would allow me to go out and quiet
the populace, to which they consented; but the moment I opened the door
leading from the patio to the plasa, the people rushed in, and put the
whole of them to death, except Colonel Morgado, whom I killed, and thus
the attack on my person was revenged.

"I immediately discovered that a plot had been formed by the whole of
the officers confined here, to liberate themselves, and to pass over to
the Guerilla parties under the command of Carrera and Alvear; however,
the populace and the soldiery took the alarm, and several of the
prisoners have paid with their lives the temerity of the plan they had
laid. I immediately ordered Don Bernardo Monteagudo to form a summary
process, which on the fourth day after receiving the order he informed
me was finished, and I agreeing with his opinion, ordered the following
individuals to be shot: captains Gonsales, Sierra and Arriola; ensigns
Riesco, Vidaurazaga and Caballo; privates, Moya and Peres. The number of
enemies who have ceased to exist is, one general, three colonels, two
lieutenant-colonels, nine captains, five lieutenants, seven ensigns, one
intendent of the army, one commissary, one sergeant and two privates."
This was signed by Vicente Dupuy, lieutenant-governor of San Luis.

Many other statements of the transaction were circulated by the friends
of each party. I received the following from a person entirely
independent of both, and who had no motive for furnishing me with an
exaggerated account:

"On the night of the seventh of February, 1818, when the Spanish field
officers confined at San Luis were playing at cards with Don Vicente
Dupuy, this lieutenant-governor happened to lose some money, and
immediately seized what was lying before Colonel Ribero; Ribero
expostulated, and notwithstanding the entreaties of his friends, at
length struck Dupuy on the face, whose friends immediately seized some
arms, which had been placed in the room, and the Spaniards also availed
themselves of part of them. The uproar that was formed alarmed the
guard, and the Spanish prisoners, fearful of the result, laid down their
arms and begged Dupuy's pardon; it was granted, and he pledged his word
and honour, that if they would allow him to go out, he would pacify the
tumult made by the guard and populace; the Spaniards believed him; he
went out; but instead of quieting the disturbance he spread the alarm,
and called upon the people to revenge the insults he had received from
the Godos (Goths, the name by which the Spaniards were known); Dupuy
re-entered the house with some soldiers and other armed individuals, and
General Ordoñes, Colonel Morgado, with six other officers were
immediately butchered by them; Colonel Primo seeing that he could not
escape, took up a pistol and shot himself; every Spaniard found in the
streets was also massacred at the same time, and many were murdered in
their houses; in all fifty Spanish officers were massacred, and only two
escaped of the whole number, which at that time were at San Luis. For
this memorable action Dupuy was created a colonel-major, and a member of
the Legion of Merit of Chile.

"Dupuy was afterwards tried, by order of the government of Buenos Ayres,
for several acts of assassination and cruelty which he had committed,
and he defended himself by producing written orders from San Martin for
the assassination of Raposo and Conde, as also for the murder of the
unfortunate Rodrigues--these orders were very laconic--_pasará por San
Luis, tiene mi pasaporte, recibale bien, pero que no pase el monte al
atro lado de San Luis. Prontitud, y silencio, asi, conviene para el bien
de la Patria_: will pass through San Luis, he has my passport, receive
him politely, but allow him not to pass the wood on the other side of
San Luis.--Promptitude and silence, this is necessary for the good of
the country. However, Dupuy was exiled to La Rioja, whence he escaped,
and followed San Martin to Peru. He also proved, that the order for the
execution of the Carreras was a verbal one given by San Martin before he
left Mendosa."

With respect to General San Martin, it may be observed, that as his
character and actions have been so grossly mis-stated by other writers,
it becomes necessary that some traits which have hitherto been withheld
should be published, as well for the purpose of historical truth, as for
that of dissipating the cloud which envelopes the conduct of several
individuals who have lent their assistance to the cause of American
liberty. The presence of Monteagudo at Mendoza for the execution of the
Carreras, and of his being employed on a similar mission at San Luis,
are rather strange coincidences; with the additional circumstance, that
he was arrested in the house of an English merchant residing at
Santiago, and in the supposed character of a prisoner, was sent by the
order of San Martin to San Luis, where he was considered a prisoner
until called upon to form the process, and draw up the sentence of death
against the Spanish officers, which sentence appears to have decreed his
own liberation, for he immediately recrossed the Cordillera, and
remained with his patron.

In 1819 the Spaniards under the command of General Sanches evacuated
Conception and Talcahuano, crossed the Biobio, and proceeded through the
Araucanian territory to Valdivia. Sanches plundered the city of
Conception of every valuable which he could take with him; the church
plate and ornaments, and even many of the iron windows belonging to the
houses; he also persuaded the nuns to leave their cloisters and to
follow the fortunes of the army: they did, and were abandoned at
Tucapel, and left among the indians.

A native of Chile named Benavides was left by Sanches at the town of
Arauco, for the purpose of harassing the patriots at Conception, and
several Spaniards of the most licentious characters chose to remain with
him. Benavides was a native of the province of Conception, and served
some time in the army of his country, but deserted to the royalists: at
the battle of Maypu he was taken prisoner, and, among other
delinquents, was ordered to be shot, in the dusk of the evening.
However, Benavides was not killed, although his face was stained with
the gunpowder, and having fallen, he made some motion, which the officer
observing, cut him across the neck with his sword, and left him for
dead; but even after this he recovered sufficient strength to crawl to a
small house, where he was received and cured of his wounds. It is said
that after his recovery he held a private conference with San Martin; I
have been perfectly satisfied on this head, and I am certain that no
such interview ever took place; indeed San Martin is not the man for
such actions, nor would it have been prudent for any chief to have
risked his existence with a desperado like Benavides. This monster fled
from Santiago, joined General Sanches at Conception, and was left by him
in the command of the small town of Arauco, where the most atrocious
hostilities commenced that have ever disgraced even the war in America.

The attention of the government was employed in fitting out a second
naval expedition to the coast of Peru, for the latest advices from
Europe confirmed the former, which stated, that a naval force preparing
in Cadiz, and composed of the two line of battle ships Alexander and
San Telmo, the frigate Prueba, and some smaller vessels, was destined to
the Pacific. The Chilean squadron was by no means competent to cope with
such a force; besides which, two frigates, the Esmeralda and Vengansa,
three brigs of war, and some small craft, as well as armed merchantmen
at Callao, being added to what was expected from Spain, the force would
have been overwhelming. It was therefore determined, that the squadron
should attempt the destruction of the vessels in Callao, by burning
them. Mr. Goldsack, who had come to Chile, was employed in making
Congreve's rockets, of which an experiment was made at Valparaiso, and
which answered the expectations of Lord Cochrane.

Every necessary arrangement being completed, the squadron, consisting of
the O'Higgins, San Martin, Lautaro, Independencia, (which arrived on the
23rd May, 1819, having been built in the United States for the
government of Chile) the Galvarino, Araucano, the Victoria, and
Xeresana, two merchant vessels which were to be converted into
fire-ships if necessary, left the port of Valparaiso on the twelfth of
September, and having first touched at Coquimbo, arrived in the bay of
Callao on the twenty-eighth. Lord Cochrane announced to the Viceroy
Pesuela his intention of destroying the shipping in the bay, if
possible; but he proposed to him terms on which he would desist; namely,
that he would diminish the number of his vessels by sending part of them
to leeward, and fight the Spanish force man to man, and gun to gun, if
they would leave their anchorage, and this, said he, might be the means
of preserving the property of individuals then in the bay. His
excellency, however, declined the challenge, observing, that it was of a
nature which had never been before heard of. The preparations for
throwing rockets among the shipping immediately commenced, and on the
night of the first of October several were thrown, but without effect:
the firing from the batteries and shipping began at the moment the first
rocket was thrown, which appeared as a signal to the enemy. From our
anchorage we could distinguish the heated shot that flew through the air
like meteors in miniature; however, little injury was sustained on
either side: our loss consisted in Lieutenant Bayley of the Galvarino
and one seaman. One of the rafts under the direction of
Lieutenant-colonel Charles was protected by the Independencia; the
second by two mortars under that of Major Miller, now (1824) General
Miller, was protected by the Galvarino; and the third under Captain
Hinde was defended by the Pueyrredon. By accident Captain Hinde lost his
lighted match rope, and sent on board the brig for another, which the
soldier dropped on stepping from the boat to the raft; it fell among the
rockets, and an explosion took place, but no serious injury was
experienced.

In the nights of the second, third, and fourth several more rockets were
thrown, without particular success: some damage was done to the enemy's
vessels, but on the fourth they were completely unrigged, which was
undoubtedly a wise precaution. Several of the rockets exploded almost
immediately after they were lighted, others at about half their range,
others took a contrary direction to that in which they were projected,
and it became evident that some mismanagement had occurred in their
construction. On examining them, some were found to contain rags, sand,
sawdust, manure, and similar materials, mixed with the composition.
Colonel Charles, who had been commissioned to superintend the making of
the rockets, was at first incapable of accounting for this insertion,
but at length he recollected, that the government of Chile, with a view
of saving the wages of hired persons, had employed the Spanish prisoners
to fill the rockets, to which mistaken policy the whole squadron might
have fallen a sacrifice; for had the vessels which were expected from
Spain arrived, the Chilean forces would never have been able to cope
with the Spanish, especially when joined by what was in the bay of
Callao.

On the fifth a large vessel was observed to windward. It proved to be
the Spanish frigate la Prueba, part of the expected squadron: advices
which we received from shore informed us, that the Alejandro had
returned to Spain, and the general belief was, that the San Telmo had
been lost off Cape Horn, which was afterwards proved to be the case.

The fire-ship being ready was sent into the bay under the direction of
Lieutenant Morgel; an unceasing cannonade was kept up both from the
batteries and the shipping; the wind died away, and such was the state
of the fire-ship, that Lieutenant Morgel was obliged to abandon her, and
she exploded before she came to a position where she could injure the
enemy. Owing to the news which we received the following day, the
admiral determined not to send in the second fire-ship, but to proceed
to the northward, to procure fresh provisions and water, as well as to
obtain news respecting the Spanish frigate. The crew of the San Martin
being unhealthy, his lordship ordered her, the Independencia and
Araucano to Santa, and the Lautaro and Galvarino to Pisco, to procure
spirits and wine, the royal stores being full at this place. A military
force being stationed at Pisco, part of the marines were sent from the
O'Higgins and Independencia, and the whole were placed under the orders
of Colonel Charles. On the 14th of October we anchored in the harbour of
Santa, and immediately began to drive the cattle from the farms
belonging to the Spaniards down to the beach; but whatsoever was
received at any time from the natives was always punctually paid for;
this so enraged a Spaniard, Don Benito del Real, that he headed some of
his own slaves and dependents, and came from Nepeña to Santa, where he
surprised one of our sailors, and took him prisoner; he immediately
returned, and reported by an express to the Viceroy Pesuela, that he had
secured Lord Cochrane's brother in disguise. This news made its
appearance in the Lima Gazette, and nothing could exceed the
disappointment of the royalists in Lima, when they discovered that their
noble prisoner was only a common sailor.

On the 15th the Lautaro and Galvarino arrived from Pisco, and as
nothing can give a better account of what occurred at this place than
the official dispatch of the admiral to the Chilean government, the
following translation is subjoined:

"The absolute want of many indispensable articles in the squadron, as I
have already informed you, left me no other alternative than to abandon
the object of the expedition, or to take the necessary provisions from
the enemy. I adopted the latter, and sent the Lautaro and the Galvarino
to Pisco for the purpose of procuring spirits, wine, rice and some other
articles.

"The result of this expedition has been glorious to the arms of Chile in
the valour shewn by her officers and soldiers when fighting hand to hand
with the enemy, and in the assault on the city of Pisco, and the fort to
which the forces of the Viceroy retired. It is my painful duty
notwithstanding to inform you, that the unfortunate Lieutenant-Colonel
Charles closed in this action his career in the cause of liberty, to
which his soul was devoted, at a moment when it promised to be the most
brilliant which the human mind could desire. The courage and judgment of
Charles were not more visible than the talent and general knowledge
which he possessed; such as could only receive an additional lustre
from his peculiarly agreeable suavity of refined manners, and from that
diffidence in his behaviour, as if he considered that he had not arrived
at the portal of wisdom, when all who surrounded him saw that he was one
of the inmates of the temple.

"Would to God that that sword, the companion of his travels over the
greater part of the globe, in search of information, in the day of
danger, and in the hour of death, be employed by his brother, to whom in
his last moments he bequeathed it, with equal zeal in the just and
glorious cause, in which my ever to be lamented friend Charles has
prematurely fallen.

"Lamenting the loss which the cause of liberty and independence has
suffered in the death of Charles, as well as all those who knew this
able and meritorious officer, I subscribe myself with an anguished
heart, your most obedient servant, (signed) Cochrane."

"To the minister of marine of Chile, November seventeenth, 1819."

The Spanish force at Pisco was composed of six hundred infantry and two
hundred cavalry, part veteran and part militia; six pieces of eighteen
pound calibre in the fort, and two field pieces, mounted and served in
the city. The force under the unfortunate Charles consisted of two
hundred and eighty marines. After taking the fort they advanced on the
city, and took it. Colonel Charles fell about a hundred yards from the
town, and was immediately conveyed on board the Lautaro, where he died
on the following day. His last expressions were, "I hoped to have lived
longer, and to have served Chile; however, fate decrees the contrary;
but, Captain Guise, we made the Spaniards run!" Major Miller took the
command of the troops, and having arrived at the plasa, he was severely
wounded by a musket shot passing through his body, but he recovered, and
has continued to serve the cause of liberty in the new world. A
considerable quantity of spirits and wine was embarked, but the seamen,
owing to the facility of obtaining their favourite beverage on shore,
became so unruly, that Captain Guise was obliged to burn the stores,
consisting at that time of about fourteen thousand eighteen gallon jars
of spirits and wine.

Health being in some degree established among the crew of the San
Martin, she, with the Independencia, was ordered to Valparaiso, and his
lordship with the O'Higgins, Lautaro, and Galvarino, proceeded to the
river of Guayaquil, in the hopes of falling in with the Prueba. On the
twenty-seventh we entered the mouth of the river, at eleven P. M., and
at five the following morning, to the astonishment of the natives, we
were at the anchorage of the Puná, where we found two large Spanish
merchant ships. La Aguila and La Begoña, almost laden with timber; after
some resistance the crews cut their cables, and allowed them to drop
down the river, as the ebb tide had begun to run; however the boats from
the O'Higgins, the only vessel that had arrived, manned them before they
received any damage. The Spaniards took to their boats, and fled up the
river.

A slight dissention happened here between Lord Cochrane and Captain
Guise, who asserted, that the prizes had been plundered by the officers
of the flag ship; but on being questioned by his lordship respecting the
assertion, he denied having ever made it. A report was afterwards
circulated by Captain Spry, that it was the intention of the Admiral not
to allow the Lautaro and Galvarino to share in the prizes, they not
having been in sight when the vessels were captured, nor until the boats
from the flag ship had taken possession of them; however, Captain Spry
declared to the admiral, "on his honour," that the report was absolutely
false. Spry being now convinced that no objection would be made to the
vessels that were not present at the capture, sharing in the prizes,
next circulated a rumour, that Lord Cochrane had no right to share in
the double capacity of admiral and captain; but he also declared, "on
his honour," that he had neither made nor even heard such a report.
These trifling circumstances would be unworthy of detail, were they not
connected with future transactions in the squadron of serious
importance, which it will be my painful duty to relate.

The Spanish frigate la Prueba had arrived at the Puná on the fifteenth
of October; and having placed her artillery on rafts, she went up to the
city, where, for want of pilots, it was impossible for us to follow.
Having watered, and purchased a large stock of plantains and other
vegetables, we left Guayaquil river on the twenty-first of December. The
vessels of war and the prizes received orders to proceed to Valparaiso;
the O'Higgins appeared to have the same destination; but having made the
island of Juan Fernandes, the admiral gave orders to stand towards
Valdivia instead of Valparaiso, saying, that he wished to examine that
port, because the Viceroy of Peru had assured the Peruvians, that one of
the line of battle ships had entered Valdivia, and was there refitting,
for the purpose of making an attack on Valparaiso.




CHAPTER VII.

     Passage from Guayaquil River to Valdivia....Lord Cochrane
     reconnoitres the Harbour....Capture of the Spanish Brig
     Potrillo....Arrival at Talcahuano....Preparations for an Expedition
     to Valdivia....Troops furnished by General Freire....O'Higgins runs
     aground....Arrival off Valdivia....Capture of Valdivia....Attempt
     on Chiloe fails....Return of Lord Cochrane....Leaves Valdivia for
     Valparaiso....Victory by Beauchef....Arrival of the Independencia
     and Araucano....O'Higgins repaired....Return to
     Valparaiso....Conduct of Chilean Government....Lord Cochrane
     resigns the Command of the Squadron.


One peculiarity which accompanied our voyage was, that having the
larboard tacks on board at our departure from the mouth of the Guayaquil
river, they were never started until our arrival off Valdivia, the
difference of latitude being 36° 27´. The currents which run from the
southward seem to decrease in about 92° west longitude, and at 98° in
33° of south latitude they are scarcely perceptible. Here also the wind
gradually draws round to the eastward, and in twenty-seven Spanish
journals which I have examined of voyages made at all seasons of the
year, this has been universally observed.

On the seventeenth of January, 1820, we made Punta Galera, the south
headland of the bay of Valdivia, having the Spanish flag hoisted. Early
on the morning of the eighteenth the admiral entered the port in his
gig, and returned on board at day-break, having examined the anchorage,
and convinced himself that the Spanish ship of war was not there, the
only vessel in the harbour being a merchantman.

For an excursion of this nature the spirit of enterprize of a Cochrane
was necessary. When the strength of this Gibraltar of South America is
considered, the number of batteries, forming an almost uninterrupted
chain of defence, crowned with cannon, the shot of which cross the
passage in various directions; under such circumstances, the resolution
to brave all danger for the advancement of the Chilean service reflects
the highest possible honour on the admiral; besides, to this brief and
perilous survey South America owes the expulsion of her enemies from
this strong hold.

At half-past six o'clock a boat with an officer, three soldiers, and a
pilot, came alongside, having been deceived by the Spanish flag which we
hoisted; they were detained, and proved an acquisition of considerable
importance. Immediately afterwards a brig hove in sight, which we
chased and captured; she proved to be the Spanish brig of war the
Potrillo; she had been sent from Callao with money for the governments
of Chiloe and Valdivia, and was at this time on her passage from the
former to the latter place. After the capture I was most agreeably
surprised to find, that two of the daughters of my kind friend Don
Nicolas del Rio, of Arauco, were on board; and that, at the expiration
of seventeen years, it was in my power to return part of the kindnesses
which I had received from their family, when a forlorn and destitute
captive in Araucania.

On the 20th we anchored in the bay of Talcahuano, and in the course of
two hours General Freire, the governor of the province and suite came on
board to welcome the arrival of Lord Cochrane. I availed myself of this
opportunity and solicited permission for the two Miss Rios to return to
their home, to which the general immediately acceded; although, said he,
with the exception of their brother Luis, all the family have been
determined enemies to the cause of their country. Late at night an
officer came on board and informed me, that two soldiers were under
sentence of death at Conception, that they were to be executed on the
following morning for the crime of desertion, and that he had been
deputed by some of his brother officers to solicit the intervention of
the admiral in their behalf. I reported this to his lordship, and a
letter was sent in the morning, to which the following answer was
received:

"My Lord--Chile and Chileans are every day more and more indebted to
you; the favour which you have this day done me, in relieving me from
the necessity of enforcing the execution of another sentence of death,
is equal, in the scale of my feelings, to the pardon. I shall send the
two deserters to thank your lordship, for I have impressed on their
minds what they owe to your lordship's goodness. I have to beg that they
be incorporated in the marines, where, fighting under your immediate
orders, they may evince their love of the patria, and erase the stain
with which they have soiled a cause which has the honour of counting
Lord Cochrane among its most worthy defenders &c.--Ramon Freire."

On the day after our arrival, Lord Cochrane had a private conference
with General Freire, and proposed to him an attempt on Valdivia, which
his lordship offered to undertake with four hundred soldiers, if the
general would place them at his disposal, secresy being a positive
condition. This truly patriotic chief immediately acceded to the terms,
and pledged himself not to communicate the plan even to the supreme
government, until the result should be known. It is impossible not to
admire this generous conduct of Freire. He lent part of his army, when
he was on the eve of attacking Benavides, and exposed himself, by thus
weakening his division, to the displeasure of his superiors, should Lord
Cochrane not succeed. But his love for his country, and the high opinion
which he entertained of the admiral, overcame every objection. The
generosity of Freire is equally praiseworthy in another point of view:
he gave part of his force to another chief, for the purpose of obtaining
a victory, in the glory of which he could not be a participator, except
as an American interested in the glorious cause of the liberty of his
country.

Orders were immediately given to prepare for a secret expedition; but as
this proceeding was so novel, a _secret_ was put in circulation, that
the destination was to Tucapel, in order to harass the enemy's force at
Arauco; and the distance being so very short, neither officers nor
privates encumbered themselves with luggage. All was ready on the
afternoon of the 28th, and two hundred and fifty men, with their
respective officers, under the command of Major Beauchef, were embarked
on board the O'Higgins, the brig of war Intrepid, and the schooner
Montezuma, which were at Talcahuano on our arrival. We got under weigh
in the morning, because the wind continued calm during the whole of the
night.

About four o'clock in the morning his lordship retired to his cabin to
rest, leaving orders with Lieutenant Lawson to report if the wind should
change, or any alteration should take place. As soon as his lordship had
left the quarter deck, Lawson gave the same orders to Mr. George, a
midshipman, and also retired to his cabin. The morning was so remarkably
hazy, that it was impossible to see twenty yards ahead of the ship, and
a slight breeze springing up, the frigate ran aground on a sand-bank off
the island Quiriquina, and so near to it, that the jib-boom was
entangled among the branches of the trees on shore. This accident
brought the admiral on deck, half-dressed, when to his astonishment he
saw large pieces of sheathing and fragments of the false keel floating
about the ship. A kedge anchor was immediately carried out astern, and
in a few minutes we were again afloat. The carpenter sounded, and
reported, "three feet water in the hold:" the men at the pumps were
almost in despair, all imagining that the expedition had failed at its
very outset: in half an hour the carpenter reported, no abatement in the
depth of water: well, said his lordship, but does it increase? no, said
the carpenter, and orders were immediately given to stand out to sea.

On the second of February, to the southward of Punta Galera, the whole
of the troops, including the marines of the O'Higgins, were placed on
board the brig and the schooner; his lordship embarked in the latter,
and proceeded to the bay of Valdivia; having anchored at sunset near to
a small bay, called Aguada del Yngles, English watering place, Major
Beauchef took the command of the troops, embarked at Talcahuano, and
Major Miller, having recovered of the severe wounds which he received at
Pisco, took the command of his brave marines, and assisted in adding new
lustre to the arms of Chile.

An advanced party of six soldiers and a sergeant was despatched under
the command of the Ensign Vidal, a young Peruvian, having as a guide one
of the Spanish soldiers, who came off to the O'Higgins in the boat on
our first appearance off Valdivia: they drove the Spaniards from the two
guns stationed at the avansada, and following their footsteps, arrived
at the battery of San Carlos, but not before the gate was closed.

This battery is formed on the land side by placing pieces of the trunks
of trees one upon another to the height of ten feet; and Vidal finding
it impossible to scale the wooden wall exerted himself in dragging out
two of the logs, and then crept through the hole, followed by his
piquet. Having entered, he formed his veteran gang and began to fire on
the Spanish soldiers, who not being able to distinguish either the
number or situation of their enemy fled in disorder, some clambering
over the palisade, while others opened the gate and fled in less
apparent disorder. Two officers came to Vidal, and said to him, why do
you fire on us, we are your countrymen, we do not belong to the
insurgents? I beg your pardon, answered Vidal, you now belong to the
insurgents, being my prisoners of war. The two astonished officers
immediately surrendered their swords. At this moment Captain Erescano, a
Buenos Ayrean, arrived with forty marines, and without any hesitation
butchered the two officers, heedless of the remonstrances and even
threats of Vidal, who told him, that at another time he should demand
satisfaction: he now immediately left Erescano, and with his brave
soldiers followed the enemy. The batteries of Amargos and the two
Chorocamayos fell in the same manner that San Carlos had fallen, and
Vidal had passed the bridge of the Castle del Corral when Captain
Erescano arrived with forty marines: thus in five hours all the
batteries on the south side of the harbour were in our possession.

At nine o'clock in the morning of the third, the O'Higgins laid to at
the mouth of the harbour, under Spanish colours. The Spaniards at Niebla
were a second time deceived; for believing her to be a vessel from
Spain, they made the private signal, which not being answered by the
frigate, the soldiers immediately abandoned the battery, and fled in the
greatest disorder. After the O'Higgins was brought to an anchor,
detachments of troops were sent to Niebla and the battery of Mansera on
the small island bearing the same name. The vessel at anchor, in this
port was the Dolores, formerly under the Chilean flag; but in November,
1819, part of the crew took possession of her at Talcahuano, and having
slipt her cables, sailed her to Arauco, where Benavides landed those of
the crew who were accused of being insurgents, and immediately ordered
them to be shot on the beach: a boy who witnessed this horrid spectacle
began to cry, which being observed by Benavides, he immediately beat out
his brains with his baston. This murderer not knowing what to do with
the ship, sent her to Valdivia, where she became our prize; the
ringleader, a native of Paita, was also secured, sent to Valparaiso,
tried and executed.

The important strong hold of Valdivia was thus annexed to the republic
of Chile by one of those inexhaustible resources in war which have
marked the career of the hero under whose immediate directions and
unparalleled intrepidity the plan was formed and executed. Lord Cochrane
having personally attended to the landing of the troops, and given his
final orders to Miller and Beauchef, took his gig, and, notwithstanding
the shot from the battery of San Carlos, rowed along the shore, watching
the operations of the troops, and serving as the beacon to glory.

In fifteen hours from our landing we were in possession of the advanced
posts of Aguada del Yngles, el Piojo, de la Boca, and de Playa Blanco;
of the batteries of San Carlos, Amargos, Chorocamayo alto and bajo,
Mansera, and Niebla; and of the Castle del Corral, mounting on the whole
one hundred and twenty-eight pieces of artillery.

In the magazines there were eight hundred and forty barrels of
gunpowder, each weighing one hundred and twenty-five pounds, one hundred
and seventy thousand musket cartridges, about ten thousand shot, many of
copper, besides an immense quantity of all kinds of warlike stores. Our
loss consisted of seven men killed, and nineteen wounded; that of the
enemy of three officers and ten soldiers killed, and twenty-one wounded;
besides six officers prisoners, among whom was the Colonel of Cantabria,
Don Fausto del Hoyo, and seventy-six Spanish sergeants, corporals, and
privates.

Every thing being secured in the port, his lordship went with part of
the troops to the city, which had been sacked by the Spaniards, who had
fled towards Chiloe. A provisional government was immediately elected by
the natives who were present, at which, by his lordship's orders, I
presided, and received the elective votes; the person chosen being
afterwards confirmed in his situation as governor _ad interim_ by the
admiral. On examining the correspondence in the archives, I found that
many serious complaints had been made by Quintanilla, the governor of
Chiloe, to Montoya the ex-governor of Valdivia, stating his fear of a
revolution at San Carlos, the principal town. This induced his lordship
to appear off Chiloe, and even to land part of the force that could be
spared at Valdivia. He gave orders to prepare for embarkation on the
12th, but unfortunately the brig Intrepid was driven from her anchorage
by a strong northerly wind, and wrecked on a sand-bank that stretches
into the bay from the island of Mansera. This very serious loss was
regarded by the admiral like our former accident at Talcahuano, and
orders were immediately issued for the soldiers to embark in the
Montezuma and Dolores. The short respite from active duty allowed his
lordship to inform the supreme government of Chile of his success at
Valdivia; which he effected by sending a small piragua, with orders to
touch at Talcahuano, and to report to General Freire the result of the
expedition.

The receipt of the unexpected news at Valparaiso was a moment of
exultation to the friends of Lord Cochrane, and a very severe check on
the tongues of his detractors; some of these had been busily employed in
forming matter wherewith to tarnish the rocket expedition; and they
generously attributed its failure to the unskilfulness, not of those who
had prepared the missiles, but to the persons who had used them. His
absence from Chile was adduced as a proof of his disobedience to the
orders of the government. Now, however, all was hushed, and every one
exclaimed, "we knew that our admiral would not return to Chile without
adding new laurels to his brows." This was re-echoed in Valparaiso; and
long live Cochrane! was the general cry; long live the hero of Valdivia!
resounded in every street.

On the 13th, Lord Cochrane went on board the schooner Montezuma, and
sailed with the Dolores for Chiloe, where the troops were landed, and
two small batteries taken, and afterwards demolished. The young Ensign
Vidal was again appointed to command an advanced party of twenty-four
soldiers, and when, ascending the hill on which the Castle de la Corona
is built, he lost eleven of his men by a volley of grape from the
battery, he immediately ordered the drummer to beat a retreat: that is
impossible, said the boy, knocking the sticks together, for my drum is
gone. In fact it had been shattered to pieces by a shot; however Vidal
retired, carrying three wounded men with him, and Miller being wounded
at the same time by a grape shot which had passed the fleshy part of his
thigh, the retreat to the boats was immediately ordered. The resistance
made at this place by the natives, headed by several friars, was a
convincing proof that they were determined supporters of the cause of
Spain, and as the patriot force was not sufficient to attempt a conquest
of the town, the soldiers were re-embarked.

During the absence of the admiral with the marines, part of the troops
embarked at Conception were left on duty at the Castle del Corral, under
the command of Ensign Latapia, who in cold blood, and without the
slightest provocation, ordered two of the prisoners, a corporal and a
private, to be shot. I immediately ordered four officers who were on
shore to be sent on board the O'Higgins, fearful that they might be
treated in the same manner. On the return of his lordship on the
twentieth, Latapia was placed under arrest on board, and the necessary
declarations were taken, according to the Spanish forms, for his trial
by a court-martial. He was conveyed to Valparaiso as a prisoner; his
conduct, together with that of Erescano, was reported to the government,
and when we expected to hear of their being sentenced to some kind of
punishment, we were surprized to find that they had been promoted. These
two individuals were afterwards employed by San Martin, and by him they
were again promoted in Peru.

His lordship having given orders for the O'Higgins to be overhauled and
repaired, considering it unsafe to venture again to sea in her, he
embarked on the twenty-eighth in the Montezuma for Valparaiso, taking
with him five Spanish officers, and forty privates, prisoners, leaving
directions with me to superintend what was going on here, until I should
receive orders from the supreme government.

Major Beauchef having collected all the force he was able, which,
including the troops embarked at Conception, and some volunteers of
Valdivia, amounting only to two hundred and eighty individuals, marched
to the Llanos, having received information that the Spaniards who fled
from Valdivia had sworn at Chiloe that they would return and either
conquer or die in the attempt. The two armies met near the river Toro,
on the sixth of March, and after an engagement of less than an hour, the
Spanish officers mounted their horses and fled, leaving the soldiers to
their fate. On the tenth Beauchef arrived at Valdivia, bringing with him
two hundred and seventy prisoners, with all the arms and baggage
belonging to the Spaniards.

The Independencia and Araucano arrived on the twelfth, with the
necessary workmen and tools for the repairs of the O'Higgins; after she
was hove down, it was discovered that besides a great quantity of
sheathing, she had lost nineteen feet of her false keel, and about seven
of her main keel. On the eleventh of April the repairs were finished,
and we embarked for Valparaiso, where we arrived on the eighteenth.

The Spanish force stationed at Valdivia consisted of part of the
regiment of Cantabria, part of the Casadores dragoons, artillery,
pioneers, marines, infantry of Conception, artillery of ditto, battalion
of Valdivia, dragoons of the frontier, and lancers of the Laxa; these
were the remains of the Spanish army which left Conception, under the
command of General Sanches, in 1819, besides the regular garrison of the
port, amounting in all to about one thousand six hundred, while the
expedition under Lord Cochrane amounted only to three hundred and
eighteen.

The government of Chile ordered a medal to be struck in commemoration of
this important victory, and it was distributed to the officers. His
lordship expected some remuneration for his men as prize-money, but the
government could not understand how prize-money could be due to a naval
expedition for services done on shore. The Dolores had been laden with
warlike stores at Valdivia; the admiral requested that the value of
these might be decreed to the captors, but the answer to this request
was an order for the stores to be disembarked in the arsenal at
Valparaiso, and the following paragraph from the pen of the hireling
Monteagudo made its appearance in the Censor de la Revolucion, which was
conducted by this patriotic scribbler:--

"We are informed that Admiral Lord Cochrane is determined not to allow
the debarkation of the warlike stores brought from Valdivia in the ship
Dolores, on the plea of their being a prize to the squadron which has
restored that province from the hands of the enemy to Chile. We cannot
persuade ourselves that his lordship does not acknowledge, that all the
stores existing at Valdivia at the time of its restoration belong to the
state of Chile in the same manner as those in the provinces actually
forming the state, without any other difference than that these were
restored to the free exercise of their liberty before that was. Even if
Valdivia did not belong to Chile, we do not make war on every section of
America, but on the Spaniards who hold a domination over it: these are
the principles which have always regulated the conduct of our armies;
and nothing save the exclusive property of the Spaniards has been
subjected to the rights of war. It would also be a pernicious precedent
to future operation if whatever was found in a conquered territory
should belong exclusively to the victors. We are persuaded that some
misunderstanding has taken place respecting these warlike stores brought
by the Dolores: Admiral Cochrane is well acquainted with public rights,
and the high opinion which we entertain of his honourable character
obliges us to doubt that which we are not inclined to believe."

