The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Collection of Chirurgical Tracts
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: A Collection of Chirurgical Tracts

Author: William Beckett

Release date: September 6, 2016 [eBook #52993]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Thiers Halliwell, deaurider and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
        file was produced from images generously made available
        by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A COLLECTION OF CHIRURGICAL TRACTS ***




Produced by Thiers Halliwell, deaurider and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)





Transcriber’s notes:

Several features of this book are unusual: it has two slightly
different lists of contents which do not correspond precisely with the
text, and there is a preface midway through the book; it has confusing
page numbering (omitted from this transcription) which restarts in
successive sections of the text using mixed arabic and roman numerals;
the text displays an unusual mixture of italics, small capitals,
full capitals, and variable letter spacing (some of which do not
display correctly on handheld reading devices); much of the spelling
is archaic, and both spelling and punctuation are inconsistent. Some
obvious typesetting errors have been corrected but the spelling and
punctuation otherwise remains true to the original text. Illustrations
are only decorative, not informative.

In this transcription paired underscores denote _italicised text_ and
a ^ (caret) indicates superscripted text.

Footnotes have been positioned below the relevant paragraphs.




[Illustration]




                              A

                          COLLECTION

                              OF

                     _Chirurgical Tracts_.


  I.   Of WOUNDS of the HEAD and BRAIN.

  II.  NEW DISCOVERIES relating to the CURE of CANCERS.

  III. CHIRURGICAL REMARKS on several curious CASES.

  IV.  The HISTORY and ANTIQUITY of the VENEREAL DISEASE.

  V.   A NEW METHOD of curing CONSUMPTIONS by Specific Medicines.

                     Written and Collected

                     By _WILLIAM BECKETT_,

                    Surgeon and _F. R. S._

                         _LONDON_:

    Printed for E. CURLL, in _Rose Street, Covent-Garden_.
     And Sold by C. RIVINGTON in St _Paul’s Church-Yard_,
      Mess. BIRT, WARE, LONGMAN, HITCH, WOOD and Company,
        in _Amen Corner, Paternoster-Row_, J. CLARK, in
     _Duck-Lane_, and J. HODGES, on _London-Bridge_. 1740.

                    (Price Four Shillings.)




                              THE

                           CONTENTS.


  I.    _Some Account of Mr_ BECKETT’s Life _and_ Writings.
          _Addressed to Sir_ HANS SLOANE.

  II.   Chirurgical Remarks _on_ Wounds _of the_ Head _and_ Brain.

  III.  New Discoveries _relating to the_ Cure _of_ Cancers.

  IV.   _The Case of Dr_ Keil _by Mr_ Rushworth _of_ Northampton.

  V.    _Three curious Dissections by_ John Ranby, _Esq; Surgeon
          to his Majesty’s Household_.

  VI.   _A New Method of curing_ Consumptions _by Specific
          Medicines, by_ Thomas Nevett, _Surgeon_.

  VII.  _The Natural_ Secret History _of both Sexes_. _By_ Luke
          Ogle, _Esq_;

  VIII. Laws _and_ Regulations _of the_ Stews _in_ England.

  IX.   _The_ History _and_ Antiquity _of the_ Venereal Disease
          _in Three Letters to Dr_ Douglass, _Dr_ Wagstaffe
          _and Dr_ Halley.

[Illustration]




                       To the HONOURABLE

                   Sir _Hans Sloane_, Bart.

                           PRESIDENT

                            OF THE

                 _Royal Society_, and _M. D._

SIR,

It is with the greatest Satisfaction that I now lay before you the
Performance of those Commands, with which you were pleased to honour
me, of collecting the _Chirurgical Pieces_ which were singly published
by Mr BECKETT in his Life time.

This Gentleman might be said to have been begotten in his Profession,
as being the Son of Mr ISAAC BECKETT, Surgeon of _Abington_ in
_Berkshire_, where he was born in the Year 1684.

He received his Education under Mr PLEDWELL, then Master of the
excellent Free Grammar-School belonging to that Town, served four Years
of his Apprenticeship with his Father, and the three last with Mr
_Joseph Bateman_, of St _Thomas’s Hospital_ in _Southwark_.

Mr BECKETT died, SIR, at his Sister’s House in _Abington_, _November_
the 25th 1738, in the 54th Year of his Age, and lies interred in St
_Hellen_’s Church there.

Of this his Native Place, he drew up a _Brief Account of it’s History
and Antiquities_.[1]

  [1] See Mr ASHMOLE’s Antiquities of _Berkshire_, 3 Vols. 8vo. p. 111
  of Vol. 1st.

A faithful Account of his WRITINGS is prefixed to this Volume; your
Generous Patronage of which, he would himself have looked upon as the
greatest Honour and Friendship that could be conferred on his Labours,
and for which, I most humbly request your Acceptance of the Grateful
Acknowledgments of,

    SIR,

        _Your Obedient,
            And Obliged,
                Humble Servant_,

    _June 29, 1740._        E. C.






                              AN

                            ACCOUNT

                            OF THE

                           WRITINGS

                              OF

                      _WILLIAM BECKETT_,

                    Surgeon, and _F. R. S._

                             VIZ,


In the Year 1709, He Published, I. _Chirurgical Remarks, Occasioned
by the Death of a_ CHILD, _whose_ CASE was _printed_ in that Year by
_Daniel Turner_, Surgeon. To these Remarks Mr _Beckett_ subjoined, _An
Account of a_ Wound _of the_ Brain _by_ a Bullet; _with Reflections
thereon_. And at the End of this TRACT, Mr _Beckett_ gave an
_Advertisement_ that He had almost ready for the Press, _Annotations
and Practical Observations on the Learned and Ingenious Monsieur_
GENDRON’s _Enquiries into the Nature, Knowledge and Cure of_ CANCERS.

II. _In the Year_ 1711, He published NEW DISCOVERIES _relating to the
Cure of_ CANCERS. _Wherein the painful Methods of cutting them off,
and consuming them by Caustics are rejected, and that of dissolving
the Cancerous Substance_ is recommended; _with various Instances of
his Success in_ this Practice _on Persons reputed incurable. Also a
Solution of Four curious Problems concerning_ CANCERS, viz. I. Whether
the Cancerous Juice _is corrosive or not_. II. _Whether_ Cancers _are
contagious or not_. III. _Whether if the extirpating a_ Cancerous
Breast _happens to be successful, it ought to be looked upon as a
Consequence of performing the Operation better than our Predecessors_.
IV. _Whether a_ Salivation _will Cure a_ Cancer.

_This Treatise came to a_ Second Edition _the following Year_ 1712:
_To which, besides some Corrections_, Mr BECKETT _added_ TWO _other
Problems with their Solutions_, viz. V. Whether _Cancers_ are curable
by _Caustics_. VI. Whether _Cancers_ are curable by _Internal
Medicines_. In this Piece all that he promised relating to GENDRON is
inserted. And to the present _Third Edition_ He subjoined, by way of
_Postscript_, a very valuable _Receipt_ for the Cure of _Cancers_,
which he informs us was communicated to him by his late eminent
Brother Surgeon Mr _Dobyns_ of _Snow-Hill_. He had it from Mr _Pain_ a
Gentleman of _Northamptonshire_, in whose Family it had been, in the
highest Esteem, for above 200 Years. Mr _Beckett_ likewise adds, that
he transcribed it from the Original _Manuscript_.

At the End of the _Second Edition_ of his _Treatise_ on _Cancers_,
Mr _Beckett_ gave an _Advertisement_ that “He was then preparing
for the Press, _Chirurgical Collections_, which would consist of
His own _Observation_ of _uncommon Cases_, also, the most curious
things relating to Surgery, taken from the Performances of the
_German Eruditi_, in their _Acta Lipsiæ_, the _Miscellanea Curiosa_,
_Philosophical Transactions_. _Memoirs for the Curious_, _Voyages_,
_Travels_, _Natural Histories of Counties_, and many other things that
would afford useful Observations. In this Collection was to be a great
number of Figures of Cases, Instruments, Machines, _&c_. all curiously
engraven on Copper Plates. This Undertaking was wholly designed for
the Improvement of the Art of Surgery; and the _Introduction_ to it
was to give an Account of our famous _English_ Writers in _Physic_ and
_Surgery_, for many hundred Years past.”

The great and deserved Practice which attended Mr _Beckett_’s _New
Method of curing Cancers_, obliged him to postpone the Publication
of his _Chirurgical Collections_, as above recited; and which, upon
a mature Deliberation, he changed into a much more extensive and
useful Design; and, by Mr _Innys_ at the West-End of St _Paul_’s, and
Mr _Hooke_ in _Fleet-street_, Booksellers, He published _Proposals
for printing by Subscription in 2 Volumes_ 4to, An Account of the
Lives, Characters, and Writings, _both Manuscript and Printed_, of
the most eminent _British_ Authors in _Physic_, _Surgery_, _Anatomy_,
_Pharmacy_, _Botany_ and _Chemistry_, from the Conquest to the Year
1721. To which was to be added, A large Collection of Records,
principally taken from the _Tower_, containing Grants of particular
Favours and Privileges to the most noted _Physicians_ and _Surgeons_
by the Kings of this Realm for many hundred Years; whereby, besides
other curious Affairs not to be met with elsewhere, the Time in which
they lived was to be ascertained, as to several of them, has hitherto
remained absolutely undetermined. The whole faithfully collected and
reduced to the most exact Order of Time.

This Work was proposed at the Price of one Guinea in Sheets.

Between the Years 1717 and 1720, Mr _Beckett_ published in the
_Philosophical Transactions_, Three Letters concerning the _History of
the Antiquity of the Venereal Disease_. I. To Dr _Douglass_. II. To
Dr _Wagstaffe_. III. To Dr _Halley_. Proving _That Disease_ to have
been _known_ and _cured_ in _England_ long before the Discovery of the
_West-Indies_.

Of these Pieces Dr _Astruc_, a _French_ Physician, full of the Vanity
peculiar to his Countrymen, seems doubtful as to their Proof, because
he had never seen the Manuscripts, nor rare printed Authorities, cited
by Mr _Beckett_; and treating of Dr _Turner_’s _Syphilis_, speaks
slightly of that Gentleman, because he is of the same Opinion with Mr
_Beckett_.

From the Publication of a small Pamphlet consisting but of 24 Pages,
8vo, Intituled, “A _Letter_ from a Gentleman at _Rome_, to his Friend
in _London_, giving an Account of some very surprizing _Cures_ in the
_King’s-Evil_ by the _Touch_, (of the Chevalier _De St George_) lately
effected in the Neighbourhood of that City, 1721. Wherein is contained
the compleatest History of this _miraculous Power_, formerly practiced
by the _Kings_ of _England_, ever yet made public; the _Certainty_ of
_which_ is confirmed by the most eminent Writers of this Nation, both
_Catholics_ and _Protestants_, as, _Malmsbury_, _Alured_, _Brompton_,
_Polydore Virgil_, _Harpsfield_, &c. and Drs _Tooker_, _Heylin_, Mr
_Collier_, Mr _Echard_, &c. _Translated_ out of the _Italian_.” And the
following Motto prefixed by the Catholic Translator, _viz._

_King_ Edward the Confessor, _was the first that cured this Distemper,
and from him it has descended as an Hereditary Miracle upon All his
Successors_. To dispute the _Matter of Fact_, is to go to the _Excess
of Scepticism_, to _deny our Senses_, and to be _incredulous_ even to
_Ridiculousness_. See _Collier_’s Ecclesiast. History Vol. I.

Mr _Beckett_ took an immediate Occasion to explode all these Legendary
Assertions, and fully proved the Truth of Mr _Collier_’s positive
_ipse dixit_ to lye on the other side of the Question, in two Letters
which he Published, I. To Dr _Steigerthal_, intituled “A Free and
Impartial Enquiry into the Antiquity and Efficacy of _Touching_ for
the _King’s-Evil_.” II. To Sir _Hans Sloane_ in “order to a compleat
Confutation of that supposed _supernatural Power_ descending from
_Edward the Confessor_ to the succeeding _Kings_ of _England_. Also,
A Dissertation concerning the ancient Method made use of, for the
curing _Diseases_ by _Charms_, _Amulets_, &c.” To which is added, _A
Collection of Records_.