Lord Cochrane afterwards asked Monteagudo if he believed what he had
published was just or according to law; no, said he, certainly not, but
I was ordered to write and to publish what appeared in the Censor. His
lordship being convinced that the government was determined not to
reward the services of the squadron, assured them, that this would
certainly be the last service of the kind which they would receive from
it: he also warned them against expecting that men would risk their
lives, after undergoing the greatest privations, without any
remuneration: he told them, moreover, that as he considered the
proceedings on the part of the government as most unjust, he should
never request of his officers or men any sacrifice, except when the
means of rewarding them were in his own hands. The government wishing
to conciliate the Admiral, made him a present of a large estate in the
province of Conception; but his lordship immediately returned the
document, stating, that it was the services of the men which ought to be
rewarded, that his own were amply repaid by the glory of the
achievement. All his pleadings, however, were in vain, and no reward was
ever given to them by the government for the capture of this most
important fortress; nay more, it was questioned whether Lord Cochrane
ought not to be tried by a court-martial for having fought and conquered
an enemy without the sanction of the government! a fair proof of what
would have been the consequence had not the result been favourable to
his lordship.

A series of plots now began to take place one after another, which
seemed to threaten even the stability of the government: the regiment
number one, stationed at Mendosa, revolted, Benavides entered
Conception, and committed several most daring outrages; and a conspiracy
was said to have been formed in the capital against the government by
the Carrera party, and the supreme director was so thwarted by the
senate, that he could not act with that promptitude and decision which
circumstances required: the greatest possible evils, publicity and
procrastination, where secresy and despatch were necessary, counteracted
in the most essential points the wishes of the supremacy. The persons
who were accused of being conspirators were apprehended, among whom were
included the last remains of the Carrera family, and other individuals
who were obnoxious to O'Higgins: these were all embarked on board the
brig of war, Pueyrredon, and sent down to the coast of Choco, where it
was expected that they would shortly die, and where in fact the uncle of
the Carreras did die; but, contrary to the expectation and even the
request of the Chilean government, that of Colombia received them as
friends, and some of the exiles being officers, Bolivar incorporated
them in his army, with a promotion; for which act of justice he never
had any reason to complain. The fluctuations in the designs of the
government are well portrayed in the following letter from Lord Cochrane
to the supreme director:

"Most Ext. Sir--Being at present indisposed with a palpitation of my
heart, which at times afflicts me most severely, and which would be
increased with a journey to Santiago, were I to undertake it according
to the request of the government, I feel myself obliged to solicit an
excuse; persuaded as I am, that the following exposition, which contains
all that is necessary to remind you to reflect on what is past, and to
anticipate what is to come, will be sufficient. I also hope that my
exposition will be ascribed to the sincere desire that I have of serving
your excellency, to whose interests I am most sincerely attached, as
being the august representative of the sacred cause of your country's
welfare.

"Touching on what is past, you will do me the honour to recollect, that
I recommended to you the indispensable necessity of removing among the
seamen all kinds of distrust with respect to their pay and prize-money:
the first of which they have not yet received, and of the second they
have been totally defrauded; your excellency promised me that they
should be regularly paid, and that whatever prizes were taken should be
entirely appropriated to these two objects; the moiety belonging to the
captors should be immediately distributed, and the other, appertaining
to government, should be applied to the payment of arrears, and
equipment of the vessels of war. I am well aware of the lowness of your
funds; but having, according to your promise made to me, informed the
crews of the different vessels what would be the course pursued, the
men expect a fulfilment of the promise made, and will consider me to be
the author of the deception if they discover that what has been promised
to them is applied to other purposes. Your excellency will allow me to
assure you, that if I had not supported the promise made to the seamen,
the real squadron would not have now existed, and that if the promises
are not fulfilled, the squadron will now cease to exist.

"Nothing is more difficult than to manage a mass of such heterogeneous
materials, as that of which the squadron is composed--men of different
nations, manners, and religions--men whose suspicions are easily
alarmed, and whose interests cannot be contradicted with impunity; they
may be reconciled if duly attended to, and incorporated with those of
the state: but if this is not done, they will become opposed to its
welfare.

"The experience which I acquired during the first cruize, convinced me
most completely, that in addition to the punctual payment of the crews,
it was necessary for their health and comfort, as well as for the
cleanliness of the vessels, which contributes so much to these objects,
that proper clothing and beds should be provided. With respect to the
means for procuring these articles themselves, the poverty of some, and
the relaxed habits of others, are obstacles, besides which the
temptations met with at Valparaiso, generally deprive them of the power
before they leave the port. For the acquirement of this desirable
object, I made several applications to the different departments of the
government, requesting that such articles might be purchased and
distributed to the crews, according to the practice observed in all
naval countries. The treasury not being able to pay the value of the
articles, this was done with part of the prize-money taken during the
cruize; at the same time that the money so employed ought to have been
applied to the payment of the captors of the Montezuma; and although
frequent applications have been made, this, like the debts of the crews
of the squadron, has never yet been attended to; but, on the contrary,
such sums as were destined, according to the promise of your excellency,
to the sole purpose of liquidating such debts, have been applied to
other purposes, while part of the seamen who have fulfilled their
contract, are wandering about the streets in a state of despair; others,
naked and clamorous, remain on board; the invalids are begging alms, and
all are cursing the authors of their misfortunes. The result of this
conduct on the part of the government is, even at present, that not only
the seamen and soldiers, but even some of the officers, avail themselves
of every opportunity to dispose of prize goods, as well as of the naval
stores belonging to the vessels of the squadron; and when they are
discovered, the infliction of punishment is prevented by their alleging
that they neither receive pay nor prize-money, and that they despair of
ever receiving either.

"On my return from the first cruize, your excellency will also be
pleased to recollect, that I reported the necessity of marking each
barrel, or package of provisions, with the weight or quality which it
contained; making the purveyor responsible both for the quantity and
quality of the contents, in order to prevent all kinds of fraud;
because, from the purser's reports, I should then have been able to know
for what period the squadron was victualled. I was compelled to make
this request, because I found that the purveyor had reported at the
commissariate that he had delivered twenty-one quintals of beef to the
Independencia, when in fact only eleven had been received. Thus the
state was charged with the value of ten quintals which had not been
delivered, for the purpose of filling the purse of an impostor, whose
nefarious conduct might have frustrated the object of our expedition,
or even have involved part of the squadron in inevitable ruin. For the
purpose of counteracting such iniquitous proceedings, no order has, as
yet, been issued, nor am I authorised to correct such as punishable
crimes.

"On my return to Valparaiso, after the first cruize, I hoped to find the
manufacture of rockets completed, according to the promise of the
government, made to me before I sailed; but I found that even the
manufactory was not finished; that notwithstanding the various
solicitations made by the late Lieutenant-colonel Charles, for the
necessary materials, that these were retained, or denied through
jealousy, or some other criminal motive; this might have involved the
whole of the squadron in complete ruin, had the forces arrived at
Callao, which were expected from Spain. As it was, the operations of
that expedition became a reproach to the officers and crews employed in
it, and allowed the enemy to call it imbecility in them, and ignorance
of their undertaking; but, in reality, the neglect or treachery lay in
those appointed by your government to construct those missiles, on whose
speculations the persons employed in the expedition were induced to
rely. The unexpected result of this expedition obliged me to raise the
blockade, to the apparent disgrace and positive injury of the interest
of the squadron; although it had been destined for the purpose of
contending with the enemy before a re-union could be effected between
the vessels in Callao, and the expected reinforcement from Spain.

"My orders were limited to impracticable operations, by the concurrence
of unexpected accidents, which deprived me of destroying at once the
force of the enemy in the Pacific. Our provisions were exhausted; the
ships of war had neither rice, cocoa, sugar, wine, spirits, nor any
substitute for those articles; with the addition of a considerable
number of sick on board. In this dilemma, it was once my intention to
return to Valparaiso; but not wishing to provoke the indignation of your
excellency, and bring down condign punishment on those persons who had
been the cause of this state of the squadron, I determined on taking
from the enemy at Pisco spirits, wine, and other necessaries, although
my orders expressly forbade such a procedure, I being limited by them to
take only water, and that in a case of necessity. But the government of
Chile inadvertently believed that foreign seamen would be content with
putrid water, a short allowance of beef and bread, a total want of
wine, or grog, when they were on an enemy's coast, where those articles
might be procured in abundance.

"On being informed that the Spanish frigate la Prueba had sailed for the
Puná, and that she was the only vessel of the expedition which had
doubled the Cape, I again found myself either obliged to abandon the
attempt to capture her, or to take upon myself the responsibility of
violating my instructions, by taking provisions from the enemy on the
coast of Peru. I determined on the latter, and although a large quantity
of cotton, tobacco, rice, sugar, and other valuable articles, belonging
to Spaniards, were collected at Santa, they were all abandoned for the
purpose of following the enemy with all possible despatch; although I
was fully convinced, and still remain so, that nothing is obtained by
excluding the enemies of liberty from contributing to support the
defenders of so just a cause;--for the purpose of exacting from them the
whole of the sacrifice.

"Your excellency must be completely satisfied, that our efforts in the
river of Guayaquil to take the Prueba were rendered nugatory by the want
of soldiers; there I requested that they might co-operate with the
squadron, when the efforts of the squadron alone were of little avail;
my request was opposed; but why the opposition was made, or on what
principles it was founded, I am totally ignorant, and more so of the
reasons that exist for communicating such strange determinations of the
supremacy to any one except myself; because, if any difficulties
presented themselves in what I had the honour to propose to your
excellency, why was I not requested to explain them, and to do away with
what were accounted obstacles; but the conduct observed implies a want
of confidence in my knowledge, as to the proper application of such a
force, or a conviction on the part of my opponents in your councils,
that they could not support their opposition, because their arguments
are founded on unsound principles. Perhaps what took place at Paita may
have been quoted by some of your senators, who did not recollect the
assurance given by the flags of truce which I sent in, that nothing,
except the property of the king of Spain, would be touched. The enemy
fired on the flag, and now, allow me to ask, if I had any other
alternative, than, like a coward, to submit to such an insult offered to
the flag of Chile, or permit the indignant and provoked soldiers to
obliterate the outrage?

"When I had the honour to see your excellency last, at Santiago, a plan
was established, and as I then believed, a secret one, the only persons
present being your excellency, General San Martin, and the minister of
marine; this to my utter astonishment, soon became as public as if it
had been given to the gazette, or the town crier; the detail was in the
possession of every speculator, who calculated solely on his private
gain. I was ordered to equip the transports Aguila, Begona, Dolores, and
Xeresana, and my orders for the accomplishment of this object were
scarcely issued, when I was officially informed, that these being prize
vessels, were to be sold immediately; and the orders given by the
government to me were unexpectedly abolished, for the purpose of placing
the fate of the expedition in the hands of mercantile speculators, who
to the present moment have only finished the equipment of one vessel,
which has been allowed to sail from this port, when declared under an
embargo; and this for the purpose of conveying merchandize belonging to
one of the contractors to Coquimbo. This happened at the very moment
when I was assured that the expedition was about to be verified. This
conduct of the government most positively evinces that a mercantile
speculator enjoys more of the confidence of the supreme authority than
I have the honour to deserve. I had subsequent orders for the San Martin
to sail, and to cruize off Talcahuano, she being the only efficient
vessel of war in Valparaiso; that the Montezuma should sail for Callao
for the purpose of obtaining a correct account of the state of the
enemy; next that the San Martin should cruize in the mouth of this port.
I was shortly afterwards informed, that instead of an expedition of two
thousand men that should be ready to sail within fifteen days, that one
of four thousand would be ready within the same time; this led me to
inspect the naval preparations made by the contractors, which I found to
consist of one new rigged ship. I next visited the provision store, and
found there no preparations whatever; there was not even a sufficient
quantity for the consumption of the crews of the vessels of war for one
month.

"These circumstances, and many other similar ones, oblige me to adopt a
line of conduct which my duty to your excellency, to the States, and to
myself, most imperiously prescribes; this is, to solicit your acceptance
of the important commission with which I have been honoured, and which I
now beg leave to resign.

"I have detailed some of the motives which oblige me to abandon the
service of a state, in which I have been so highly honoured,
particularly by your excellency; but my firm conviction is, that if I
agree to the tardy and procrastinated measures of the government, I
shall make myself tacitly instrumental in forwarding that ruin which
cannot but be the result of the plans of the advisers of your
excellency.

"Allow me to offer to your excellency, &c.--Valparaiso, May 14th, 1820."

The official answer to this note consisted of a mere list of excuses
from the minister of marine, indicating any thing but the real cause of
the inconsistency of the government; indeed, the real cause was
enveloped in mystery for a considerable time afterwards. However, the
determination of Lord Cochrane, not to continue in the command of the
squadron unless that part of the management of it which was not under
his control was placed on a better footing, seemed to rouze the
government from the state of apathy which they now began to perceive
would soon lead to a state of imbecility.

O'Higgins and San Martin addressed private letters to his lordship,
begging his continuance in the command of the naval forces of Chile,
and assuring him, that the most active measures would be immediately
adopted for the realization of the grand expedition; the success of
which, they were well aware, depended in many very material points on
the character and efforts of Lord Cochrane.




CHAPTER VIII.

     Lord Cochrane and Chilean Government....Preparations for the
     Expedition to Peru....Captain Spry....Charges presented by the
     Admiral against Captain Guise....Lord Cochrane throws up his
     Commission....Letters from the Captains and Officers....Commission
     returned by the Government....Offer made by San Martin to the
     Foreign Seamen....Embarkation of Troops for Peru....Announcement
     of....Sailing of the Expedition....Force of the Squadron.


Lord Cochrane, whose whole soul was engaged in the total emancipation of
the Spanish colonies, desirous of contributing to the acquisition of
this interesting object, re-assumed the command of the squadron, relying
on the fulfilment of the promises made by the government of Chile,
supported by the guarantee of General San Martin; who, however
extraordinary it may appear, pledged himself not only to sanction but
also to fulfil the promises made by a government in whose _employ_ he
was himself engaged.

The supreme director, in the name of the republic, again made to Lord
Cochrane a donation of an estate in the province of Conception, as a
token of gratitude for those important services which the country had
received from him; this was again rejected, and his Lordship, wishing to
give an unequivocal proof of his attachment to the country, and of his
intention to establish his residence in it, purchased an estate called
Quintero, about eight leagues to the northward of Valparaiso. On
visiting Quintero, Lord Cochrane examined the bay called de la
Herradura, and made a report to the government, accompanied with a plan,
stating that this harbour had many advantages which that of Valparaiso
did not possess; he solicited that it might become an establishment for
the vessels of war belonging to the state, pointed out many important
results that would accompany the adoption of such a plan, with respect
to the discipline, order and regulation of the squadron; and concluded
with an offer to the state, of all the land that might be necessary for
an arsenal and general marine depôt; when, to his utter astonishment,
the answer to this signal generosity and sacrifice of private property,
for the good of the service, was a notification, that "in consideration
of the peculiar advantages of the harbour of Herradura, and the estate
of Quintero, advantages of the highest importance to Chile, Lord
Cochrane is ordered not to continue any improvements on the said
estate, as they will not be paid for by the state, to whom Quintero and
Herradura are declared to appertain, on condition that Lord Cochrane
shall be paid by the state the purchase money, and improvements made."
This blow affected Lord Cochrane more than any other which the
government could have given him; at a moment when he had been entreated
to continue in the command of the squadron, and an estate in the country
had been presented to him, when he became the proprietor of another, by
purchase, wishing to convince all parties that he adopted Chile as his
home, he tacitly received an order to abandon such ideas. His lordship
immediately addressed to the supreme director an answer to this
unexpected notification, which produced an apology, and an assurance
that the proceedings were founded on the old Spanish laws, which as yet
had not been repealed; and that the notification rested only on the
_vista fiscal_, the solicitude of the attorney general. It was very
apparent, at this time, that something was brewing in the Chilean
government; but it was impossible either to comprehend the matter, or to
foresee the effect; all parties seemed to endeavour to conciliate the
good will of the Admiral, yet something occurred daily, which tended to
alienate him even from the cause of the country; and although, upon
inquiry, the most polite excuses were given, and apologies often
tendered, yet some busy hand seemed always to be employed in feeding the
flame of provocation and mischief.

Nothing but the active preparations of the government for the grand
expedition to Peru, and the repeated solicitations of General San
Martin, would have prevented Lord Cochrane from resigning the command of
the squadron, and of embarking for England. San Martin visited the port
of Valparaiso in June, for the purpose of inspecting the transports; and
the troops began to move from their encampments at Rancagua to Quillota,
twelve leagues from Valparaiso, for the purpose of embarking. Every
thing appeared at first to contribute towards the accomplishment of this
most important object, and all persons concerned to act in unison, as if
animated by one spirit, that of extending to Peru the happiness enjoyed
by Chile, the fruit of her emancipation from the Spanish yoke. At this
period, quite unexpected by all concerned, Captain Spry was promoted to
the rank of Capitan de Frigata, and appointed flag captain to Lord
Cochrane, at the same time that his lordship had solicited the
appointment of Captain Crosbie; and to add to this irregular proceeding,
the minister of marine informed his lordship, that although Don Tomas
Crosbie had held the command of the Araucano, and had been treated as a
captain, and addressed as such by the government, that as yet he had not
received a commission appointing him to that rank, nor was he as such
placed on the navy list. His lordship was also informed, that the
appointment of Captain Spry must be acceded to. This order received from
the Admiral a positive denial, and he wrote in answer, that Captain Spry
should never tread the quarter-deck of the flag-ship as captain of her,
so long as he held the command of the squadron; not because his lordship
had any personal objection to Captain Spry, but because he would not
consent to any encroachment on the privileges he enjoyed as admiral and
commander in chief.

This affair was stated by Cochrane to San Martin, who merely answered,
it shall be as you choose, _sera como V. quiera_, and on the following
morning Crosbie was appointed flag captain, and Spry ordered to continue
in the command of the Galvarino. Scarcely had this matter been thus
adjusted, when Lord Cochrane was obliged to place Captain Guise of the
Lautaro under an arrest, and to forward to the government charges
against him, requesting that he might be tried by a court-martial. The
charges were for repeated acts of neglect of duty and insubordination;
they were arranged under thirteen heads, finishing with "endeavouring in
the various acts of disobedience herein mentioned to set at defiance,
and bring into contempt the authority of his superior officer, the
commander in chief, in the execution of his duty, to the subversion of
discipline, and in violation of the articles of war on the foregoing
heads, made and provided." This act of the admiral astonished the
government; the principal part of which was now at Valparaiso, for the
purpose of forwarding as much as possible the equipment of the
expedition. It met with their most determined opposition, and after some
very warm correspondence, the following note was addressed by his
lordship to the minister of marine:--

"Sir,--The apparent determination of the supremacy to support a junior
officer in the commission of the most outrageous breaches of his public
duty, and of acting not only contrary but in direct opposition to the
orders communicated to him by his commander in chief, not only
encourages his dereliction from duty, and is a precedent of the most
pernicious character for the imitation of others, but brings my
authority into contempt, and renders my exertions in the service of the
republic nugatory. I have nothing to add at present to what I have
already stated to you, except that you will place in the hands of his
excellency the supreme director my resignation of the command of the
squadron of Chile, and express to him my sincere wish, that, whoever may
be appointed to supersede me, his endeavours to serve the cause of
liberty in the new world may be crowned with greater success than mine
have been; and that he may be better qualified to preserve that
discipline in the squadron which is not only essentially necessary, but
indispensably requisite, for the honour of himself, the success of his
operations, and the welfare of the cause he serves. I have to request
you will inform me at the earliest period of the acceptance of my
resignation, that I may order my flag to be struck, as also, whether it
would be agreeable to the present views of the supreme government that I
should continue to reside as a citizen of Chile, among those persons
who, after having exerted themselves in the support of her sacred cause,
have retired to enjoy the fruits of their labours; if not, I request
permission to leave the country; and my passport constituting my
ultimate request, I remain, &c."

"Cochrane."

"Valparaiso, July 16th, 1820."

The first tender of his commission which Lord Cochrane made was
unexpectedly kept a profound secret by the government; indeed at that
time the greatest danger would have attended a disclosure of the matter;
the greater part of the foreign seamen were unpaid, and the natives,
both seamen and marines, were more clamorous on this head than the
foreigners, and all seemed determined on some desperate proceeding, if
their claims were not directly satisfied. The present act of the
commander in chief became known immediately; and the following
invitation was on the 17th laid on the capstern-head of the flag-ship:

"It is reported that Lord Cochrane, wearied out by the illiberal
treatment of the government, has at last been forced to resign the
command of the squadron, because their jealous policy no longer enables
him to hold it with honour to himself or benefit to the state.

"It is requested that all who feel themselves attached to his lordship,
or who are aware how much the HONOUR, SAFETY, and INTEREST, not only of
the navy, but of the state of Chile, depend on his continuing in the
command, will to-day meet on board the Independencia, at one o'clock,
for the purpose of taking into consideration what steps it may be most
proper to adopt."

On the 18th, Lord Cochrane received the following letter from the
captains of the fleet, which received the subjoined answer:

"My Lord,--It being very currently reported, and generally believed,
that your lordship has resigned the command of the squadron of Chile,
and as our views are so closely connected with those of your lordship,
we beg leave most respectfully to solicit your information on this
subject. (Signed.) Robert Forster, W. Wilkinson, Cladius Charles, T.
Sackville Crosby, James Ramsey."

"Gentlemen,--I have been favoured with your letter of this date, and
assure you, that whether I remain in the command of the squadron or not,
is a matter of perfect indifference so far as I am personally concerned.

"My object in proceeding from England to this quarter of the globe was
to promote the furtherance of liberty and independence, more than any
private object, or to promote the views of others inconsistent
therewith.

"I have only to add, that my desire is to be permitted to surrender the
command of a squadron which I can no longer hold with benefit to the
state nor credit to myself, since the orders which appeared necessary to
be given, and the limited powers vested in me, are disobeyed with
impunity, and not only disobeyed, but made the objects of persevering
scorn and ridicule, by persons who ought to be under my authority, but
who for their personal views wish by insinuations, falsifications, and
detraction, to overthrow all that stood in the way of their vain
ambition. Under this impression, I tendered my commission to the
government three days ago, but am ignorant of the result, which I
expect, however, to learn to-morrow. Believe me, gentlemen, with
feelings of gratitude for your anxious inquiries on the subject, yours,
&c."

"Cochrane."

"My Lord,--Your lordship's reply to our letter has created feelings of
the deepest regret in our breasts, and it behoves us to act in a manner
which will stamp our characters, not only as true patriots, but as men
looking up to your lordship, as the only man capable of commanding the
naval forces of Chile with effect, against the enemies of liberty and
independence. We, the undersigned, have come to the resolution of
resigning the commissions we respectively hold in the service of Chile;
we have therefore to request that your lordship will be pleased to
acquaint us with the result as soon as you are aware that the government
of Chile have accepted your resignation of the command of the squadron.

"We avail ourselves of this opportunity of expressing our confidence in
your lordship's talents, and our determination to act hand in hand with
your lordship; in doing which, we are persuaded that we are most
effectively and faithfully serving the Republic of Chile, and acting
honestly and sincerely towards you, our commander in chief." Signed by
the same five captains. The only two who did not sign it were Guise and
Spry. On the same day, the eighteenth of July, the following was
addressed to his lordship, by the officers of the squadron:

"My Lord,--The general discontent and anxiety which your lordship's
resignation has occasioned among the officers and others of the squadron
afford a strong proof how much the ungrateful conduct of the government
is felt among those serving under your command.

"The officers, whose names are subscribed to the inclosed resolutions,
disdaining longer to serve under a government which can so soon have
forgotten the important services rendered to the state, or treat with
indignity a character the most implacable of the enemies of his own
country have been forced to respect, beg leave to put into your hands
their commissions, and to request you will be so kind as to forward them
to the minister of marine for the state. At the same time that we are
thus forced to withdraw ourselves from the service, our warmest wishes
continue to be offered up, not only for the prosperity and liberty of
the country, but that of the whole world.

"We pray your Lordship all health and happiness, and have the honour to
remain, &c." (Signed by twenty-three commissioned officers.)

"Resolutions entered into at a meeting of the lieutenants, and other
officers of the same class, belonging to the squadron of Chile, held on
board the Independencia, the eighteenth of July, 1820, for the purpose
of taking into consideration the resignation of the commander in chief:

"Resolved, that the HONOUR, SAFETY and INTEREST of the navy of Chile
entirely rest on the abilities and experience of the present commander
in chief.

"That as the feelings of unbounded confidence and respect which we
entertain for the present commander in chief cannot be transferred to
another, they have induced us to come to the resolution of resigning our
commissions, and of transmitting the same to government, through the
hands of the Admiral.

"That our commissions shall be accompanied by a letter, expressive of
our sentiments, signed by all those whose commissions are inclosed."
(Signed by the same twenty-three officers as the foregoing letter.)

Although his lordship was convinced of the inability which the whole
expedition would labour under should his resignation be accepted, he
still left the government at liberty to act according to their own
discretion. In the public duties on board the vessels of war no
relaxation took place; the preparations were carried on with the same
alacrity, and the unremitting attention of the commander in chief to
their speedy equipment suffered no diminution; the determination of the
captains and officers of the squadron was not forwarded to the
government, lest the threatening danger might force them to adopt a
measure contrary to their wishes; however, as some of the captains and
officers had not joined the others in their resolutions, and were aware
of their proceedings, the government soon became acquainted with the
whole transaction, and General San Martin, on the night of the 19th,
when in conversation with Lord Cochrane, expressed his astonishment and
disapprobation of the proceedings of the government, and pretended to be
totally ignorant of what had taken place. This assertion was entirely
void of truth, as was proved on the following night, when he said, that
"he only wanted to be convinced how far the supreme director would allow
a party spirit to oppose the welfare of the expedition." It was moreover
corroborated by the subsequent conduct of this chief. San Martin
concluded on the 19th, by saying, "well, my lord, I am general of the
army, and you shall be admiral of the squadron; _bien, mi lord, yo soy
general del exercito y V. sera almirante de la esquadra_." After this
expression. Lord Cochrane shewed to him the letters he had received from
the captains and officers, at which San Martin was very much astonished,
for he was not aware of the positive determination of those individuals
not to continue their important and indispensable services, except under
the command of their present admiral; a determination which was
certainly as honourable to themselves, as it was fraught with danger to
the government and to the state. San Martin asked Lord Cochrane if he
would consent to the suspension of the arrest of Captain Guise, and
delay his trial to a future and more convenient time, should such be the
request of the government; to which his lordship assented, on condition
that the supremacy should confess that the accusations furnished and
charges exhibited were just, and that the conduct of Captain Guise was
highly reprehensible, as being not only prejudicial to the necessary
discipline of the squadron, but in every other point of view injurious
to the general cause of America. In consequence of this agreement, the
admiral received on the twentieth, the following official note from the
government:

"My Lord,--At a moment when the services of the naval forces of the
state are of the highest importance, and the personal services of your
lordship indispensable, the supremacy with the most profound sentiments
of regret has received your resignation, which, should it be admitted,
would involve the future operations of the arms of liberty in the new
world in certain ruin, and ultimately replace in Chile, your adopted
home, that tyranny which your lordship abhors, and to the annihilation
of which your heroism has so greatly contributed.

"His excellency the Supreme Director commands me to inform your
lordship, which I have the honour of doing, that should you persist in
resigning the command of the squadron, which has been honoured by
bearing your flag, the cause of terror and dismay to our enemies, and of
glory to all true Americans; or should the government unwisely admit it,
this would be indeed a day of universal mourning in the new world; the
government, therefore, in the name of the nation, returns you your
commission, soliciting your re-acceptance of it, for the furtherance of
that sacred cause to which your whole soul is devoted.

"The supremacy is convinced of the necessity which obliges your lordship
to adopt the measures which placed Captain Guise of the Lautaro under an
arrest, and of the justness of the charges exhibited against this
officer of the state; but being desirous of preventing any delay in the
important services on which the ships and vessels of war are about to
proceed, it is the pleasure of his excellency the supreme director, that
the arrest of Captain Guise be suspended, as well as his trial by a
court-martial on the charges exhibited, which will remain in the
archives of the marine department, to be postponed till the first
opportunity which does not interfere with the service of the squadron,
so important as at the present epoch.--(Signed) Jose Yguacio Zenteno,
minister of marine. Valparaiso, July 20th, 1820."

Lord Cochrane immediately discharged Captain Guise from his arrest by
the following note:

"Whereas certain charges had been exhibited by the commander in chief,
touching the conduct of Martin George Guise, of the C. S. S. Lautaro;
and whereas his excellency the Supreme Director has been pleased to
order, that the investigation of the same by court-martial shall be
suspended, in order to prevent delay in the important services on which
the ships and vessels of war are about to proceed: it is the pleasure of
his excellency, signified to me under his sign-manual, that the said
Captain Martin George Guise shall be replaced in the command of the
Lautaro, and (as in justice due) shall be deemed innocent of the said
charges during the suspension of his trial.

"July 24th, 1820.      (Signed) Cochrane."

On the same day his lordship returned the commissions to the different
officers, with letters addressed to them, thanking them for their
personal marks of esteem and support in the performance of an unpleasant
public duty, and assuring them, that he was convinced that their
conduct had been governed by their zeal for the true interests of the
public service.

I consider any comment on these extraordinary proceedings unnecessary at
present, as the spirit which dictated them will become too visible to be
mistaken in the course of these pages. Had General San Martin observed a
different line of conduct to that which marked his operations in Peru,
when he could not shield himself by any specious pretext, importing that
they were regulated by a superior authority, or that they emanated from
a source over which he had no direct control, the government of Chile
might have been considered the authors; whereas, they were only the
agents of the machinations of the general in chief of the expedition,
who foresaw, that in Lord Cochrane he should have a rival, to whose
merits South America could not be blind: he also knew, that the opinions
of his lordship in council would not be overawed by those of a superior,
be biassed by hope or fear, nor be led away by subserviency: however,
his excellency expected to be as implicitly obeyed as a Dey of Algiers,
and as universally flattered as a Sultan of the East; and to those two
over-ruling passions may be attributed part of the disgrace of his
administration in Peru.

The following announcement appeared in the last number of the Censor on
the tenth of July:

"To-day the staff officers of the liberating army leave Santiago for
Valparaiso. We have authentic advices, that the expedition will leave
that port for its destination on the twenty-sixth of the present month.
The presence of the supreme director and of the general in chief has
given in Valparaiso a most extraordinary impulse to the last
preparations. At all events, the sun of August will behold the
expedition on its march. Valparaiso is at this moment the most
interesting point in America: it contains as in outline her destiny: the
time will arrive in which its name will be the register of the most
renowned epoch of our history. The army anxiously awaits the moment to
embark on the Pacific, and to present a spectacle entirely new, a
spectacle which has never been seen since the Continent was laved by its
waters. Happy are those who shall partake of this enterprize! their lot
shall be the envy of all those whom the love of glory inspires with a
passion for great designs. Follow me in the path of my fame. Equal my
deeds in the war."

A new difficulty unexpectedly presented itself, and which the
government at first thought beneath their consideration--the want of
foreign seamen in the vessels of war. The delay on the part of the
presidency in the fulfilment of their contract had weaned this class of
individuals from the service of the state; that great stimulus to
exertion, prize-money, had been and was witheld, and despair instead of
confidence had been so ripened in their breasts, that although many were
unemployed and wandering about the streets of Valparaiso, few would
enter themselves at the rendezvous opened for this purpose. The evil
began to be most serious, and the supremacy consulted the admiral if
coercion ought not to be used; but this insinuation met with just
opposition from his lordship; he expressed to the government his total
abhorrence of impressment, and stated to them, that such a proceeding
would also meet with the lawful opposition of the senior British officer
then in the port. Captain Sherriff would be compelled by his duty to
interfere in the protection of British seamen, however interested he
might personally feel himself in the cause of liberty and the views of
Chile, which it was well known to every individual acquainted with the
sentiments of Captain Sherriff, he regarded as of the first magnitude.

The day destined for the embarkation of the troops approached, still the
vessels of war were deficient in their complement of seamen, and those
who could not remain ashore preferred to serve in the transports, in
which service greater pay was offered than in the squadron. General San
Martin being convinced that the most energetic measures were necessary
to man the vessels of war, subjoined his name to a proclamation dictated
by Lord Cochrane, stating, among other things--"on my entry into Lima, I
will punctually pay to all such foreign seamen who shall voluntarily
enter the service of Chile, leaving the port of Valparaiso in the
vessels of war belonging to the state, the whole arrears of their pay,
to which I will also add to each individual according to his rank one
year's pay over and above his arrears, as a premium or reward for his
services, if he continue to fulfil his duty to the day of the surrender
of that city, and its occupation by the liberating forces."