When in the Year 1722, it was feared that we should be visited
with the _Plague_ in _England_, after it had raged so violently at
_Marseilles_ in _France_; Dr _Mead_ published his _Preservative_
against _Pestilential Distempers_. And, among several other _New_
Pieces written, and _Old_ ones revived upon this Occasion, Mr _Beckett_
voluntarily lent his helping Hand for the good of his Country, by
giving his Judgment, and Publishing (Anonymously) _A Collection of
Pieces_ Written during the _Plagues_, which happened in the two last
Centuries.

Mr BECKETT’s _Chirurgical Observations_, made at St _Thomas_’s Hospital
_Southwark_; Published last Summer, were prepared for the Press by
Himself, and Inscribed to Sir _Hans Sloane_ and the _Royal Society_.


                              TO

                       Sir HANS SLOANE.

_Honoured Sir_,

The last Paper Mr _Beckett_ ever wrote, was an Address to you for a
private Favour; in which he says, he likewise had reason to believe
that Dr _Mead_ would be his Friend. He therein acquainted you that he
had, “contracted such a Cold by sitting to write, with his Neck against
a North-Window, as he feared would be his Death; and if so, _adds he_,
it may be said I dye a Martyr to the _Improvement_ of the History of
_Physic and Surgery_.” Thus concluded his Paper which he did not live
to sign; it was found among his _Collections_ relating to the _Lives
of the British Physicians, Surgeons_, &c. He had copied fair, for the
Press, the greatest part of his Papers; and tho’ it was an _unfinished
Work_, yet from his Character, and the great Pains he had taken, I knew
it would be very acceptable to the Public. Accordingly I put it to the
Press, and intended to have published it in two Volumes in _Octavo_.
Young Dr _B_ * * * *, was recommended to me as a proper Editor: I sent for
him and shewed him the Papers; but soon found, that he was much too
young both in Character and Ability for such an Undertaking. I printed
one Sheet, in _Octavo_, (of which there were but two Copies taken off)
upon this, Dr _Milward_ informed me, that he had been for some Years
compiling _An Universal History of Physic_. He expressed his Desire
of purchasing Mr _Beckett_’s Papers, and being fully convinced, from
his Learning and Candour, that he would do Justice to the _Author_’s
Memory, I readily let him have them. And Sir, that you, might in some
measure be apprized of Mr _Beckett_’s PLAN, I have to this Volume
prefixed his Introduction to the Work.

    _I Remain,
        Honoured Sir,
            Your Most Obliged,
                And Obedient,
                    Humble Servant_,

                        E. CURLL.




                         INTRODUCTION

                            TO THE

                            HISTORY

                              OF

                      PHYSIC and SURGERY.

    _Concerning the Antient State of Learning, and the Antiquity of the
    Practice of_ Physic _and_ Surgery.


_Britain_ has been very happy in furnishing the World, in very early
Times, with a great Number of famous and learned Men. Of the first
Sort were the _Druydæ_, who, it is said, had their Original and Name
from _Druys Sarronius_ the fourth King of the _Celts_, who died _Anno
Mundi_ 2069. Next the _Bardi_, who celebrated the illustrious Deeds of
famous Men, who had their Name from _Bardus Druydus_ the fifth King
of the _Celts_. _Cæsar_ assures us, (and a noble Testimony it is)
that the Learning of the _Druydi_, was first invented in _Britain_,
and from thence transferred to _France_; and that, in his Time, those
of _France_ came over hither to be instructed. A celebrated _German_
Writer, as quoted by Mr _Ashmole_ in the Prolegomena to his _Theat.
Chem._ says, that when the World was troubled with Pannonic Invasions,
_England_ flourished in the Knowledge of all good Arts, and was able
to send her learned Men into other Countries to propagate Learning:
And instances in _Boniface_, a _Devonshire_ Man, and _Willeboard_, a
_Northern_ Man, which were sent into _Germany_ for those Purposes.
Mr _John Leland_, a famous Antiquary, in the Reign of King _Henry_
VII, who was excellently well acquainted with our _British_ Authors,
assures us, upon his own Knowledge, that we have had a great Number
of excellent Wits and learned Writers, who, besides their great
Proficiency in Languages, were well acquainted with the Liberal
Sciences. And Bishop _Nicholson_, in his Historical Library says, I
think we may without Vanity affirm, that hardly any Kingdom in the
World has out-done _England_, either in the Number or Goodness of her
Authors; and that even in the darkest Ages our Lamps shone always
as bright as any of our Neighbourhood. When School-Divinity was in
Fashion, we had our _Doctores Subtiles_, _Irrefragabiles_, _&c._
But as the History of the Learning of this Nation in general is not
my present Design, I shall confine myself more particularly to what
relates to Physic and Surgery. An Historical Account of the Antiquity
and Progress of which Faculties, with the successive Improvements
they have received, has not hitherto been attempted by any Hand. And
indeed the Difficulty which must attend an Undertaking of this Nature,
must be very great, by reason of the little Knowledge we are able
to get, in this Kind, from those Manuscripts which yet remain among
us. The ancient _Britains_, who went without Cloaths, may be very
well presumed to live without Physic; but external Accidents they
must be liable to, as well in their Wars as from other Causes; and
History informs us, they had Methods of Cure for such Misfortunes. The
_Saxons_, while they possessed _England_, had their Leeches, a sort of
Surgeons, but very little skilled in Methodical Practice. But under
the _Normans_ that Science began to be much more improved. About this
Time the _Monks_ and _Fryars_, and others in Religious Orders, out
of a pretended Charity to their suffering Fellow-Creatures, intruded
themselves into the Practice of Physic and Surgery, and continued it
many Years, notwithstanding the Decree of the Council of _Tours_
in 1163, where Pope _Alexander_ III. presided; which forbids any
Religious Persons going out of their Cloisters, to hear the Lectures
in Law or Physic; and that it is absolutely forbidden, that any
Sub-Deacon, Deacon, or Priest, exercise any Part of Surgery in which
actual Cauteries or Incisions are required. Most of the Physicians who
practised in _England_ about this Time, were likewise well skilled in
the Mathematics and other Parts of Philosophy; but the Surgeons of
those Times were so much addicted to Astrology, as make some Parts of
their Writings very obscure. After this both Physic and Surgery began
to flourish much more, by the public Encouragement given very early by
many of our Kings to several of the Practitioners in both Faculties,
as will appear by the List of our Kings Physicians and Surgeons, to
be inserted in it’s proper Place. _Hector Boëtius_ informs us, that
_Josina_, King of _Scotland_, who lived above a hundred Years before
our Saviour, well understood the Nature of _Scotch_ Plants, and their
Use in Physic and Chirurgery; and _John Bale_, afterwards Bishop of
_Ossory_ in _Ireland_, assures us, he wrote a Book, _de Herbarum
Viribus_. _Buchanan_ relates, the _Scotch_ Nobility were anciently
very expert in Chirurgery, and it is particularly remarked of _James_
IV, King of _Scotland_, _Quod vulnera scientissime tractaret_. It is
said, that when _Scribonius Largus_ attended the Emperor _Claudius_
in his Expedition to _Britany_, he wrote a _British_ Herbal, or
Description of divers Plants in this Island. And our most learned and
famous King _Alfred_, is said to have written a Book upon Aristotle
_de Plantis_. _Cinfrid_, a famous Physician, is mentioned by that
early Writer _Venerable Bede_, in his _Histor. Ecclesiasticar._ page
307, 308. And _Ernulphus_, another eminent Physician, in the Time of
_Nigellus_, the second Bishop of _Ely_, is likewise recorded in the
_Anglia Sacra_, Vol. I. p. 625. Many more Particulars might, in all
Probability, have been met with relating to my present Design, had
not one very great Misfortune attended the Suppression of the Abbies,
which was the Destruction of a prodigious Number of Manuscripts. _John
Bale_, before-mentioned, though an utter Enemy to Popery and Monastic
Institution, remonstrates against this Piece of Barbarity, in pretty
strong Terms, to King _Edward_ VI. Covetousness, says he, was at that
Time so busy about private Commodity, that public Wealth was not any
where regarded. A Number of them, which purchased those superstitious
Mansions, reserved of those Library-Books, some to serve their Jacks,
some to scour their Candlestics, and some to rub their Boots, and some
they sold to the Grocers and Soap-sellers, and some they sent over Sea
to the Book-binders, not in small Numbers, but at Times whole Ships
full. Yea, the Universities of this Realm, are not all clear in this
detestable Fact: But cursed is the Belly which seeketh to be fed with
so ungodly Gains, and so deeply shameth his natural Country. I know,
says he, a Merchantman (which shall at this time be nameless) that
bought the Contents of two noble Libraries for forty Shillings Price;
a Shame it is to be spoken. This Stuff hath he occupied instead of
gray Paper, by the Space of more than these ten Years, and yet he has
Store enough for these ten Years to come. A prodigious Example is this,
and to be abhorred of all Men, which love their Nation as they should
do. Yea, what may bring our Nation to more Shame and Rebuke, than to
have it noised abroad, that we are Despisers of Learning? I judge this
to be true, and utter it with Heaviness, that neither the _Britons_,
under the _Romans_ and _Saxons_, nor yet the _English_ People under the
_Danes_ and _Normans_, had ever such Damage of their learned Monuments,
as we have seen in our Time. Our Posterity may well curse this wicked
Fact of our Age, this unseasonable Spoil of _England’s_ most noble
Antiquities. _Bale_’s Declaration upon _Leland_’s Journal, published
1549. And Dr _Thomas Fuller_, in his Church History, speaking of the
same Thing, tells us, Divinity was prophaned, Mathematics suffered
for Correspondence with evil Spirits, Physic was maimed, and a Riot
committed on the Law itself. However, notwithstanding this Devastation
which was then made among our Manuscripts, our Colleges, and some of
our Libraries, will furnish us with a great Number relating to almost
all Parts of Learning: Some of which, more especially the most ancient
ones, I shall here first give a Catalogue of, and then some more modern
ones, confining myself to those which more especially relate to Physic
and Chirurgery. And, first, we have in the _Norfolk_ Library, belonging
to the Royal Society,

_Libellus de Arte Medicinali in Lingua Pictica conscriptus._ And in
Cottonian Library,

_Præcepta nonnulla Medicinalia; partim & Divina ad dierum rationem
Saxonice. Galbe. A._ 2. 3. 1.

_Exorcismi quidam & Medicinalia; partim Latine partim Saxonice. Galbe.
A._ 2.

_Medicinalia quædam Saxonice & Latine Vitel. B._ 3. 4.

_Herbarium, Latine & Hibernice ordine Alphabetico. Vitel. F._ 14. 34.

_Tractatulus de Morbis, Latine & Hibernice mutilis initio & fine._

_Astronomica quædam & Medica Literis Saxonicis Membr. in Corpus Christi
Coll. in Oxon._

_S. Dustan de Lapide Philosophorum._ In the same College.

_Tractatus Botanicus in Lingua Cambro-Britannica._ In Jesus Coll. Oxon.

_Medicinales Quæstiones Magistri Henrici de Wynton super Isagogen
Joannitii._ In New College Library in Oxon.

_Liber Phlebotomiæ._ By the same Author, in the same Library.

_Tractatus de effectibus quatuor Qualitatum, secundum magistrum
Ursonem._ In New College Library.

_Practica Chirurgiæ. Tho. Sculling, continens quatuor partes._ In New
College Library.

_Guilielmi Scoti Medici Watlingtoniensis celeberrimi Liber de
differenciis Urinarum._

_Joannis Ketham Chirurgia parva._

_De Virtutibus Herbarum & notabila Chirurgica._

_Liber rerum Medicinalium quondam spectans ad Pharmacopolam Edw. IV.
Regis Angliæ in quo continentur Medicamina quam plurima pro Rege &
Magnatibus præparata._ In Mr _Hen. Worsley_’s Library.

_William de Pine_, his Chyrurgery.

Receipts and Observations for curing Emrods, Fistula’s, Leprosy, Aches
in the Joints, Tetters, Worms, Cramps, and _Noli me tangere_, in a very
ancient Hand. By _Robert Williams_ of _Cockwood_.

A Treatise containing the whole Rules of Physic and Surgery, _M. S.
Vetus_. Formerly in Dr _Tyson_’s Library.

Medicines of Master _Willeam du Jordyne_, given to King _Henry_, Regent
and Heuter of the Reume of _Fraunce_. In Mr _Thoresby_’s Library.

A approbat Treite for the Pestilence, studied by the grettest Doctours
of Fysick amongs Thuniversitie of Cristen Nations yn the Time of St
_Tho._ of _Canterburie_. In the same Library.

A Book of Surgery, wrote in the Year 1392. Divided into three Parts.
The first of Anatomy. The second of Wounds, Imposthumes, Dislocations,
and Fractures of Bones. The third, the Antidotary of Surgery. Formerly
in Dr _Tyson_’s Library.

Friar _Theodore Chalk_’s Chirurgical Receipts, on Vellum. Dedicated to
Archbishop _Valentine_.

Here beginnen gud Medicenes for all Yevels yat any man may have yat gud
Leches have drawn out of ye Bokes yet Galien Aschipeus Ypocras hadden.
For yai were the best Leches yat were in ye World. On Vellum, in my
Possession.

I proceed now to give an Account of some of our early Writers, besides
those already mentioned. And first of _Maugantius_, who was by Birth a
_Briton_, a famous Physician and Mathematician; who, says _Leland_, for
his eminent Learning, was made President of a noble College (in those
Days) of two hundred Philosophers; which _Geofrey_ of _Monmouth_ extols
to the Skies, under the Name of _Legionum Urbs_; which _Bale_ supposes
to be _Chester_, excelling all other _British_ Cities, at that Time,
in Wealth and _Roman_ Structures. This Place being most pleasantly
situated, Astrologers, and other Artists, settled in it to observe
the Motions of the Stars, and undertook to forewarn Mankind from the
Comets, and certain Indications of the Planets, what should come to
pass. Hence _Maugantius_, said to be superior to all others in this
Art, being questioned by King _Vortiger_, whose chief Physician he was,
about the prodigious Conception of _Ambrose Merlin_, after a Recital
of various Philosophical Reasons, did, at length, it seems, give him
Satisfaction therein. This Person, who was the most renowned Scholar of
his Country, and who is said to have composed several Books, flourished
in the Year of Christ 470, when King _Vortiger_ was much distressed
by the invading _Anglo-Saxons_. I have before observed, that there
were several Dignitaries of the Papal Communion as well as those of
inferior Orders, besides the _Monks_, who very early took upon them
to practise Physic; and that they were absolutely forbid to exercise
that Profession, by the _Roman_ Assembly, in 1139. Of this Sort was
_Frabricius_, or _Faricius_, as he is sometimes written, who practised
Physic not long before this Time. He was the eighteenth Abbot of the
Monastery of _Abington_ in _Berkshire_; to whose Care _Godfrey de Vere_
committed himself, to be cured of a grievous Disease he then laboured
under; and, as an Acknowledgment for the Care the Abbot had taken of
him, he bequeathed to the Abbey before-mentioned, the Church belonging
to his Estate, in the Village of _Kensington_, near _London_, with 240
Acres of Land, _&c._ which was confirmed by the King; a Copy of which
Grant will be given in the Antiquities of that Town, and the History
of it’s Abbey. This Abbot departed this Life the VIIth of the Calends
of _March_, _Anno_ 1117. Soon after him flourished _Athelardus_, a
Monk of _Bath_, who was so diligent in searching out the Mysteries and
Causes of Natural Things, that he deserves to be equalled with some of
the ancient Philosophers. Having a very promising Genius, while very
young, and continuing, as he grew up, to improve his Parts, and fit
himself for great Affairs, he left his native Soil, and, with much
Alacrity, went to visit foreign Parts. In his Travels through _Egypt_
and _Arabia_, having found many Things he sought after, he came Home
again with good Fruit of his Labours and Improvement of his Learning.
He was, without Dispute, in Philosophy, Astronomy, Physic, Mathematics,
and Rhetoric, no ordinary Proficient. Some of his Works he Dedicated
to _Richard_, Bishop of _Bayeux_: In the first Work he treats of the
Principles, Qualities, and Effects of Natural Things, against the
vain Opinions of the old Philosophers. In the Preface it appears, he
wrote in the Year 1130, under the Reign of _Henry_ I. I might here
enlarge upon the great Fame and Merits of _John Giles_, a Native of
St _Albans_, who made such Progress in the Study of Physic, that he
was made Professor of that Faculty at _Paris_ and _Montpelier_, and
Physician to _Philip_, King of _France_. After his Return to his own
Country, he was, according to _Matthew Paris_, consulted by _Robert
Grosthead_, the learned Bishop of _Lincoln_, in his last Illness;
of which he died in 1253. He has written, _De re Medica_, and _de
Prognosticis_, and some other Things. He flourished about the Year
1230, in the Reign of King _Henry_ III. _Hugh de Eversham_, deserves
in this Place to be remembred, who was a Man of great Learning, a
Physician by Profession, and perhaps the best of his Age. He was well
known in many Countries, being a great Frequenter of the Universities.
With the severer Studies of his Art, he mingled the pleasant Science
of the Mathematics, and particularly Geometry and Astronomy. This made
him known to many in _France_ and _Italy_, and among the rest, to Pope
_Martin_ IV, who invited him, by Letters, to come to him, and solve
some Questions in Physic, which were then newly started: Accordingly
he went without Delay, and performed what was required readily and
learnedly. He published _Super Opere Febrium Isaac_. _Medicinales
Canones_. _Problemata quædam_, and some other Things. He flourished the
Year 1281; when he was created Cardinal Presbyter of St _Laurence_,
by the said Pope _Martin_, in the Reign of _Edward_ I. He is said to
have died by Poison at _Rome_, _Anno_ 1287; although _Cicæonius_, to
palliate this Matter, says he died of the Plague.




                     _Chirurgical Remarks_

                              ON

                      A WOUND of the HEAD

                           RECEIVED

    By a CHILD from the Blow of a Cat-Stick in throwing at a COCK on
    Shrove Tuesday, 1709.


                         Addressed to

                 Mr _WILLIAM COWPER_, Surgeon.

_SIR_,

I do not question but you have had the Curiosity to read over a
very _remarkable Case in Surgery_, not only upon Account of the
Recommendation the Name of the Author[2] gives it, but partly because
I know you have been for a long time of opinion, That this Age wou’d
distinguish it self by the Advances that _Medicine_ has, and will
receive; I need not observe, to a Man of your Capacity, how just,
according to my Opinion, our Author has been in relating all the
Particulars of the Case he gives us the History of: Nor need I intimate
to you how peculiarly the Prescriptions were adapted to the several
alterations that were observable in that little Patient: I will only
take the freedom to make some Remarks on a considerable Circumstance,
which perhaps we shall find obstructed so methodical a Procedure, in
order for a Cure.

  [2] This CASE was published by Mr _Daniel Turner_, Surgeon.

Our Author is of opinion, _That his Death was owing to the effused
Blood from some Vessel upon the_ Pia Mater, _which had been ruptured
by the Concussion or Shock of the said Vessel, from the Force of the
Blow; which Blood pent in (for want of a Discharge) had formed an
Abscess, thereby deluging the Surface of the Brain with Matter: And
this, tho’ continually draining off thro’ the Orifice in the upper
Membrane, yet some part thereof lying beyond the Elastic Power of the
said Membrane to raise up, and out of the Reach of Medicine to deterge
and mundifie, was at length imbibed by the Vessels, where missing the
Salutary Crisis, sometimes observed in the Empieme and Pleuritic Cases,
it was conveyed by the Circulation to the Heart, and at length, we are
to suppose, somehow effected the Nervous System, bringing on the fatal
Spasm._

Thus you see, _Sir_, how plain and consequential the Account of the
Child’s Death is; but even here, I hope, I shall do no Injustice to the
Author, if I inform you, I cannot perswade my self that the Matter was
imbibed by the Vessels, purely because _some part thereof lay beyond
the Elastic Power of the_ Dura Mater _to raise up, and out of the Reach
of Medicine to deterge and mundifie_, as our Author’s Words are; but
that it is reasonable to believe, that some part of it was reassumed
by the Vessels, when it could no longer discharge it self as before;
for if you will give your self the trouble of looking back to the 32d
Page, you will find, that no sooner was the _Orifice choaked up by a
caked Matter_, but the mischievous Effects of the Suppression of the
Discharge soon began to discover themselves by the Rigours the Child
was attended with; and we find our Author soon after fearful of such a
thing.

By this we may see how circumspect we ought always to be, lest
we interrupt the Design of Nature when she is about to expel any
morbifick Matter, the ill Effects that attend it oftentimes discovering
themselves after different Manners; We look upon a continued Discharge
of Matter to be, as it were, a natural Evacuation, and that it’s
immediate Stoppage, without other Means, being made use of to divert
and evacuate it, to be succeeded by a greater Fulness and Distention of
all the Vessels, as is observable upon the Suppression of the _Menses_,
_Hemorrhoides_, or _insensible Transpiration_, there is this Difference
to be observed that the ill Accidents that attend the Stoppage of
the Discharge of Matter are not so much owing to the Distention and
Plenitude of the Vessels, but according to the ill Quality of it,
’tis disposed to render the Patient feverish more or less, which is
generally ushered in by Rigours, and sometimes succeeded by Spasmodic
Contractions.

For a further Illustration of this, we will take the liberty to
relate the Case of a Man of about Forty Years of Age, who was for a
considerable time incommoded in his Business, by reason of a violent
Contusion he had received on the Upper-part of his Left Arm, a
little below the Shoulder: After some time it was succeeded by an
Apostemation, upon the opening of which I was informed, a considerable
Quantity of Matter discharged, which was not of any ill Colour or
Smell, the Matter continuing to make its Exit the same way for several
Weeks, at length formed a _Sinus_, which might be easily traced to the
Upper and Fore-part of the _Os Humeri_. The external Orifice of this
was endeavoured to be dilated, but it not only put the Patient to a
great deal of Pain, but pent in the Matter, and caused the contiguous
Parts to tumifie very much. About this time the Axillary Glands began
to swell and pain him, and by their Pressure on the Limphaticks the
whole Arm became Oedematous; soon after some part of the Matter
made it’s way out under the Arm, upon which it almost ceased to flow
from the _Sinus_ on the upper-part of it. In short, upon this the
Patient found himself very much indisposed, he lost his Appetite, was
attended with Shiverings, became feverish, and at length died violently
convulsed.

On Dissection we found the Surface of the Lungs to be interspersed
with blackish Specks, the left Lobe adhered to the _Pleura_, and the
_Pericordium_ contained a much greater Quantity of Liquor than usual,
though its Colour was natural. The Right Auricle and Ventricle of
the Heart were very much distended, and the Diameter of the _Arteria
Pulmonaris_ considerably enlarged: on the Division of the Integuments
of the Abdomen, a very large Quantity of yellowish fœtid Matter
discharged it self, which was somewhat viscid; we found that the
Intestines floated in this, for the Abdomen was full of it. In the
lower-part of the Concave Side of the Liver there was a very large
Abscess discovered, which contained a Fluid of the same Colour and
Consistence with that which we took notice of before. There was an
Orifice in the lower part of the Abscess capable of admitting the
End of one’s Finger; by which, without doubt, Matter discharged it
self into the Abdomen. The Spleen was of a very odd Figure: On it’s
convex Side there were a Multitude of Streaks, that proceeded from all
Parts of it, and centered in one Point, which proceeded only from the
Disposition of the Fibres of it’s internal Membrane. It was almost full
of Blood, which in the middle was corrupted, and stank abominably.
After it was cleared from the contiguous Parts to which it adhered, and
taken out of the Body, it weighed four Pounds and a half.