This proclamation, with the subjoined signature of Lord Cochrane, as a
guarantee for the fulfilment of the promise, had the desired effect, and
the crews of the ships were immediately completed.

On the twentieth of August the expedition left the port of Valparaiso.
The following account of it was published by order of the government:

"The fortunate day to Chile has at length arrived; a day on which, by an
extraordinary effort which almost elevates her above herself, she
presents to both worlds an example of unheard of constancy and pure
patriotism. Never did any people exert themselves with greater energy,
nor obtain such rapid progress in the brief space which Chile measures
of real and stable emancipation. The liberating expedition which to-day
leaves our port to re-establish independence, and diffuse civil liberty
among the oppressed children of the ancient empire of the Incas, will be
an imperishable testimony of this truth, and a monument as lasting as
time itself, in the history of the age of achievements.

"A brief view of the successes which have paved the way to this
memorable event will demonstrate to the most disinterested observer, the
great and heroic sacrifices that it has cost. Chile abandoned to her own
resources, without arms, without money, and without the other elements
sufficient to oppose force to force, was burthened from 1812 with a
desolating and ferocious war in her own territory, carried on to the
degree of involving the whole of the country in its calamities. She
succumbed for a moment; for her last resources which at some future
period might give re-action to her social body seemed to fail; the
bowels of the country were torn to pieces by the implacable fury of her
enemies; but in the midst of these disasters, oppressed with the most
direful tyranny, and threatened with universal ruin, Chilean valour and
constancy opened the path to that honour and glory, which in 1817
crowned the army of the Andes, the restorer and preserver of Chile. The
immortal action of Chacabuco marked the epoch of the aggrandizement and
prosperity of the republic.

"From that time the state and the government conceived the sublime
object of advancing to the very throne of Spanish tyranny, the enormous
weight of which oppressed Peru. They were aware that for the subversion
of this colossal power, where, although it trembled, the principles of
motion still existed, which vomited hostilities among us--it must be
sought for and destroyed in its origin. But exhausted of all the means
that could animate so arduous an enterprize, it was necessary that time,
and an unexampled decision should overcome these great obstacles.
Soldiers of all classes were formed, to constitute a national army. Arms
and ammunition of all kinds were purchased in almost indefinite
quantities. Every resource was drained, and every effort employed to
form a military depôt, that should excite the attention even of Europe.

"In the mean time our territory was inundated with the disasters of war,
as with a torrent. Her adverse fortune seemed to threaten with total
ruin our very existence, till we obtained the renowned victory of Maypu;
this victory cost us nearly as much blood as the unfortunate result at
Cancha-rayada, when we lost a treasure in money and implements of war,
now recovered. That triumph was really and truly crowned with all the
circumstances of a decisive action: but our republic did not reap the
benefit of our advantageous state. Our resources were annihilated; the
greater part of private fortunes was ruined; the capital was oppressed
with an immense number of emigrants, who had arrived even from the other
side of the Biobio, searching for security within her walls. The
enormous and inevitable expenses necessary for the preservation of a
sedentary army which occupied the centre of the state, and of a
belligerent army employed in the south against the last, but desperate
relics of our enemies, who were yet invincible under the protection of
the fortifications of Talcahuano. These were the afflicting
circumstances that pervaded Chile, and which would have made many others
despair of saving the Patria, especially if they were not her children.
Notwithstanding, to this unpromising epoch belongs the first intimation
of the great enterprize of sending an expedition to Peru. We now saw the
squadron appear, as if it had sprung from the waves, rather than as the
results of human efforts, attending to the absolute nullity of means by
which we might procure its formation. We were without the necessary
materials, destitute of any relations with foreign states; we had only
one port, where by extraordinary efforts something might have been
effected, and this was blockaded; and lastly, we were in absolute want
of every thing but boldness and resolution. One vessel (the Lautaro)
little better than a hulk, and manned in a moment by determined patriots
rather than seamen, hoisted triumphantly the national flag, and obliged
our blockading enemies, the national marine of Spain, to betake
themselves to a shameful flight. A prodigious rapidity of circumstances
favourable to our navy were the immediate results; the enemy was driven
from Talcahuano; the excellent frigate Maria Isabel, and several
transports from Cadiz, sent to assist in devastation and extermination,
were captured; in fine, our navy obtained the dominion of the sea from
Guayaquil to Chiloe, and deprived Spain of Valdivia, her most important
bulwark in the Pacific ocean.

"Chile now contemplated, not without surprize, the progress of her
operations; but it was necessary to advance them with greater
endeavours, for such were required at the altar of liberty. It was yet
necessary to recruit troops, to re-equip the squadron, and to procure a
large quantity of materials, for the purpose of forming an expedition
that should carry with it the necessary resources for a campaign of
indetermined duration. It was also necessary to stifle the machinations
of some anarchists, who more iniquitous than the Gracchi or the
Catalines, opposed obstacles almost insurmountable to the government, in
the transaction of the public business.

"At last all difficulties were overcome, the desires of the virtuous
have been fulfilled, and the nation has arrived at that pitch of power
and respectability, to which perhaps none ever arrived under similar
circumstances. For the acquisition of this, our sacrifices have been of
a most extraordinary class; there scarcely exists a town, a river, or a
valley in our territory, which has not vibrated with the report of
cannon, or been the witness of some obstinate encounters; but according
to the opposition and deformity of the conflicts, the civic virtues of
our citizens have shone with greater brightness. The most compromised
personal services, donations, and erogations from all classes have been
so repeated, and so heroic, that it is impossible to transfer to paper
the expression of their just value; time will do that justice to us
which is due to such marked and indelible actions of the most ardent
patriotism. Our government would not have acted gratefully to its
fellow-citizens, had it not proclaimed and published them to all
freemen; because to such efforts the realization of the liberating
expedition, whose description we have proposed to give, is due.

"After twelve or fifteen days had been employed in embarking the
necessary depôt of articles for the immediate service of the expedition,
it was announced in the general orders of the thirteenth inst., that the
different corps of the army, including the troops of the Andes and those
of Chile, should begin to move from their encampment at Quillota, and
embark on the eighteenth, as follows:--At eight, ten, and twelve, a.
m.; and two and four, p. m., the regiments No. 7, 11, 5, and 4 of
infantry, and the mounted casadores: on the nineteenth at eight, ten,
twelve, a. m. the artillery, regiment No. 8, of infantry, and the
mounted grenadiers; the companies No. 6, of infantry, squadron No. 2, of
dragoons, the companies of sappers, the workmen and implements; the part
of the beach between the castle San Jose and the arsenal was chosen for
this purpose, as being the most convenient.

"The spectacle presented by the different bodies in the progressive
order of their march was as interesting and imposing as was the
enthusiasm and joy of all concerned: the spectacle was sublime, and
every individual from the general in chief to the lowest of the soldiers
seemed to rejoice. They had scarcely left the land of their birth, and
which had been a grateful witness to their victories, when the
spontaneous and simultaneous shout was heard, "Viva la Patria!" "Viva la
Libertad!" was re-echoed by the spectators, and produced a most
interesting, soothing, and consoling effect, the best prognostic of
their future triumphs, which were destined to fix the liberty of the
south.

"On the nineteenth, at nine, a. m., the national flag of the republic
was displayed: it was saluted by every battery and every vessel of war
with twenty-one guns. At this time the Captain-general Don Jose de San
Martin visited the vessels of war and transports, enlivening the jubilee
of his brave soldiers.

"To-day, the twentieth, the expedition weighed, and left the port in the
following order: the flag ship, O'Higgins, with the hero of Valdivia on
board, the commander in chief of the squadron, the Right Honourable Lord
Cochrane (whose illustrious talents promise the most flattering results,
as well with respect to the expedition, as the future glory of our navy)
led the vanguard, with two other vessels of war. Then followed, in
column, the transports, flanked by three other vessels of war: the rear
was closed by eleven gun-boats, following the Independencia and San
Martin, bearing the general in chief and his staff.

"These are the happy effects which order, constancy, and valour have
achieved; their progress in a great measure is owing to the existence of
the squadron: its establishment, increase, and superiority over that of
Lima is the result of firmness and boldness: Chile has the glory of
owing this to herself, and may call it the child of her sacrifices, her
resolution, and her valour. The time will come when America will offer
to Chile demonstrations of her acknowledgment, and pay to her the homage
which is due: this they will do in return for her laudable and
meritorious services, because they, more directly than any others, have
been serviceable to the common welfare of the Continent. And should the
fates be adverse, even in despite of every probability, should the
precious expectations of this formidable expedition be disappointed,
neither calumny, nor envy, nor all the vicissitudes of time will be
sufficient to wrench from us the glory of having realized the most
liberal project which the history of infant states can present. (Signed)
Zenteno, Minister of war and marine."

The supreme director of Chile, O'Higgins, addressed the following
proclamation to the liberating army, at the moment of sailing from
Valparaiso:

"Soldiers,--I have repeatedly witnessed your courage, and know full well
what may be expected from you in the most important campaign of the
revolution. The general who commands you is the same who conducted you
to the field of battle at Chacabuco and Maypu; remember what ye there
did, and think of the glorious destiny that awaits you.

"_Soldiers of the Andes!_ you gave liberty to Chile; go now to Peru,
and enrol your names with the blood of its oppressors!

"Chileans! your intrepidity, with that of the auxiliary troops, saved
the Republic a second time, in the action of the fifth of April; go on
in your career of glory, and deserve the gratitude of the inhabitants of
Peru, as you have even that of your patria.

"Expeditionary Army! march to victory; go and close the calamities of
warfare, and seal the fate of rising generations--these are the wishes
and the hopes of your friend and comrade. (Signed) O'Higgins."

The number of troops destined to the liberation of Peru was four
thousand seven hundred; fifteen thousand stand of arms were embarked for
the purpose of raising troops in Peru, and the whole equipment was
highly honourable to Chile, and truly the fruit of the most patriotic
sacrifices. Chile, ten years before this memorable epoch, was considered
as little more than a province dependent on Peru, and supported by the
sale of her productions in the markets of this country; her inhabitants
were looked upon as ignorant boors, and the term _huaco_, the epithet
given in Chile to the farmers and people who resided in the country, was
synonymous in Peru, with loon, or booby; but the sincere patriotism,
the steady and unremitting efforts, and the undaunted valour of these
people, triumphed after having resisted the efforts of the Spanish
expeditions, sent both from Peru and the mother country. Having
struggled under, and thrown off the yoke of oppression at home, they
prepared a new offering at the altar of liberty, and united their
persons and fortunes to make Peru a partaker of that glorious state of
freedom and independence which at the point of the bayonet they had won
for themselves and their descendants.

The naval force under the command of Lord Cochrane, consisted of--


     The frigate O'Higgins, flag ship, of 48 guns.
                 San Martin               64
                 Lautaro                  44
                 Independencia            26
            brig Galvarino                18
                 Araucano                 16
                 Pueyrredon               14


These had on board 1600 individuals, 624 of whom were foreign officers
and seamen, chiefly English.




CHAPTER IX.

     Sketch of O'Higgins, San Martin, Lord Cochrane, Las Heras, and
     Monteagudo....Sailing of the Expedition, and arrival at
     Pisco....Debarkation....Occurrences at Pisco....Colonel Arenales,
     with a division of the Army, marches to Arica....Troops embark and
     proceed to Ancon....News of the Revolution of Guayaquil....Capture
     of the Spanish Frigate Esmeralda....Army goes down to
     Huacho....Head Quarters at Huaura.


Few things are more irksome, or perhaps none more difficult, than to
pourtray living characters, especially those of great men.
Misapprehension, flattery, or odium, generally constitute the _chiara
obscura_ of the painting; however, as this task has at this period of my
narrative become indispensable, I shall endeavour to fulfil it with
impartiality, hoping that at its conclusion my readers will confess that
the colours have not been carelessly selected, nor in any way
misapplied.

Don Bernardo O'Higgins, the supreme director of Chile, possesses a
considerable share of real courage; is resolute in executing a
determination, but tardy in forming it; diffident of his own abilities,
he is willing to take advice from any one, but always inclined to
consider the last as the best. Thus, without forming his plans on the
judicious analysis of the counsels offered, by eschewing the good, and
rejecting the evil, he has often been led into difficulties in his
political administration. These waverings were highly injurious to the
furtherance of Chilean prosperity, which was, no doubt, the idol of his
soul; and this same want of determination often produced evils of no
less moment in the military department. His love of his country was
doubtless sincere, and perhaps his earnest desire to be always right
sometimes led him into errors; but in this case it is more just to judge
of the motive, or the cause, than of the action, or the effect. The
establishment of the _senada consulta_ was in itself a virtuous measure;
but the expectation of finding five individuals who should see the good
of the country, and the advancement of its true interests, through the
same medium as himself, was one of the virtuous mistakes of O'Higgins,
which placed him under the control of his own creatures, and often
retarded the execution of plans of vital importance to the state, and
rendered their execution either abortive or nugatory.

The private character of O'Higgins was truly amiable. He was kind and
condescending; apparently more at home at his evening tertulias than
when under the canopy of the Supreme Directorship. In the whole of his
conduct it might be truly said, that


     "E'en his vices lean'd to virtue's side."


Being the son of an Irishman, Don Ambrose Higgins, who died in the high
situation of Viceroy of Peru, he was passionately fond of the countrymen
of his father, and I believe an Irishman was never deceived in his
expectations of support and protection in O'Higgins. In short, the
character which a Chilean gave to me conveys a very accurate summary of
his general outline. "There is too much wax, and too little steel in his
composition; however, there are few better, and many worse men than Don
Bernardo."

The character of General San Martin will be best drawn from the conduct
which he has observed. He was first known while in a military capacity
in Spain, where he served as Edecan de Policia to General Jordan, with
the rank of Captain. At this time a majority became vacant, which he
solicited of General Castanos, but meeting with a refusal, he abandoned
Spain and her cause, came over to England, where he took shipping and
proceeded to Buenos Ayres in 1811. He there received the command of a
division of the patriot troops, and defeated a party of 500 of the enemy
at San Lorenzo. He was afterwards appointed commander in chief of the
army of Buenos Ayres, in Upper Peru, where nothing transpired to render
an account of his command of any importance. When superseded, he went to
Mendoza, and there met O'Higgins and the Chilean refugees; a plan for
the restoration of Chile was formed, San Martin took the command of the
army. The success of the patriots at Chacabuco and Maypu has already
been related, from which time nothing of importance occurred till 1820,
when he was appointed by the Chilean government general in chief of the
forces sent to Peru, called the "liberating expedition." I shall abstain
from making any comments on the character of General San Martin, leaving
my readers to form their own opinions concerning him, founded on the
facts which I shall present, authenticated by the circumstances as they
arose.

Lord Cochrane is too well known to require any encomium from my pen. His
services to his native country entitled him to the honour of knighthood
in the military Order of the Bath; being the only captain in the
British navy, who enjoyed this distinguished badge of national glory. In
the new world, when his services were not needed in the old, his career
of glory has been as brilliant as his most important services were
necessary; and I do not hesitate in asserting, that but for his
assiduity and unremitting attention, his military knowledge, and
determined valour, the western shores of America would have still been
in the possession of Spain; her fleet would have now commanded the
Pacific, and "British Commerce" would have been excluded from the
extensive market which it enjoys. Chile, Peru, and Columbia have
repeatedly expressed their gratitude, the high sense they entertain, and
the just appreciation which they hold of the merits of this hero; this
supporter of their rights; this defender of their liberty--and if the
name of Cochrane can ever be forgotten in the old world, or his services
not duly requited, it will be found enrolled in the imperishable
archives of the new, enshrined in the gratitude of the present and
future generations. "Lord Cochrane is such a miracle of nautical skill
and courage; his cause of banishment from his country is so
lamentable--his adventures have been so romantic--and his achievements
so splendid, that no Englishman can read them without pride, that such
things have been done by his countryman; and without solemn concern that
such talents and genius should be lost to the land that gave them
birth."[6]

Don Juan Gregorio de las Heras, Major-general, and second in command of
the army, had established his character as a soldier and a commander, by
his boldness and intrepidity at Talcahuano, in 1817. This general
merited the applause of every one, and his conduct in Peru endeared him
to every soldier, and every lover of the cause in which he
fought;--there can be no doubt that had he been the commander in chief,
those torrents of blood which have been shed in Peru since 1820, would
most certainly have been spared. In his actions Las Heras was mild,
affable, and unassuming, and in his manners he was a perfect gentleman.
In his general character he was sincere and candid; uniting always such
qualities as made him beloved by his friends, and feared by his enemies;
in fine he is an ornament to society, and an honour to his birth-place,
Buenos Ayres, where his patriotic virtues have been rewarded with the
Supreme Magistracy.

Don Bernardo Monteagudo was one of those individuals who too often
appear on the stage in revolutionary times, who "without feeling mock at
all who feel." He is a native of Upper Peru, of the lowest rank in
society, of spurious offspring, and African genealogy; he applied
himself to the study of the law, and his mind is composed of the very
worst materials which characterize the sullen zambo; his imagination is
active and aspiring, like that of the mulatto, a composition which is
formed to fulfil the Spanish adage, "_tirar la piedra, y esconder la
mano_, throw the stone, and hide the hand." He had been repeatedly
employed by his master San Martin to gild over, under the forms of law,
such proceedings as even he, with a blushless cheek was ashamed to avow.
The murder of the two Carreras at Mendosa, and that of the Spanish
officers confined at San Luis, are examples of what one monster can
execute, and another defend. His subsequent conduct in Peru will better
serve to define his true character than what I dare even venture to
attempt--for fear it should be supposed that prejudice has acted as a
stimulus.

The talents and literature of Monteagudo have been held up as possessing
considerable perfection; but it was justly said by Un Limeño[7] in his
_Alcance al Postillon_, printed at Santiago, September 5th, 1822, "that
his productions were impertinent comparisons, formed for benumbed and
monotonous newspaper paragraphs."

The expedition having left Valparaiso, the O'Higgins entered the bay of
Coquimbo, where the Araucano and a transport had been sent to embark
some troops; these joined the rest, and we proceeded to our rendezvous,
Pisco, and entered the bay on the seventh of September. On the eighth
the troops began to disembark, but such was the prudence of General San
Martin, that they were not allowed to proceed towards the town of Pisco,
until about three thousand were landed; these advanced on the ninth,
formed in three solid squares, under the command of Major-general las
Heras, while San Martin ran down the coast of the bay, in the schooner
Montezuma, to observe the operations of the enemy, which was composed of
forty regulars, and two hundred militia, commanded by the Count of
Monte-mar. This extraordinary prudence gave the inhabitants of Pisco
time to retire, which they did, and took with them even the furniture
from their houses, while they drove before them their slaves and their
cattle into the interior. San Martin, not willing to attribute the
absence of the inhabitants, and the loss of provisions, to his own
tardy movements, but to the inimical feelings of the Peruvians, was very
much chagrined, and stated it as his belief, that he had been deceived
with respect to the accounts he had received from different parts of
Peru; and, in fact, he began to doubt of the success of the expedition.
What a contrast was this to the landing of the gallant
Lieutenant-colonel Charles, about a year before; who, with less than
one-tenth of San Martin's troops, disembarked, and in three hours
possessed himself of the battery and town of Pisco. But this was
considered an imprudent act, and a want of generalship: and so it was,
if the greatest skill consists in avoiding danger, and in sparing both
friends and enemies for a more convenient occasion, to which may be
added, that Charles lost his life.

On the day on which the expedition arrived at Pisco, the constitutional
government had been restored in Lima, and the Viceroy was at the theatre
when he received the first news: he immediately retired, after having
heard the old Spanish adage frequently repeated, "_a cada cochino gordo,
le llega su San Martin_--for every fat hog, San Martin, will arrive;"
alluding to the fairs held in Spain on the day of Saint Martin for the
sale of hogs. The idea, that "all was not right in Denmark," induced
Pesuela to send immediately for the manager of the theatre, and to
examine the prompter's book; when convinced that there was no collusion
between the South American hero and the clown of the Lima stage, his
excellency dismissed the manager, stating, that being a native of Spain,
he could not doubt his loyalty. Had he been an American, he would
perhaps have been sent to prison for the prophetic crimes of Calderon,
the author of the comedy.

On the fourteenth, part of the convoy which had been separated from us
at sea arrived; and in the evening a Spanish vessel of war, bearing a
flag of truce, having on board a Spanish officer, was sent by the
Viceroy to San Martin to solicit a cessation of hostilities, and to
appoint commissioners to conciliate the interests of Spain and America.
On the twenty-sixth, the deputies met at Miraflores, two leagues to the
southward of Lima, and signed an armistice of eight days; but at their
conferences nothing was agreed to, the Spanish deputies requesting an
acknowledgment of the constitutional government of Spain, and the
evacuation of the Peruvian territory by the Chilean forces; and the
patriots that of the absolute independence of the country. Such being
the respective basis on which the conciliating deputies were ordered to
insist, the conference ended on the fourth of October, and on the fifth
hostilities again commenced.

On the arrival of the expedition at Pisco, several proclamations were
issued: that of the supreme director of Chile contained the following
paragraph:

"Peruvians,--behold the pact and conditions on which Chile, in the face
of the Supreme Being, and calling on all the nations of the earth as
witnesses and revengers of a violation, faces fatigues and death to save
you. You shall be free and independent; you shall constitute your own
laws by the unbiassed and spontaneous will of your representatives; no
military nor civil influence, either direct or indirect, shall be
exercised by your brethren in your social dispositions; you shall
discharge the armed force sent to protect you at the moment you choose,
without any attention to your danger or security, should you think fit;
no military force shall ever occupy a free town, unless it be called in
by a legitimate magistracy; neither by us nor through our assistance
shall any peninsular or party feelings, that may have preceded your
liberty, be punished: ready to destroy the armed force which resists
your rights, we pray you to forget, on the day of your glory, all past
grievances, and to reserve the most severe justice for future obstinate
insults."

On the thirteenth of October, San Martin issued the following paragraph
from the army press:

"People of Peru,--I have paid the tribute which, as a public man, I owe
to the opinion of others: I have shewn what is my object and my mission
towards you: I come to fulfil the expectations of all those who wish to
belong to the country that gave them birth, and who desire to be
governed by their own laws. On that day when Peru shall freely pronounce
as to the form of her institutions, be they whatever they may, my
functions shall cease, and I shall have the glory of announcing to the
government of Chile, of which I am a subject, that their heroic efforts
have at last received the consolation of having given liberty to Peru,
and security to the neighbouring states."

The sequel will shew how these solemn promises were forgotten; and how
the dreadful results which followed such a system of duplicity and
deceit are characteristics which blacken the name of a private
individual, and blast the honour of a "public man."

On the fifth of October, hostilities having recommenced, Colonel
Arenales, with a division of twelve hundred men and two pieces of
artillery, left Pisco for Ica, where he arrived on the sixth, and was
received by the corporation and inhabitants of the city with the
strongest marks of the most sincere enthusiasm in the cause of liberty.
Colonel Quimper and the Count de Monte-mar, with a force of eight
hundred men, fled from Ica, but two companies of infantry, with their
officers, returned and joined Arenales. Part of the division under
Arenales was sent to La Nasca on the twelfth, where they entered, and
completely routed the enemy. Quimper and Monte-mar made their escape,
owing to the fleetness of their horses; but all the baggage, consisting
of arms, ammunition, and equipage, was taken, together with six officers
and eighty privates.

On the fifteenth, about a hundred mules laden with stores belonging to
the enemy were also captured; and Arenales having established an
independent government at Ica, proceeded on his route towards Guamanga.

The troops of the expedition were distributed on the different estates
in the neighbourhood of Pisco, Chincha, and Cañete, which either
belonged to Spaniards, or Americans who had proved themselves inimical
to the object of the liberating forces, particularly on those belonging
to the Count of Monte-mar. All slaves capable of bearing arms, and
willing to serve in the army of San Martin, were declared free; however,
the number that presented themselves did not accord with the sanguine
expectations of the chief, and his uneasiness at what he considered
lukewarmness in general in the sacred cause began to produce impatience
bordering on despair. He informed Lord Cochrane that he should remove
his head quarters to Truxillo; but his Lordship fortunately advised him
to desist from a plan which would undoubtedly at once have ruined all
his hopes. Truxillo being at the distance of a hundred leagues to the
northward of Lima, it would have been almost impossible for his troops
to have marched across a country such as I have already described
without experiencing the greatest privations; and for want of the
necessary stores they could not possibly have returned by sea; besides,
the division under the command of Arenales would have been abandoned to
its fate, and almost delivered up to the enemy. The only temptation that
such a position could hold out to San Martin was, that Truxillo is a
walled city, easily tenable, and at a short distance from the sea-port
of Huanchaco; however it was determined to remove the head quarters to
the north of Lima, and on the twenty-second the troops began to embark.

On the twenty-sixth, the whole of the liberating expedition left the bay
of Pisco, and on the twenty-ninth it arrived off Callao, where the
vessels anchored under the island of San Lorenzo, presenting at once to
Lima a view of the forces sent to free the metropolis of South America
from the chains of colonial thraldom. On the thirtieth, the transports,
under convoy of the San Martin, dropped down to the bay of Ancon; the
O'Higgins, Lautaro, Independencia, and brig Araucano, still remaining in
the bay of Callao.

On the third of November, his Lordship astonished the inhabitants of
Callao, by sailing through the narrow passage that lies between the
island of San Lorenzo and the main, called the Boqueron. Never had the
Spaniards known a vessel of more than fifty tons attempt what they now
saw done with a fifty gun frigate. Expecting every moment to see us
founder, the enemy had manned their gunboats, and formed themselves in a
line ready to attack us the instant they should observe us strike; to
witness which, the batteries were crowned with spectators; but to their
utter astonishment we passed the straight, leaving them to ruminate on
the nautical tactics of the Admiral of the Chilean squadron.

Having passed the Boqueron, a ship and a schooner hove in sight; the
ship proved to be English, the schooner to be the Alcance, from
Guayaquil, bringing the news of the revolution and declaration of
independence of that city and province, and having on board the
ex-governor and other Spanish authorities. Guayaquil followed the
example of the other South American cities in the manner in which she
threw off the colonial yoke; the Spanish mandataries were deposed, and a
new government established on the ninth of October, without any
bloodshed, or even insults offered to the individuals deposed.

The adventurous spirit of Lord Cochrane immediately formed the project
of performing the most gallant achievement that has honoured the
exertions of the patriot arms in the new world. The two Spanish frigates
Prueba and Vengansa had left the coast of Peru, and the only vessel of
respectable force left at Callao was the frigate Esmeralda. She was at
anchor in this port, guarded by fifteen gunboats, two schooners, two
brigs of war, and three large armed merchantmen, besides the protection
of the forts and batteries on shore, and a floating boom surrounding
all the vessels, open only on the north side, lying close to the shore
of Bocanegra. His lordship determined on cutting out the frigate, the
brigs and schooners, and as many of the boats and merchantmen as might
be possible. This daring enterprize was to be executed by volunteers
alone; but when the act was proposed on the third of November to the
crews of the different vessels, the whole of them wished to share in the
glory of the undertaking. On this account it became necessary to issue
the following proclamation, which was received with that enthusiasm
which the voice of a hero causes, when he speaks to those who know his
character:

"Soldiers and sailors,--To-night we will give a mortal blow to the
enemy; to-morrow you will present yourselves before Callao, and all your
companions will look on you with envy. One hour of courage and
resolution is all that is necessary to triumph; remember that you are
the victors of Valdivia, and fear not those who have always fled before
you.

"The value of all the vessels taken out of Callao shall be yours; and,
moreover, the same sum of money offered by the government of Lima to the
captors of any vessel of the Chilean squadron, shall be distributed
among you. The moment of glory is at hand. I hope, Chileans, you will
behave as you have hitherto done; and that the Englishmen will act as
they are accustomed to do both at home and abroad. Nov. 4th, 1820.
Cochrane."

On the fourth of November, fourteen boats belonging to the Chilean
vessels of war were manned, and left the ships, filled with volunteers,
at half past ten o'clock at night; but this was only intended by his
lordship to exercise the men. On the fifth, being the day determined on
by the admiral for the gallant enterprize, the signalman of the
flag-ship was sent to the signal staff erected on the island of San
Lorenzo, where he hoisted two or three flags, and was answered by the
O'Higgins; the Lautaro, Independencia, and Araucano immediately weighed
anchor, and stood out of the bay, leaving on board the O'Higgins the
boats and volunteers. This _ruse de guerre_ completely succeeded, and
the Spaniards were persuaded that they had nothing to fear that night,
for they supposed that some strange sail had appeared in the offing, and
that our vessels had gone out in pursuit of it. All being thus ready, at
ten o'clock at night we again embarked in the boats, and proceeded
towards the inner anchorage, on the outside the boom the United States
frigate Macedonia, and the English frigate Hyperion, were at anchor;
and, as we passed the former, after being hailed by the sentry at the
gangway, who was immediately hushed by the officer on deck, many of her
officers hung over the bulwarks, cheered us in whispers, wishing us
success, and wishing also that they themselves could join us. Not so the
Hyperion; although not so near to her, the sentries continued to hail
the boats till we had passed.

The boats containing two hundred and forty volunteers proceeded in two
divisions; the first under the command of Captain Crosbie, of the flag
ship, the second, of Captain Guise of the Lautaro, both under the
immediate direction of his lordship. At midnight we passed the boom;
Lord Cochrane being in the first boat, was hailed from a gun boat, but,
without answering, he rowed alongside her, and standing up, said to the
officer, "silence! or death; another word and I'll put you every one to
the sword!" Without waiting a reply, a few strokes of the oars brought
the boats alongside the Esmeralda, when his Lordship sprang up the
gangway and shot the sentry; the one at the opposite gangway levelled
his musket and fired; his lordship returned the fire, and killed him,
when turning round to the boats he exclaimed, "up my lads, she's ours!"
The soldiers and sailors now boarded her in every direction, and
possession of the quarter deck was immediately taken. The Spaniards flew
to the forecastle, where they defended themselves, and kept up a
continued fire of musquetry for seventeen minutes, when they were driven
below, and obliged to surrender. We had scarcely obtained possession of
the quarter deck, when a gunboat close astern of the frigate fired a
shot into her; the shot tore up the deck under the feet of Captain Coig,
the commander of the Esmeralda, and wounded him severely; it also killed
two English sailors, and one native; but the officer and crew of the
boat immediately abandoned her.

The frigate was in an excellent state of defence, and her crew under
good discipline; the men were all sleeping at their guns, and the guard
of marines on the quarter deck; and so prompt were the latter, when his
lordship jumped up the gangway, that they appeared as if they had been
ordered out to receive him; indeed had not the boats under the command
of Captain Guise boarded at almost the same moment, behind the marines,
the admiral and many others who boarded her on the starboard side must
have fallen by their fire. His lordship at this time received a shot
through the thigh, but, until the ship was ours, he paid no attention to
the wound, except binding a handkerchief round it; after which he stood
on one of the guns of the quarter deck, and laid his leg on the hammock
netting, where he remained till three o'clock in the morning, and then
went on board the O'Higgins to have it dressed by the surgeon.

The following order was issued by the admiral to the captains on the
first of November, 1820:

"The boats will proceed, towing the launches in two lines parallel to
each other, which lines are to be at the distance of three boats' length
asunder.

"The second line will be under the charge of Captain Guise, the first
under that of Captain Crosbie. Each boat will be under the charge of a
commissioned officer so far as circumstances permit, and the whole under
the immediate command of the admiral.

"The officers and men are all to be dressed in white jackets, frocks, or
shirts, and are to be armed with pistols, sabres, knives, tomahawks, or
pikes.

"Two boat-keepers are to be appointed to each boat, who, on no pretence
whatever, shall quit their respective boats; but are to remain therein,
and take care the boats do not get adrift.

"Each boat is to be provided with one or more axes or sharp hatchets,
which are to be kept slung to the girdle of the boat-keepers. The
frigate Esmeralda being the chief object of the expedition, the whole
force is first to attack that ship, which, when carried, is not to be
cut adrift, but is to remain in possession of the patriot seamen, to
ensure the capture of the rest.

"On securing the frigate, the Chilean seamen and marines are not to
cheer as if Chilenos; but, in order to deceive the enemy, and give time
for completing the work, they are to cheer, Viva el Rey!

"The two brigs of war are to be fired on by the musketry from the
Esmeralda, and are to be taken possession of by Lieutenants Esmond and
Morgell, in the boats they command; which being done, they are to be cut
adrift, run out, and anchored in the offing as quickly as possible. The
boats of the Independencia are to busy themselves in turning adrift all
the outward Spanish merchant ships; and the boats of the O'Higgins and
Lautaro, under Lieutenants Bell and Robertson, are to set fire to one or
more of the headmost hulks; but these are not to be cut adrift so as to
fall down upon the rest.

"The watchword, or _parole_, and counter-sign, should the white dress
not be sufficient in the dark, are '_Gloria_,' to be answered by
'_Victoria_!' (Signed) Cochrane."