There might have been something more observable upon the Dissection
of this Body, but the short time that was allotted for it did not
give us an Opportunity of making that strict Enquiry as seemed to be
necessary. _Blancard_. in his _Anat. Pract. Rationalis_, _p. 252_. has
much such an Observation as this which we have related. See likewise
_Schenckius_, _Lib._ 3. _Obs_ 26. But I do not doubt, _Sir_, but you
have made some curious Remarks on Cases of this Nature, tho’ I am
pretty positive you will agree with me in this, That the immediate
Cause of the Death of the Person we have been speaking of, was the
giving a sudden Check to the Discharge of the Matter. It was the Work
of Nature in this Case (and what she was endeavouring to perform) to
disburden herself of those disproportionate and offensive Particles,
which by their Continuance in the Body would but have occasioned an
irregular Motion of the Fluids, and consequently a Discomposure
of it’s whole Frame: For the animal Body being nothing else but a
Congeries of Canals, filled with different Liquors, it must necessarily
suffer very much, and it’s Actions be irregular, if any Heterogeneous
Particles become incorporated therewith. We must here allow, that in
Discharges of Matter of a long Continuance, sometimes the Diameters of
the Fibres and Vessels may be so much enlarged, that the nutritious
Juices may be thrown out with the other, and so occasion a general
Emaciation: But this may be easily rectified at the Beginning, without
Detriment to the Patient, by making use of some spirituous and
moderately astringent Remedies, to recover the natural Tone of the
too lax Fibres and Vessels, and give the Matter a proper Consistence.
It is to be observed in such Cases as these are, that the Part from
whence the Matter discharges, if it be the Leg or Thigh, first loses
it’s former Fulness and Dimensions, tho’ soon after there appears an
Emaciation of the whole Body. Such an Abscess as we discovered in the
Liver of the Person before mentioned, we are inclined to believe might
have been found in the Child, had the Abdomen been dissected; for
several Authors have assured us, it has frequently been observed to be
the Consequent of Fractures of the Skull, tho’ I am apt to believe
it never happens, but when the Matter has received a Check in it’s
Discharge.

I shall now take the Liberty to observe, that the imprudent Application
of Repellents to some Tumours, and inconsiderate Healing of old Ulcers,
with the unhappy Method of Procedure, in order to the Cure of some
Diseases, very often discover themselves, by their being succeeded by
very ill Effects. _Non tamen in omnibus Huxionibus repellentia adhibere
licet,_ (says _Sennertus_) _Partibus ignobilibus, præcipue iis, ad quas
natura interdum humores protrudere solet, ut sunt Glandulæ post aures,
& in collo, sub axillis, in inguinibus adhibenda non sunt, ne humor ex
iis repulsus ad partes principes & nobiles feratur._

The same Author informs us in his _Paralipom._ _ad lib._ 5. _Pract.
Med._ of a Boy, fourteen Years of Age, that died upon the Accession
of an Epileptic Fit, which was caused by the striking in of the Scab
by the imprudent Use of Liniments. And _Baglivi_ allows, that the
irregular Cure of the same Disease may be succeeded by a Spitting of
Blood, an Apoplexy, Dropsy, lingering Fevers, _&c._ The Healing of old
Ulcers, without having a Respect to those Circumstances that ought
to precede such an Undertaking, generally lays the Foundation for a
Train of mischievous Accidents; for the Patient soon begins to be
sensible of an Unactiveness of the whole Body, is sleepy, has a weak
Digestion, Head-ach, and is feverish, which is attended with very
profuse Night-Sweats; and these we have several times observed to be
the Forerunners of the Patient’s Death, though sometimes all these ill
Accidents may be prevented by an Imposthumation in some part of the
Body or other.

Now to account for such remarkable Alterations, in such Subjects,
we are obliged to take notice, that here is the Suppression of the
Evacuation of a Humour, that had been constantly discharged for a long
time; and this, we have before observed, will cause a greater Fulness
and Distention of all the Vessels. Now the Quantity of the Blood being
very much encreased by the Addition of this viscid Juice, the Celerity
of its Motion must be considerably abated, upon which Account it will
enlarge the Diameters of the Vessels, by relaxing their Coats, and pass
with so great a Difficulty through the Capillary Vessels, that if it
arrive at any Part where the Fibres have lost their due Tensity and
Spring, it is disposed to stagnate, and produce an Imposthumation. If
this does not happen, as the Motion of the Blood continues to be very
languid, the Quantity of Spirits filtrated in the Brain will be less
upon two Accounts: _First_, Because as the Blood moves more slowly,
all the Parts of the Body through which it circulates, will receive a
much less Quantity of it in a given Time, than they must have done,
had it moved with a greater Celerity. _Secondly_, The Viscidity of the
Blood, together with it’s Motion diminished will lessen the Quantity of
Spirits, according to the 20th and 22d of Dr _Wainright_’s Propositions
of Animal Secretion.

Now this being so, it is no wonder to observe such an Inactivity of the
Parts, Sleepiness, weak Digestion, _&c._ to attend a Person under such
Circumstances: For the Quantity of Spirits being so much diminished,
the Parts can never be sufficiently influenced by them to perform their
respective Functions with that Force as usual. To this we may add, that
they are in a great measure deprived of their Power and Spring, and
Sensation in general is not near so strong and lively. From hence it is
evident, that when Nature has found a Passage whereby she may disburden
herself of any excrementitious Humours, we ought for a considerable
time to give proper Internals, and make use of some other Method, as by
Issues, or such like, whereby we may divert the Course of the Matter,
which, if I may so say, has been so long together determined to pass
the same way. Beside this Advantage which will accrue by that Method,
there may be near the same Quantity of Humours evacuated; and so those
unhappy Accidents, will be prevented, and the Ulcer cured.

I am perswaded, that it is not without a great deal of Difficulty
that we can sometimes divert the Tendency of Humours to a Part; and I
can bring several Instances of Sores that have been healed, where the
suppressed Matter has discovered it self, by an Aposthume near the
Place where the Sore was, a short time after it had been healed.

_Fælix Wurtz_, who was a very judicious Surgeon, informs us, That it
sometimes happens, that in a little time after a Patient has been
cured of a Wound of the Head, he feels violent Pains there, which
indicates that Matter is collected in the Part. He adds, That many die
of it, by reason the Cause is not understood by some Surgeons. This
Remark proves, that the Wounds were not kept open long enough, or else
that the Surgeon acted imprudently in not making use of proper Means
to divert the Tendency of the Humours to that Part; not but it will
abundantly more easily happen to those Parts that are depending, and
where the Weight of the viscid Fluid will incline it to settle.

I knew a lusty Fellow, about twenty five Years of Age, that had an
Ulcer on the internal Ancle of his left Leg near twelve Years: It had
been cured three or four times, but he always found himself very much
indisposed after it, till it broke out again, and the Matter had a
free Discharge: At length, upon his coming from Sea, it was healed
again, upon which he was seized with a violent Pain in his Head, Loss
of Appetite, which the next Day was succeeded by a violent Fever
and Looseness. His Physician ordered, among other Things, a large
Blister-Plaister, to be applyed to the Leg on which the Ulcer had been.
The Patient recovered; but what was very observable, was, that the Sore
the Blister-Plaister had made terminated in an ugly Ulcer, which would
not heal, though various Applications were made use of. If Nature had
been in this Case compelled, as it were, and forced to a Compliance in
the healing of this Ulcer, it is probable the Matter would have been
thrown upon another Part, and so occasioned a Disease there.

By this we may see how cautious we ought to be not to proceed in
a Method contrary to the Dictates of Nature; for if we do, we
consequently disturb her regular Motions, upon which she oftentimes
commences a new Work, which, if it does not tend to the Subversion of
the whole Oeconomy, there ensues a Permutation of the Disease, by the
Translation of the Matter from one Part to another.

It would be impossible to recount all the obscure Motions Nature makes
use of to accomplish such Ends: We will only mention some where the
Disease has been perfectly changed from what it was before by such
Methods. _Mear_ gives us an Instance of a Dropsie of the Breast,
which succeeded an ill-cured Hydrocele. _Hildanus_ observes, that an
inveterate Ulcer of the left Leg being unhappily healed up, the Patient
died of a Pleurisy some Months after.

To this I may add an Observation of a Man that had an old Ulcer on
each Leg, which being attempted to be cured, as the Matter gradually
lessened, he was deprived of his Sight. There was no Alteration to
be observed in the Eyes of this Person, but only a Dilatation of the
Pupils, as is generally observed in a _Gutta Serena_, which was judged
to be his Case. In short, upon the running of the Sores, though he had
been perfectly blind, he effectually recovered his Sight again.

I will not tire you, _Sir_, with the Recital of any more Cases of this
Nature. What has been hitherto said, I hope is sufficient to incline
you to believe, that the immediate Cause of the Death of the Child I
spoke of in the former part of the Letter was the Suppression of the
Matter, which had continued to discharge in such large Quantities so
long together. And that such a sudden Stoppage of a Discharge of Matter
may procure a Patient’s Death, though the Symptoms that proceed may be
different. I have likewise shewn the Difficulty there is in Diverting
the Tendency of the Matter to a Part, and mentioned how one Disease is
sometimes converted into another: But of what Use these Remarks may
be I leave you to judge. To me it seems reasonable enough to suppose,
that as a regular Method of Practice is not the Effect of a Man’s
Sagacity, but the Product of repeated Experiences, every thing that
occurs may tend, by a proper Application, to the Illustration of the
Art. What else has made some Men so famous for their Prognosticks? Had
not our great Master _Hippocrates_ a Respect to the Suppression of the
Discharge of Matter from Ulcers, when he expressed himself thus, _Ulcus
lividum & siccum, aut cum virore pallidum lethale est?_ And this we
have known to be true in several Cases.

Well then, does not this sufficiently prove, that where we have
Cause to fear a Suppression of the Discharge, we ought to remove any
Impediment that may embarass Nature in her Work, and advise a proper
Method to promote the precipitating the morbific Matter? For so shall
we, by joining our Forces with those of Nature, still keep her in due
Course; and that when she is grown languid, and departing from her
former Measures.

You must excuse me, if I digress a little to take notice of an
Observation that some Authors have made, _viz._ That from a dangerous
Fracture of the Skull, after Death the Liver has been often found
impostumated. They have been likewise very sollicitous to know which
way the Matter could be conveyed to so remote a _Viscus_; but it would
be needless for me to offer what has been said in this Case, because
it seems to be evident enough, that a Part of it is reassumed by the
Vessels; which, with that should have been discharged from the Mass of
Blood, is by the Circulation deposited in that Part. But here we may
start a considerable Problem, which is, How comes it to pass that the
Morbific Matter if it’s Discharge is suppressed, is thrown upon the
Liver rather than any other Part? In order to the Solution of this,
we ought to consider, That the Spleen is subservient to the Liver in
performing its Office, by giving the Blood a Check in it’s Progress,
whereby it’s Velocity is lessened; otherwise so thick a Juice as the
Bile could not be separated from it. Now the Motion of the Blood being
rendered abundantly slower in this Part, it is no wonder that the
Morbific Particles separate themselves from it, while the Filtration is
carrying on, and by their Assemblage form an Abscess in the Part.

You may perhaps expect, _Sir_, that I should make an Apology to excuse
the Length of my Letter; but I assure you, the Pleasure I have taken
in writing it would oblige me to make it of a larger Extent, if I
did not find I should be forced to take notice of some things, which
may perhaps have a Place elsewhere. I have only this to add, that if
through the little time I have taken to write it in, I have in any part
omitted to pay that Respect as is due to you, I shall very readily ask
your Pardon. In the mean time I must own my self to be,

    _Your very much obliged Servant_,

    _Southwark_,                     W^m. Beckett.
    _Aug_. 22, 1709.




                             OF A

                      Wound of the Brain

                        By a _BULLET_.

                         To the SAME.


If you remember, _Sir_, in the History of the _Child’s Case_, which
I have before mentioned, it was observed, that notwithstanding the
violent Pressure upon the Brain, by the depressed Pieces of the
fractured Skull; yet the little Patient laboured under no worse
Symptom, than a Head-ach, and was in a Condition to walk about the
Chamber. This was really very remarkable; but if you will be pleased to
give your self the Trouble of reading the following Account, I do not
question but you will meet with something much more surprizing.

On _November_ the 4th, 1707, it happened, that during an Engagement
between a small _English_ Vessel and a _French_ Privateer, near
_Margate_, one of our Men was unfortunately wounded by a _Bullet_,
which past through the middle of the _Os Frontis_. The Surgeon aboard
the Ship immediately enlarged the Wound, by making an Incision through
the Integuments, but could not discover the Bullet; whereupon he
dressed him up, and the same Day being set ashore, he was dispatched
for _London_. On _Thursday_ the 6th Day of the same Month, he arrived,
having walked much the greater part of the way in that time, which
is about 66 Miles; the same Day his Surgeon endeavoured to extract
some Pieces of the Bone, which discovered themselves through that
Aperture which was made by the Bullet, but without Success; for they
consisted chiefly of the internal Table, which were much larger than
the Hole in the external: Upon this the Wound was immediately drest
up, and a second Attempt was made a Day or two after; but it proved
as successless as the former. In the mean time, the Patient continued
to be very hearty and well, and seemed to be no more indisposed than
if he had only received a slight Wound of the Head. The opening the
Skull with the Trepan was proposed, and which would probably have
been put in Practice in a Day or two’s time: But on the Sabbath-Day
Morning following, after he had rested well all Night, he was seized
with such violent convulsive Motions as were very surprizing; during
which he expired. The Body being laid on a Table to be dissected, all
it’s Parts appeared so prodigiously inflated, that the Person, when a
live, being one of the largest Stature, it seemed perfectly monstrous.
A Puncture being made in any Part through the Integuments, there was
nothing discharged but a subtile Matter or Air; immediately after which
the Part subsided, though before on a Compressure of the Fingers it
would receive such an Impression as is observed in Oedematous Tumours;
but it would suddenly return to it’s former State. The Surface of
several of the Parts appeared livid and vesicated. The Skull being
opened, the Bullet dropped out of the Brain, all the Fore-part of
which was corrupted, and abounded with a thick yellowish Juice, of a
very offensive Smell; there were two or three very large Pieces of the
inner Table of the Skull, with some smaller that were found among the
lacerated Membranes, and lodged in the corrupted Brain.

This Case is so particular, that it may not be amiss if we make some
Reflections on it.

We are very well assured, _Sir_, that it has been a Matter of very
great Surprize to several ingenious Men, to consider how the various
Operations of the Body have continued to be performed, when those Parts
which were so absolutely necessary to the Well-being of the Animal,
have been naturally or accidentally disordered to such a degree, as
to suffer a perfect Confusion of their Parts: And of this we find
Variety of Instances in those Authors, who have very obligingly applied
themselves to relate the Histories of deceased morbid Bodies. But that
the Brain it self, which is the very Source and Principle of all Animal
Functions, should, after it has undergone such a Violation as we have
observed, continue several Days without incommoding the Person in the
least respect, is really very remarkable; for if we do but consider
what an absolute Necessity there is for a constant Supply of Animal
Spirits, to empower the Parts to perform their mechanical Actions, and
at the same time reflect on the Disorder and Corruption of that Part,
whose Office it was to secrete a sufficient Quantity of those Spirits,
we might very reasonably expect a considerable Alteration in the whole
Body. One might very well think, that from the Deficiency of Spirits
that would ensue, the Parts could no longer continue to perform their
Actions, but must gradually lose their Power and Spring, and at length
become in a manner destitute of Motion: For we can scarce perswade
our selves, that Nature in this Case is so provident as to suffer
the _Cerebellum_ and _Medulla Spinalis_ to filtrate the Spirits in a
greater Quantity, that they might supply the Exigencies of the Body.

There still remains some considerable _Phænomena_ to be accounted
for, as the convulsive Motions, the prodigious Inflation of the Body,
_&c._ As to the former, it may be perhaps accountable from the violent
Conflict we may imagine to have happened on the mutual Engagement of
the Juice that was found so plentiful in the corrupted Brain, and
that which had undergone no Alteration from it’s original Purity. Add
to this, that the Animal Spirits in the Nerves receiving some ill
Impressions by the Accession of some of those impure Particles, could
no longer sally out upon the Command of the Will to any particular
Part, but must consequently so irritate the Nerves, as to cause their
Extremities to contract themselves; upon which Account the Blood
becomes imprisoned in the muscular Fibres, which abridging their
Length by enlarging their Diameters, the Parts must necessarily suffer
involuntary Contractions: At the same time those minute Capillary
Extremities, which terminated in the Miliary Glands, were probably so
contracted, or crispt up, as perfectly to close the Orifices of the
excretory Ducts of those Glands, which are the only sudatory Pores:
By this means all that vast Quantity of Matter which is usually
discharged by insensible Transpiration, became imprisoned underneath
the Integuments of the Body, and so distended all its Parts to such
a prodigious Degree, as was observed. This Constipation of the
excretory Ducts, and crisping up of the Extremities of the Nerves,
might likewise have a considerable Effect on the small Branches of
the Arteries and Veins which accompanied them; for by this means the
Blood they contained might be obliged to stagnate in the Glands, which
must occasion an Enlargement of the Diameters of those minute Vessels;
and so the livid Colour which was extended on several Parts might be
probably procured: Besides this, the Blood being in such a comprest
State, some of its more fluid Parts might be exprest from it, which
lodging underneath the _Cuticula_, might make the Parts appear to be
vesicated; there is nothing more certain, than that Animal Bodies
perspire after Death; or that the perspirable Matter continues to pass
off as long as the Body retains any Warmth. This is confirmed by an
Experiment of Sir _Thomas Browne_, in his _Pseudodoxica Epidemica_,
where he tells us, That “upon exactly weighing and strangling a Chicken
in the Scales, upon an immediate Ponderation he could discover no
sensible Difference in Weight; but suffering it to lie 8 or 10 Hours,
till it grew perfectly cold, it weighed most sensibly lighter. The
like, says our Author, we attempted and verified in Mice, and performed
their Trials in Scales that would turn upon the 8th or 10th part of a
Grain.”

    _I am, Sir_,

        _Yours_, &c.

            W. B.




                              NEW

                          DISCOVERIES

                          CONCERNING

                           CANCERS.

                         ADDRESSED TO

                    _Charles Bernard_, Esq;

                       Serjeant-Surgeon,

                              AND

           Surgeon in Ordinary, to Her Majesty Queen

                            _ANNE_.