It was the intention of Lord Cochrane to clear the bay, according to the
instructions given; but being wounded, and the resistance made by the
Spaniards on board proving much greater than was expected, Captain Guise
ordered the cable to be cut; which being done, the frigate began to
drift from her anchorage. The batteries were pretty active during the
engagement, and when the Hyperion and Macedonia sheeted home their
topsails and began to move out of the way of the shot, the firing
increased. These ships shewed two lights, one at the mizen peak, the
other at the jib boom, as distinguishing signals, which being observed
by Lord Cochrane, he immediately ordered the same to be shewn on board
the Esmeralda: thus she was brought out of the anchorage with less
damage than either of the other two sustained. Indeed, excepting the
shot from the gun boat, the Esmeralda sustained none whatever.

From the lists that were found on board the prize it appeared, that she
had three hundred and twenty persons on board, besides some visitors,
who, from what had been observed, imagined that nothing uncommon would
take place that day. On the following, when the prisoners were mustered,
their numbers only amounted to one hundred and seventy-three; thus their
loss was one hundred and fifty-seven, besides several wounded, who at
nine o'clock on the sixth were sent ashore with a flag of truce. Our
loss amounted to eleven killed, and twenty-eight wounded. His lordship
immediately proposed to the Viceroy an exchange of prisoners; which
being acceded to, ours were immediately sent ashore, and those from the
dungeons of Casas-matas were ordered to join the army under San Martin.
The loss of the Esmeralda was a death blow to the Spanish naval force in
the Pacific, and created a most extraordinary effect in Lima; the
natives looked congratulations to each other, but dared not to speak,
while the Spaniards indulged themselves with every kind of useless
vociferation. To such a degree of frenzy were they wrought up in Callao,
that on the sixth, when the market boat belonging to the United States'
ship Macedonia went ashore, the crew was murdered by the infuriated
Spaniards, who fancied that they had assisted the patriots on the
preceding night.

Of this achievement of Lord Cochrane, Captain Hall says, "the skill and
gallantry displayed by Lord Cochrane, both in planning and conducting
this astonishing enterprize, are so peculiarly his own, and so much in
character with the great deeds of his early life, &c."

Captain Downes, of the Macedonia, in a letter to General San Martin,
says, "I do most sincerely congratulate Lord Cochrane upon the capture
of the Esmeralda; the exploit was executed in a gallant stile never
surpassed."

The bulletin of the army presented, in the report of the capture of the
Spanish frigate, a specimen of the jealous feelings of the general in
chief. The first statement is, "before the general in chief left the
vice-admiral of the squadron, they agreed on the execution of a
memorable project, sufficient to astound intrepidity itself, and of
itself to make the history of the liberating expedition of Peru
eternal."--Again: "those valiant soldiers who for a length of time have
suffered with the most heroic constancy the hardest oppression, and the
most inhuman treatment in the dungeons of Casas-matas, have just arrived
at our head quarters. Flattering promises of liberty and the threats of
death were not sufficient to destroy their loyalty to their country;
they have waited with firmness the day on which their companions in
arms should rescue them from their misery, and revenge the insults which
humanity has received in their persons. This glory was reserved to the
liberating _army_, whose efforts have snatched from the hands of tyranny
these respectable victims. Let this be published for the satisfaction of
these individuals and that of the army, to whose _arms_ they owe their
liberty. (Signed) San Martin."

Were the character of Lord Cochrane not known in the world, it might be
believed that the plan and execution of this action were the offspring
of the wisdom of San Martin; but how the liberty of the prisoners of war
confined in Callao could be owing to the efforts of the army is quite
paradoxical. Indeed the first assertion is as void of truth as the
second, and it would be as easy proved to be so, were it necessary.

The only way to praise the hero of this enterprize is to leave here a
blank: all those who contemplate this achievement must pay the tribute
due to the friend of rational liberty, the advocate of South American
emancipation, the supporter of the civil rights of the new world, the
true friend of the oppressed.

On the ninth of November the army left the bay of Ancon, and dropped
down to Huacho, where the troops immediately began to disembark, and
head quarters were established at Huaura on the twelfth.

At Ancon General San Martin distributed several proclamations. In one
addressed to the Spaniards residing in Peru, he says "Spaniards, your
destiny is in your own hands; I come not to declare war against the
fortunes and persons of individuals; the enemy of the liberty and
independence of America alone is the object of the vengeance of the arms
of the PATRIA.--I promise you in the most positive manner, that your
property and persons shall be inviolable; and that you shall be treated
as respectable citizens, if you co-operate in the great cause." To the
Spanish soldier who wishes to abandon his arms, he promises a "safe and
commodious passage to Europe should he request it," or wishing to remain
as a soldier, or as a private citizen, "the same enjoyments and
securities as the defenders of the country."

Similar promises were repeated at Huacho by a decree. "I. The goods and
property of all Spaniards, excepting those who have publicly endeavoured
to prolong the evils of the war by their seditious writings, shall be
under the protection of the liberating army of Peru, in the same manner
as the property of Americans. II. Those Spaniards who after we have
taken possession of Lima (if the fortune of war favour us) shall solicit
letters of citizenship, shall receive them, and shall be declared
citizens of the state of Peru."

Had not General San Martin compromised himself in this solemn manner,
his subsequent conduct in Lima could only have been called arbitrary;
but when acting in direct violation of such public assurances, it is not
harsh to call it dishonourable and unjust.

FOOTNOTES:

[6] Sir James Mackintosh, in the House of Commons.

[7] Dr. Don Jose Cabero y Salasar, Peruvian Charge d' Affairs in Chile.




CHAPTER X.

     Battalion of Numancia joins the Liberating Army....Victory at Pasco
     by Arenales....Route of Arenales from Ica....Courts Martial held in
     the Squadron on Officers....Conduct of General San
     Martin....Viceroy Pesuela deposed....Expedition to Pisco....To
     Arica....Action at Mirabe, under Lieutenant-Colonel
     Miller....Description of Arica.... Of Tacna....Of Ilo....Armistice
     celebrated by Generals San Martin and La Serna....Prorogation
     of....Lord Cochrane leaves Mollendo, and arrives at Callao.


On the third of December the battalion of Numancia, being six hundred
and fifty strong, left the service of the Viceroy of Lima, and passed
over to that of the Patria, joining a detachment of the liberating army,
sent to meet them at Retes in the valley of Chancay. This corps, which
was entirely composed of Colombians, had retained the name of a regiment
sent from Spain under General Morillo, and was considered the stay of
the viceregal authority in Peru. A private correspondence had been held
between San Martin and the officers of this battalion, and promises made
to them by San Martin, which, like many if not all similar ones made by
this great man, were never fulfilled. The loss of so important a part of
the Spanish army was a severe blow to Pesuela and the Spaniards in Lima,
and a great addition to the physical strength of the liberating army.
The arrival of officers and private individuals from Lima increased
daily; on the eighth, thirty-six officers, and a greater number of
persons of respectability in Lima, arrived at Chancay, and joined the
patriot forces.

On the eleventh, the news of the victory at Pasco, obtained by Colonel
Arenales over General O'Reilly and a division of the royal army of
twelve hundred men, arrived at Huaura. After the action at Ica on the
sixth of October, Arenales marched with his division into the interior,
and on the thirty-first he entered the city of Huamanga; but the Spanish
authorities had fled, carrying with them the public funds. The
inhabitants of Huamanga welcomed the arrival of the patriot forces, and
voluntarily declared their independence of Spain and her mandataries. On
the sixth the division left the city, and continued their march towards
the district of Tarma; and the advanced guard arrived at Jauja, thirty
leagues from Lima, at the same time that the Spaniards were abandoning
it; a skirmish took place, and the Spaniards lost eight killed and
twenty-one prisoners, including four officers. On the twenty-second a
division advanced on the city of Tarma, and entered it on the
twenty-third. Tarma immediately proclaimed itself independent of Spain.
On the sixth of December the action was fought at Pasco; the loss of the
enemy consisted in fifty-eight killed in the field of battle, nineteen
wounded, three hundred and forty-three prisoners, including twenty-eight
officers, two pieces of artillery, three hundred and sixty muskets,
flags, ammunition, baggage, and utensils of war; but General O'Reilly
made his escape to Lima. On the arrival of the news of the victory
obtained at Pasco over the royalists, the city and province of Huanuco
declared their independence, and the cities of Cueñca and Loxa, in the
jurisdiction of Quito, advised General San Martin of their having also
abjured all foreign domination, and enrolled their names in the list of
free and independent states. On the fourth of January, the news arrived
of the revolution of Truxillo, under the direction of its Spanish
governor the Marquis of Torre Tagle.

Such a concatenation of successful events was certainly more than the
general of the liberating army could have anticipated. From the fifth
of November to the fifth of January the Spaniards had lost the whole of
their naval force in the Esmeralda, the Prueba and Vengansa having
disappeared: Numancia, considered the flower of their army and the prop
of their authority, had deserted their cause; the division under the
command of their trusty general, O'Reilly, had been defeated by a minor
force; all the provinces to the northward of Lima had declared their
independence, and were contributing with men and every other necessary
to support the army then encamped within thirty leagues of the capital
of Peru; every thing save hope seemed to have abandoned them, while
every thing appeared to favour the cause of the liberating forces, and
to invite them to crown their career of glory by entering Lima, which at
this moment was the pandemonium of oppression and despair.

The incomparable prudence of San Martin, however, revolted at the
effusion of blood which must necessarily be the precursor of so much
glory: he felt more sympathy at knowing that both his own and the
enemy's troops were falling victims almost hourly to the ravages of the
tertian fever and other diseases, for want of proper medicines, care,
and rest.

The situation occupied by the royal troops between Lima and Ancon, at a
place called Asna Pugio, is very swampy, and the number of men who
became affected with intermittent fevers increased daily; the hospitals
in Lima were filled with them, and their decrease by death, as well as
by desertion, was alarming to the Viceroy. The desertions would have
increased if the distance of the head quarters of San Martin had not
been so great, for several deserters were apprehended, and shot by the
royalists.

On the second of February the officers of the ex-Esmeralda, named by
General San Martin the Valdivia, in commemoration of the important
victory gained by Lord Cochrane over this place, addressed the following
letter to Captain Guise:

"Sir,--We have heard with regret and disappointment, that his excellency
General San Martin has been pleased to order that the name of this ship
shall be changed, and that she shall henceforward be known under the
appellation of the Valdivia. We regret that in the squadron of Chile the
immortal memories of Lautaro and Galvarino, who have, ages past, been
sacrificed on the ashes of the aspiring liberty of their country, and
the names of their surviving countrymen, O'Higgins and San Martin, (the
avengers of their wrongs, and the restorers of their rights) should be
associated with 'Valdivia,' a Spaniard who has shed such torrents of
American blood, the conqueror and enslaver of Chile, and founder of the
city which bears his name; and we are disappointed to find nothing in
the new name commemorative of the capture of the Esmeralda, but that it
has been made subservient to the celebration of another victory over the
enemy, which, although we had the misfortune not to participate in it,
yet claims our admiration and gratitude, but which bears no more
relation to the capture of this ship, than the battle of Chacabuco does
to that of Maypo; and, what would the victors of Maypo have thought had
that memorable event borne the name of Chacabuco! It is further to be
remembered, that very few of the captors of the Esmeralda took part in
the affair at Valdivia.--We are fully aware, that there are instances in
the squadron of ships being named after particular victories, (viz.
Chacabuco) but these were bought into the service by the property of the
state; the Esmeralda was purchased by the blood of her subjects.--If the
Esmeralda be destined to lose the name under which she was captured, we
express a hope that she will bear one more consonant to the feelings of
those by whom the service was achieved, than that which has been
selected. We have not had an opportunity of communicating with our
brother officers of the squadron, and these remarks are to be understood
as individually our own; we trust however that they will not appear to
yourself or to the commander in chief irrelevant with the interest which
we must always take in every thing in which the glory and prosperity of
the navy of Chile are concerned.--May we beg, therefore, that you will
take the earliest opportunity of bringing the subject before the admiral
and his excellency general San Martin, for their consideration.
(Signed.) Robert Bell, Lieutenant, H. C. Freeman, Lieutenant, J. M.
Michael, Surgeon, James L. Frew, Purser, Hugh Jerome Kernan, Assistant
Surgeon."

This letter, and the subsequent behaviour of the officers, obliged the
admiral to order them under an arrest, and to exhibit charges against
them for their trial by a court martial, which was held on the second of
March. The charges were "For having, by their letter bearing date the
second of February, 1821, addressed to Martin George Guise, Esq.,
combined falsely to represent to the said Martin George Guise, Esq.,
captain in the naval service of Chile, and on divers other occasions,
that the appellation of the 'Valdivia,' given to the frigate Esmeralda
was in disrespect to, and derogation of, the names of O'Higgins and San
Martin, and thereby to excite dissatisfaction against the admiral and
commander in chief, in commemoration of whose service in the capture of
the fortifications of 'Valdivia' the said name was given to the
'Esmeralda.' For attempting to excite dissatisfaction against their
aforesaid superior officers, by misrepresenting the name of the fortress
of 'Valdivia,' so given in commemoration of useful services, as the name
of a man whom the said officers further, with the intent aforesaid, have
pronounced to be a Spaniard who shed torrents of American blood; and
moreover, that the said officers did further, with the intent aforesaid
to create dissatisfaction against the superior officer, falsely
represent the person named Valdivia to have been the enslaver of Chile.
That the said officers did hold various conversations derogatory to the
vice-admiral of Chile, their commanding officer, and unnecessarily and
impertinently did interfere in the matter of naming the 'Esmeralda,'
contrary to the rules and subversive of the discipline of the naval
service of the state."

The sentence given by the court was, that "James M. Michael, Surgeon,
and James Frew, Purser, be dismissed the naval service of the state; and
Robert Bell, Lieut., Henry C. Freeman, Lieut., and Hugh J. Kernan,
Assistant Surgeon, be dismissed their ship, to be severely reprimanded
and admonished by the court, but to be recommended by the court to the
commander in chief for other appointments. (Signed) Robert Forster,
President, W. Wilkinson, T. Sackville Crosbie, William Prunier, Henry
Cobbett."

During the arrest of the officers of the Valdivia, Lord Cochrane wished
to make an attack on the vessels of war, blockships, gunboats, and
fortifications of Callao, and communicated the order for the same on the
twentieth of February, which order to Captain Guise was answered by a
private note to his lordship, stating, that he could not think of
entering on this service with any officers except those under arrest,
and that in case they were not permitted to rejoin their ship for this
attack, he must resign the command of her, and begged Lord Cochrane to
appoint another person to the command. The admiral answered Captain
Guise, that he could not appoint another person to the command of the
Valdivia, nor admit the resignation of Captain Guise on a private
solicitude, nor even on an official one, without some reasons being
alleged. Captain Guise now wrote officially, stating the refusal of Lord
Cochrane to be a sufficient motive for his resignation, and expressing a
request to be permitted to accompany his officers to head quarters, and
tender his commission to General San Martin. His letter was also
accompanied with one from the petty officers of the Valdivia, who
refused to serve under any other commander than himself. After some
further correspondence Captain Guise informed Lord Cochrane that he had
given the command of the Valdivia to Lieutenant Shepherd, and considered
himself superseded. The admiral, for the fourth time, sent Captain Guise
an order to act as commander of the Valdivia, requiring a categorical
answer to "whether he would or would not obey his orders, and signal to
weigh, made four hours previous to this communication," again requesting
some grounded reason for his resignation. The order to weigh was on
service of importance, and Captain Guise refused to obey it, repeating,
that his officers having been separated from his ship, he could not act,
and had given over to Lieutenant Shepherd the command of the Valdivia.

On the twenty-second of February Lord Cochrane ordered Captain Spry to
proceed in the brig Galvarino to the rendezvous off Chorillos, which
order was answered by Captain Spry, who requested leave to resign the
command of the Galvarino, as "his friend Captain Guise had been obliged
to resign that of his ship," and alleging that he held no appointment
from the Chilean government. Lord Cochrane demanded his motive for this
letter, and why, without the appointment alluded to, he had exercised
the authority of commander of the brig. The answer was, that "I (Captain
Spry) entered the Chilean navy conditionally, to serve only during the
period of the services of Captain Guise, under whose patronage and
protection I left England;" that his appointment was a verbal one from
the governor of Valparaiso, when he received his commission of Captain.
He added a desire to be permitted to go to head-quarters at Huacho, and
explain his conduct to General San Martin, concluding "if Captain Guise
is compelled to resign the command of the Valdivia, I am determined no
longer to hold that of the Galvarino." Captain Spry was placed under an
arrest on the twenty-second of February, on charges to be exhibited, and
such was the state of mutiny on board the Galvarino, that Captain
Crosbie, of the flag-ship, was ordered to anchor her in a safe
situation, which induced Captain Spry to write to the Admiral, stating,
that as he had been superseded by Captain Crosbie, he considered himself
on half-pay, and free from the jurisdiction of the martial law. His
letter was answered by an assurance, that he was not superseded; but
that having disobeyed the orders given, and declared his determination
not to hold the command of the Galvarino, Captain Crosbie had been
ordered to anchor her on the starboard beam of the O'Higgins, this
appearing necessary from the state of the crew of the brig, and that he
was not superseded in consequence of his said determination, nor had he
gone through the usual forms of delivering up the brig. Captain Spry
again insisted on his exemption from martial law; but finding the
Admiral determined to bring the affair to the decision of a
court-martial, of which he was aware that if the sentence were consonant
with the crime, and according to the ordinances of the navy, he would
never leave the deck of the brig, he now expressed no objection to being
tried by his brother officers, who were "neither prejudiced nor
interested."

The charges exhibited by the commander in chief were "for neglecting or
refusing to proceed on service in the Chilean state brig Galvarino,
pursuant to an order of the commander in chief, both verbally, and in
writing, given on or about the twenty-second of February, 1821, in
breach of the 14th article of war, made and provided.--For having
contrary to his duty as an officer written or caused to be written, a
certain letter to his commander in chief, signed John Tooker Spry,
further declining, or refusing to proceed on the duty so ordered, or
longer to serve than during the period of the services of Captain Guise,
under whose patronage and protection he had left England, and for
setting forth in the said letter, that if Captain Guise was compelled to
resign the command of the Valdivia, he the said John Tooker Spry would
no longer hold the command of the Galvarino; thereby delaying and
discouraging the service, in breach of the 14th article of war.--That
the said John Tooker Spry did by his conduct aforesaid, hold forth an
evil example to his ship's company (who immediately thereafter did in
writing and otherwise, refuse to weigh anchor until certain grievances,
which they did not set forth in the said writing, should be redressed),
the same being subversive of all discipline and subordination, and in
violation of the 14th article of war, made and provided."

The sentence of the court-martial was, that "John Tooker Spry be
dismissed the command of the brig Galvarino, be placed at the bottom of
the list of captains, and be severely reprimanded by the court."

On the fourth of March Captain Guise communicated to Lord Cochrane, that
Captain Spry having been dismissed the service by sentence of a
court-martial, he requested permission to accompany him in his own boat
to Huacho, which Lord Cochrane informed him he could not allow at that
critical moment. On the sixth the two captains and the officers went
down by the O'Higgins to head-quarters, where Ld. Cochrane on the
twelfth again offered to Captain Guise the command of the O'Higgins,
which he refused, as also ever to serve under Lord Cochrane again.

The whole of this affair was the result of what had passed at
Valparaiso, before the expedition quitted that port; and from several
circumstances connected with the conduct of these officers, and their
publicly asserting, that General San Martin would not swerve from his
promises made to them, their firm reliance on his support and patronage,
as well as the subsequent behaviour of the general himself, evinced that
he had been the entire instigator of what had passed at Valparaiso in
July and August, 1820, both on the part of the Chilean government, and
on that of the different officers who then and there misconducted
themselves. He well knew that he could not tamper with Lord Cochrane,
whose honourable feelings would not allow him to deviate from that line
of conduct which had marked the whole tenour of his public life: and had
not the officers of the squadron stood forth in support of their
commander in chief, his tender of his commission would have been
accepted by the government.

On the arrival at head-quarters of Captains Guise and Spry, the latter,
in defiance of decorum and example, was appointed by General San Martin
his naval adjutant, Edecan Naval, as if to gall the feelings of Lord
Cochrane, and bring into supreme contempt the sentence of a
court-martial, by protecting in the most public manner the individual
who had merited the chastisement of the law. So elated was Captain Spry
with his new appointment, that in the house of Colonel, now General
Miller, he conducted himself towards Lord Cochrane in the most
ungentlemanly manner, so much so, that the honourable feelings of Miller
were wounded, and he apologized to the Admiral for the conduct of Spry.

On the fourth of March, General San Martin sent Captain Guise and his
officers with a request to the Admiral to reinstate them in their former
appointment: his lordship again offered Captain Guise the command of any
vessel in the squadron with such officers as might at the time belong to
the vessel, and to those officers who had not been dismissed the
service, appointments to the vacancies in the squadron, according to the
recommendation of the court-martial; but Captain Guise again refused to
act with any other officers than those who accompanied him, and the
officers returned their appointments, with the assurance that they would
only serve under the orders of Captain Guise; they therefore all
returned to the head-quarters of the army, where they remained until the
surrender of Callao.

At the same time that the Chilean squadron was a scene of
insubordination and irregularities among those officers whose duty it
was to obey the orders of their commander in chief, not only for the
good of the service of Chile, but to the end that they themselves might
meet with that deference and obedience in their subalterns which
constitute the very essence of military discipline, Lima was the theatre
of anarchy and confusion. On the twenty-ninth of January a revolution
took place in the Spanish army at Asnapugio, founded on the plea of
inability in the Viceroy Pesuela to conduct the affairs of the
viceroyalty, during such critical circumstances as the present. The
result was, that an official communication was made to Pesuela, stating
the absolute necessity of his abdication, and that it must take place
within four hours. Pesuela answered, that the time specified was
insufficient for him to deliver up the authority, but Cantarac,
Caratalá, Valdes, Ricafort, and the other officers at the head of the
insurrection replied, that the answer of his Excellency did not
correspond with their expectations, and that "the troops were under
arms, with all their officers, without a single exception, and that they
would not lay them down until they had obtained an order to acknowledge
General La Serna Viceroy of Peru, and were assured that a similar order
had been given to the different tribunals and authorities. In
consequence of this intimation, Pesuela issued the order, and La Serna
was proclaimed Viceroy and Captain General of Peru. This change only
proves the right of power, which admits of no interpretation, nor leaves
any subterfuge to obedience. The similarity of the fate of the first
and last of the Spanish Viceroys as governors general is rather
remarkable. The first, Don Francisco Pizarro, was murdered in his own
palace at Lima, by his subaltern officers; the last, Don Joaquin de la
Pesuela, was forced to abdicate his authority in the viceregal palace at
Lima, by his subalterns, and to nominate an usurper as his successor. On
the seventh February La Serna addressed the following proclamation to
the royal troops:--

"Soldiers!--Your will and support has placed me at the head of the
government of the viceroyalty!"--A declaration more rebellious than any
one presented by the insurgent chiefs of America, until the conduct of
the Spaniards forced them to declare their independence of Spanish
domination.

On the thirteenth February Capt. Carter, in the brig of war Araucano,
arrived at Chancay, with the Spanish schooner of war Aransasu, which he
had taken on the ninth. The Aransasu was from Panama, bound to Callao,
having on board three officers belonging to the regiment of Numancia,
and several Spanish merchants, as passengers.

On the thirteenth March part of the squadron left the bay of Huacho,
having on board a division of the patriot forces, under the command of
Lieut.-colonel Miller, destined to cause a diversion in the Spanish
troops, by landing at Pisco. This object was effected on the
twenty-first; but owing to the written instructions given by General San
Martin, and from which Lord Cochrane was determined not to swerve, the
result was what might have been anticipated: nothing of importance to
the cause of America.

After the abdication of the Viceroy Pesuela, he retired to a country
residence at the small village of La Magdalena, and wishing to send his
lady and family to Europe, he solicited the necessary passport of
General San Martin, well knowing that they could not escape the Chilean
vessels of war employed in the blockade of Callao; but the permission
was refused. Lady Cochrane and family having arrived at Callao in the
British frigate Andromache, for the purpose of seeing his lordship
before she left South America for England, Dona Angela, the Vicequeen,
supplicated her ladyship to interpose her influence with the general, as
the only means by which she could expect to obtain leave to embark for
Europe. Lady Cochrane, actuated by that sincere philanthropy which so
eminently distinguishes and adorns her, went immediately to Huaura, and
obtained of General San Martin the favour she solicited, on condition
that her ladyship would remain on shore in Peru one month, which was
agreed to; but being the "better half" of a sailor, her ladyship
declined remaining at head quarters among soldiers, and spent the whole
of the time at Huaito, a plantation belonging to Doña Josefa
Monteblanco, highly gratified with the kind and hospitable treatment of
her host. The Viceroy's lady took her passage on board the Andromache,
and Lord Cochrane was honoured by an introduction to her by Captain
Sherriff. After some conversation. Doña Angela declared, that his
lordship was a polite _rational_ being, and not the _ferocious brute_
she had been taught to consider him--a compliment which his lordship
received with all due respect to her Vicequeenship.

On the return of Lord Cochrane to head quarters, it was determined by
General San Martin, that a second division under the command of
Lieutenant Miller should embark, and act according to the discretionary
instructions of the admiral. The admiral left the bay of Huacho, and
proceeded to Pisco, where some minor skirmishes took place with the
enemy. The troops were re-embarked at Pisco on the twenty-second of
April: his lordship hoisted his flag on board the San Martin, and with
the schooner Aransasu proceeded to Arica, where with the assistance of
uncommonly favourable winds we arrived on the fifth of May.

The landing in the bay of Arica is attended with almost insurmountable
difficulties; indeed sometimes it is not practicable, except on the
balsas made by the natives. These are composed of seal-skins inflated:
two are generally sewed together end to end, and the balsa is formed by
lashing two of these side by side, laying some canes on the top. The man
who manages the balsa sits astride on the aftermost part, and impels the
balsa with a double paddle, broad at each end, which he holds by the
middle, and so dexterous are the natives, that there is not the least
danger of being upset, or even of being wetted with the surf. On these
original and apparently precarious rafts, all the merchandize is landed
at Arica, and all the specie brought to the vessels, except the sea be
very calm and the surf run low.

Immediately on our arrival at Arica, a flag of truce was sent on shore
with a summons to surrender, accompanied by an assurance that all
persons and personal property would be respected, except those and such
as belonged to those who by their present conduct should prove
themselves enemies to the cause of South American liberty. This was
answered by an assurance that the persons and property at Arica were
all under the protection of the arms of his Most Catholic Majesty, whose
rights would be defended by his faithful vassals against his rebel
subjects and foreign pirates. Nothing was now left but to enforce
obedience, and the situation in which the San Martin had anchored not
being a commanding one, she was hauled nearer in shore on the sixth, and
a few shells thrown over the town; but as this had not the desired
effect of intimidating the enemy, a landing of the troops was determined
on, and in the night a convenient place was sought for to the southward,
but the search proving fruitless, part of the troops were embarked on
board the schooner Aransasu, under the command of Major Soler, and
ordered to proceed to the northward to Sama, to land and march upon the
town. On the eighth Lieutenant-colonel Miller followed with the
remainder of the troops, to join Major Soler. A few shots and shells
were occasionally thrown into the town, to keep the Spanish troops on
the alert as to the movements of the ship, while our troops should make
their appearance on shore, which happened on the morning of the
eleventh, when the whole of the inhabitants and troops abandoned the
town. Captain Wilkinson with the marines landed with considerable
difficulty, and hoisted the Patriot flag on the staff at the small
battery. Major Soler captured from the enemy fifty-eight thousand
dollars and six bars of silver, under the protection of a guard of
soldiers on their way to Arequipa.

On the fourteenth the whole of the troops and the marines belonging to
the San Martin, amounting to two hundred and seventy men, under the
command of Lieutenant-colonel Miller, left Arica, and marched towards
Tacna, twelve leagues from Arica, where they arrived on the fifteenth,
and without any opposition took possession of the town; they were here
joined by two companies of infantry, who deserted the cause of the king.
Lord Cochrane ordered that these should form the base of a new regiment,
to be called the first independents of Tacna, and as the particular flag
for the troops of Peru was not determined on at head quarters, his
lordship presented them with one having a sun in the centre on a blue
field.

From original papers found in the custom-house at Tacna, it appeared,
that the quantity of European goods in the stores at Arica belonged to
Spanish merchants residing at Lima; consequently an order was issued
for their being embarked in the San Martin.

Immediately on the landing of Lord Cochrane, he called upon the
inhabitants to form a civil government, for the protection of their
property against many individuals who began to come into the town from
the country for the purpose of plunder, assuring them at the same time,
that, although they had not attended to his invitation to remain in
their houses, it was not his intention to deliver up the town to be
sacked, nor had he done it, but at the same time he could not be
answerable for thefts committed, unless the inhabitants would assist in
the protection of their houses and property, and in apprehending all
suspicious and disorderly persons; he also promised them that all
private property belonging to Americans, the friends of the cause of
their country, should be returned if claimed, and, consequent to this
promise, the schooner Dos Amigos, and other property seized, were
delivered to their owners.

Colonel Miller advanced with his division towards Moquegua, and had a
sharp engagement with a party of royal troops at Mirabe, commanded by
Colonel Sierra, who was taken prisoner. On the morning after the
engagement, which took place in the night, another detachment of troops
arrived to join the one stationed at Mirabe; but on hearing the fate of
their comrades they thought it better to retreat than to enter into any
dispute with the victorious troops, and their valiant leader. On the
arrival of this news, and that the troops were at Moquegua, Lord
Cochrane dropped down to Ilo, with the San Martin, for the purpose of
being nearer to Colonel Miller's head quarters.

The town of Arica is the capital of the province of the same name; it is
situated in a small valley, and stands close to the sea. It was
anciently a place of considerable importance and size; but since the
year 1605, when it was destroyed by an earthquake, it has gradually
decreased, the more respectable inhabitants having retired to Tacna;
their departure was also hastened by its being sacked in 1680 by the
pirate John Warren. Arica has at present a parish church, and three poor
convents, San Francisco, La Merced and San Juan de Dios. The population
is composed of whites, indians and a few slaves. Owing to some low
swampy ground, produced by the annual overflowings of the river and the
want of proper drainage, intermittent fevers are very common here, of
which many _serranos_, people from the interior, die, when they come
down on business. All our people who slept on shore at Arica, including
the admiral, suffered by them, and some died. The climate is similar to
that of Lima, it seldom rains, but the fogs are very heavy.

The valley of Arica is small, but at the distance of a mile from the
town it is pretty, owing to the relief which the eye feels when resting
on vegetable productions, after being fatigued with the barren sandy
scenery which surrounds the town. The principal produce of the valley is
_aji_, capsicum, and olives, which are remarkably large, and finely
flavoured; plantains, bananas, camotes, yucas, and other vegetables, are
cultivated in the gardens, and some tropical fruits.

The town of Arica will doubtless become of considerable importance with
the changes that have taken place in South America. Indeed it always
would have been so, had not the colonial laws declared it a close port,
_no abilitado_. It is the key to the provinces of Upper Peru, Arequipa,
La Pas, Potosi, Chuquisaca, &c., being a better landing place than Ilo,
Mollendo, or Quilca; it possesses also the advantage of fresh water for
shipping, which is extremely scarce at the other ports. Arica is
situate in 18° 28´ 40´´ south latitude, and 70° 13´ 30´´ west longitude.

The town of Tacna stands in a very pleasant and fruitful valley, it is
considerably larger than Arica, and has a much better appearance; some
of the houses are large, commodious, and well furnished; thus, among
other articles, I saw several piano-fortes. The principal wealth of the
inhabitants consists in their large droves of mules, for the purpose of
conveying the merchandize from Arica into the interior, and from some
parts of Upper Peru to Lima. Tacna is to Arica what Piura is to Paita.

On the twenty-seventh of May we came to an anchor in the bay of Ilo, and
immediately supplied Colonel Miller with everything that he wanted; he
had removed his head-quarters from the town of Moquegua to a farm called
Rinconada, judging that the climate of this place was better for his
troops, as it was cooler here than in the town.

Ilo is an indifferent anchorage, and a bad landing place; the village is
composed of miserable huts, and a few houses which indicate the
residence of penury; a scarcity of water prevails, and consequently of
fruit and vegetables. Col. Sierra and Capt. Suares were here embarked,
having been sent down by Colonel Miller; but they were soon afterwards
liberated at Mollendo on their parole of honour, having sworn not to act
hostilely until they should be exchanged according to the regulations of
war.

At the moment when Colonel Miller was about to advance into the
interior, having disciplined a number of recruits from different parts
of the adjoining provinces, and when everything promised a general
revolt in favour of the cause of independence, he transmitted to Lord
Cochrane the original communication which he had received from the
governor of Arequipa, announcing a cessation of hostilities for twenty
days, from the date of the receipt of the communication. This armistice
was ratified by General San Martin and the Viceroy La Serna on the
twenty-third of May, and sent express by the latter to Ovalle, the
governor of Arequipa.

The armistice had been personally formed by the contending chiefs, who
met at Punchauca, and agreed on appointing new deputies for the purpose
of conciliation; they were to hold their conferences on board of a
neutral ship in the bay of Callao, for which purpose the Cleopatra was
chosen.