_SIR_,

I look upon it as a peculiar Happiness, to live in an Age when Men of
our Profession consider, that as the Art is capable of receiving daily
Improvements; useful Discoveries, confirmed by Experiments, ought to
receive the joint Concurrence of their good Wishes; notwithstanding,
they may contradict an Opinion that has been almost universally
received. These we shall always find, are the Gentlemen who in
opposition to those Bigots whose Tempers discover them to be the
Votaries of a few opinionative Men, endeavour to guide their Judgments
by Reason, backed with judicious Observations, and whatever Arguments
are produced, will never go about to controul Matters of Fact. It is
a grand Truth that Necessity gave Being to _Physick_ and _Surgery_,
and Experience is the only Way to bring them to Perfection; but it is
much to be lamented by them that are Well-Wishers to those Arts that
the Persons which are perhaps capable of advancing them most, devote
themselves so much to speculative Fictions (the Effects of teeming
Brains) that some have pretended with a magisterial Air to dictate,
even to Experience itself. In such a Case it would be needless to go
about to offer Arguments sufficient to disengage their Inclinations,
Time only must discover to them their Error, when it makes them
sensible they have, to no Purpose, persisted in the Pursuit of
frivolous Niceties; for in reality, the Benefit of Mankind in general
is deduced from Practical Truths. The Thoughts of this are sufficient
to inspire every generous Soul with an ardent Desire of discovering
something that may be of so universal an Advantage: As for my own Part,
I was not animated to concern my self in the Undertaking I have engaged
in, by a Prospect of gaining that Honour that is often liberally
bestowed on those that mint new _Hypotheses_, or make new Discoveries;
my only Design was to inform my self, whether some of those Diseases,
which are generally reputed incureable, are not actually in themselves
curable, and by this means to wipe off a Reproach which has been cast
on Nature, when in reality it proceeds only from our own Weakness, and
the Infirmity of our Art. A diligent Application to those Distempers
which baffle us most, has been frequently recommended by very reputable
Authors, and some of those who have obliged us with the Histories of
_Diseased Persons_, have very often mentioned considerable Cures, which
have been happily performed after the Patients have been looked upon
by some as incurable. _Hippocrates_ tells us, _Lib._ 2 _Aph._ 52. _Si
Medico secundum rectam Rationem Facienti, Curatio non statim succedat,
non est tamen mutanda Methodus, quamdiu id restat quod à Principio
visum est._ I am fully persuaded that most Practitioners in _Surgery_
have at some Time or other, by an industrious Application, been
successfull where Art could not warrant a Cure. As to the _Disease_ I
propose to make the chief Subject of this Letter, tho’ it be generally
branded with the Character of Incurable, I must freely own I never
could discover any thing essential to it in general that should make
it so; it is true, there are many _Diseases_ that are not to be cured,
where certain Circumstances are conjoined, which very much contribute
to the Misfortune; tho’ Others of the same _Class_ exempt from those
Adherents may, perhaps, be happily enough cured; Thus for Instance. In
_Cancers_ we have but little Reason to expect a Cure in a Person that
is old, if the _Cancer_ has been of many Years standing, and is firmly
fixed to the Ribs; but if the Patient be not so far advanced in Years
as to be uncapable of receiving the Benefit of Nature by the regular
Discharge of the _Menses_ and the _Cancer_ be loose; notwithstanding,
it be Ulcerated, over-spread with fungous Flesh, discharge a filthy
Matter, and smell very offensively; we do upon Experience affirm that
such a Patient may be cured. We must own we cannot be of the Opinion
of the _Paracelsians_, who affirm there is no _Disease_ but what is
curable in any Patient, for the Reason we have given; nor can we
with the _Galenists_, agree that the _Gout_, _Dead-palsie_, _Stone_,
_Cancer_, &c. are _Diseases_ absolutely incurable; because Experience
discovers the contrary. We find that Mr _Boyle_ is of the same Opinion,
and thinks it were no ill Piece of Service to Mankind, if a severe
Collection were made of the Cures of such Persons as have been judged
irrecoverable by the _Doctors_; that Men might no longer excuse their
own Ignorance by the Impotency of Nature, and bare the World in Hand,
as if the Art of _Physick_ and their Skill, were of the same Extent.
There seems to be one very effectual Way to rescue the medicinal Art
from the Aspersions of some bold Persons; and that is that of a certain
Number of regular Practitioners in _Physick_ and _Surgery_, each of
them should apply himself to the Study of one particular _Disease_: By
this means we should soon find they would be capable of surmounting
those Difficulties that have all along baffled the most Judicious of
the general Practicers. How odd, and disagreeable this Opinion may
seem to some Men I know not; but I assure you, _Sir_, I find it of
a very ancient Date; for _Herodotus_, a _Greek Historian_ informs
us, that before his Time, the _Physicians_ in _Egypt_ used to apply
themselves to the Study and Advancement of one _Disease_ in particular.
_Baricellus_, and _Lionardo di Capoa_, observe the same likewise, in
Relation to the Practice of _Physick_ in that Country. _Baglivi_, in
the Scheme he lays down for erecting of Colleges for the Improvement
of _Physick_, tells us, that every Fellow of his Literate Society
must have one _Disease_ allotted him for the Task of his whole Life;
and which elsewhere he says is not sufficient for the illustrating
the Province of one _Disease_; but that we lie under a Necessity of
taking in Materials from all Hands. But there is no Man that we know
of, has spoke more agreeably of this Matter than Dr _Harris_, in his
_Pharmacologia Anti-Empirica_, he owns that he took more than ordinary
Pains in one particular _Disease_, and assures us he verily believes if
learned Men, after a compleat Acquisition of the universal Method of
_Physick_, and a necessary Search into the Nature and Cures of those
manifold Infirmities and Diseases, which, with a kind of infinite
Variety, do afflict Mankind, would, with their utmost Vigour and
Resolution, prosecute the Knowledge of some one _Disease_ eminently
above others; they would, most certainly, find a particular Providence
attending and assisting them in so good and honest a Design. He adds,
a few Pages farther, that wherever a Man’s Thoughts are intent and
fixed, wherever his Genius does naturally incline, and all his Aims
and Application do continually tend, whether it be to pertinent or
insignificant Matters; whether it be to useful, or else meerly curious
Things; if he has but tolerable Parts, and Education corresponding,
he can hardly ever miss; it is hardly possible he should miss the
becoming Eminent, and in great Measure perfect, (I mean perfect (says
he) according to the Modulum of Human Capacity) in that one Point.
But there is one Thing to be recommended to the Consideration of
the Person, who takes upon him the Enquiry into the Nature of one
particular _Disease_, which perhaps he might be very liable to err in,
if not cautioned against; and that is, that he be not too bold and rash
in his Attempts; for, as _Galen_ says, _The_ Physician’s _Art is not
like that of an_ Artificer, _who may make what Experiments he pleases,
to satisfy his Curiosity; because if he spoils the Materials he works
on, no Body is endangered by the Miscarriage: In Corpore autem humane_
(adds he) _ea tentare quæ non sunt Experientium comprobata Periculo
non vacat, cum temerariæ Experientiæ Finis sit totius Animantis
internecio_. I believe we shall find that one of the grand Reasons,
why Persons, generally speaking, have been so negligent in making any
Attempts on _Cancers_, has been the seeming Discouragement they have
all along met with from Authors. The Caution _Hypocrates_ has given us
in his Thirty eighth _Aphor. Sect._ 6. has scarce been omitted by any
one considerable Person that has wrote of this Subject, tho’ perhaps
the Sentence has often had an Exposition put upon it, contrary to the
Author’s Meaning; but of this, more in it’s proper Place. I proceed
now to give an Idea of _Cancers_ in the Breast from an external Cause;
and this I shall do without concerning my self with the Opinion of the
Ancients; for since we have been so happy as to live in an Age which
will be remarkable for the many surprising Discoveries which have been
made in _Anatomy_: We should be reckoned unworthy the Advantages we
enjoy, if we did not study to apply them to the Benefit of Mankind in
general. The more inquisitive and learned Part of the World, are at
this time very well assured that the Animal Body is an exquisitely
framed Machine, and that it’s Composure is little else than a Compages
of branching and winding Canals, which are kept to a moderate Degree
of Extention, by Fluids of different Natures; and that the Motions of
these were first determined by the divine Architect: Thus in a natural
State, the whole _Fabrick_ is governed by certain Laws impressed
on the Fluids; and we often find the unhappy Consequences of the
Discomposure of a Part, to discover themselves first by an Interruption
of the Motion of the animal Juices. Thus in a _Cancer_ of the Breast
which proceeds from a Blow or Bruise (as upon strict Enquiry we have
found they most commonly do) is it not probable that by such means a
Confusion of the true Order of the little Glandulous Grains and their
excretory Ducts may happen? and at the same time an extravasated
_Lympha_ may lodge in such a spungy Texture, which in time becoming
viscid, will coalesce with the Glandular Substance, and form a _Mass_
considerably compact? Now this being so, it is reasonable to believe
that as the Lymphatic Juice continues its Motion till it arrives at
the indurated Part, its Passage must be embarrassed there; upon which,
it will soon be qualified for an Union with the remaining Part of the
glandulous Substance of the Breast; and so the whole be perfectly
changed from what it was before. This _Hypothesis_ is in a great
Measure grounded on Experiments; for if we express a Juice from some
of the _Cancerous Mass_, and hold some of it in a Spoon over a Fire,
there immediately flys off a small Vapour, and the Remainder hardens
not unlike the white of an Egg boiled; this shows it to have the
Properties of the _Lympha_; for the Chymical _Analysis_ of that Liquor
assures us it is a Composition of a great deal of fixt _Sulphur_, a
little _Volatile_, some _Phlegm_, and much _Volatile Alkalie_; to
which some add a little Earth: Now while the _Volatile Alkalie_ keeps
the Sulphur dissolved, the _Lympha_ remains in a State of Fluidity;
but when, by making the same Experiment, the _Volatile Alkalie_ is
evaporated, the Remainder hardens, and forms a pretty compact, whitish
Substance. From hence the judicious _SURGEON_ may easily deduce the
Reason why these Sort of Tumours can never be brought to Suppuration.
We shall not be so particular as to mention those _Cancers_ which
proceed from internal Causes, nor several other things which relate to
the former; for what we have here said, we look upon to be commonly
the Method of the Formation of them; and as such, we did endeavour
to calculate Remedies that should peculiarly operate on the _Mass_,
so as to dis-unite the firm Cohæsion of its Parts, and dispose them
to separate and come away, without any great Inconvenience to the
Patient; which is what we would _recommend_ with all the Earnestness
imaginable to those that are desirous of discovering a Method of curing
_Cancers_. We were before sensible that it was possible for one Body
to operate on another determinate Body, without being able to have
any such Effect on innumerable Others; as _Quicksilver_ will desolve
Gold, _Aqua-fortis_ Iron, _Vinegar_ the Shell of an Egg, _Oyl_ common
Sulphur, _&c._ which will not have any such Effect on several other
Bodies; for there is nothing more certain than that the Operations of
Dissolvents are so determined by the various Texture of the Bodies
on which they are employed, that a Liquor that is capable to corrode
a more hard and solid Body, may be unable to disunite the Parts of
one more soft and thin, if of a Texture indisposed to admit the small
Parts of the _Menstruum_. It may be expected I should say something in
relation to that which is generally looked upon to be the grand Cause
of the Incurableness of _Cancers_, I mean the acid Humour in the Blood.
But if those Gentlemen who are fond of entertaining this Opinion, do
but consider that _Cancers_ are often formed in a perfect State of
Health; and that during the Time the Cancerous Substance dissolves,
and comes away according to our Method, the Sides will run a digested
Matter, and heal by the Application of dry Lint only; they will be of
my Opinion, that neither the _Atrabile_ of the Ancients, the corrosive
_Alkalious_ Salt of the _Chymists_, nor the predominant _Acid_ of the
Rest of the Moderns, are capable of procuring those Alterations that
_Cancers_ are sometimes attended with. If we trace the Writings of our
Predecessors to their earliest Date, we shall find that many of them
have made Mention of the Roots of the _Cancer_, which they took to be
the large blew Veins that are often extended on its Surface; and the
entire Removal of these they thought to be absolutely necessary, or
the Patient could not be cured: But I believe there is no Body at this
Time that considers the _Mechanism_ of the Parts in such a Condition,
but will agree they are the necessary Consequents of it, and that
their Absence, or Presence is of no Importance; that the _Cancer_ is
sometimes attended with Adherents, or Appendices, which may very well
resemble Roots, we are assured; but these generally lay deep, and not
easily discovered; the most considerable One that ever we saw was very
near Five Inches long, and of an unequal Bigness, some Part of it did
not exceed the Largeness of a _Goose_’s Quill, but some others were
near as big as the Top of the Thumb, which resembled so many Knots in
it, it divided in the Middle, and continued separated about an Inch and
a Half, and then re-united, it was of a more tender Substance than the
Body of the _Cancerous Mass_, but of the same Colour, and was probably
the Juice that was last applied to the _Cancer_, which assumed a Form
agreeable to the Cavities it lodged it self in. Such Adherents as these
are, I am more inclined to believe, are the Cause of the unsuccessful
Attempts on _Cancers_, than any _Acid_ in the Blood; for I am of
opinion there are few Persons unacquainted with Medicines that are
capable of correcting its _Acidity_ when it happens; and had the Cure
of _Cancers_ depended on that, I am positive they would not at this
Time have had such ill Character. We have before shewed that _Cancers_
have generally their Rise from a Blow or Bruise, and that when the Body
is in an healthful Condition, and the Blood and _Lympha_ temperate and
sweet: Now if there always is an _Acidity_ of the Blood when Persons
are afflicted with _Cancers_, the _Cancers_ must sometimes cause it,
and not the _Acid_ in the Blood the _Cancers_, as is the Opinion of
most of the Moderns. What has been hitherto said, is sufficient to
prove that if Men will be always so sluggish as to acquiesce in the
Dictates and Dogmatical Positions of their Predecessors, and not exert
their Faculties in endeavouring to undeceive themselves; we must no
longer expect our Art will receive any Advancements, but as Slaves
to their Opinions content our selves with what we know already. Were
not _Parisani_, _Riolan_ the Son, and _Plempius_, so much in the
Interest of the Ancients, that when our Country-man, the assiduous
_Harvey_, had discovered the Circulation of the Blood, they not only
opposed his plain Demonstrations, but engaged in vigorous Disputes
against him, tho’ at the last they were obliged shamefully to recant
their Follies. _Celsus_ tells us, _Vix ulla perpetua Præcepta Ars
Medicinalis recipit_; scarce any of the Precepts of the Medicinal
Art are perpetual. And shall we engage then in the List with a few
opinionative Men, that ground their Course of Practice on those Methods
only, in which they have been brought up, and implicitly assent to the
Conjectures of others. No certainly, this would be to strangle Truth,
and extinguish the Vigour of our Wits with precarious Authorities.
Consonant to this, Dr _Paxton_, in his lately published Treatise,
tells us, _Thus Men, out of a trifling Distrust of their own Parts,
will not use them; or out of Laziness of Temper, will not employ them,
chusing rather to be wise or learned, by being adorned with Others
Whimsies, than undergo any Labour, Fatigue, or Trouble of being really
so_. I believe there are some Men that would rather contradict their
Senses than deny the Authority of a darling Opinion: Of this, we have
a sufficient Proof in an Instance, related by an _Italian_ Author
before-mentioned. He tells us, _That a certain Publick Reader long
Time versed and grown Old in the Books of_ Aristotle _being one Day
present at a Dissection, and clearly seeing that the_ Vena Cava _takes
its Rise from the Liver, confessed with Astonishment what his Senses
discovered to him, but that he ought not therefore, by crediting his
Senses, to contradict his Master, who constantly affirms all the Veins
in Man’s Body to have their Original from the Heart; because, said he,
it is much more easy for our Senses to be sometimes deceived, than the
Great and Sovereign_ Aristotle. I here seriously confess, I have as
much Veneration for Antiquity as any Person whatsoever; but it would be
ridiculous, if, as One says, we should so far forego our own Judgments
as always to follow the Foot-steps of Others, and to be certain of
nothing our selves: For this would be to see with others Eyes, to hear
with others Ears, and to understand with other Men’s Intellects; so
that whenever we make Quotations from the Ancients to strengthen our
Opinions, we ought to do it judiciously, and fully consider, whether
their Notions of Things are consonant to the Experience of these Times.
To prove to you, _Sir_, that I have not proceeded to apply my self
to the Cure of so formidable a Disease, without a Precedent, I shall
instance to you that _Fuschius_, a learned _Italian Surgeon_, had such
a wonderful Reputation for it formerly, that some Authors say he was
distinguished by a particular Title, which discovered his Success. His
Method I have made use of, and tho’ by passing thro’ several Hands
(the Author being mentioned by few) it has been stampt with wonderful
Encomiums, I have not hitherto found it deserves it, notwithstanding I
did not omit the most minute Circumstance in preparing the Medicine,
or prosecuting the Directions; but in its proper Place, I shall take
particular Notice of this, and several other Remedies, that have been
recommended by some Authors, as substantial and extremely useful;
for if in One or Two Instances they have been crowned with Success,
by Degrees they are handed down as infallible in all Diseases of the
like Form. To the former Account I may add, that Monsieur _Alliot_,
_Physician_ to the Duke of _Lorrain_, has applied himself to the
Cure of this Disease very successfully, as a _Schedule_ he published
at _Paris_ some Years ago informs us; we are likewise assured by Mr
_Boyle_ that Dr _Haberfield_, one of the Principal _Physicians_ of
_Bohemia_, has had extraordinary Success in the Cure of _Cancers_;
and the Sieur _Gendron_, Doctor of _Physick_ in the University of
_Montpelier_, has done extreamly well on that Head; the latter of
these Gentlemen I cannot mention, without making an Apology for not
Publishing our Annotations on his Enquiries relating to _Cancers_ which
was promised at the latter End of our Chirurgical Remarks, Printed
above a Year ago; but I assure you, _Sir_, I was more inclined for some
Reasons to offer what is therein contained, with several Observations
made with the greatest Exactness, and to which, perhaps I may have an
Opportunity of making several Additions, in a particular Treatise,
so that the whole may conspire to finish a compleat Account of this
Disease. I had at first a Design of enlarging considerably on this
Subject in this Letter by adding various Things, but considering they
might better find a Place in what I just now mentioned, and that you
did not desire an exact History of the Disease, I resolved to omit
them. I shall now proceed to give you some Instances of the Success
of our Method, as being what you are most solicitous of, the Cases
I shall relate shall be each of them different from the other, for I
know you do not approve of that pompous Method of some Persons, that
enumerate abundance of Instances of Cures when perhaps there is no
great Difference in the Cases or the Method of treating them.