Such was the state of Lima at this period, that the cabildo addressed
the following official note to the Viceroy La Serna:

"Most Excellent Sir,--No title is more glorious, nor more amiable, than
that of a Pacificator. Augustus, when stifling the volcano of civil war
among the Romans, and giving peace to the universe, was the greatest of
mortals, and almost a God upon earth. It is the duty of every prince to
imitate this example, if he be desirous of, and interested in the health
and prosperity of the people committed to his guardianship. Whoever
knows the great advantages and feels what it is to reign over grateful
hearts, will find more charms than in the most fortunate and prosperous
warfare.

"Your Excellency, placed at the head of the junta of Pacification of
Peru, has gained the love, the veneration, and the confidence of this
city. The hope of this great felicity has caused us to suffer with
resignation, losses and privations of every class. The end of the
armistice is fast approaching, and we do not yet perceive one ray of
this celestial gift. Why is it so long retarded, while Lima suffers such
a train of evils that fill her with consternation?

"To the distance of twenty-five leagues round the city, the most
frightful devastation every where reigns. Our cattle, our grain, and
our fruits are the victims of military fury. The richest and most
opulent of our provinces have succumbed to the prepotent force of the
enemy, and the rest are threatened with the same fate; while this
suffering capital experiences the horrible effects of a rigorous
blockade, hunger, robberies, and death. Our own soldiers pay no respect
to the last remains of our property, even our oxen, indispensably
necessary for the cultivation of the land, are slain. If this plague
continue, what will be our lot--our miserable condition!

"The soldier must be supported as well as the citizen, but not to the
injury of the latter: they must both be guided by the same laws, and
must both be equal. Both compose the state, and the support of both is
necessary; founded on the same right of nature and of society. But let
us abandon these melancholy relations, and confine ourselves entirely to
those of peace.

"Peace is the general wish of the people: they have laboured since the
year 1815 under the grievances of war, and have not force to support it
any longer. Without the money, without the provisions, without the
desire, and without the means of supporting an opposition, the people
flock to the standard of General San Martin; hundreds of men leave our
walls, that they may not die of hunger. A swarm of robbers infest our
roads and intercept our provisions, insult us, and plunder our houses.
The public speak loudly against our apathy and silence, and evils worse
than those usually produced by war must soon be the result. The
happiness of the capital and of the kingdom depends on peace, and this
depends on the "yes" of your excellency. The corporation of Lima hopes
to see it established, and promises to your excellency the constant and
everlasting gratitude of the people. God preserve your excellency many
years. Hall of the corporation of Lima, June 7th, 1821. (Signed) The
Count of San Isidro, and all the members of the body corporate."

To this note the Viceroy gave the following answer:

"Most Excellent Sir,--Unquestionably war is the exercise of the right of
force, and the most terrible of all the plagues that destroy the human
species: it does not pardon even the victorious, and the most fortunate
partake of its effects.

"As a philanthropist I love and desire peace; but as a soldier and a
public man, I cannot accede to a peace which is indecorous: thus, if
the general in chief of the invading army will agree to an armistice
honourable and fair to the arms of the Spanish nation, you and every one
of you may remain assured that my vote shall be for peace; but if he
will not, no! for I never will assent to any thing derogatory to the
honour of the Spanish nation, in which case it would be better to die
than to live. I believe that these are also the sentiments of the
individuals who compose the body corporate; and of this city, which is
called heroic, whose inhabitants are well aware, that to deserve this
epithet valour, patience and the other virtues, not common, are
necessary.

"In fine, although I am at the head of the junta of pacification, in it
I have only one vote, so that the corporation is deceived in supposing,
that peace depends on my "yes;" but I repeat, that if it did, I would
prefer war to an indecorous peace; and even supposing that preponderance
which your excellency actually gives to the forces of General San
Martin, you must be aware, that war is a game where more or less is
risked according to the passions of the gamblers: at one time one wins,
and another loses; and when much is won, it generally happens that the
winner continues gambling in the hope of increasing his store; or he
who loses will not desist, in hopes of regaining what he has lost; at
last fortune varies, and the winner not only loses what he had won, but
also what he had when he began.

"This is what I have to say in answer to your note of yesterday. God
preserve your excellency many years. (Signed) Jose de la Serna."

From the number of deserters who daily arrived at Huaura, the head
quarters of general San Martin, the state of Lima was well known. The
officers of the army were divided in their opinions; the cabildo in open
war with the viceroy; the opinion of the people in favour of liberty;
the troops disserting or dying in the hospitals; hunger parading the
streets, and every one, high and low, general and soldier, master and
slave, convinced that the idea of resisting the patriot forces was the
chimera of a madman. Hence it followed that when La Serna proposed to
San Martin an armistice of sixteen months, under the pretence that both
parties should refer the decision to the court of Madrid, the latter
declined acceding to it.

Notwithstanding the favourable appearance of things, the army of San
Martin was tired of their inglorious inaction, knowing full well that
to take the capital of Peru only required them to enter it, and this
opinion was supported by every new arrival from Lima. The consummate
prudence of San Martin, however, did not allow him to risk the firing of
a shot, lest the ball might slay "a brother;" at the same time that his
Guerilla parties were actively engaged in committing all the cruelties
incident to predatory warfare. But the presence of the general was not
necessary in such skirmishes, nor his humanity compromised; the truth
is, his person was in no jeopardy. Complaints began to be every day more
loud in the army, and dissention more visible, so much so, that it
became a daily task at the tables of the officers, to drink to "those
who fight for the liberty of Peru, not those who write, _a los que
pelean por la libertad del Peru, no los que escriven_." San Martin,
aware of the state of his army, embarked in the schooner Montezuma, in
order to re-establish his health, and a prorogation of the armistice for
twelve days more was ratified.

During this cessation of hostilities, his lordship dropped down to
Mollendo, where a neutral vessel was taking in wheat, for supplying the
city of Lima. The admiral immediately wrote to the governor of
Arequipa, expressing his astonishment that neutrals should be allowed
to embark provisions during an armistice, for the purpose of supplying
one of the belligerents, to the injury of the other, and contrary to the
Spanish colonial laws; to which the governor answered, that the whole of
the wheat at Mollendo belonged to Spanish merchants residing at Lima, or
Arequipa, and that no part of it whatever belonged to neutrals, and that
if any had been embarked since the celebration of the armistice, it was
in violation of the orders of the government, to correct which he had
again issued the most positive orders against such an infraction of the
stipulations of Punchauca. With this answer his lordship retired from
Mollendo, but sent in a boat with a lieutenant belonging to the San
Martin, to watch the actions of the enemy at Mollendo; on being assured
that the embarkation of the wheat was persevered in, the San Martin
returned to Mollendo on the nineteenth of June, and shipped the
remainder of the wheat found on shore.

When every thing was ready for Colonel Miller to proceed into the
interior, the news arrived, on the fifth of July, of the prorogation of
the armistice. This with the news received from the army, through
private letters, induced his lordship to equip and victual some of the
prizes taken at Arica, and leave them for the reception of the troops
under Col. Miller, in case of any emergency, and repair to Callao, for
the purpose of learning the true state of affairs at head-quarters. We
arrived at Callao on the eighth of July, 1821.




CHAPTER XI.

     Lima evacuated by La Serna....Occupation of by the Liberating
     Army....Loss of the San Martin....Arrival of Lord Cochrane at
     Lima....Conduct of the Spaniards after leaving Lima....Independence
     of Peru sworn....San Martin constitutes himself Protector of
     Peru....Interview between Lord Cochrane and San
     Martin....Announcement of the views of the Spanish Army....State of
     the Squadron....San Martin takes the field....Arrival and Departure
     of Cantarac....Proclamation of San Martin....Treasure taken at
     Ancon by Lord Cochrane....Surrender of Callao....Tribunal of
     Purification established at Lima....Lieutenant Wynter arrested at
     Callao....Paroissien and Spry visit the Squadron at
     Midnight....Squadron leaves Callao, arrives at Guayaquil.


On the arrival of Lord Cochrane in the bay of Callao, on the eighth of
July, General San Martin came on board the flag ship, from the schooner
Sacramento, bringing with him the welcome news of the fall of Lima, or
rather of its evacuation by the Spanish troops.

On the sixth of July, 1821, the Viceroy La Serna informed the Marquis of
Monte-mira that it being convenient, he should retire with the troops
under his command from the capital of Peru, leaving only a few companies
of the regiment of La Concordia, militias, to preserve order and
tranquillity, under the command of his excellency the political and
military governor.

On the same day La Serna informed San Martin of his determination; as
also that he had deposited in the castles at Callao such warlike stores
as he had thought requisite for his ulterior operations, leaving the
rest in Lima as he found them. La Serna solicited that such sick as he
had been obliged to leave in the hospitals might be kindly treated; he
requested, too, that none of the inhabitants might suffer any
persecution for their past political opinions and conduct, assuring
General San Martin that his conduct should be subject to every rule of
reciprocity.

A detachment of horse entered Lima on the evening of the seventh, but
without any orders from General San Martin, and on the eighth the
liberating army took possession of the city, but the general in chief
judged it most prudent to remain on board his schooner in the bay of
Callao, till the night of the ninth, when he made his private entry into
Lima.

On the fourteenth an announcement appeared in the ministerial gazette of
Lima, that, on account of the great scarcity of wheat in the city,
General San Martin had directed that two thousand fanegas, then on board
the flag ship of the Chilean squadron, should be landed at the
Chorrillos free of duty; and for this purpose, the San Martin was
ordered to the said port, which she entered on the sixteenth: she was,
however, unfortunately run aground by Captain Wilkinson, and, although
every endeavour was made to save her, she was completely lost, owing to
the uncommon swell of the sea at the time.

On the fourteenth a note was addressed by General San Martin to the
cabildo of Lima, requesting the convocation of a general meeting, that
the opinion of the inhabitants might be made public, with regard to
their determination on the independence of the country. This request was
immediately complied with; and on the fifteenth the members of the
corporation, his excellency the archbishop, the prelates of the
conventual orders, the titles of Castile, and many other individuals,
met at the city hall, and the following act was signed by the whole of
them:

"The general will is decided on the independence of Peru with respect to
the Spanish or any other foreign domination; and to this effect let the
form of the necessary oath be drawn up and administered."

On the seventeenth Lord Cochrane entered Lima amid the loudest
acclamations of the inhabitants. The Marquis of Monte-mira had sent his
carriage for Lord Cochrane to Chorrillos; but a deputation from the
cabildo and others from different corporations having met his lordship
on the road, he alighted from the carriage, and mounted a horse, brought
for the occasion.

The inhabitants of Lima being desirous of seeing the naval hero of the
expedition, a levee was held on the same evening at the palace, where
the Admiral received the compliments of the principal personages of the
city; but General San Martin judging it more decorous to be absent when
a "subaltern" received the thanks of the cabildo of Lima, and the
compliments of its inhabitants, remained at la Legua, half-way between
Lima and Callao, where he had established his head quarters. On the
eighteenth in the morning the archbishop visited his lordship, which
visit was immediately returned; when Lord Cochrane left the city to wait
upon the general in chief at his head quarters.

On the seventeenth an order was published for the abolition of the
Spanish royal arms in any part of the city where they had been placed;
and this proclamation was accompanied by another, as follows:

"Having been informed, with great horror to my delicate sentiments, and
in violation of my humane principles, that some passionate individuals
vex and insult the Spaniards with threats and taunts, I order and
command, that all persons who shall commit such kind of excesses, in
opposition to American gentleness of manners, to decorum, and to good
and rational education, be denounced to the political and military
governor of the city, that, the fact being proved, he may be punished
for such reproachful conduct."

On the eighteenth a civic guard was ordered to be formed, to supersede
the Spanish regiment de la Concordia, and the gran mariscal Marquis of
Torre Tagle was appointed colonel of it.

On the twenty-second of July a proclamation was issued, ordering that
the public act of the declaration of the independence of Peru should
take place on the twenty-eighth of the same month, with all the
solemnity due to so memorable a transaction.

After the Spanish troops left Lima on the sixth, their march into the
interior was marked with the most horrid outrages: from Lurin to Bujama,
a distance of nine leagues, thirty-four dead bodies were left on the
road; some had died of disease, others had been shot; and, according to
the uniform statements of the deserters from the Spaniards, Colonel
Rodil was the executioner of the greater part of these victims. On the
thirteenth, thirty-nine sick and five dead men were found near to
Bujama, and carried to a temporary hospital. From the village of Huaycan
advices were received on the twenty-first that La Serna had issued an
order imposing capital punishment on every individual belonging to, or
under the protection of the Spanish army, who should leave the route
assigned a distance of twenty yards; notwithstanding which, upwards of
three hundred deserted at Huaycan, and at Lunaguaná upwards of six
hundred. In a skirmish near the latter place the Spaniards lost twenty
killed, and more than fifty prisoners, and La Serna was completely
surrounded in the ravine of Pilas. The efforts of the Guerilla parties
in harassing the Spanish troops were constant and successful; and had a
division of the liberating army been sent to co-operate with the
Guerillas, it is most probable that the entire Spanish army would have
been annihilated; but the whole of the army was disposed of in the
barracks of Lima, or at Bellavista, where they were stationed to watch
the operations of about eight hundred men, under General La Mar, in the
batteries of Callao. A small division under General Arenales stationed
in the province of Yauyos was ordered to Lima, and the whole of the
interior was abandoned to the protection of the Guerilla parties, who
had to act against the organized Spanish army, so that the towns which
had declared their adherence to the cause of independence, when they
believed themselves under the protection of the liberating forces, were
abandoned, to experience all the rigours of their constituted enemies,
the Spaniards, and thus pave the way to the state of affairs which
subsequently took place in Peru.

[Illustration: INDIAN MULETEER OF MEXICO. INDIAN OF SAN PEDRO, western
shore of Mexico.

_Engraved for Stevenson's Narrative of South America._]

Lord Cochrane having retired from Lima, on board the O'Higgins, in the
bay of Callao, received on the twentieth the following invitation from
the cabildo of Lima:

"Lima, the capital of Peru, is about to solemnize the most august act
which has been performed for three centuries, or since her foundation;
this is, the proclamation of her independence, and her absolute
exclusion from the Spanish government, as well as that of any other
foreign potentate; and this cabildo, wishing the ceremony to be
conducted with all possible decorum and solemnity, considers it
necessary that your Excellency, who has so gloriously co-operated in the
consecution of this highly desired object, will deign to assist at the
act, with your illustrious officers, on Saturday the twenty-eighth
inst."

On the twenty-eighth the procession, composed of General San Martin,
Lieut.-General Marquis of Monte-mira, the staff officers of the army,
the university and four colleges, the prelates of the religious orders,
the military chiefs, the judges, many of the nobility, and the members
of the cabildo, left the palace, mounted on richly caparisoned horses,
and were followed by the body guard of the ex-viceroy, the escort of the
general in chief, and the battalion No. 8, with the flags of Chile and
Buenos Ayres, and proceeded to a stage erected in the plasa mayor.
General San Martin ascended the stage, and displayed the national flag
of Peru, pronouncing at the same time--"Peru is from this moment free
and independent, by the general vote of the people, and by the justice
of her cause, which God defend!"

The cavalcade then paraded the principal streets of the city, and
returned to the palace where Lord Cochrane was waiting in the balcony,
whence medals commemorative of the act were distributed; but even these
evinced the ambition of the general, who, from the very outset of the
expedition, had endeavoured to monopolize every species of credit: for
this purpose, the inscription chosen for the medals was, "Lima secured
its independence on the twenty-eighth of July, 1821, under the
protection of the liberating army, commanded by San Martin."

On the following Sunday a solemn Te Deum was chanted at the cathedral,
and high mass was celebrated by the archbishop; after which the
individuals who on the twenty-eighth had formed the procession advanced
separately to the high altar, and took the oath, on the sacred gospels,
to "defend with their opinions, property and persons, the independence
of Peru, against the Spanish government, and any other foreign power."

On the twenty-ninth Colonel Miller, having been obliged to abandon the
province of Arica on the twenty-second, landed at Pisco, having
increased his division to nine hundred and sixty men.

On the thirtieth Lord Cochrane reported to General San Martin, that on
the twenty-fifth he had ordered Captain Crosbie to enter the anchorage
at Callao, and to cut out as many of the enemy's vessels as he could
conveniently bring to anchor outside the range of the batteries, which
he did in the most gallant manner, bringing out the San Fernando and
Milagro, the two largest merchantmen, and the Resolucion, armed as a
sloop of war; besides several launches and boats, burning at the same
time two hulks within musket shot of the enemy's batteries.

After the ceremony on the Sunday at the cathedral was concluded, a
deputation from the cabildo waited on General San Martin, with the
request, that he would take upon himself the political and military
superintendence of Peru, which in the name and on the behalf of the
capital they had the honor to offer to him. To this communication, with
such a smile as few but San Martin can express, he informed them, that
the offer was quite unnecessary, for that as he had _taken_ the command
he should keep it so long as he thought proper, and that he should
moreover allow no juntas, nor assemblies for the discussion of public
matters during his pleasure. This was an answer not very congenial to
the feelings of men who had just been called on to swear, in the
presence of the Almighty, to their _liberty_ and _independence_!

On the fourth of August fresh advices of the atrocities committed by
the Spaniards on their march into the interior were published at Lima;
one piece of intelligence was, that at the town of Tauripampa a hospital
had been formed of the church, and that at the time that La Serna left
the town the doors of the church were closed, and the whole set fire to,
when the miserable soldiers who could not accompany the Spanish army
were burnt to death, as well as great numbers of the inhabitants of the
town in their houses, Rodil at the same time declaring, that it was more
honorable for them to die than to serve in the ranks of the rebels.

On the third of August the following proclamation was issued at Lima:

"Don Jose San Martin, &c.--When I took charge of the important
enterprize of the liberty of Peru, I had no other motive than a desire
of forwarding the sacred cause of liberty in America, and of promoting
the felicity of the people of Peru. A considerable part of this is
already realized; but this work would remain incomplete, and my feelings
little satisfied, if I did not establish for ever the future security
and prosperity of the inhabitants of this region.

"After my arrival at Pisco I announced, that owing to the imperiousness
of the circumstances, I was invested with the supreme authority, and
that I was responsible to the patria for the exercise of it. These
circumstances yet exist, because Peru has yet to combat with her
enemies, and consequently it is necessary that the supreme command
should continue in my hands.

"I hope, that because I thus act, you will do me the justice to believe
that I am not induced by any ambitious views, but by public convenience
alone. It is abundantly notorious, that I only aspire to retirement and
tranquillity, after a life so greatly agitated as mine has been; but I
hold a moral responsibility which requires the sacrifice of my most
sanguine desires. The experience of twelve years of revolution in
Venezuela, Cundinamarca, Chile, and the united provinces of Rio de la
Plata have given me a knowledge of the evils attending the untimely
convocation of congresses, while the enemy yet exists in the country;
independence must first be secured; we must afterwards think of the
solid establishment of liberty. The religious scrupulosity with which I
have always in my public life fulfilled my promises gives me the right
to be believed; and I compromise myself most solemnly with the people of
Peru, that at that moment in which the territory is free, I will resign
the command, to make room for such a government as they may think fit
to elect. The frankness with which I speak ought to serve as a guarantee
for the sincerity of my intention. I might have ordained that electors
named by the citizens of the free departments should nominate the person
who was to govern until the reunion of the representatives of the
Peruvian nation. The simultaneous invitation of a great number of
persons of elevated character and decided influence in this capital who
have requested that I should preside at the administration of the state,
ensures to me the popular appointment; besides, as I had obtained the
assent of the people under the protection of the liberating army, I have
judged it more decorous and convenient to follow this loyal and frank
conduct, which must tranquillize all those who are jealous of their
liberties.

"When I have the satisfaction to deliver up the command, and to give an
account of my operations to the representatives of the people, I am
confident that they will not find in the epoch of my administration any
of those strokes of venality, despotism, or corruption, which have
characterized the agents of the Spanish government in America. To
administer strict justice to all, rewarding virtue and patriotism, and
punishing vice and sedition wherever it may be found, is the model by
which I shall regulate my actions, so long as I am placed at the head of
this nation."

After this most fascinating description of what a chief magistrate ought
to be, but in which the duties of a general are not even hinted at, San
Martin declares himself the Protector of Peru, and Don Juan Garcia del
Rio, Don Bernardo Monteagudo, and Dr. Don Hipolito Unanue, his three
ministers of state. It is almost unnecessary to say how ill this
self-constituted authority agrees with the promises made by the Supreme
Director of Chile in his proclamation to the Peruvians; and in that of
General San Martin issued after his arrival in Peru. I merely hint at
these things, that my readers may not be surprized when they find that
his promises were just as binding in one case as in the other.

On the following morning, the fourth of August, Lord Cochrane,
uninformed of the change which had taken place in the title of San
Martin, visited the palace, and began to beg of the general in chief to
propose some means for the payment of the foreign seamen, who had served
their times, and fulfilled their contract. To this San Martin answered,
"that he would never pay the Chilean squadron unless it were sold to
Peru, and then the payment should be considered as a part of the
purchase money." To this Lord Cochrane replied, that by such a
transaction the squadron of Chile would be transferred to Peru by merely
paying what was due to the officers and crews for services done to Peru.
San Martin knit his brows, and turning to his two ministers, Garcia and
Monteagudo, who were in the room, ordered them to retire; to which his
lordship objected, stating that as he was not master of the Spanish
language, he wished them to remain as his interpreters, fearful that
some expression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive.
San Martin now turned round to the Admiral, and said, "are you aware, my
lord, that I am Protector of Peru?" "No," said his lordship. "I ordered
my secretaries to inform you of it," returned San Martin. "That is now
unnecessary," said his lordship, "for you have personally informed me:
but I sincerely hope that the friendship which has existed between
General San Martin and myself will still continue to exist between the
Protector of Peru and myself." San Martin then, rubbing his hands, said,
"I have only to say, that I am Protector of Peru!"

The manner in which this last sentence was expressed roused the admiral,
who advancing, said, "then it now becomes me, as the senior officer of
Chile, and consequently the representative of the nation, to request the
fulfilment of all the promises made to Chile, and the squadron, but
first, and principally, the squadron." San Martin returned--"Chile!
Chile! I will never pay a single real to Chile! and as to the squadron,
you may take it where you please, and go when you choose: a couple of
schooners are quite enough for me: _Chile! Chile! yo nunca pagare un
real a Chile! y en quanto a la esquadra, puede V. llevarla donde quiere,
e irse quando guste, con un par de goletas me basta a mi_;" and snapped
his fingers in the face of the Admiral. On hearing this, Garcia left the
room, while Monteagudo walked to the balcony. San Martin paced the room
for a short time, and, turning to his lordship, caught his hand, and
said, "forget, my lord, what is past!" The admiral, dashing away the
tear with which surprize and indignation had suffused his eye, replied,
"I will, when I can," and immediately left the palace. His lordship was
now undeceived by the man himself: the repeated reports he had heard of
his past conduct crowded on his distracted imagination, and knowing what
might be attempted, from what had already been done, his lordship agreed
with me, that his life was not safe ashore; he therefore immediately
took horse, rode to Boca Negra, and went on board his frigate.

This conversation has been denied by some of San Martin's partizans; but
were it necessary more fully to substantiate the fact, the subsequent
official correspondence between the protector of Peru and the admiral of
the Chilean squadron would fully prove the truth of what I have stated.

San Martin, reflecting that the batteries of Callao were yet in the
hands of the enemy, and that should the Chilean naval force raise the
blockade, he did not possess the means of driving them out, nor of
forcing them to surrender, exerted himself in conciliatory measures,
heaping promise upon promise, both as to the payment of the arrears of
the crews and premiums and rewards. He endeavoured to soften down his
expressions of the fourth, stating that he only said, or meant to say,
that "it might be interesting to Chile to sell some of her vessels of
war to Peru, because this latter wanted them for the protection of her
coasts." But even this subterfuge was exposed by his saying further,
that "the government of Chile would at all times devote their squadron
to the furtherance of the cause of Peru."

San Martin, on finding that official correspondence did not produce the
desired effect of bringing Lord Cochrane to agree with him that the
squadron was under his controul, even after he had assumed the supreme
authority in Peru, and constituted himself an independent chief, at the
head of a separate government, whose views were seemingly opposed to the
interests of Chile, now addressed the following private letter to his
lordship, which on account of its uncommon expressions I give in
Spanish:

"Lima, Agosto 13 de 1821.--Mi Lord,--De oficio contesto a V. sobre el
desagradable negocio de los buques de la esquadra, que a V. y a mi nos
causa disgustos impresindibles, porque no es posible hacer quanto se
desea. Nada tengo que añadir si no es la protesta que no he mirado, ni
miraré jamas con la menor indiferencia quanto tenga relacion a V. yo le
dije en Valparaiso que su suerte seria igual a la mia, y ereo haber dado
pruebas de que mis sentimentos no han variado, ni pueden variar, por lo
mismo que cada dia es mayor la trascendencia de mis acciones. No, mi
lord, yo no veo con indiferencia los asuntos, de V. y sentiria no poder
esperar que acabe de convencerse de esto mismo. Si a pesar de todo V.
deliberase tomar el partido que me intimó en la conferencia que tubimos
ahora dias, esto sería para mi en conflicto a que no podria substraerme.
Mas yo espero que entrando V. en mis sentimientos, consumirá la obra que
ha empesado, y de la que depende nuestro comun destino. Adios, mi lord!
se repite de V. con el mas sincero aprecio su eterno amigo. (Signed)
José de San Martin."

Omitting the preamble of this letter, let us analyze the expressions
from "Si a pesar: if in despite of every thing, you are resolved to
observe the conduct which you intimated to me, in the conference which
we had a few days ago, this would be to me a conflict from which I could
not extricate myself. But I hope that, agreeing with my sentiments, you
will consummate the work that you have begun, and on which depends our
common destiny." The conference here mentioned, alluded to the delivery
of the Chilean vessels of war to the Protector of Peru, on the condition
of his paying to the officers and crews their arrears, and rewarding
them according to his solemn promise made at Valparaiso, before the
expedition left that port; and the agreement of sentiment cannot signify
any thing more, than that Lord Cochrane should deliver up the squadron
to San Martin, which would have been a most honourable "consummation of
the work" to his lordship, and a most melancholy one to Chile; but
_she_ was to have been forgotten in the common destiny.

On the fourth of August Don Jose de la Riva Aguero was nominated
President of the Department of Lima, with the authority of the
ex-Intendente. On the same day the high chamber of justice, _alta
camarca de justicia_ was established in Lima, with the powers and
attributions of the ex-Audiencia. On the same day San Martin issued a
proclamation, not of the most flattering nature, to Spaniards resident
in Lima and the independent provinces of Peru, but which served as the
precursor to his future conduct. He here repeats, "I have promised to
respect your security and property, I have fulfilled my promise, and
none of you can doubt my word. Notwithstanding this, I know that you
murmur secretly, and some of you malignantly circulate the idea that my
designs are to surprize your confidence. My name is of sufficient
celebrity not to stain it with the infraction of my promises, even
though it be conceived that as an individual I might fail in their
fulfilment. Spaniards! you well know that the public opinion is such,
that even among yourselves there are many who spy and observe your
conduct; I am informed of every thing that passes, in the most retired
parts of your houses; tremble if you abuse my indulgence!"

Whether the system of espionage established by San Martin was in this
state of activity, like a volcano ready to burst and to destroy with its
ignited lava the peaceful habitation and the innocent inhabitant, who,
confiding in its harmless appearance, ventured to dwell within its
destructive range, it may be impossible to determine; but it seems
somewhat derogatory to the character of a supreme chief, guarded by
twelve thousand armed men, that he should thus threaten two or three
hundred unarmed individuals, who, relying on his assurances, had sworn
to follow the fortunes of the country, and live subject to the
newly-established system of government. Besides, such a manifestation
was calculated to do away with the apparent object of the proclamation
of the seventeenth of July, already quoted, and to fan the flame of
civil discord and dissention--the greatest enemies to public
tranquillity.

The twelfth of August produced the publication of the act in Lima, which
in all free parts of the ex-Spanish colonies so highly distinguishes,
and justifies in such a particular manner the revolution in those
countries. The voice of reason and of nature announced, that all
children born of slaves on or after the twenty-eighth of August, 1821,
were to be free, and that they were to be inheritors of the same rights
and privileges as the rest of the citizens of Peru.

On the eighteenth the news arrived, that the divisions of the Spanish
army under Cantarac and Caratalá had formed their head quarters at
Jauja, thirty leagues from Lima; and that La Serna was at the town of
Carania on the twenty-ninth of July, advancing with the troops towards
the same point. Still the liberating army remained quiet in their
barracks at Lima, or were employed in the siege of Callao.

One of the first acts of the arbitrary disposition of the Protector of
Peru was the expulsion of the archbishop. The following is a copy of the
correspondence:

"Ministry of War, Lima, twenty-second August, 1821.--Most Excellent
Sir,--Nothing is more conformable with the religious ideas of his
excellency the Protector of Peru than to promote in every possible
manner which prudence dictates those pious establishments which serve as
a prop to public morals. But it is at the same time his duty to avoid
those evils which, under a zeal for religion, might cause a spirit of
opposition to the general vote of America. In this dilemma are those
houses of spiritual exercises in this city; where (his excellency has
been informed) abuses of the most serious tendency to the cause of the
country are committed by the venerable influence of the priesthood.

"In attention to this, his excellency the Protector commands me to
inform your most illustrious excellency, that the spiritual exercises be
suspended for the present in those houses, until they be placed under
the direction of patriotic clergymen, who may merit the confidence of
the government, who consult the spiritual welfare of the faithful, and
the support of the new institutions to which his excellency is called to
Peru. I have the honour, &c. (Signed) Bernardo Monteagudo."

(Answer by the archbishop.)

"Ever since the establishment of the houses of spiritual exercises they
have been protected and supported by the popes and other prelates of the
church, fully aware of their utility to the faithful. Those founded in
this city are deserving of credit for the copious harvest they have
produced, in attention to which, without scruples of conscience, and a
risk of public disgust, it is impossible for me to order them to be
closed. If in them any excess be committed, or any confessor should
pretend to disturb the peace or public order, the moment that such is
known the necessary measures shall be adopted for his punishment, which
is my reply to your note of the twenty-second.--God preserve, &c. Lima,
August 26th, 1821. (Signed) Bartolomé, Archbishop of Lima."

(Second note from the government.)

"Most Excellent and most Illustrious Sir,--On the twenty-second instant
his excellency the Protector of Peru ordered, that you should be
informed of the necessity that existed of closing for the present the
houses of spiritual exercises. In that note, after expressing those
religious sentiments which filled his bosom, and which he never can
belie, you are informed, that it was not his intention to close them for
any considerable length of time, to the detriment of the faithful, who
derived from them spiritual consolation, but that it was only for the
present, because this was necessary to public tranquillity. Thus his
excellency observes with regret that your most illustrious excellency
resists the fulfilment of his order, and he commands me to inform you,
that you are to lay aside all scruples of conscience in obeying this
order of the government, and those scruples which may afterwards present
themselves with respect to other orders, the fulfilment of which will be
equally necessary. It is convenient that your excellency should meditate
on the evils that would follow, should the most perfect harmony not
exist between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, and that you
decide on that line of conduct which you intend to adopt, in the
intelligence that the orders of his excellency the Protector are
irrevocable. By superior order I communicate this to your excellency for
your guidance, and present my sentiments of respect and veneration, &c.,
&c. Lima, August 27th, 1821. (Signed) J. Garcia del Rio."

(The archbishop's reply.)

"I have read with the greatest attention your note of the twenty-seventh
of August, in which you communicate to me, by order of the Protector of
Peru, that his excellency has observed with regret my resistance to the
fulfilment of his order, to close the houses of spiritual exercises: to
resist, and to remonstrate submissively are not the same thing: the
first is the effect of arms and violence; the second that of veneration
and respect, when the inconveniences which present themselves are
expressed: in this manner my note was written. I have, moreover, other
reasons for thus explaining myself--his excellency in his religious
goodness had promised me that in ecclesiastical matters, and points of
religion, he would agree with my opinion, to the end that nothing should
be done in violation of the rules of the church.

"I hope these reflections will save me from the irksome epithet of
having resisted the orders of the government, and that consequently the
contents of my answer will not be read with regret. I cannot omit
saying, that with the greatest anguish, and a heart swimming in
bitterness, I have read that the government has several orders to give;
and if to them I have scruples of conscience to oppose in their
fulfilment, I decide on that line of conduct which I intend to follow,
in the intelligence that the decrees which will be issued are to be
immutable. This advice carries with it a very elevated spirit, if we
suppose that the orders to be given should relate to religious or
ecclesiastical matters; for in civil affairs, and those of the
government, I have signified my opinion by my prompt obedience: and what
may those commands contain? will they in any manner violate the existing
discipline of the church? will they be prejudicial to morality? or will
they oppose the maxims of the gospel of Jesus Christ? Because, for these
cases, GOD has constituted bishops as the pastors and guards of that
flock which Jesus Christ purchased at the price of his blood, who are to
shout, to whistle, and restrain the ill conduct: he tells us, that we
are not to be cowards in the presence of the greatest potentates of the
earth, and that, if necessary, we should shed our blood and lay down
our lives in so just a cause; anathematising us on the contrary as dumb
dogs that did not bark when the spiritual health of his flock was in
danger.