The most considerable Case that offered it self during our first
Enquiries into the Nature of _Cancers_, was that of a Woman, who
about Four Years before received a Blow on one of her Breasts, upon
which it began to swell, grow painful, and after some time became all
over livid, and of so prodigious a Bigness and Weight, that she was
obliged to keep it suspended by a Napkin round her Neck: But in regard
our Method was not put in Practice till by other Applications it was
become ulcerated, we shall speak of it as such. The Patient, then, at
this time complained of a very violent Pain, which extended it self
to the Back and Shoulder, by the Communication of the Nerves (for
those of the Breast come from the fifth Pair of the Spine, and from a
_Plexus_ about the _Clavicels_.) To remedy this, she had taken no small
Quantity of _Hypnotic_ Medicines, which, without Doubt, destroy the
due Texture of the Blood, and so become prejudicial to the Patient,
and disadvantagious to the _Surgeon_ that proposes a Cure. But because
Persons generally find some Relief by Opiates, as they retard the
determined Motion of the Blood, straiten the Nerves, and check the
tumultuous and disorderly Influx of the Spirits; so, probably, in
these Cases, their Use will be continued. Besides the acute Pain, the
_Cancer_ was over-spread with fungous Flesh, its lower Part extreamly
hard, knotty, blackish, and its Basis seemed inclinable to fix; the
Matter which was discharged was thin, reddish, and stank abominably.
This was the Condition of this poor Woman, when we first applied our
grand Dissolvent; the Pain she was attended with the first and second
Day after was inconsiderable, nor did she complain of more afterwards,
than would have been procured by the most mild and easy Remedy the
Dispensatory affords. In four Days Time we found a very evident
Alteration for the Better; for the Consistence of the Matter was
changed, and the Surface of the _Cancerous Mass_ became somewhat soft,
we continued the Use of the same Medicine, and in a few Days more some
part of the _Cancer_ came away with the dressing. In short, in about
six Weeks time, the whole Substance was entirely gone, and nothing
remained to be done but to heal the Ulcer, which was effected in about
a Fortnight. During the time she was under Cure we gave her a proper
internal Medicine, not calculated to destroy the Acidity of the Blood,
but to dispose the whole _Cancerous Mass_, with its Appendices to come
away, which might otherwise, as the Seeds of the Disease, cause it to
spring again: Thus was this Patient, (after so great a Fatigue she had
undergone before she came to me) perfectly cured, and has continued so
to this Time, without any manner of Inconvenience as she lately told
me, it being a long time since she has been well.

A Gentlewoman near fifty Years of Age, by some Accident received a Blow
on her left Breast, which in a few Days was succeeded by a considerable
Tumour, whereupon she applyed herself to a _Surgeon_, who immediately
let her Blood, ordered her to take the _Lap. Hibern._ in Posset-Drink,
and embrocated the Breast with _Ol. Succini_: By the use of these Means
the Swelling was much abated, a small Hardness only remaining, which
did not exceed a small Wallnut in Bigness; in this State, with very
little Pain, she continued above a Year; but being persuaded to apply
an _Emp. de Ran. cum Mer._ to it, it encreased very apparently, was
extreamly painful, and in Seven Months time became as big as a large
Egg: After this she made use of a Woman who was reputed Famous for
these Cases; but by One or Two of her Applications the Tumour became
as big again as before: In short it continued to encrease gradually
from that time, till the whole Breast, which was of a monstrous
Bigness, and which was judged not to weigh less than Eight Pound, in
time became entirely _Cancerous_. It was at this time that I saw it the
Skin was very livid, looking sleek and shining, and seemed ready to
open, as being scarce capable of longer containing such a prodigious
hard _Mass_ as laid concealed under it, and was in all Probability as
big as the Breasts of the _Ammonian_ Women, of which _Juvenal_ thus
speaks, _In Meroe, crasso majorem Infante Mamillam_. She had been with
various experienced and reputable _Surgeons_ before, among which was
One not long ago deceased, who was justly looked upon as an Ornament
of his Profession; but not one would willingly attempt a real Cure by
cutting it off, or any other Way: They only prescribed some palliating
Remedies to remove the Pain and prevent its Breaking. I was animated
by my former Successes, and prevailed with my self to undertake it,
not thinking I was at all blameable if my Success in so extraordinary
an Affair contradicted the Prognosticks of so many worthy Gentlemen;
and though it did, I shall at all times think my self obliged to pay
a Deference to them. I began the Cure by removing the Integuments
from the upper Part of the Cancerous Substance, but did not wait
for a Separation of the Slough the Escarotick made for fear of being
incommoded in my Procedure by a Fungus; For this Reason I mixed some
of our Dissolvent with a digestive Ointment, by which Means I had a
Part of the _Cancerous Mass_ came away with it, without any Trouble to
my Patient. I continued this Method of Dressing several Days longer,
with very little Alteration; but upon a Complaint of a Pain between
the Shoulders, I was obliged to change my Medicine, and foment the
_Cancer_ with an Infusion of some of those Herbs that contain many
_Volatile_ attenuating and active Particles. And here I cannot but
remark, by the by, that Applications to the pained Part would have been
of no Effect, as I have many times observed, and particularly in a
Woman which had a Cancerated Breast, that was violently afflicted with
a Pain in her Arm on the same Side, which would not be removed by any
of the Applications the Person that had the Care of her made use of
the affected Arm. To this I might subjoin a very pertinent Case from
_Galen_; but I fear I shall digress too far. The Pain of my Patient’s
Back being removed, I proceeded to apply the Dissolvent, which so
softened the Superficies of the _Cancerous Mass_ that in Three or Four
Days Time I could take off above a Quarter of a Pound of it with the
Edge or Back of my Incision Knife, and my Patient not so much as feel
me, this I continued to accustom my self to, because it would have
been more tedious to have waited for the coming away of the _Cancerous
Mass_ of it self. Sometimes I varied my Applications as I saw Occasion,
but, as my Patient confessed, I scarce put her to any more Pain during
the Time her Breast was dissolving (abating for the Pain of her Back)
than there is in the dressing of an Issue. The prodigious Bigness of
the _Cancerous Mass_ made the Cure the more tedious, for it was above
Three Months before all of it was entirely dissolved and gone; but this
being at length surprisingly and very happily effected the _Cancerous
Ulcer_ (the last Part of the _Cancer_ that came away left) was incarned
and cicatrized by an Infusion of vulnerary Herbs, to which was added
a small Quantity of Tincture of Myrrh: Thus was this Cure entirely
compleated and my Success in it confirmed that _French_ Proverb, which
says, _It is better to be condemned to die by the Doctor, than by the
Judge._ I did not make use of that internal Medicine I mentioned in the
former Case, because here I found no pressing Necessity for the Use of
it, but some other proper Physick was taken to dispose the Ulcer to
heal, as one would have done in any other Case. Upon the whole of this
Cure, I cannot say whether I had more Trouble with the _Cancer_, or
in endeavouring to oblige my Patient to a strict Observance of some of
the Non-Naturals she so often erred in. There is nothing can create a
greater Trouble to the _Surgeon_, than to find Patients negligent of
their Healths, by not endeavouring to prevent or regulate Miscarriages,
nor taking so much Care of themselves, as they expect the _Surgeon_
should take of them. The Rules and Directions of _Physicians_ and
_Surgeons_, given to their Patients, we have Reason to believe were not
so often violated formerly; for in some Places they obliged themselves
very strictly to the Observance of them, and some Historians give us
an Account that _Selucus_ made a Law; that if any of the _Epizephyrian
Locrians_ drank Wine, contrary to the _Physician_’s Direction, though
they escaped the ill Consequents that might have attended it, Death was
their Punishment, because they did contrary to what was prescribed them.

A Woman about Thirty Years of Age had been for a considerable Time
afflicted with a hard painful Tumour under her Tongue, for the Cure of
which she had applied her self to various Persons, but without Success.
When I saw her I found the Swelling to be hard, painful, of a livid
Appearance, and incommoded her so much in speaking, that she could
not pronounce her Words articulately. I was of the Opinion of some
Gentlemen that had seen it before me, _viz._ That it was undoubtedly
_Cancerous_, and as such I proceeded to cure it; but I met with more
Difficulties in this Case than I at first expected, for after I thought
the _Cancerous Substance_ had been entirely dissolved, and I had
reduced the Ulcer to a very narrow Compass, it began to swell again,
and in a short Time enlarged it self to almost the Bigness it was at
first: This put me upon a Necessity of making an Incision into the Body
of the Tumour, that I might commodiously come at the remaining Part,
and so dispose some little Dossels of Lint, armed with our Dissolvent,
that they might have their desired Effect, and this in every Respect
answered what we proposed; so that we proceeded immediately to incarn
the Ulcer, which we did by a Lotion prepared of an Infusion of some
vulnerary Herbs, and _Mel. Rosar_. Thus was this Woman perfectly cured,
and has continued well about a Year.

Because I have always found greater Difficulty in treating _Cancers_
of the Mouth and Lips than those of the Breast, I will here relate an
Instance of one upon the lower Lip that proved extreamly troublesome.
It sometimes happens that one, or more, of those Glands which are
spread on the Inside of the Cheeks and Lips, called _Buccales_ and
_Labiales_, receive some Damage by a Bite or Blow; upon which they
generally tumefy very much, become painful, and in Process of Time (if
proper Means are not made use of) may become _Cancerous_. Such was the
Case of a Woman about Thirty Years of Age, who having had a Blow on her
lower Lip, neglected it till it was considerably tumefied, grew very
painful, and became extreamly troublesome to her. The Circumference of
the Swelling when I saw it, which was many Months after the Blow was
received, was very much inflamed, and a small Quantity of _Icorous_
Matter discharged from several small Pustules, which over-spread it;
the Middle, which was the Body of the _Cancer_, was hard, of a whitish
Colour, and moveable; it’s Sides being only connected to the contiguous
Parts by some small Filaments that were detached from it. The same
Thing Doctor _Gendron_ has discovered in an ulcerated _Cancer_ on the
Forehead of the Servant of a certain _Marquess_, as he observes in his
Third _Chapter_ of the Tract we have before mentioned. I began with my
Patient by applying cool and temperate Remedies, till the Inflammation
was considerably abated; after this I applied our Dissolvent, which
operated so mildly that my Patient was not sensible of near so much
Pain as before she was apprehensive of: In short, the Body of the
_Cancer_ was removed and a good digested Matter discharged from the
Sore. Now all the Difficulty was after what Manner we should proceed
to dispose the little _Cancerous_ Branches in the Skin to come away,
but this we effected after the following Manner; the Consistent of
the Medicine we before applyed, was such as was no way qualified for
rooting out the Cancerous Filaments, whereupon we were obliged to
procure it’s Dissolution in a proper Menstruum, though it required a
considerable Time to do it; by this means, we soon found, that what
before was ineffectual was now capable of effecting what we desired.
This being done, the Ulcer was incarned by a Sarcotick Infusion (for I
never use Ointments in these Cases) and cicatrized by the common drying
Plaisters. It is to be observed, that the Scar still continues hollow
(it having been healed near Two Years) and not like those that are the
Consequents of well ordered simple Ulcers.