"Behold, then, that one of the principal obligations of a bishop is to
defend with rigour the deposit of doctrine and faith which has been
confided to him; and if the threatened danger be from any great
potentate, to remonstrate, with respect and submission, to the end that
he be not their accomplices and participators in the crime, by a
cowardly condescension. This was practised by Saint John Chrysostom,
with the emperors of the east; by Saint Ambrose, with those of the west;
and by Saint Augustine with the pro-consuls of Africa; those were the
great lords on earth; but notwithstanding; those bishops remonstrated
when they commanded any thing that might injure religion or the church;
and is it possible that the supreme government of this city shall inform
the archbishop that he is blindly to obey, and execute the decrees that
may be given in religious and ecclesiastical matters, even though they
disturb his conscience, and appear to him to be opposed to orthodox
doctrines, because such decrees are to be irresistible? Oh!
"irresistible decrees"--this expression appears to me to be very
strong, and little used by jurists and theologians; they opine that all
human authority, however great it may be, and however vast and profound
its acquired knowledge, can never arrive at a degree of infallibility in
its decisions; it may always be deceived or deceive: consequently its
resolutions ought never to be invariable--this privilege the Supreme
Being alone possesses. Fenelon and other politicians assert, that it is
more glorious, and a proof of a more elevated soul in that monarch or
government who, convinced of having committed an error against religion,
reason or justice in their decrees, shall revoke them, than it is never
to err; indeed to insist on the execution of an order, merely because it
has been given in despite of the inconveniences and obstacles that have
been shown to exist; it being opposed to morality, evangelical doctrine,
and the dispositions of the church, is a most oppressive yoke. With
respect to myself, I can assure you, that I have often remonstrated and
even exclaimed against the decrees of my superiors; who, being satisfied
with the justness of my arguments, have ordered them to be revoked, or
varied. When a prelate of the church speaks on spiritual or
ecclesiastical points, he is worthy of being listened to, and his
reasonings examined, because God himself, by his evangelist St.
Matthew, says, that those who hear him hear the divinity, and that those
who despise him despise the Supreme Being.

"Notwithstanding this doctrine, you say in your note that I am to obey
the decrees of the government, without replying or remonstrating,
because they are irrevocable; or that I choose the line of conduct I
intend to adopt; this I did on the twenty-fourth of July last, when I
put into the hands of his excellency my written resignation of the
archiepiscopal dignity, begging his acceptance of it, for the reasons
therein alleged; I also begged that he would grant me a passport to
Europe by Panama, as my advanced age of eighty years, and consequent
debility, would not enable me to bear the hardships of a passage by Cape
Horn; his excellency acceded to my solicitude, and even promised to
procure me a vessel for my passage.

"If I then made a tender of my dignity, founded on the motives there
alleged, I now repeat it, adding to those causes that of not being able
to exist in a country where the prelate of the church is forced to keep
silence, and stifle the strongest sentiments of his conscience, and
obliged to act in opposition to them--I was born to become a citizen of
a celestial country; this is my only aim, and every thing that opposes
it, is, to me, disgusting. I hope that as soon as possible my
resignation will be accepted, that I may be relieved from a charge which
has become insupportable.--Our Lord preserve your life for many years.

"Bartolomé Maria de las Heras."

"Lima, Sept. 1st, 1821."

The answer to this note set forth, that the urgency of public business
did not allow time to answer with "victorious arguments" the
archbishop's reasonings; but that the whole correspondence should be
laid before the public for their opinion. This, however, never took
place, but the Protector accepted the resignation of the archbishop,
ordering his excellency to leave Lima within the term of forty-eight
hours, and to wait at Chancay, fourteen leagues from Lima, the
determination of the government.

On the thirteenth of November the archbishop embarked at Chancay for Rio
de Janeiro; the Protector, as in many other cases, forgetting to fulfil
his promise of preparing a vessel to conduct him to Panama.

Before leaving Chancay, the archbishop addressed the following letter to
Lord Cochrane:

"My Dear Lord,--The time is arrived for my return to Spain, the
Protector having granted to me the necessary passport. The polite
attention which I owe to your excellency, and the peculiar
qualifications which adorn and distinguish you, oblige me by this
measure to manifest to you my most sincere esteem and regard.

"In Spain, if God grants that I may arrive in safety, or in any other
part where I may exist, I request that you will deign to command me. On
leaving this country, I am convinced that its independence is for ever
sealed. This I will represent to the Spanish government and to the papal
see, and I will also do every thing to abate their obstinacy, and to
preserve the tranquillity, and to further the views of the inhabitants
of America, who are dear to me.

"Deign, my lord, to receive these sentiments as emanating from the
sincerity of my heart; and command your obliged servant and chaplain,
Bartolomé Maria de las Heras. November, 2nd, 1821."

On the ninth of November the bishop of Guamanga, a native of Piura, then
residing at Lima, was ordered to leave Peru within eight days, without
any reason being assigned for his exile, by the autocrat of Peru.

Although the Chilean squadron was at this moment of the most vital
importance to the operations of San Martin against the batteries of
Callao, yet the crews remained unpaid, and the supply of provisions was
so scanty, that, added to the general want of clothing, they were in a
state fast approaching to open mutiny, which was repeatedly made known
to the government at Lima, but the knowledge of the circumstances
produced no relief; it appeared as if San Martin, having failed in
gaining possession of it through the commander in chief, was determined
to starve it into submission, or to drive it to some more desperate act.
This his lordship reported to the government, as also, that he could not
be answerable for the conduct of those serving under him, unless the
government fulfilled their part of the contract.

On the seventeenth of August a decree appeared in the ministerial
gazette, ordering, that one-fifth of the duties collected at the
custom-house should be applied to defray the arrears and to the pay of
the army and navy. Instead of quieting the crews, this news drove them
almost to desperation, for although they were not aware that the money
assigned them was absolutely incompetent to supply the deficit, yet the
idea, that even when the time had arrived for the fulfilment of the
promise made to them before leaving Valparaiso, a new promise was made
to them, the fulfilment of which must depend on the receipts of the
custom-house, was incomprehensible to men whose only argument is, you
owe me money, and you must pay it me. The same decree also stated, that
the officers belonging to the Chilean squadron were equally officers of
Peru, and were to be considered as such: yet this step was taken without
ever consulting the will of the said officers; and certainly had they
accepted the honourable distinction, it must have been at the expense of
their oath of fidelity to Chile; but the object was to induce them to
consider themselves subject to the order of the Protector of Peru, for
the purpose of forming a plan yet in embryo.

The Spanish army at Jauja, in the beginning of September, spread some
alarm in Lima, from advices received of their movements. It appeared
that they were determined to attack the capital, and on the fifth the
following proclamation was issued at head quarters, by the Protector of
the liberty of Peru: "Inhabitants of Lima! It appears that the justice
of heaven, tired of tolerating for so long a time the oppressors of
Peru, now guides them to their destruction. Three hundred of those
troops who have desolated so many towns, burnt so many temples and
destroyed so many thousands of innocent victims, are at San Mateo, and
two hundred more at San Damian. If they advance on this capital, it will
be with the design of immolating you to their vengeance; and to force
you to purchase at a high price your decision, and enthusiasm for
independence: vain hope! The valiant who have liberated the illustrious
Lima, those who protect her in the most difficult moments, know how to
preserve her against the fury of the Spanish army. Yes, inhabitants of
this capital, my troops will not abandon you; they and myself are going
to triumph over that army which, thirsty of our blood and property, is
advancing, or we will perish with honour, for we will never witness your
disgrace. In return for this noble devotion, and that it may receive the
favourable success of which it is worthy, all we require of you is,
union, tranquillity and efficacious co-operation; this alone is
necessary to ensure the felicity and splendour of Peru.--San Martin."

The night before this proclamation was published, the Protector rose
from his seat at the theatre, after the performance was concluded, and
in words similar to those contained in the proclamation, spoke to the
people; the greatest enthusiasm was displayed, and the national hymn was
sung three times by all present, when the Protector retired, and was
followed to his palace by the music and an immense concourse of people.

On the seventh the army under San Martin took the field at Mansanilla,
to the eastward of Lima; the Protector occupying the farm house of the
same name, about a league from the city. All the Spaniards residing in
Lima were immediately collected in the convent of La Merced, to prevent
any insult from being offered to them; but a false alarm being given to
the inhabitants, that the Spanish troops were about to enter the city,
they immediately surrounded the convent, where they were with difficulty
prevented from entering and putting the Spaniards to death. After order
had been restored, the prisoners were sent down to Ancon, and placed on
board two of the transports lying there at anchor. The state of Lima on
the seventh was the most evident proof of the determination of the
inhabitants to defend their city; men, women, and children of every age,
colour, and condition, paraded the streets with such arms as they could
procure; these however were very useless ones, for San Martin had
collected the arms belonging to private individuals a few days after his
arrival in Lima. Many persons had carried to the tops of their houses
quantities of stones, while others prepared pans and wood, for the
purpose of heating water, and all were determined to give a _warm_
reception to the enemy, should they enter the streets of Lima.

On the evening of the ninth, Lord Cochrane received on board the
O'Higgins an official communication, informing him that the enemy was
under the walls of Lima, and repeating the request, that his lordship
would send to the army every kind of portable arms then on board the
squadron, as well as the marines, and all volunteers; because the
Protector was "determined to bring the enemy to an action, and either
conquer or remain buried in the ruins of what _was_ Lima." This heroic
note, however, was accompanied by a private one from Monteagudo,
containing a request, that the boats of the vessels of war might be kept
in readiness, and a look out on the beach of Boca Negra, for the service
of those who might escape, in case of a defeat.

On the morning of the tenth Lord Cochrane, believing that at such a
moment the mind of San Martin would be too much employed with public
affairs to think of private resentment, and that he might partake in the
glories of the day on shore, landed at Boca Negra; but not wishing to
pass through the capital, he chose the road leading to La Magdalena, for
the purpose of crossing the fields to head quarters at Mansanilla.
Passing near some mounds of earth, called las huacas, three officers on
horseback were observed standing on one of them, and his lordship,
supposing them to belong to the American army, would have gone and asked
them the news; but as there was no opening in the tapial, or wall-fence,
we rode forward and took a path leading across the fields, about three
hundred yards from the mounds. His lordship would not then return, but
said to Capt. Crosbie, let us haste to head quarters; when, on looking
to the right, we saw the Spanish infantry defiling into the lane, about
five hundred yards from us; Lord Cochrane immediately pressed forward to
San Martin's camp, where being immediately recognized by several
officers, a murmur of congratulation was heard, and even Guise and Spry
exclaimed, "we shall have some fighting now the Admiral is come."
General las Heras, acting as general in chief, saluting the Admiral,
begged of him to endeavour to persuade the Protector to bring the enemy
to an action. His lordship then rode up to the house, and alighting,
was received by San Martin. Lord Cochrane immediately took the Protector
by the hand, and in the most earnest manner entreated him to attack the
enemy without losing a single moment; his entreaties, however, were in
vain, the only answer he received was, "my measures are taken, _mis
medidas están tomadas_." Notwithstanding this apathy, his lordship
remonstrated, stating the situation in which he had not five minutes
before observed the enemy's infantry, and begged of the Protector to
ascend an eminence at the back of the house, and convince himself how
easily the victory might be obtained; but he only received the same cold
reply, "mis medidas están tomadas." At this instant the clamour of the
officers in the patio of the house roused San Martin; he called for his
horse and mounted. In a moment all was bustle, and the anticipated glow
of victory shone in every countenance; the order "to arms" was given,
and instantly obeyed by the whole army, which amounted to about twelve
thousand men, including the Guerilla parties, all anxious to begin the
fight, and all determined either to conquer or to die. The Protector
beckoned to the Admiral and General las Heras, who immediately left the
group of officers with whom they were conversing, and rode up to the
Protector, hoping that he was either about to consult them respecting
the attack, or to inform them how it was to be conducted--but, at this
moment, a peasant entered the patio, and walked towards San Martin, who
with most unparalleled composure lent an attentive ear to his important
communications. He told the Protector of the liberties of Peru, that on
the preceding day he had seen the enemy, that they were a great many,
but that he did not know their exact number, not being able to count
them. These and other such important advices were received; his
excellency also questioned him as to his situation in life, and the
particular employment he followed; whether or not he was married, how
many children he had, and other things equally interesting to a general,
when the enemy was in sight. As an irrefragable proof of the patriotism
of this Peruvian peasant, he took from his pocket a piece of dry bread,
and assured his excellency that he had travelled from his home to
Mansanilla, to report what he knew of the enemy without having tasted
it; this was an opportunity not to be lost, in which the greatness of
the hero of South American independence might display that coolness in
the face of an enemy so peculiarly characteristic of great men; he
praised the patriotic virtues of the peasant, and promised him his
protection. The Admiral being disgusted with this mummery, and highly
exasperated at so unnecessary a waste of time, half unsheathed his
sword; he bade the peasant be gone; adding, "the general's time is too
important to be thus employed in listening to your fooleries." At this
indecorous interruption, San Martin frowned (as when he chooses he _can_
frown) on the Admiral, and riding up to the door of the house he
alighted, went in and gave audience to some old women who had come to
solicit the discharge of their sons or nephews, to all whom his
excellency listened with his accustomed dignity and condescension.

Lord Cochrane and a great number of the officers again ascended the hill
at the back of the house, and his lordship afterwards requesting a
private conference with San Martin, (which was the last time he ever
spoke with him) he assured him that it was not too late to attack the
enemy; he begged and entreated that the opportunity might not be lost,
and offered himself to lead the cavalry; but to all this he only
received the cold reply, "I alone am responsible for the liberties of
Peru, _yo solo soy responsable de la libertad del Peru_;" when the
Protector retired to an inner apartment of the house, to enjoy his
customary _ciesta_, afternoon nap, which was however disturbed by
General las Heras, who came to receive orders, and inform his excellency
that the army was still under arms. San Martin observing that it was
four o'clock, the supper hour for his soldiers, ordered that they should
receive their rations.

When San Martin assured Lord Cochrane that "he alone was responsible for
the liberty of Peru," his lordship, convinced that any future attempt
would be attended with the same success, mounted his horse; but Captain
Crosbie, still hoping that something would take place, requested
permission to remain at head quarters, which being granted, we rode down
to Boca Negra, and embarked.

The British ship of war the Superb was at this time in the bay of
Callao, and several of the officers, expecting to see the decisive blow
struck in Peru, repaired to San Martin's head quarters, and were
astounded at the coolness of a general, who, commanding twelve thousand
men, should first abandon a favourable position in which he might have
intercepted the march of the Spaniards, and then see an enemy composed
of three thousand two hundred men pass without any hinderance, nay,
without a single shot being fired, or without one attempt being made to
bring them to action.

After Cantarac had led his troops into the batteries of Callao, in a
manner that would have done honour to a Napoleon, the rejoicing was
announced by the firing of guns, and other demonstrations, which would
have harassed the soul of any leader, excepting that of the prudent San
Martin. The American army marched to their old camp at the Legua,
between Lima and Callao.

On the morning of the eleventh, Don Fernando Maso, who had been
permitted by Lord Cochrane to land at Callao from the English brig
Colonel Allen, came on board the O'Higgins, and asked his lordship, "if
on the preceding day he had observed some officers on the huacas?"
"Yes," returned his lordship. "They were," said Maso, "General Cantarac
and his two edecans." Thus it was evident, that had the admiral rode up
to them, as he at first intended, he would in all probability have been
taken prisoner, for neither himself nor any one with him had any other
arms than their swords. On the evening of the eleventh Lord Cochrane
received an official communication from San Martin, stating, "I have
taken such measures, that not one of the enemy can escape; by shutting
themselves up in the batteries of Callao, they have delivered themselves
up to me, and not one of them shall escape." But, to the surprise of all
unacquainted with the consummate prudence of the Protector, Cantarac
left the batteries on the seventeenth early in the morning, and having
crossed the Rimac, marched without any molestation into the interior;
nothing was done or attempted, except that eight hundred men were
ordered to follow him and harass his rear, and protect such soldiers as
might desert.

Thus General Cantarac, with three thousand two hundred men, passed to
the southward of Lima, in sight of the protecting army of Peru, composed
of twelve thousand, entered the batteries of Callao, where he refreshed
and rested his troops for six days, and then retired, taking with him
arms and treasure, and retreating with his booty on the north side of
Lima, leaving the victorious San Martin to publish the following
proclamation, which appeared in the ministerial gazette on the
nineteenth:

"It is now fifteen days since the liberating army left the capital,
resolved not to permit that even the shadow of the Spanish flag should
again darken the illustrious city of Lima. The enemy haughtily
descended the mountains, filled with the calculations they had formed in
their ignorant meditations; they fancied, that to come and to view our
camp was enough to conquer us; but they found valour armed with
prudence; they acknowledged their inferiority; they trembled at the idea
of the hour of battle, and profited by the hour of darkness; [from
eleven to three o'clock in the day!] and they sought an asylum in
Callao. My army began its march, and at the end of eight days of
uncertainty, the enemy has had to fly precipitately, convinced of their
impotency to try the fortune of war, or to remain in the position which
they held.

"The desertion which they experience ensures us, that, before they reach
the mountains, there will only exist a handful of men, terrified and
confounded with the remembrance of the colossal power which they had a
year ago, and which has now disappeared like the fury of the waves of
the sea at the dawn of a serene morning. The liberating army pursues the
fugitives; they shall be dissolved or beaten. At all events the capital
of Peru shall never be profaned with the footsteps of the enemies of
America: this truth is peremptory: the Spanish empire is at end for
ever: Peruvians, your destiny is irrevocable; consolidate it by the
constant exercise of those virtues which you have shewn in the epoch of
conflicts. You are independent, and nothing can prevent your being
happy, if you will it so to be. San Martin."

It would be an act of injustice not to mention here, that General las
Heras, wounded to the very soul at the conduct of San Martin, which
cannot possibly bear any other epithet than that of cowardice, left the
service of Peru, or rather of the Protector of Peru, and requested his
passport to Chile, which was granted. His example was followed by
several officers of the army, who, disgusted with what had taken place,
preferred obscurity, and even poverty, to that odious title which every
true soldier and patriot detests.

Had the force under General Cantarac been attacked, it must have been
beaten: the inferiority of it in every point, except discipline, ensured
success to the patriot arms: these were treble the number of the enemy,
fresh, vigorous, and enthusiastic; enjoying the opportunity of choosing
the most advantageous positions, and in sight of the capital of the
country, whose liberty they had sworn to defend; while the Spanish
division was harassed with a long march, without any personal
incitement, and nothing before them but the prospect of a few days'
rest, and a return to the interior, in which they knew, that beside the
ground they trod on, no one in that part of the globe acknowledged their
domination, or obeyed their commands. If it be asked, who is blameable
for this dereliction of duty to the cause of American liberty? I must
answer, San Martin! The Spaniards themselves confess, that had the
division under Cantarac been destroyed on the tenth of September, they
should have lost all hopes of re-conquering the country, and should have
immediately negociated in the most honourable terms possible for
themselves, and abandoned America. Consequently, the torrents of blood
which have been shed in Peru since the tenth of September, 1821; the
miseries and privations of thousands in that portion of the new world;
the disaffection of the natives to the just cause of their country, and
their services to their Spanish leaders; the necessity of an army from
Colombia to save Peru from an ignominious subjection to her ancient
oppressors; all owe their origin to the success of the Spanish division
on this day, which, although they obtained no decisive victory,
accomplished the object which brought them from the interior.

Fearing a reverse at Lima, on the approach of the Spanish troops under
General Cantarac, the treasures belonging to the government, as well as
the property of many individuals, had been sent down to Ancon and
embarked, not on board the Chilean frigate Lautaro, then at anchor in
that port, but in several merchant vessels, to prevent them falling into
the hands of the enemy. On the fifteenth of September Lord Cochrane
received a letter from Captain Delano, who commanded the Lautaro,
informing him that the state of insubordination in the remains of the
crew of the Lautaro had risen to a very high pitch; for they observed
the daily embarkation of money in the different merchant vessels, and
this indicated, as they supposed, the jeopardy in which San Martin was
placed with the army; that they saw no probability their arrears would
ever be paid; that should the enemy be successful they would be
constrained to continue in the service, under a prolongation of the
sufferings they had already experienced; and that on this account he
dreaded a mutiny, and consequent plunder of the vessels in the bay.

On hearing this Lord Cochrane went down to Ancon in the O'Higgins, and
personally, before witnesses, sent on board the flag ship all the
treasures found on board the different vessels, belonging _apparently_
to the state of Peru, leaving all such as had been embarked by
individuals, having the customary documents, and for which his lordship
took the necessary certificates to prove that such sums had remained
untouched. His lordship at the same time informed such persons as
claimed any property, and many others at Ancon, that his only object was
to possess himself of such money or treasures as belonged to the
government of Peru; and that whatever belonged to private individuals
should be restored, on application being made by the owners; as was the
case with Dr. Unanue, Don Juan Aguero, Don Manuel Silva, Don Manuel
Primo, and several others. After having given up all the claimed money,
two hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars remained on board the flag
ship. They were immediately applied to the payment of one year's arrears
to every individual excepting the Admiral, who declined receiving any
part of what was due to him; the surplus was reserved for the repairs of
the squadron, and its equipment, and the most rigid account was kept of
the several disbursements, and given in to the Chilean government.

After the return of his lordship to Callao, a long correspondence took
place with San Martin respecting the property taken at Ancon. The
General requested, and entreated in the most urgent terms the
restoration of the treasure, promised the faithful fulfilment of all his
former engagements, and that the return of this money was merely
insisted on to save the credit of the government. The Admiral answered,
that the means for the fulfilment of his engagements were now ready, and
that by sending a commissioned officer on board to be a witness to the
proper distribution; that this being public would certainly save the
credit of the government with those individuals to whom it was most
indebted, and that the landing of the money would only be an increase of
labour, because the persons to whom it was due were not on shore.

San Martin then asserted, that the money taken at Ancon was all that the
government was in possession of, for the most indispensable daily
expenses; but to this his lordship replied, that had he known that the
treasure placed on board the schooner Sacramento, for the admission of
which, in silver, the captain asserted that he had to throw overboard
part of his ballast, besides seven surrones (bags made of hide) of
doubloons, and a quantity of brute gold, was not the property of the
government but of his excellency, he should certainly have seized it,
and retained it until properly claimed. San Martin, after availing
himself of every possible argument with the Admiral, addressed a
proclamation to the seamen and marines, which by his lordship's order
was distributed on board the vessels of war; but producing no favourable
effect, the Protector, knowing that the payments had begun, wrote to the
Admiral, saying that "he might employ the money as he thought most
proper."

After the departure of Cantarac from Callao on the seventeenth, Lord
Cochrane was informed of the state of the batteries, and proposed to the
Governor General La Mar terms of capitulation; they were, that the
fortifications of Callao should be surrendered to the Chilean flag; that
one third of the private property in the batteries should be given up,
for the purpose of paying the arrears of the crews of the Chilean
vessels of war; that the owners should be allowed to leave the batteries
with the remainder, and that at their own expense vessels should be
procured to carry them either to Europe or to any other place.

When these terms were on the point of being acceded to, the Protector
(who had also been negociating with the governor) was informed of the
terms offered by the Admiral; and on the morning of the twentieth
Colonel Guido was commissioned to accede to such as General La Mar
should propose, which were naturally the most honourable and most
profitable to the Spaniards. At ten o'clock on the morning of the
twenty-first the American troops entered the castles, and the Peruvian
flag was hoisted. On the same day the name of the Real Felipe was
changed into that of Castilla de la Independencia; that of San Miguel,
into Castillo del Sol; and that of San Rafael into Castillo de Santa
Rosa.

Although the tribunals of purification, established by General Carátalá
in Upper Peru, and in Chile by the President Marco, had been so
oppressive, and had been so reprobated as unjust and tyrannical by the
Americans, one was established in Lima by San Martin on the
twenty-seventh of September, for the purpose of examining the past
conduct of the Spaniards, who relying on the promises repeatedly made by
San Martin, had remained in Peru, and taken the oath of independence.
This proceeding was aggravated on the twenty-seventh by a proclamation,
stating that "no Spaniard should leave his house, under any pretence
whatever, after sunset (oraciones) under the penalty of confiscation of
his property, and exile from the country:" some few exceptions however
were added to this protectoral decree.

The foreign seamen who were all paid at Callao, except the crew of the
Valdivia, who deserted their ship at Ancon, preferring a reliance on the
promises of San Martin to the certainty of being paid out of the money
taken for this purpose, were allowed to go on shore, and after waiting
for a few days his lordship sent Lieutenant Wynter to engage such as
were willing to continue in the service of Chile, when, to the utter
astonishment of every one, he was arrested by the order of San Martin,
and sent to the castle, but owing to the energetic official
communication of the Admiral he was liberated on the following day.

The same persevering spirit to destroy the Chilean squadron was still
visible in the conduct of the Protector of Peru. Every officer who
abandoned the vessels of war was received under the flag of Peru, and
many were promoted, amounting in the whole to sixteen, being four
captains, three lieutenants, two masters, three pursers, two officers of
marines, and two surgeons; besides the captains of the Valdivia and
Galvarino, with five officers belonging to the former. The seamen who
had been paid were allured to remain on shore, in hopes of the year's
pay as a premium; and when an officer from the very vessels of war whose
co-operation had placed San Martin at the head of the Peruvian
government went ashore for the purpose of recruiting foreign seamen for
the future operations of the squadron, against the two Spanish frigates
still in the Pacific, he was incarcerated. But the most infamous
transaction that can possibly blacken the character of a ruler took
place on the night of the twenty-sixth.

At midnight Lord Cochrane was informed that Colonel Paroissien and
Captain Spry had been on board the brig of war, Galvarino, and shortly
afterwards Captain Simpson of the Araucano came on board the flag ship,
and delivered to his lordship the paper which he had received from these
two honourable gentlemen; stating, that the squadron of Chile was under
the command of the General in chief, and not under that of the Admiral,
who was an inferior officer in the service; and that, consequently, it
was the duty of the captains and commanders to obey the orders they
might receive from San Martin. After leaving the Araucano, the two
edecanes, military and naval, went on board the Valdivia, where they
found Captain Crosbie of the flag ship, on a visit to Captain Cobbett of
the Valdivia.

After delivering to Captain Cobbett a paper similar in import to the one
left with Captain Simpson, the two gentlemen began to expatiate on the
munificence and liberality of their employer; the preference which an
officer ought to give to the service of a rich and extensive state to
that of Chile, which must necessarily dwindle into its former
insignificance, and become tributary to Peru for its support; that the
authority of the Protector of Peru over the whole of the Chilean forces
was unquestionable, and it consequently became the duty of every officer
belonging to the expeditionary forces to obey the orders of their
general in chief. On being asked, if, for disobedience of orders or
mutinous conduct, they should subject themselves to a court martial by
the order of the Admiral, whether the authority of the Protector would
ensure to them a favourable sentence or an honourable acquittal, they
became silent. This was bringing the argument too close, and perhaps the
idea of a trial and a sentence were not very congenial to the feelings
of the nocturnal commissioners, at that time "in or belonging to" the
squadron of Chile. Perceiving that the result was not likely to answer
their expectations, and that Captain Crosbie had left them on board the
Valdivia and gone to the flag-ship, they judged it more prudent to visit
the Admiral, than to run any risk of being compelled to do it. At one
o'clock the boat came alongside, and Colonel Paroissien requested an
interview with his lordship, which was granted; but Captain Spry justly
thought himself more secure in the boat, and remained there. After some
extraordinary conversation between Lord Cochrane and Paroissien, who
regretted and lamented in the most pathetic manner, "that the present
unlucky difference between the two chiefs should deprive his lordship of
the enjoyment of the command of the Peruvian navy, (which did not exist)
and the possession of property in Peru, which it was the intention of
the Protector to present to him," his lordship put a stop to the
harangue, and said, smiling, "I do not doubt your wishes for my
prosperity, Paroissien, but at present I know you would rather join me
in a bottle of wine than be obliged to continue in your regret and
lamentation." After drinking a glass or two of wine, Colonel Paroissien
embarked in his boat and pulled ashore, more happy no doubt when under
the guns of the batteries of Callao than alongside the O'Higgins.

San Martin having failed in this last honourable attempt to seduce the
officers belonging to the state of Chile, and fearing that the publicity
of the act might induce the people of Peru to be on the alert, ordered
Lord Cochrane, in the most peremptory manner, to leave the bay of
Callao, with the vessels under his command, being persuaded, that, for
want of European seamen, it would be impossible to do so; but on the
sixth of October, eight days after his notification, the whole of the
vessels of war, with two prizes, weighed simultaneously, and stood out
of the bay.

Having come to an anchor at Ancon, his lordship ordered the Lautaro and
Galvarino to proceed on the eighth to Valparaiso; and the O'Higgins,
Independencia, Valdivia, Auraucano, and prizes San Fernando and Mercedes
weighed and sailed for Guayaquil, where the Admiral had determined to
repair, and refit for a cruize on the coast of Mexico, in search of the
two Spanish frigates.

On the fifteenth we reached the Puná in the river Guayaquil, and on the
eighteenth came to an anchor close to the city, where the squadron was
saluted with twenty-one guns, and the compliment was returned with an
equal number.




CHAPTER XII.

     Revolution and State of Guayaquil....Squadron leaves....Island of
     Cocoa....Bay of Fonseca....Visitors from the Shore....Leave
     Fonseca....Volcano....Arrive at Acapulco....General Waevell and
     Colonel O'Reilly....Letter from Iturbide....Leave Acapulco....
     Description of....Gale of Wind off Tehuantepec....Tacames or
     Atcames....News of the Enemy....Arrive at the Puná....Guayaquil
     ....Lord Cochrane hoists the Chilean Flag in the Vengansa....
     Conduct of the People at Guayaquil....Treaty with the Government
     ....Letter from General La Mar....Leave Guayaquil, and arrive at
     Huambacho....Callao.


Guayaquil, early in the morning of the ninth of October, 1820, effected
her glorious revolution. The officers belonging to the Peruvian
garrison, and many of the principal inhabitants, had, during the
preceding night, formed the plan, and at daybreak the governor and
several other Spaniards were embarked on board the schooner Alcance, and
sent to the head quarters of the army under General San Martin.

During the first month after the revolution Guayaquil experienced the
oppression of its governor Escobedo, who, being at the head of the
military force, constituted himself the supreme political and military
chief; but the cabildo circulated the necessary convocation for a
meeting of the deputies of the different towns: they met, and Escobedo
was deposed, and sent to San Martin's head quarters. A Junta was now
formed of three individuals, by the general vote of the deputies; at the
head, as president, was placed Dr. Olmedo, the other two being Ximena
and Roca, who were governing the province on our arrival; but the people
were very much divided in their opinions. Some were in favour of an
incorporation with Peru, under San Martin; others with Colombia, under
Bolivar; while a third party were equally loud in favour of absolute
independence, and seemed to support their opinions with the most solid
arguments.

A division of the Colombian army was stationed, at this time, at
Babaoyo, commanded by General Sucre, with the view of invading Quito as
soon as the season should permit; yet, excepting such troops as had been
sent from Guayaquil, and placed under the command of General Sucre, the
armed force was under the direction of the government; but the fear of
being invaded by the Spaniards under Aymerich, the president of Quito,
was very visible, and, as a defence to the city, a large fosse had been
cut to the northward of Cuidad Vieja.

The arrival of the Chilean vessels of war gave the government of
Guayaquil an opportunity of addressing themselves to the Quitenos,
"assuring them, that Peru was entirely free, and that the liberating
naval force had arrived at Guayaquil for the protection of that part of
the new world." This was a ruse de guerre not uncommon in the new world,
and under similar circumstances practised even in the old. On our
arrival General Sucre sent Colonel Ibarra to compliment Lord Cochrane,
as the hero of the Pacific, the magnanimous supporter of Colombian
liberty.

The repairs of the vessels of war being completed so far as they could
be, on the first of December we left Guayaquil, but to our great
annoyance we found, that the leak in the O'Higgins was as bad as ever;
indeed, such was the state of this frigate, that ever since our arrival
at Pisco a hundred and fifty men had been constantly kept at the pumps.

It may be asserted, that no expedition ever left port under such
peculiarly disadvantageous circumstances as the present. The flag-ship
was as rickety as an old basket; indeed it need only be told, that she
was a Russian built fir vessel, nine years old, and was one of those
presented by the Emperor to the King of Spain. Scarcely a bolt could be
found that was not loose, her foremast and bowsprit were both rotten in
the step, the dry rot had taken possession of the greater part of her
timbers; and, it may be added, her crew was composed of every thing but
sailors; for we had only thirteen men on board who could be said to
merit the name, especially if we except the officers. Such was her
state, that when his lordship was asked at Guayaquil, by a gentleman, if
he would come into action with the Spanish frigate Prueba?--"yes," he
answered, "I will lay the O'Higgins alongside the Prueba, and tell our
crew that on board the enemy there are no pumps; this will be quite
sufficient to secure the victory." The crews of the Independencia,
Valdivia, and Araucano were composed of the same materials as that of
the O'Higgins. They had just a sufficient number of seamen to steer
them, natives of different parts of America, marines and runaway
negroes, with about half their complements of officers; yet such was the
persevering spirit of the Admiral, and such his determination to
extinguish the last remains of the Spanish naval force in the Pacific,
that his only wish was to come to close quarters with them.

Having left the Guayaquil river, we touched at a small port in the
province of Guayaquil, called Salango, where we watered the ships, not
having done this before because his lordship wished to drop down the
river as light as possible; besides, at the Puná it is very difficult to
procure a sufficient quantity of _good_ water. On the eleventh, we
reached the small island of Cocos, so called from the abundance of palms
which grow there. Lord Cochrane landed, and a Felucca hove in sight; a
signal was immediately made to the Valdivia to chase, and having
captured her, she proved to be a deserter from Callao. The men on board
informed his lordship, that after the departure of the Chilean vessels
of war, San Martin not only objected to pay them their arrears, even
those who left the Valdivia at Ancon without the year's pay given to the
rest, and the reward or premium promised, but the foreign seamen at
Callao, who had served in the Chilean fleet, were pressed into the
service of Peru.

The felucca had been thus manned and sent to the Chorillos, to prevent
all kinds of smuggling; but she had taken up a cargo of contraband
goods, part of which were still on board. When the captain was on shore,
the crew rose and took possession of the vessel, which they immediately
named the Retaliation, and went to sea. Their pretence was, that they
were in search of the squadron; this was ridiculous; but as they had
committed no depredations his lordship did not feel himself justified in
punishing them, but allowed them afterwards to escape from the vessels
of war. On the fourteenth we made the coast of Mexico, the leak of the
O'Higgins increasing daily, and on the nineteenth we fortunately entered
the bay of Fonseca or Amapalla, with five feet water in the hold, the
pumps choaked and worn out, without a carpenter on board, without
buckets to bale her, and without a cooper; some beef casks were slung,
and by using every exertion, the frigate was brought to an anchor under
a small island in the bay. Two pumps were now taken out of the Valdivia,
but they proved to be too short for the O'Higgins. Under these
circumstances his lordship ordered two holes to be cut through her
sides, on a level with the birth deck, and two old pumps were placed in
them to carry off the water. She was thus kept from sinking; but on
examining the magazine a great part of the powder had been damaged by
the water, and the remainder was taken on shore and exposed in the sun
to dry.

While at anchor here, a canoe came to the island, having two indians on
board, and a young man of a respectable appearance, who informed me,
that every thing was in the most perfect state of tranquillity in
Mexico, and all under the regularly established royal authorities. The
fact was, the young man had been sent from San Miguel, to learn who and
what we were; but of this, by order of the Admiral, I kept him ignorant,
and he began to fear, on hearing the Spanish language spoken, that ours
was a Spanish force sent from Manilla. After conversing a considerable
time, and having been repeatedly assured by him that all was under the
kingly authority in Mexico, I asked him why he bore the tri-coloured
ribbon in his hat; he blushed, hesitated, and then said, "it is too late
to deceive you, the whole of Mexico is independent of Spain; Mexico
declared its independence on the thirteenth of June last, Guadalaxara on
the fourteenth, Tepec on the seventeenth, and San Blas on the
nineteenth; the provinces of Guadalaxara, Tlascala, Guanajuato, Puebla,
Zacatecas, Oajaca, Valladolid, Bajio, Purnandia, and Vera Cruz, have
also declared themselves independent of the capital."

All things being ready, we left the bay of Fonseca on the twenty-eighth
of December, and on the following night and the five successive ones, we
were delighted with the sight of a volcano in its greatest state of
activity. The streams of ignited lava rolled down the sides, and at
intervals enormous masses of fiery matter were thrown into the air, and
falling on the sides of the mountain rebounded and fell to the bottom.

We calculated that our distance from the mountain was about thirty
miles; we were sometimes nearer to it. From its situation we conceived
it to be San Miguel el Viejo, but of this were not quite certain. We
sailed along the coast, which is generally very bold; in some parts the
forests extend to a considerable distance from the sea side, and near to
the coast are a great abundance of coco-nut palms; from some of them we
procured nuts, but they were very small, perhaps from a want of salt at
the roots of the trees. This supposition is founded on the fact, that I
have seen at different places, where the palms do not grow near the sea,
that the proprietors had occasionally put a quantity of salt to the
roots, without which they produced no fruit. In other parts the coast
was intersected with small ravines, having generally a stream of water
in each, and some few huts were scattered about on the sides. At one of
these places, called San Pedro, two indians came on board in their
canoe, and brought us some eggs and capsicum pods; for which they were
presented in return with biscuit and tobacco, and they seemed highly
pleased with the exchange. They were both of them low in stature, but
very muscular; their features and complexion much resembling those of
the indians on the coast of Peru; but they could neither of them speak a
word of Spanish, nor could we understand any part of their dialect.

On the twenty-seventh of January, 1822, we made the mouth of the port of
Acapulco, where we found the brig Araucano, and schooner Mercedes; the
former having been sent ahead to watch the entrance to the harbour, and
the latter to Realejo to obtain information respecting the Spanish
frigates; but unfortunately no intelligence had been received, except
that they had sailed from Acapulco on the third of December, with a
secret destination. On the evening of the same day we entered and came
to an anchor, and his lordship was honoured with a visit from a
deputation sent by the governor in the name of his most serene highness
Don Agustin de Iturbide, then President of Mexico; and of the bishop of
Guamanga, who had been exiled from Peru by the Protector, San Martin,
and who fortunately had been appointed by the government of Mexico to
the see of Puebla de los Angeles, having exchanged a bishopric of twelve
thousand dollars a year for one of forty. The President Iturbide had
been apprized of the arrival of Lord Cochrane on the Mexican coasts by
General Waevell and Colonel O'Reilly, two officers whom the government
of Chile had promoted, and to whom they had given passports, judging
that their services to the state were not tantamount to their pay.

When at Guayaquil we met with these two gentlemen. They had impressed
the government with the hoax, that they were ambassadors from Chile to
the newly-established authorities in Mexico; but unfortunately the dates
of their passports by the Chilean government were prior to the news of
the establishment of the new authorities in Mexico. After this
anachronism was discovered. Lord Cochrane requested the government to
close the port until the Chilean vessels of war should be ready to sail,
to which they agreed: this was done to prevent any intelligence being
given to the common enemy. The ambassadors remonstrated, and the
government, not wishing to offend that of Chile, was intimidated; but,
when Lord Cochrane requested that they would shew their credentials,
the whole hoax became public. Owing to our delay on the coast they had
arrived first at Acapulco, and, in revenge for the disclosure made at
Guayaquil, they had reported both by letter and personally to the
Mexican government, that Lord Cochrane had possessed himself, in a
mutinous manner, of the Chilean squadron, plundered the vessels
belonging to the government of Peru, committed innumerable piracies at
sea, and was coming on the coast of Mexico to repeat such atrocities;
however, at Amapalla I met with her excellency Doña Gregoria Gainsa, the
lady of the present Captain-general of Guatemala, who was at Guayaquil
when the disclosure was made, and when I informed her that I suspected
they would arrive first, her husband had reported the whole of the
transaction to the Mexican government. The information given by Waevell
and O'Reilly had, to our surprize, when we arrived at Acapulco, caused
the fort to be strictly guarded, and afterwards a subsequent
reinforcement entered the town. Thus notwithstanding the politeness of
the governor a suspicious reserve was at first visible. This, however,
in a short time wore off, and the most solemn assurances were given by
the governor of the wish of his Serene Highness Iturbide to cultivate
the friendship of the governments on the southern continent of
emancipated America.

On the third of February, after the squadron was under weigh, his
lordship received the following note from the president of Mexico:

"Most Excellent Sir,--The governor of Acapulco has informed me, by note
dated the twenty-eighth of January, of your happy arrival, and that of
the squadron you honour by commanding, at that port, one of those
belonging to this empire, and adds, that every respect has been paid to
yourself and those who have the glory to serve under you, who have been
treated as friends, ready to assist us in the sacred cause--the
protection of our liberty. Interested, as I am, in the prosperity of my
country, I feel the greatest pleasure in the generous offer of your
excellency, and the liberal determination of our brethren of Chile. I
have ordered the governor of Acapulco to offer to your excellency, on
the behalf of this government and my fellow citizens, our most grateful
acknowledgments.

"Two commissioners will leave this capital, with orders to communicate
to your excellency matters of high importance to the state: I hope you
will receive them as freemen--the representatives of this great empire,
and with that goodness which is so characteristic of your excellency.

"I should feel extremely gratified at having the honour of presenting
to you my respects personally, that we might discuss some points which
would contribute to the glory of this empire, in addition to the many
and interesting services you have rendered to other free states; but a
multiplicity of business deprives me of this honour, which my
commissioners will enjoy, unless your excellency can allow me the
pleasure of accepting our sentiments of gratitude in this court, where
you would be received in the honourable manner you deserve, and every
care would be taken to render your journey and residence as comfortable
as possible.

"I remain with all due respect, &c., (Signed) Agustin Iturbide. Mexico,
February 1st, 1822."

The news obtained from a vessel which entered the port on the second of
February, and the day of the arrival of the commissioners, not being
mentioned, his lordship determined to follow the Spanish frigates,
composing the last relic in the Pacific, and on the destruction of which
he was fully determined.

Acapulco lies in 16° 36´ north latitude, 99° 53´ 45´´ west longitude:
the port enjoys every advantage that can possibly be imagined: it is
capacious, has a good anchorage, and is completely land-locked; so that
from the vessels when at anchor, or from the town, the sea cannot be
observed; however, the extreme heat is highly disagreeable. The town is
composed of a parish church, two convents, and about forty houses, with
many huts built of reeds and rushes. The inhabitants are a mixture of
Spaniards, Negroes, Indians, and Chinese, which in several families that
I noticed seems to have produced almost a new race of mortals; for a
great sameness exists in their colour and features. The tinge or colour
of these people is similar to that of the Malay tribes: their foreheads
broad, eyes small and black, rather prominent cheek-bones, small but
tolerably well shaped nose, large lips, and beardless chin; their hair
black and long, their form slender, yet muscular, but none are of a high
stature. A kind of wild ferocity was visible in their countenances, and
rather a haughty independence in their manners, heightened a little,
perhaps, with the idea of being now imperialists; indeed, every thing
here was imperial: the town, the port, the flag, the market, nay, even
the language was imperial. The greater part of the inhabitants wore a
species of uniform, mostly composed of a blue nankeen, or stuff jacket
with a red collar, blue trowsers, and a cap; but without shoes or
stockings. The lower classes of females wore full petticoats, and a
chemise, with a long blue and white shawl: their hair is platted in long
slender tresses, and they have no other covering on their heads. Some
indians from the interior had a kind of short shirt, not reaching down
to their waists, breeches, and sandals of raw hide, with a hat, the
crown of which is about three inches high, and the skirts more than
thirty inches in diameter: it is made of the leaves of a tree.

Some of the muleteers from the interior wore a very picturesque dress;
over an under shirt they had a short one, like the indians, sitting
close to their bodies and arms, blue breeches, the seams being
tastefully embroidered with coloured silks; the calves of their legs
wrapped in buff-coloured leather, carefully tied on, and hanging loose,
with laced boots of the same material and colour; a coloured sash round
their waists, and large black hats on their heads, with a thick roll of
different coloured cloths for a hat-band.

All the people seemed to be particularly clean both in their clothes and
persons; but this is generally the case in hot climates.

The market is but indifferently supplied, and provisions on the whole
are scarce, dear, and of an inferior quality.

The appearance of the country in the neighbourhood is extremely sterile
and naked; scarcely any vegetables are to be seen, the sandy mountains
rising almost abruptly from the water's edge.

The climate is excessively hot, the access of cool air being precluded
by surrounding mountains, and very little benefit is derived from the
cut or opening made at the north end of the town, called _la ábra de San
Nicolas_, for the admission of the sea-breeze: the winter or wet season
is so unhealthy, that few of the white inhabitants remain in the town,
almost every one retires into the interior.

A large battery stands on an elevation at the southern extremity of this
place; it mounts thirty-one pieces of heavy artillery, and is called the
fort of San Diego. It contains barracks, magazines, and dungeons, named
the gaol, carcel.

The town was formerly of commercial notoriety, on account of the vessels
which arrived here, commonly from Manilla, called naos de la China; but
as this traffic will now cease, and on account of the mountainous
country lying between it and the capital, a distance of eighty-five
leagues, it is probable that this port will shortly be almost abandoned,
unless, indeed, a commercial intercourse be kept up with the British
East India colonies, which might become of considerable importance, and
which is at present worthy of the attention of English speculators, as
the principal returns would be the precious metals, cochineal, and
indigo.

On leaving Acapulco, the Independencia, Captain Wilkinson, and Auracano,
Captain Simpson, were ordered to proceed to the bay of California, for
the purpose of purchasing provisions for the vessels of war, and then to
follow us to Guayaquil, Callao, and Valparaiso.

On the night of the tenth we experienced a very severe gale in the bay
of Tehuantepec, and owing to the bad state of the frigate, we expected
she would go to pieces with every sea that struck her: our only
consolation was, that the Valdivia being almost within hail we should be
enabled to save our lives by taking to the boats, and going on board.

In the morning the gale subsided, to our no small joy; but a signal of
distress was made by the Valdivia, and afterwards a communication by
telegraph, that a sea had struck her, and that seventeen timbers had
given way on her larboard side; that for want of pumps the water was
gaining on them considerably, and the men were nearly exhausted with
baling. Some logs of wood were sent from the O'Higgins, together with
every man who fancied himself a carpenter, and the damage done was soon
repaired as well as circumstances would permit.

On the fifth of March we made the coast of Esmeraldas, and early on the
morning of the seventh we came to an anchor in the port of Tacames or
Atacames.

After I had landed, my old subjects were both astonished and delighted;
they had heard no tidings of me since the year 1812, and supposed me to
be dead. The news that we obtained here was, that the Spanish general
Crus Mourgeon arrived at this port from Panama, with a number of
officers, and eight hundred men, on the twenty-fifth of December, and
marched to join the forces at Quito; that immediately after he left
Panama, which was on the twenty-eighth of November, the inhabitants
rose, and declared their independence; and this they did although the
two frigates Prueba and Vengansa had arrived after the departure of Crus
Mourgeon; these two frigates, they told us, left the port of Tacames on
the first of January, for Guayaquil and the coast of Peru. With these
advices Lord Cochrane immediately proceeded to Guayaquil river, and we
arrived at the island of Puná on the tenth.

The intelligence obtained here was, that the Prueba and Vengansa were
several days at anchor off the island; that deputies had been sent from
the city to negotiate with the two captains Don Jose Villegas of the
Prueba, and Don Jose Joaquin Soroa of the Vengansa; that on the
twenty-third of February the Vengansa and sloop of war Alexander had
proceeded up the river to Guayaquil, and on the twenty-fifth the Prueba
had left the river for the port of Callao. On receiving this advice his
lordship stood up the river with the following tide, and came to an
anchor off the city on the morning of the thirteenth, where we found the
Vengansa bearing the Peruvian flag.

Lord Cochrane was directly informed, that the captains Villegas and
Soroa had negotiated the surrender of the Spanish frigates Prueba and
Vengansa with the commissioners appointed by Don Francisco Salasar, the
Peruvian envoy at Guayaquil; which treaty was ratified by the respective
parties on the fifteenth and sixteenth of February last, the principal
condition being, that the whole of the officers and crews should
receive from the government of Peru all the arrears due to them; that
those who chose to remain in America should enjoy all the privileges of
citizens; and that those who preferred returning to Europe should have
the expenses of their passage defrayed by the government of Peru. After
several inquiries made on shore, it appeared, that when the negotiations
were about to be interrupted by the mutinous crews and some Spanish
officers, who, indignant at the conduct of the captains, in thus selling
the Spanish vessels of war to the enemies of Spain, began to canvass an
opposition, the government of Guayaquil availed themselves of the
subterfuge of having had a correspondence with Lord Cochrane, who with
the Chilean squadron had anchored in the bay of La Manta, in the
province of Guayaquil, on his passage to the capital. This stratagem had
the desired effect: the officers and crews came to the terms offered,
rather than decide the controversy by honorable warfare. On being
positively assured of the transaction, and conscious, that had not the
Chilean squadron driven them to this last action the Spanish captains
never would have surrendered their vessels, his lordship on the morning
of the fourteenth sent Captain Crosbie on board the Vengansa, with
orders to hoist at her peak the flag of Chile jointly with that of Peru.

This act created great confusion in the city, the gunboats were
immediately manned, and pieces of cannon were brought down to the side
of the river, where the people employed themselves in placing logs of
wood to serve as a breastwork; the Spanish sailors appeared to take a
more than active part in resenting this insult offered to the vessel,
which a few days previously they had cowardly sold to their enemies,
through the fear of having to defend her while under the Spanish flag;
indeed every thing on shore bore the most hostile appearance; while on
board the O'Higgins and Valdivia no preparations whatever were made, the
Admiral being too busy in smiling at their warlike preparations and mock
means of defence. On the night of the seventeenth the courage of our
self-constituted enemies was put to the test.

With the return tide the Valdivia drifted up the river near to where the
Spanish officers and seamen had anchored the gunboats, which the
government had allowed them to manage, as being more acquainted with
naval tactics; but these heroes, supposing that the frigate was about to
attack them, ran the boats on shore, and fled to the back of the city,
leaving the natives to replace them on the water before daylight. This,
however, was in vain, and the effects of the preceding night's alarm
were visible on the following morning.

After some correspondence between the government and the admiral, it was
agreed on the nineteenth, that deputies from both parties should meet
ashore, and adjust such terms as should be most conducive to the public
tranquillity, and to the honour and welfare of all parties. Accordingly,
the government appointed the captain of the port, Don Manuel Lusuriaga,
Dr. Don Bernabé Cornejo, and Captain Indaburu. Lord Cochrane appointed
Captain Crosbie, Captain Cobbett, and myself. Having met at the cavildo,
the following articles were agreed to, and immediately ratified by
Olmedo, Ximena, and Roca (forming the junta of government) and Lord
Cochrane.

"First.--The frigate Vengansa shall remain as belonging to the
government of Guayaquil; she shall hoist the flag of this state, which
shall be saluted by the Chilean.

"Second.--The state of Guayaquil guarantees to the Chilean squadron
under the responsibility of forty thousand dollars, that the frigate
Vengansa shall not be delivered to, nor negotiated for with any
governments until those of Chile and Peru shall have decided on what
they may esteem most just. And, moreover, the government of Guayaquil is
bound to destroy her rather than consent that the said vessel shall
serve any other state, till such decision be made.

"Third.--The corvette Alexander shall be delivered to her owners, or
their assigns, according to the right which they possessed before she
was taken by violence from this river. The owners are to pay the arrears
due to the crew from the date of their last leaving Panama to that of
the fifteenth of February, 1822, with all the other expenses which may
have been incurred; and, in the mean time, she shall not be employed in
any way whatever without the consent of her owners.

"Fourth.--Any government whatever which henceforward may be established
in Guayaquil shall be bound to the fulfilment of the articles here
expressed.

"Fifth.--These articles, herein written and agreed to, shall be
understood literally, in good faith, and without any mental
amplifications or restrictions. Guayaquil, &c."

After the ratification of these articles, the government of Guayaquil
addressed a polite note to Lord Cochrane, expressing the highest
sentiments of respect for the most important services which the free
states of America had received from him, assuring him, at the same time,
that Guayaquil would always be the first to honour his name, and the
last to forget his unparalleled services, to which she owed her
emancipation from the yoke of Spain.

On the twentieth the Guayaquil flag was hoisted on board the Vengansa by
Captain Lusuriaga and Captain Crosbie, to whom the Peruvian and Chilean
flags were delivered. The O'Higgins immediately saluted the flag with
twenty-two guns, and the salute was returned from the guns placed on
shore; and afterwards the gunboats hoisted the Chilean flag, and saluted
it with twenty-two guns.

It having been asserted in Peru, before Lord Cochrane left the bay of
Callao in October, 1821, that he would supply the garrisons of the
fortresses with provisions, on condition that they would not surrender
to San Martin, his lordship availed himself of the present opportunity
with General la Mar, who was the governor of Callao, and who being now
at Guayaquil, to write to him through the hands of the government,
requesting him to answer, whether he did succour or promise to succour
the garrisons of Callao, during the time that he was employed in the
blockade of that port?

To this La Mar answered:

"Most Excellent Sir,--In consequence of the official note which I
yesterday received from your excellency, through the hands of the
government, it is my duty to assert, that I have neither said nor
written, nor ever heard that you did supply or propose to supply with
provisions the place of Callao during the whole of the time that it was
under my charge. God preserve your excellency many years. (Signed) Jose
de la Mar. Guayaquil, March 13th, 1822."

On the twenty-first we weighed, his lordship giving orders to Captain
Crosbie to trip the anchor, and to kedge down the river, by which means
he would have a better opportunity to mark the channel, and form a plan
of it, should it ever become necessary to ascend it without the
assistance of a pilot. The second tide took us to the Puná, where we
remained till the twenty-fifth, the boats being employed in bringing
water and some provisions from Balao, on the opposite side of the river.

Having left Guayaquil river on the twenty-fifth of March, we arrived on
the twelfth of April at the small port of Huambacho, on the coast of
Peru, where to our surprise and astonishment the alcalde of the village
shewed his lordship a written order from San Martin, stating that should
any of the vessels of war belonging to Chile touch at the said port, he
was to forbid their landing, and to deny them any assistance whatever,
and not even to allow them to wood or water there.

Exasperated at this conduct, his lordship proceeded to Callao, but not
before he had convinced the alcalde, that he had not the power to
enforce such orders from his master. We arrived at Callao on the
twenty-fifth, where the first object of instability in the new
government which we observed was five different Peruvian flags flying in
the bay and on the batteries.

We here found the Prueba under Peruvian colours, and commanded by one of
the captains who had deserted the Chilean squadron; but such was the
dread that Lord Cochrane would take possession of her, that she was
immediately hauled close in shore under the batteries, her guns housed,
her ports closed, and so crammed she was with soldiers, for her defence,
that three men died with suffocation the night after our arrival. I was
assured, that no less than two thousand men were crowded on her upper
deck, as if such a mob could have intimidated Lord Cochrane, had he been
authorized to take possession of her, after she had been driven into the
bay of Callao by his efforts, and there purchased from her traitorous
crew by the Peruvian government.




CHAPTER XIII.

     Commercial Code at Lima....Provincial Statutes announced....Liberty
     of the Press....Foreigners declared amenable to the
     Laws....Institution of the Order of the Sun....New Commercial
     Rules....Titles changed....Order to convene the Constituent
     Congress....San Martin delegates his Authority to the Marquis de
     Torre Tagle....San Martin leaves Lima and returns....Army defeated
     under Tristan at Ica....State of Lima on our Arrival....Visit of
     Monteagudo to Lord Cochrane....San Martin annuls the Treaty at
     Guayaquil....Exile of Spaniards from Lima....Lord Cochrane leaves
     Callao for Valparaiso....Spanish Vessels that surrendered to the
     Chilean Squadron....Convention of Chile meets....Monteagudo exiled
     from Lima....Disturbances in Chile....San Martin arrives at
     Valparaiso....O'Higgins abdicates....Lord Cochrane leaves the
     Pacific.


On the eighth of October, 1821, the provisional commercial code or
reglamento was published; but, agreeably to the short sighted colonial
system, only Callao and Huanchaco were declared free ports to all
friends and allies. This reglamento established, that all vessels should
within ten hours after their arrival deliver up their bills of lading;
within forty-eight begin to unload, or leave the port within six days.

Within the said forty-eight hours a consignee, being a citizen of Peru,
was to be named by the captain or supercargo. All goods in foreign
bottoms were to pay twenty per cent. on the value of the whole,
according to the prices current in Peru. All goods introduced in vessels
under the flags of Chile, Buenos Ayres, or Colombia, to pay in the same
manner eighteen per cent., and those under the flag of Peru sixteen. All
manufactured goods which might injure the industry of the country to pay
double duty. Coined silver to pay the exportation duty of five per cent.
and gold two and a half: the exportation of gold and silver in bar or
wrought absolutely prohibited. The produce of Peru exported in foreign
vessels to pay five per cent.; in vessels belonging to Chile, Buenos
Ayres, or Colombia, three and a half, and in Peruvian three per cent.
The payment of importation duties to be in three equal parts, one at
forty days after debarkation, one at a hundred and twenty, and one at a
hundred and eighty. All consignees absolutely prohibited the retailing
of their consignments.

The coasting trade to be confined to vessels belonging to the state, but
limited to the ports of Paita, Huacho, and Pisco. Any vessel introducing
foreign manufactures, except at Callao or Huanchaco, to be seized and
condemned, both hull and cargo.

The most extraordinary article inserted in this reglamento was, that
goods landed at Huanchaco, the port to Truxillo, were not to pass the
river Santa, under the penalty of being seized as contraband.

On the ninth of October the provisional statutes and administration of
justice were sworn to by the government; and the creation of the Order
of the Sun was announced with the greatest possible pomp.

On the thirteenth the liberty of the press was declared, permitting any
individual to publish freely his thoughts, without any previous revision
or approbation; but all abuse of religion or of the principles of
morality, every thing likely to disturb public tranquillity, or to wound
the honour of any citizen, to be subject to the penalty inflicted by the
junta conservadora of the liberty of the press.

On the seventeenth an order of the government was published,
establishing all foreigners residing in Peru in the rights of
citizenship, subjecting them at the same time to the laws of the
country, and the orders of the government, and depriving them of the
intervention of the commanders of the vessels of war belonging to their
respective nations. All foreigners were also declared liable to take
arms in the support of social order, but not against the common enemy,
and to be subject to contributions levied by the government, in the same
manner as the citizens of the state.

On the twentieth of October the institute of the Sun was established; it
was declared to consist of three classes, founders, well-deservers
(benemeritos) and associates or fellows. The badge of the first class
was a white ribbon from the right shoulder to the left side, having two
gold tassels and a golden medallion of the order; with the title of
honourable lordship;--the second class to have a gold medal hanging to a
white ribbon placed round the neck; with the address of lordship;--and
the third a silver medal hanging to the breast on the left side. The
medals to bear the arms of the state, to be of an elliptical figure, and
to have on the superior part, on a white field, "Peru;" on the inferior,
on a red field, "To her Liberators." The pensions of the order to be
paid out of the fund of forty thousand dollars imposed by the king of
Spain on the mitres of America for the provisions of the knights of
Charles III. and Isabel la Catolica. The oath to be--"I swear by my
honour, and promise to my country to defend the independence, liberty
and integrity of the state of Peru; to maintain public order, and to
procure the general felicity of America, devoting to those ends my life
and my property."

Twenty-six founders were named by the Protector, who constituted himself
PRESIDENT of the order; among these were included two captains who had
abandoned the Chilean squadron at Callao; one hundred and thirty-eight
of well-deservers, including Captain Spry; and one hundred and two
associates or fellows, among whom were the dean of the cathedral, five
counts, two marquises, five generals, seven friars, canons of the
church, shopkeepers, surgeons, farmers, and deserters from the Chilean
squadron.

Not content with this creation of male nobility, one hundred and twelve
knightesses of the sun were nominated, including two countesses, four
marchionesses, and of every class, even to Doña Rosa Campusano, the
favourite of his excellency, the creator of the order; and to complete
the corps, thirty-two nuns were added, who might have been honoured with
the ancient Peruvian title of Virgins of the Sun. The Honourable and
Illustrious Don Bernardo Monteagudo was appointed secretary, and General
the Honourable Don Diego Paroissien master of the ceremonies, _pro tem._

As the badge of the order was of the most vital importance, it was
decreed on the thirty-first of October, that, instead of a medallion, a
golden sun should be suspended to the ribbon of the fundadores,
benemeritos, and asociados; but the size of it was to be limited
according to the rank of the bearer.

On the twenty-third of October a committee was appointed to frame a
constitutional code or reglamento de administration de justicia for
Peru, San Martin having determined on being a legislator as well as a
liberator; and, as he himself said, on "being crowned with laurels till
he could not nod." About this time some verses made their appearance,
addressed to the Protector, under the epithet of Emperor of Peru. The
idea of an imperial crown was obnoxious to the Peruvians, and some
street clamour induced the government to announce its supreme
displeasure at such productions.

Desertion in the liberating army now became prevalent, and the
government was obliged to issue a decree, stating that any person who
should harbour or protect a deserter in his house, or on his property,
should subject himself to a general confiscation for the first offence,
and to perpetual exile for a repetition. All slaves were invited to
inform against their masters, under the assurance of manumission,
should the crime of occultation be proved. On the thirty-first of
October a new tariff for the coasting trade was published, superseding
the one of the twenty-eighth of September, with the addition of the
ports of Nasca, Cañete, and Pacasmayo, and also allowing foreigners to
sell their own cargoes, without the intervention of a native consignee,
on their paying twenty-five, instead of twenty per cent.; and on the
twenty-first of November all foreigners, as well as citizens, being
merchants, were ordered to enrol their names at the consulado, (board of
trade,) that they might all be equally taxed with such contributions as
the government might judge necessary to exact.

Several Spaniards having been apprehended and sent to the public gaol,
accused of sedition and conspiracies, were sentenced, on the twentieth
of November, eight to a confiscation of their property, and exile to
Europe, and thirteen to partial confiscation, and exile to Chancay for
two months.

On Sunday the sixteenth of December the knights of the order of the sun
were decorated with the insignia, by the president of the high chamber
of justice, _alta camara de justicia_, in the presence of his Excellency
the Protector of Peru, institutor of the order, and a most splendid
concourse of the nobility of Peru, with the assistance of Sir Thomas
Hardy, whom the gazette styles the representative of the British nation,
on this occasion. Every care was taken to make this civic feast as
solemn as possible; the troops were formed in the streets; the different
military bands continued playing national airs and marches in the
balcony of the palace; repeated salutes were fired by the artillery
placed in the plasa; all the bells in the city were heard in merry
peals; the illuminations on the nights of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and
seventeenth, were of the most brilliant description; and every nerve was
strained to produce and support harmony and conviviality on this festive
occasion. After the ceremony of condecoration, the procession left the
palace and proceeded to the church of Santo Domingo, where a solemn Te
Deum was chanted, and high mass celebrated, in thanks to the Almighty
for having inspired the supreme government of Lima with such celestial
ideas.

That the ancient nobility of Peru might not be reduced to a level with
the plebeians, it was decreed on the twenty-seventh of December, that
they should preserve their armorial bearings on the fronts of their
houses, as usual, and all the solar nobility were permitted by the same
decree to place on theirs a sun, with the initials of the class to which
they belonged in the centre. It was also ordered on the same day, that
those persons who had enjoyed titles during the Spanish domination,
under the name of titles of Castile, should enjoy the same honours under
the appellation of titles of Peru, or change them for such as might
appear more congenial to the then existing state of things. Thus we have
a republic with counts, marquises, viscounts, &c. which is certainly an
anomaly, and worthy of the wisdom that planned it.

On the twenty-seventh, the Protector, with the advice of the council of
state, ordered, that on the first of May, 1822, the general constituent
congress of Peru should meet in the capital; and that proxies should be
named for such provinces as were oppressed by the enemy. The object of
this congress was to be, only, the definitive form of the established
government, and the formation of a constitution most proper for Peru,
according to the circumstances of its territory and population: any
other powers given to the deputies to be considered null and of no
effect.

It was further ordered, that a previous committee be appointed in Lima,
to draw up the plan for the election of deputies, and to prepare the
basis of the constitution, to be finished before the reunion of the
congress. Thus the laws of the nation were to be formed by a private
committee, under the guidance of San Martin and his ministers, and the
congress were to be called in to sanction the proceeding. This duplicity
was ultimately the cause of the Protector's _voluntary_ abdication.

On the nineteenth of January, 1822, the Protector announced, that he was
about to leave Lima on a visit to Guayaquil, where he expected to meet
the Liberator of Colombia, the immortal BOLIVAR, for the purpose of
consulting with him on matters of the highest importance to the state.
All his executive powers were delegated to the gran mariscal Marquis de
Torre Tagle, to the due obedience of whose orders, the tribunals,
ministers, corporation, chiefs of the army and navy were called upon to
swear. This ceremony took place on the twentieth. The first decree of
the supreme delegate was, that all unmarried Spaniards, who should leave
the state, were to deliver to the national treasury one half of their
property, and in case of any attempt at fraud, the whole to be
confiscated, and the persons to be exiled. It also contained other
articles respecting Spaniards residing in Peru.

On the third of March the Protector announced in Lima, that having
touched at Huanchaco in his passage to Guayaquil, he received official
communication that the Liberator of Colombia had changed his plans, and
would not be at Guayaquil as was expected; he had, in consequence,
returned to Callao; but that it was his will that the Marquis de Torre
Tagle should continue in the full exercise of the authority delegated to
him. San Martin then retired to the country residence of the ex-viceroy
Pesuela, at La Magdalena, which village immediately changed its name to
that of the town of the free, "pueblo de los libres."

On the thirty-first of March the Spanish frigate Prueba arrived at
Callao, and was immediately delivered up to the Peruvian government by
her commander, Larrigada, according to the treaty concluded in Guayaquil
on the sixteenth of February. The supreme delegate immediately went on
board, and the Peruvian flag being hoisted, the name of the frigate was
changed to that of Protector. Again, this acquisition was "the fruit of
the enthusiasm, and sacrifices of the officers and soldiers who were
present at the important moment, as witnesses of this memorable
success."

The government of Lima, aware of the importance of the possession of
the valleys of Pisco and Ica, not only in a mercantile point of view,
but as a military position, where a communication might be kept open
with the provinces of Upper Peru, and the enemy, then in Huamanga, and
other adjacent points, prevented from making incursions on the valuable
estates situated along the coast--San Martin, as prime mover, (although
the civil authority was exercised by his delegate, Torre Tagle, and
General Alvarado had been appointed by him general in chief of the army)
ordered a force of two thousand men, with their respective officers, to
Ica, under the command of General Don Domingo Tristan, who a few months
before was a Colonel of Militias, in the province of Arequipa, and whose
career had been the ploughshare and the pruning hook, not the sword and
the lance: a man entirely unknown as a soldier, and if known at all in
Lima, it was as a complete gambler, and a public lounger. But perhaps
the intercession of the Protectress, formerly the public favourite of
Tristan, might on this occasion have been acceptable, (in despite of the
superior qualifications of many officers in the army, although the brave
General las Heras and several other chiefs had retired) and acquired for
her _galan de aquel tiempo_ so honourable an appointment. However, on
the thirteenth of April, the following proclamations appeared in Lima:
"Limenians! The division of the south, without having been beaten, has
been surprised, and dispersed; in a long campaign all cannot be
prosperity; you know _my_ character, and you know that _I_ have always
spoken the truth to all--I do not mean to search for consolation in
conflicts, notwithstanding I dare to assure you, that the iniquitous and
tyrannical empire of the Spaniards in Peru will cease in the year
twenty-two.--I will make an ingenuous confession to you: it was my
intention to go in search of repose after so many years of agitation,
but I believed your independence was secured; some trifling danger now
presents itself, and so long as there remains the least appearance of
it, until you are free you shall not be left by your faithful
friend,--San Martin."

"Companions of the United Army!--Your brothers in the division of the
south have not been beaten, but they have been dispersed; to you it
belongs to revenge this insult: you are valiant, and have known long ago
the path to glory! Sharpen well your bayonets and your swords! The
campaign of Peru shall finish in this year! Your old general ensures it;
prepare then to conquer!--San Martin."

On the same day the following was issued by the Marquis de Torre Tagle:
"Compatriots! The division of the south has suffered a reverse; this is
the first we have experienced amid so many glories. It is of no
importance; the grand army yet lives, and will, before the end of
twenty-two, leave not one enemy existing among us. Compatriots! To be
free and happy, only requires you to decide as I have, like those heroes
who have come to restore to Peru her rights, to lose every thing, to die
before they will return to slavery! Imitate this example as you have
done at other times, and the result will be the same, because valour and
enthusiasm, well directed, always ensure victory and peace; you deserve
both, prepare for every sacrifice but that of your liberty.

"Torre Tagle."

The two supreme chiefs united on the thirteenth in a proclamation to the
inhabitants of the interior, assuring them, that the loss of the
division, a few days before called the liberating army of the south,
"weighed nothing in the balance of the destiny of Peru; Providence, say
they, protects us, and by this action she will accelerate the ruin of
the enemies of Peru--proud of their first victory, they will spare us
part of our march in search of them, which was to have been done. Fear
not, the army that drove them twice from the capital, is ready to punish
them a third time, and to punish them for ever!" Had the action taken
place at any great distance from the capital, the truth of the
transaction might have remained for some time enveloped in mystery; or
had the inhabitants of Lima not already been taught by the Spaniards to
become sceptics, this furious bombast might have been believed; but the
account was soon rightly explained by the few who escaped, and who
arrived at Lima; these were but few: the number that fortunately found
an opportunity to take to their heels, and availed themselves of their
swiftness, were very quickly secured, and sent to Callao, to prevent as
much as possible a circulation of the truth.

On the night of the seventh of April the Spaniards under Cantarac and
Caratalá advanced on the Americans under Tristan, who, for want of the
most ordinary precautions, were completely surrounded, and at day break,
with the exception of the general, part of his staff, and a few
officers, the whole division was in the power of the enemy. The loss of
the liberating army was about two thousand men killed or taken
prisoners, five thousand muskets, the military chest, containing
upwards of a hundred thousand dollars, ammunition, luggage, equipage,
printing press, and every utensil belonging to it. Notwithstanding all
this, we are told, that "the Spaniards are ignorant that the balance of
power is in our hands, because Providence is on our side, opinion and
strength favour the interests of Peru, SHE SHALL BE FREE BECAUSE SHE
WILLS IT SO, AND BECAUSE IT IS TIME THAT SHE WAS!!!"

On the twenty-fourth of April a decree was published against the
Spaniards residing in Lima, imposing the penalty of exile and
confiscation of property on those who should appear in the streets
wearing a cloak. That of confiscation of property and exile when more
than two should be found together in any private conversation. That of
death on those who should be found out of their houses after sunset. And
that of confiscation and death on all those who should be found to
possess any kind of weapons excepting the knives necessary for the
service of their tables.

This was the state of affairs in Peru when Lord Cochrane arrived on the
twenty-fifth of April. The supreme authority was employed in issuing
decrees contradictory to one another, in opposition to the most solemn
promises made and repeated by the Protector, both before and after he
assumed this title, in violation of justice and reason, and all
contributing to produce discontent, disunion, and anarchy.

The enemy were victorious, the patriots dreaded some dire reverse, the
remains of the army were discontented, finding that not one promise made
to them had been fulfilled; the gold and silver had disappeared, and
paper money had been issued by the government; the contributions were
increasing, and were exacted at the point of the bayonet; while the
Protector of the liberty of the country, after having been employed for
six months in creating orders of knighthood, establishing tribunals,
sketching embroideries, and inventing uniforms, had retired to his
country house, to rest from his labours!

Many individuals who, when we left Callao in October, 1821, condemned
the conduct of Lord Cochrane in taking possession of the money at Ancon,
were now convinced that it was not only a warrantable but an
indispensable step to be taken for the preservation of the squadron of
Chile, and of good faith with the crews. The non-fulfilment of the
promises made to the regiment of Numancia had forced them to declare
that they would not march out of Lima against the enemy, and Captain
Doronsoro was sent, by his brother officers, to inquire, if Lord
Cochrane would receive them on board the Chilean vessels, and convey the
regiment to the nearest point in the territory of Colombia, to which
country they belonged, and to which San Martin had promised to transport
them on the fall of Lima.

On the twenty-sixth the minister Monteagudo came on board, and lamented
that his lordship should have addressed to the Peruvian government
official communications containing expressions calculated to irritate
their delicate feelings at the moment when the Protector was inclined to
adopt the most conciliatory measures; adding, that at the first news of
his lordship's appearance off the port his excellency had written a
private letter, praying an interview; but that on the receipt of the
official notes, he became so indignant, that he was afraid his delicate
health was in danger. To this his lordship merely answered, that had San
Martin sent a private letter it certainly would have been returned
unopened; adding, "you may tell him, Mr. Monteagudo, that it is not my
wish to injure him; I neither fear him nor hate him; but tell him, I
despise him!" Monteagudo begged of his lordship to go and reside on
shore a few days, saying that the house of the supreme delegate was
prepared for his reception. But his lordship most courteously begged to
be excused; and Monteagudo retired not well pleased with what he had
observed in the countenances of all on board, a species of the most
supreme contempt; notwithstanding that, he wore his blazing sun of the
first order, his ribbons, his embroideries, and was accompanied by his
military escort.

The greatest discontent reigned on shore among the Chileans: it had
circulated, that no Chilean would be promoted nor employed by the
present government of Peru. Whether such was or was not really the
determination of the government might be difficult to prove; but the
fact was, that only one of the nine generals made by San Martin belonged
to Chile, and the ratio among the subalterns was even smaller.

The Protector of Peru, having been informed of the treaty at Guayaquil,
respecting the Vengansa and the Emperor Alexander, sent down Captains
Carter and Young to take the command of them. This was acceded to by the
government of Guayaquil, and the two vessels again hoisted the Peruvian
flag, although the Alexander, bona fide, belonged to Mr. Henderson, and
was under the English flag, when a revolution took place among the crews
of the gunboats in August, 1821, who took possession of her. They
proceeded to Panama, and there delivered her to the Spanish authorities,
who afterwards included her in their treaty with the Peruvian agent at
Guayaquil.

The most horrid scene during the time of the residence of San Martin in
Peru was reserved for May, 1822. On the night of the fourth a grand ball
was given at the palace, being the first meeting of the knights and
knightesses of the sun; and while they were thus enjoying themselves
parties of soldiers were sent to the houses of the Spaniards, who
dragged them from their beds, and drove them down to Callao, where they
were placed on board the Milagro.

The distress occasioned by this monstrous breach of promises, of
justice, and humanity, cannot be equalled. Several of these were men of
rank and fortune who had confided in the promises made to them; many of
them had numerous families; octogenarian clergymen, civil and military
officers, all without the least distinction or commiseration, were
seized at midnight, some of them half undressed, others almost naked,
and every individual was forced to travel six miles on foot: they were
then placed on board a vessel, where for two days no provisions were
distributed to them, and they were forbidden to hold any communication
with their disconsolate wives and families, who surrounded the vessel in
boats, and rent the air with their shrieks and lamentations. On the
first night two old gentlemen died on board the Milagro for want of
clothing and food; and many would certainly have perished had not the
mercy of San Martin been extended so far as to sell them passports. He
allowed the purchasers to pass from the Milagro to neutral vessels, for
the purpose of leaving Peru for ever; but many of them dared not go to
Spain, because they had remained in Lima when La Serna left it with the
Spanish army, and had afterwards subscribed to the independence of the
country. Some passports were sold at one thousand dollars, others at
ten, according to the quality of the purchaser; and those whose finances
deprived them of the possibility of purchasing their liberation, were
sent to Chile in the Milagro; which vessel, for this most honourable
expedition, had been newly named, and was now called the Monteagudo: a
compliment in every respect merited by that great minister.

Had General San Martin followed a different line of conduct with regard
to the Spaniards residing in Peru; had he never compromised himself with
such solemn assurances as he made to them, both before and after his
arrival in Lima, his conduct towards them might have admitted some
palliation. Had he from the beginning been silent, and at the earliest
opportunity exiled them, the same expression which he used on the
subject of calling a congress or national representation, that "a
knowledge of what had passed in Colombia, Chile and Buenos Ayres, during
twelve years of revolution, would have been a reasonable pretence for
what he did," might have justified the proceeding. He repeatedly
promised to them security, and frequently told them, that their persons
and property should be inviolable; and their confidence lost them all
claim to the protection of the laws of their native country; they had
moreover sworn allegiance to its enemy, and had explicitly become
traitors; and when his plans were thus far in a state of ripeness, he
exiled them from their adopted homes, from their families, from all
their comforts, and cast them out a despairing, wandering, forlorn
tribe, surrounded with misery; but their last breath will be employed in
execrating his duplicity.

I am well aware that the Spaniards were dangerous persons in America
and that many of them would have employed themselves in thwarting the
operations of the newly-constituted authorities; but this mental
conviction could not sanction such a proceeding as the one just stated,
and at which humanity shudders. But it is now time to wind up the
eventful history of the proceedings of the Protector of Peru; however,
before I lose sight of her shores, perhaps for ever, I must add one more
trait of his barbarity. A female in Lima had dared to speak ill of San
Martin, at the time that a contribution was extorted from her at the
point of the bayonet; she was apprehended, taken to the great square, an
accusatory libel was fastened to her breast, a human bone was put into
her mouth, and tied behind her head; a halter was hung round her neck,
and in this manner she was forced to parade the streets, led by the
common hangman; she was then exiled to Callao, where the poor creature
died on the second day after her arrival.

Before Lord Cochrane left the bay of Callao he addressed a letter to
Colonel Sanches, an officer belonging to the Chilean troops, expressing
his ardent desire for the complete success of his adopted countryman; to
this note he received the following answer:--"Our best friend,--Nothing
has been so mortifying to us, as that the imperiousness of circumstances
deprives us of the communication which we have most esteemed, and which
would have been of high importance to the views of your excellency.

"The chiefs, officers and troops who have the honour to serve under the
flag of Chile, have received with the greatest satisfaction the
compliments of your excellency, and promise their eternal gratitude to
their worthy chief, whose soul is devoted to increase the glory of their
country. We have the honour to offer to your excellency the most sincere
tribute of our affection and esteem. (Signed) Jose Santiago
Aldunate.--J. Santiago Sanches."

On the ninth of May the schooner Montezuma, belonging to Chile, and
which had been lent by the government to General San Martin, as a
tender, entered the port of Callao, under Peruvian colours; his lordship
fired on her, and obliged her to come to an anchor, when he took
possession of her, sending her officers on shore, and on the tenth we
proceeded to Valparaiso, where we arrived on the thirteenth of June.

On our arrival at Valparaiso his lordship reported his return, adding,
"The anxious desires of his excellency the Supreme Director are now
fulfilled, and the sacrifices of the people of Chile are rewarded; the
naval power of Spain in the Pacific has succumbed, it is now
extinguished, the following vessels having surrendered to the unceasing
efforts of the squadron of this free state:


     Frigate Prueba of        50 guns
     Frigate Esmeralda of     44
     Frigate Vengansa of      44
     Ship Resolution of       34
     Ship Sebastiana of       34
     Brig Pesuela of          18
     Brig Potrillo of         16
     Schooner Prosperina of   14


Schooner Aransasu, seventeen gunboats, and the armed merchant ships
Aguila and Begona at Guayaquil, and others employed as block ships at
Callao. It is highly gratifying to me, after labouring under such
difficulties as were never before witnessed on board of vessels of war,
to announce the arrival of the Chilean squadron in Valparaiso, its
cradle; where, owing to its constant services in the cause of the
liberty and independence of Chile, Peru, Colombia and Mexico, it is the
object of admiration and gratitude to the inhabitants of the new
world.--I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Cochrane."

A few days after our arrival at Valparaiso, his lordship visited the
capital of Chile, and solicited permission to retire for six months to
his estate of Quintero, unless his services might be necessary; when,
at any moment, he would be ready to employ them again in the welfare of
the state; at the same time he requested, in the most earnest manner,
that the officers and crews might be punctually paid all their arrears.
The government acceded to his solicitude, and promised that every
possible attention should be given to the request of the admiral, and
after some delay it was finally complied with.

On the twenty-third of July, 1822, the National Congress of Chile met at
Santiago; it was opened by the Supreme Director, Don Bernardo O'Higgins,
who made a tender of his directoral authority to the representatives of
the republic, and concluded his harangue with--"Compatriots! my command
is at an end--defects are inseparable from humanity--the most difficult
circumstances have surrounded me on every side--perhaps my want of
knowledge and experience may have led me to commit errors against my
children, (allow this tender expression to my feelings)--I can never
forget the honours I have received, and I hope that my days will be
prolonged by my gratitude, until I see Chile as happy and as prosperous
as the most flourishing countries of the earth."

Immediately after the director had retired, the convention waited upon
him, and reinstated him in the supreme executive authority, with the
following compliment: "The representatives of Chile most sincerely thank
your excellency for the wisdom with which you have managed the affairs
of the nation; when a constitution is formed that shall specify the time
of the fatigues of the magistrates, the representatives may admit of
your resignation, and then your excellency will enjoy your retirement in
glory, and future generations will sing hymns of love and gratitude to
your name."

The first meeting of the preparatory convention was on the twenty-ninth,
at ten o'clock in the morning.

On the twenty-first of September, 1822, the news arrived in Chile, that
Don Bernardo Monteagudo had been deposed from the ministry, and exiled
from Peru.

The following are extracts from the papers published in Lima:

"Lima had scarcely obtained a glimpse of a flattering futurity, when a
cunning, froward, and saucy individual, a traitor to the confidence of
the government that had elevated him to the ministry, began to stifle
our patriotism and its defenders. This insolent minister rewarded all
praise-worthy services with the most gross invectives, and the most
scandalous persecutions. His intriguing ambition filled our gazettes
with a multitude of decrees in opposition to the plans which he himself
had prescribed. His decrees were written that they might be read, not
that they might be obeyed.

"Unfortunately for us, the genius of the revolution, San Martin, had to
absent himself twice from our capital, to meet the Washington of
Colombia. This perfidious oppressor availed himself of his absence to
manifest the whole perversity of his soul. Until that period his
persecutions were underhand, but they now became barefaced. All
Spaniards were considered rich, they, their families and property,
consequently became the prey of his insatiable avarice; and at the same
time, those patriots who had contributed most to the success of the
liberating army were persecuted to the utmost extremity. He formed a
long list of proscriptions of men who were to be exiled for ever from
their native country, and whose only crimes were their patriotic
virtues, for the extinction of which he had formed a nest of the vilest
spies, who unceasingly watched the steps of every man of honour. Great
God! what an epoch of misery!

"Every honourable citizen found in Don Bernardo Monteagudo (this is the
name of the monster of whom we speak) an enemy who at any price would
have sacrificed him. How many victims has he not sacrificed in his one
year's ministry! More than eight hundred honourable families have been
by him reduced to extreme indigence, and the whole city to a state of
misery.

"Among the patriots at Lima, nothing was thought of but where they might
find an asylum in a foreign land. Without agriculture, commerce,
industry, personal security, property, and laws, what is society but a
mansion of the most afflicting torments!

"The religion of our forefathers suffered an equal persecution in its
ministers and its temples; these were deprived of their riches, not for
the service of our country, but for the reward of espionage, and to
deceive us with useless trickeries. The satellites of this bandit were
equally despotic with himself, and committed, under his protection, the
most horrid crimes. This is not a proper place in which to insert the
baseness with which he abused the delicacy and debility of females.
Fathers of families **** every man was intimidated; every feeling man
wept because all were the victims of the caprice of this insolent
despot, who made an ostentation of atheism and ferocity.

"It is impossible to recapitulate his actions; volumes would be
necessary to shew to the world the arbitrary crimes of this factious
individual. It would appear, that for the commission of so many offences
he must have had some cause that impelled him, for they could not
possibly be the effects of ignorance. It was impossible to believe that
by insulting and ruining every one; plundering our property; despising
the ingenuity and talents of the Peruvians; and endeavouring to
introduce anarchy, he could be long tolerated in this capital.

"His ambition was unlimited, having constituted himself the arbiter of
the government. He had the assurance to dictate orders and decrees in
opposition to those of the provincial statute, subscribing to them the
name of the supreme authority; thus bringing it into contempt. Such
conduct, when the enemy's army was within twenty leagues of Lima, and
our government scarcely established, proves that his views were directed
to undermine the state. Was the reducing of Peru to the most degrading
slavery, that of obeying his capricious will, the means to make _us_
happy or even _himself_?

"Foreigners also began to suffer all kinds of vexations and pilferings,
with his _carta de morada_ (letter of residence), without considering
that the felicity of the country depended on its increase of industrious
inhabitants. Owing to this, none have established themselves in Lima, it
being worthy of observation, that not even one person has purchased a
house or any immoveable property. And is not this a proof of general
disgust and a want of confidence?

"In fine, such repeated acts of despotism irritated the people of Lima
to that degree, that an explosion became inevitable. In eight days after
the Protector left the capital, his insults to the patriots were
incalculable. He caballed in the most barefaced manner to place in the
coming congress his own creatures. He hurried off those whom he had
sentenced to exile, because they were the favourites of the people; and
in the exercise of his fury Lima took the alarm."

On the twenty-fifth of July the people of Lima assembled in the plasa,
and insisted on a cavildo abierto, a public meeting of the corporation;
this was immediately complied with, and the general voice of the people
was, "let the minister Monteagudo be deposed, let him be tried, let him
experience the severity of the law." At seven o'clock in the evening of
the same day, a note was addressed by the corporation to the Supreme
Delegate, requesting that the minister might be deposed; the council of
state met, and convinced of the necessity of separating Monteagudo from
the ministry, immediately informed him of the state of affairs, when to
save appearances he made a tender of his appointment, which was
accepted, and the supreme delegate in answer to the note of the
corporation, assured them, that the ex-minister should be called upon to
answer before a committee of the council of state for his past
administration, according to the provisional statutes.

This note was answered on the twenty-sixth by the municipality
requesting that the ex-minister should be placed under an arrest, until
called upon for his defence, which request was immediately put into
execution. The people of Lima being aware of the ascendancy which
Monteagudo held over the delegate, Torre Tagle, and fearing that some
crafty subterfuge might be practised to replace him in authority, met
again on the twenty-ninth, when the corporation, to pacify the popular
commotion, requested of the government, that the ex-minister should be
embarked privately, and exiled for ever from the state; this was acceded
to, and on the thirtieth, the anniversary of his arrival in Lima,
Monteagudo was sent down to Callao, under an escort, and at six o'clock
in the evening he left the port. This ambitious individual was
assassinated at Lima on the night of the twenty-eighth of January, 1825,
having returned under the protection of Bolivar, and the expectation of
being replaced in the ministry.

While these affairs were transacting in Lima, the Protector, San Martin,
was at Guayaquil, where he had proceeded for the purpose of soliciting
troops from Bolivar, for the prosecution of his campaigns in Peru. It is
impossible to ascertain what took place in the private conference
between those two chiefs, but the result was not at all favourable to
San Martin, for he returned in dudgeon to Callao, when to his surprise
and mortification, he was informed, that his arch-minister had been
exiled for ever during his absence. Before his excellency ventured on
shore, he had an interview with the principal officers of the army; who
assured him that the troops were faithful to him, and under this
certainty he presented himself at the palace in Lima, where in the most
unbecoming language, he reprobated the whole of the proceeding,
threatened his councillors of state, the corporation and the city
itself, and declared, that he should immediately recall Monteagudo and
reinstate him in the ministry. Notwithstanding the deference and respect
which he had been accustomed to receive from every one who acknowledged
his authority, he was wounded at observing, that the Limenians were not
intimidated at his promised vengeance, and leaving the palace he betook
himself to his country house near to Callao.

In the beginning of October, the arbitrary conduct of Rodrigues, the
minister of war and finance in Chile, began to excite the public
indignation, and petitions from every part of the state were forwarded
to the supreme director, O'Higgins, praying his removal from the
ministry. Crimes the most injurious to the prosperity of the state; his
sordid venality, monopoly of commercial transactions, and even illegal
appropriations of the public funds, were brought against him, in the
most tangible shape; and yet all this was not sufficient, even with the
knowledge of what had transpired in Peru, to force him to resign, or to
induce O'Higgins to dismiss him. At the time that all Chile was in this
state of suspense, and many alarming threats were issued from different
quarters, an event not in the least expected took place, which for a
while lulled the rising storm--this was no less than the sudden arrival
at Valparaiso of his excellency General San Martin, the Protector of the
liberties of Peru.

This great man had continued to reside at his country mansion, until
the twentieth of September, when the sovereign congress met, from which
he received on the same day the following official communication:

"Most Excellent Sir,--The sovereign congress considering that the first
duty of a free people is to acknowledge their gratitude to the authors
of their political existence and their felicity, convinced that the
country of the Sun owes this incomparable benefit to the efforts of your
excellency, have decreed to you a vote of thanks to be presented to you
by a deputation of the house.

"The Peruvian nation flatters itself that its gratitude is equal to the
efficacious efforts which your excellency has made, destroying, like the
thunder-bolt on the celebrated mountain that witnessed the last days of
Lautaro, the iron power of Spain in the country of the Incas.

"The congress manifests, in this communication, the sincerity of their
votes, which shall be expressed in the first act of their sessions, and
which cannot be obliterated by the hand of time; holding General San
Martin as the first soldier of their liberty.

"By the order of the congress we communicate this to your excellency,
for your intelligence and satisfaction. God preserve your excellency
for many years.--Lima, September 20, 1822. Xavier de Luna Pizarro,
president--José Sanchez Carrion, deputy secretary--Francisco Xavier
Mariategui, deputy secretary.--To his Excellency Senor D. José de San
Martin."

The answer: "Sire,--Terminating my public life, after I have consigned
to the august congress of Peru the supreme command of the state, nothing
could be more flattering to my heart than the solemnity of the
confidence of your sovereignty in appointing me generalissimo of the
troops of the nation; an appointment which I have just received from a
deputation of your sovereign body. I have had the honour of expressing
my most profound gratitude at the time of its announcement to me, when I
had the satisfaction of accepting only the _title_, because it was the
mark of your approbation of the services which I have rendered to this
country. I am resolved not to betray my own feelings and the great
interests of the nation; permit me therefore, to say, that long and
painful experience has induced me to say, that the distinguished rank to
which your sovereignty has deigned to elevate me, so far from being
useful to the nation, should I fill it, would only oppose your just
designs by alarming the jealousy of those who desire a positive liberty;
it would divide the opinions of the people, and decrease the confidence
which you alone ought to inspire in the absolute independence of your
decisions. My presence, Sire, in Peru, considering that power which I
have left, and the force which I should possess, is inconsistent with
the morale of the sovereign body, and with my own opinion; because no
forbearance on my part would defend me from the shafts of malediction
and calumny. Sire, I have fulfilled the sacred promise that I made to
Peru; I have seen her representatives assembled; the force of the enemy
does not menace the independence of a people determined to be free, and
who possess the means of being so. A numerous army under the direction
of chiefs inured to war is ready to march in a few days, to terminate
the contest for ever. Nothing remains but to offer to your sovereignty
the expression of my most sincere gratitude, and the firm assurance,
that if at any time the liberty of the Peruvians should be threatened, I
will dispute the honour of accompanying them as a citizen to defend
their freedom on the field of battle.

"May God preserve your sovereignty for many years.--Free Town, September
20th, 1822. (Signed) José de San Martin."

"To the Sovereign Congress of Peru."

The following, being the last proclamation by San Martin, was issued on
the same day, and may be considered as his farewell address to Peru:

"I have witnessed the declaration of the independence of the states of
Chile and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard which Pizarro
brought to enslave the empire of the Incas, and I have ceased to be a
public man--thus I am more than rewarded for ten years spent in
revolution and warfare. My promises to the countries in which I warred
are fulfilled; to make them independent, and leave to their will the
election of their governments.

"The presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be,
is dangerous to newly-constituted states. I am also disgusted with
hearing that I wish to make myself a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall
always be ready to make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the
country, but in the class of a private individual, and _no other_.

"With respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the
case) will be divided in their opinions--their children will pronounce
the true verdict.

"Peruvians! I leave your national representation established; if you
repose implicit confidence in it you will triumph, if not, anarchy will
swallow you up.

"May success preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with
felicity and peace. Free Town, September, 20th, 1822. (Signed) San
Martin."

Had San Martin been sincere, even in his last assurances, or had he been
conscious that his services would have been of public utility; if, as a
citizen, his modesty would not allow him to take upon himself the chief
command of the force of the country, he certainly ought not to have
abandoned Peru, when he was well aware that the army of the enemy was
almost under the very walls of the capital; for he himself confesses,
that a numerous army would march in a few days to terminate the war for
ever: this march, however, would never have been necessary, had he
followed the Spanish army when it evacuated Lima, if he had brought the
army under Canterac to an action, or if he had headed his troops at Ica.
The children of his compatriots will "pronounce the true verdict," not,
I regret to say, an honourable one to San Martin; indeed thousands of
them have already shed their blood on those plains which they might have
cultivated in peace and security under the protection of their own
constituted authorities and laws. It is impossible that a consciousness
of not having fulfilled those promises which were calculated to do
good, and would have established the absolute independence of rational
liberty, and the prosperity of the Peruvians, it is impossible but that
the memory of those breaches of good faith must ever cling to the heart
of this deceiving mortal.

San Martin remained a few days in Valparaiso, until an escort arrived
from Santiago to conduct him to that city; he resided there until
December, or the beginning of January, when, observing the threatening
aspect of affairs in Chile, owing to the fixed determination of
O'Higgins not to discard his favourite minister Rodrigues, he crossed
the Cordillera to his old favourite residence at Mendosa.

General Freire, who had the command of the Chilean troops, stationed on
the frontiers of Araucania, consisting of about three thousand men, came
to the determination to march on the capital. In this he was supported
by the inhabitants of the province of Coquimbo, the only object of the
whole being to displace Rodrigues, and to bring him to justice. This
they eventually did, obliging O'Higgins at the same time to abdicate his
supreme authority on the twenty-second of January, 1823.

During this epoch of convulsions, Lord Cochrane was residing on his
estate at Quintero, where he received the following communication from
Peru:

"The sovereign constituent congress of Peru, contemplating how much the
liberty of Peru owes to the Right Honourable Lord Cochrane, by whose
talents, valour and constancy the Pacific has been freed from our most
inveterate enemies, and the standard of liberty has been displayed on
the coasts of Peru, resolves that the junta of government, in the name
of the Peruvian nation, do present to Lord Cochrane, Admiral of the
squadron of Chile, expressions of our most sincere gratitude for his
achievements in favour of this country, once tyrannized over by powerful
enemies, now the arbiter of its own fate."

"The junta of government obeying this, will command its fulfilment and
order it be printed, published and circulated.--Given in the Hall of
Congress, Lima, the 27th of September, 1822. (Signed) Xavier de Luna
Pizarro, president--Jose Sanches Carrion, deputy secretary--Francisco
Xavier Marreategui, deputy secretary."

"In obedience we order the execution of the foregoing decree. (Signed)
Jose de la Mar, Felipe Antonio Alvarado, El Conde de Vista Florida, by
order of his Excellency Francisco Valdivieso."

Here his lordship received from the government of Chile a copy of the
libel presented to them by the plenipotentiaries of the Protector of
Peru, which he answered with "victorious reasonings," although the
supremacy assured his lordship, that the charges had never been
believed; perhaps for the best of all possible reasons, that they could
scarcely be understood.

In December an express arrived from the Brazilian charge des affaires in
Buenos Ayres, bringing to his lordship a communication from the imperial
government at Rio de Janeiro, containing a request, that as the common
enemy to South American independence in the Pacific had, owing to his
important services and indefatigable exertions ceased to exist, he would
deign to accept the command of the imperial navy of the Brazils, for the
purpose of securing to that country the felicity which he had been the
means of establishing on the opposite side of the Continent.

Lord Cochrane would probably have preferred a life of quiet in his
adopted country, Chile, to that of entering into an engagement which
might produce a repetition of those difficulties and vexations which he
had already experienced; but, owing to the existing circumstances in
Chile, this was impossible. Lord Cochrane was bound by his allegiance to
the existing government, not to become a party in any faction and his
own honour would not allow him to join General Freire, by whom he was
solicited, although he was convinced that the authority of O'Higgins
must succumb; he therefore determined to proceed to Rio de Janeiro, and
to act there as affairs might present themselves.

On the nineteenth of January, 1823, his lordship embarked for the
Brazils; but before quitting Chile he drew up the two following
addresses:

"Chileans, my Compatriots,--The common enemy of America has fallen in
Chile. Your tri-coloured flag waves on the Pacific, secured by your
sacrifices. Some internal commotions agitate Chile: it is not my
business to investigate their causes, to accelerate or to retard their
effects: I can only wish that the result may be most favourable for all
parties.

"Chileans,--You have expelled from your country the enemies of your
independence, do not sully the glorious act by encouraging discord,
promoting anarchy, that greatest of all evils. Consult the dignity to
which your heroism has raised you, and if you must take any steps to
secure your national liberty, judge for yourselves, act with prudence,
and be guided by reason and justice.

"It is now four years since the sacred cause of your independence called
me to Chile; I assisted you to gain it; I have seen it accomplished; it
only now remains for you to preserve it.

"I leave you for a time, in order not to involve myself in matters
foreign to my duty, and for reasons concerning which I now remain
silent, that I may not encourage party spirit.

"Chileans,--You know that independence is purchased at the point of the
bayonet. Know also that liberty is founded on good faith, and is
supported by the laws of honour, and that those who infringe them are
your only enemies, among whom you will never find Cochrane."

"To the British merchants residing in Chile. Quintero, January 4th,
1823:

"Gentlemen,--I cannot quit this country without expressing to you the
heartfelt satisfaction which I experience on account of the extension
which has been given to your commerce, by laying open to all the trade
of those vast provinces to which Spain formerly asserted an exclusive
right. The squadron which maintained the monopoly has disappeared from
the face of the ocean, and the flags of independent South America wave
every where triumphant, protecting that intercourse between nations
which is the source of their riches, happiness, and power.

"If, for the furtherance of this great object, some restraints were
imposed, they were no other than those which are practised by all
civilized states; and though they may have affected the interests of a
few who were desirous to avail themselves of accidental circumstances
presented during the contest, it is a gratification to know that such
interests were only postponed for the general good. Should there be any,
however, who conceive themselves aggrieved by my conduct, I have to
request that they will make known their complaints, with their names
affixed, through the medium of the public press, in order that I may
have an opportunity of a particular reply.

"I trust you will do me the justice to believe, that I have not
determined to withdraw myself from these seas while any thing remains
within my means to accomplish for your benefit and security.

"I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your faithful obedient servant,
Cochrane."


THE END.

PRINTED BY HARRIS AND CO.
LIVERPOOL.







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