The following Observation contains an Account of one that was cured of
an incipient _Cancer_ in her Breast, by Internals. I was the rather
inclined to set down the whole Process of this Cure, because by
these, or such like Medicines, Persons under the same Circumstances
may perhaps be cured, though by some they may be thought incurable.
The Case is this; A Gentlewoman, Thirty Years of Age, of a thin
spare Habit of Body, by some Accident received a Blow upon One of her
Breasts, which put her to an immediate Pain, and that very acute;
but it lessened upon her being let Blood, and the Application of a
discutient Plaister: However, in a few Days, some of the glandulous
Grains of the Breast became indurated, and in Process of Time, by their
Increase, they were rendered painful. At this Time she sought out for
fresh Advice, and continued Two Months under the Care of a Person she
was recommended to; but Things not succeeding according to Expectation,
she became a Patient to Three or Four more. During this Time the Lump
continued to encrease but slowly, and at the Expiration of Six Months
it appeared to be a very hard painful Tumour in the Middle of the
Breast, but no bigger than a Hen-Egg; whereupon it was thought proper
to commence her Method of Cure by exhibiting the following _Pills_. ℞
_Pill. Tartar. Quercetan._ ʒß. _Calomel_ gr. viii. _F. Pill._ N^{o.}
5. These were likewise continued twice a Week during the whole Cure;
after this, was ordered the following Infusion, ℞ _Vin. Rhenan._ ℔ii.
_Milleped._ ℥ii. _Ocul. Canc._ ℥ß _Croci._ ʒii. This was not to be
taken alone, but when it had stood Four and Twenty Hours, three or
four Spoons-full of it was to be mixed with a Draught of the ensuing
Dietetick-Drink, and taken in the Morning, and at Four of the Clock in
the Afternoon. ℞ _Rad. Sarsaparill._ ℥ii. _Chinæ_ ʒvi. _Fig. Sassafr._
℥i. _Corn. Cervi_, ℥_Sem. Correand._ ℥ß. _Sant. Rub._ ʒii. _Coq. in
aq. Font. Congiis 4 per Horæ dimidium, deinde stent Clause super
Cineres Calidos per Horas_ xii; _postea ebulliant ad tertiæ Partis
Consumptionem_. By the Continuance of these Means about two Months,
and observing a regular Method of living, the Cure of this Patient was
effected; though by some she had been looked upon as incurable, unless
she would submit the cutting it out, which is not often attended with
Success.

Perhaps, _Sir_, here you may object, that it is acting disengenuously,
and not like a Friend, to give you an Account of those Persons only
where I have succeeded. To this I answer, that excepting one Woman,
that was emaciated almost to the last Degree by the excessive Discharge
of a fætid Icorous Matter from her Breast, and an Abscess under her
Arm, and who was carried off by a violent Loosness, I never had a
Person miscarried under my Care, where I proposed a Cure. That poor
Woman I suffered my self to be persuaded to take care of, having but
little Prospect of effecting it, yet my Endeavours succeeded so well,
that had it been in our Power to put a Stop to her Loosness, I am of
opinion she might have been cured.

What has been hitherto said, I do not question but is sufficient to
satisfy you, that this formidable _Disease_ is not so rebellious, but
that it may be sometimes conquered by Art; and I might here relate a
Case I have at this present Writing, wherein not only a Part of the
_Cancer_ was fixed, but there were hard _Cancerous_ Knots extended
to the Arm-pit; and yet this seems to be almost well; the Ulcer that
remains, and which heals daily, not being much broader than a Crown
Piece. But in regard the Patient is not entirely cured, I shall reserve
this Relation untill another Opportunity; though I will embrace the
present to assure you that I am,

    _SIR_,

        _Your very respectful Brother,

            and Humble Servant,_

                W^m. Beckett.

    _Hatton-Garden,
    July 12, 1711._




  _A Solution of some Curious_ Problems _concerning_ Cancers.


PROBLEM I.

_Whether the Cancerous Juice is Corrosive, or not._

[Sidenote: _Vide_ Riolanus, _Cap._ 13. _Sect._ 2.] We cannot come to a
certain Knowledge of the Principles of the Juice which is lodged in the
Cancerous Substance, although it enjoyed the very same Properties, of
that which is discharged from an ulcerated _Cancer_, from the Account
which Authors have given of the latter; for they have differed very
much in determining the Nature of the Salts, with which they suppose
it abounds. _Helmont_, _Van Horne_, and most of those Gentlemen that
were Chymically inclined, were of Opinion they belonged to the Alkaline
Family, but a far greater Number than those, have thought they are
Acid. _Riolan_, the Father, in his Chirurgical Works, without giving
his Opinion what the constituent Parts of the purulent Matter are,
affirmed it to be as strong as Poison, and that no Death could be
devised too cruel for such a One as should give it to a Man. This
brings to my Remembrance a very unhappy Accident a Gentleman informed
me of that befel Mr _Smith_, one of the _Surgeons_ of St _Thomas_’s
_Hospital_, who being so curious as to taste the Juice of a cancerated
Breast presently after it was extirpated, found himself very strangely
affected by it, in a very short Time; he washed his Mouth with various
Things, but nothing could free him from that penetrating, malignant,
and nauseous Savour, he was continually attended with; in short, he
became consumptive, and in a few Months died a Martyr to the Art of
_Surgery_. I confess when I received this Account it did not a little
surprize me, because I had several times had the Curiosity to do the
very same Thing, at the _Hospital_ where that unfortunate Genman made
the Experiment. I never found any remarkable Sharpness in it, though it
was always attended with a very unpleasant Savour. I proceeded at first
very cautiously in making this Attempt; for I deluted some Drops of the
Juice in several Spoons-full of fair Water, till at length, not finding
any Inconvenience from it, I came to the Juice it self. We cannot
imagine the Death of that Gentleman before-mentioned, was procured
by the Action of any corrosive Salts, whether _Acid_ or _Alkaline_,
which would have caused a Corrosion of the Parts, but that it is only
accountable from the extraordinary Stench and Malignity of the Matter,
which impressing its Virulency on the Animal Juices must undoubtedly
disturb their regular Motions, and cause the utmost Confusion of the
whole Oeconomy. It must certainly be a very tragical Scene, to observe
how Nature, by so inconsiderale Means, confounds and insults, over the
Animal System; but still there is nothing we are more certain of, than
that her Method of Procedure is always consistent to the Rules she
acts by. Since the writing of this, looking over a little Tract which
informs us of the Rarities in _New-England_, I met with a Relation
which discovers to us the peculiar and odd Quality of the Juice of a
cancerated Breast, or Wolf, as our Author calls it. He tells us that an
indulgent Husband, by sucking his Wife’s sore Breast to draw out the
Poison, lost all his Teeth, but was attended by no other Inconvenience.
Now this does not prove that so strange an Effect should succeed the
sucking the Ulcer, because of the Corrosiveness of the Matter; for had
it been so, such tender Parts as the Gums, Lips, and Tongue, could not
have escaped so well as to have received no Damage by it.


Problem II.

_Whether_ Cancers _are contagious, or not._

[Sidenote: Vid. _Zacut. de Prax._ Med. admirand. _Lib._ 1. _Obs._ 15.]
There has been a very great Disagreement in the Sentiments of our
Predecessors as to this Point; but _Zacutas Lusitanus_ proposes to
prove it by Reason and Experience. His Reasons are, _First_, because
in an ulcerated _Cancer_ there is a Cadaverous Stench and Rottenness,
which infects the Neighbouring Parts with it’s Virulency. _Secondly_,
Because a _Cancer_ is the same _Disease_ as an _Elephantiasis_, and
_Leprosy_ of a particular Part. To this, _Sennertus_ in his Posthumous
Works answers, that all corrupted and fætid Substances are not
contagious; for in a _Gangrene_ and _Sphacellus_, there is the greatest
Corruption and offensive Smell, yet we do not find that a Person is
killed by it: He adds, though a _Cancer_ has some Similitude to an
_Elephantiasis_, they are different _Diseases_. _Lusitanus_ deduces
his Experience from an Observation of a poor Woman, that having an
ulcerated _Cancer_ in her Breast, and lying with three Children, they
were affected after the same Manner by the Contagion. He says that
Two of them died, but the Third, which was of a stronger [Sidenote:
_Vid_ Sennert. _Paralipom. ad Part._ 1 _Cap._ 19.] Constitution,
had the _Cancer_ cut off by a _Surgeon_ and was cured. _Sennertus_
is of Opinion that these Children did not contract the _Disease_ by
Contagion, but that it was by Hereditary Succession. We likewise find
that _Cardan_, _Lib. de Venen. Cap._ 12. is of Opinion that _Cancers_
are not contagious. However, we will not make any particular Enquiry
into these Authors Reasons, when they so strenuously maintain this
Point; but only relate a remarkable History, which will prove the
contrary, if the _Cancerous_ Matter comes to an immediate Contract with
a soft and glandulous Part. The Relation I had (some time ago) from a
Gentleman not long since deceased, who, out of a pious Disposition,
had devoted himself for several Years last past, to be serviceable to
the greatest Objects of Charity. He informed me that a Tradesman’s
Wife in _Nottingham_, being so unhappy as to labour under a _Cancer_
in one of her Breasts, her Husband was of Opinion he could relieve
her by sucking it; accordingly he put this Method in Practice, in
hopes without doubt he could effect a Cure, by drawing the _Cancerous_
Matter out of the Nipple; he continued his Attempts for some Time,
but found it did not answer his Design; for though a small Quantity
of Matter was discharged [Sidenote: _Vide_ Galen. _in_ Aph. Hip.
Com. Lib. 6 Aph. 38.] this way, the _Disease_ still became worse, and
she terminated her Life soon after. Two Months were scarce expired
before the Husband of the Deceased came up to _London_, upon Account
of a swelling he had arose on the Inside of the upper Jaw; he applied
himself to some ingenious _Surgeons_ for Advice, who assured him he
must undergo the drawing of Several Teeth on that Side of the Jaw
which was affected, and have the Swelling, and Part of the Jaw-Bone
(if necessary) cut away; he went away very much disatisfyed with so
harsh a Proposal, and became a Patient to a Person, who undertook to
cure him with _Gargels_, and such inconsiderable Remedies; however, by
the Use of these Things he was of Opinion he became much better, and
thought he should be cured. Upon this he retired into the Country to
his Business, but in less than a Month’s Time he was obliged to come up
again, and have the former Method put in Practice. But the Event was
according to that Expression of _Galen_, _Quibus item sunt Cancri in
cavitate Corporis, aut Palato, sede utero, si secentur, aut urantur,
ulcera cicatrice induci non possunt_. For the Sore could never be
brought to cicatrize, but the _Cancer_ continu’d to spread, till it
had extended in self over most of the internal Parts of the Mouth,
and to the inner Part of the Nose: In this unhappy Condition, he lived
some time, but at last became so frightful an Object, and the Stench
that continually proceeded from the Parts was so offensive, that he
retired himself from the World, and finished his miserable Life in a
Garret. Since the finishing the _Solution_ to the foregoing _Problem_,
I met with a Surgeon (a Foreigner) who giving me an Account of the
present State of the Practice of _Surgery_ in the Country where he
lived, and relating some considerable Cases which had happened within
his own Knowledge, in answer to my Desire, among other things, told
me, without any particular Intimation from me, he knew a very odd
Accident, which happened upon a Woman’s having an ulcerated _Cancer_
in her right Breast, which was, that she being poor, for want of other
Conveniences, suffered two Children she had to lie with her in that
Condition; at length one of them, a Girl about five Years old, began
to be afflicted with a small painful Tumour in one of her Breasts,
which encreasing to near the Bigness of an Egg, became Livid, and
entirely _Cancerous_; the Mother died some time after, and the Child
did not long survive her; but the other Child continued well. Several
Surgeons gave their Sentiments of this Case; some thought it to
be an Hereditary Indisposition; but considering the Mother had no
Appearance of a _Cancer_ before or at the Birth of the Child, I cannot
but readily embrace the Opinion of those Gentlemen, that were inclined
to believe that it was contracted by Contagion, seeing the Position
of the Child’s Body was such in Bed, that that Part of it which was
affected was almost always disposed to rub against the Dressings soaked
in Matter, (for I understand the Mother took but very little Care to
change them often.) Now it is not at all probable, that the malignant
_Effluvia_, which continually pass off from the _Cancerous Mass_, and
the putrefied Matter, can dispose a Person at any little Distance to
be affected with the like _Disease_, for then the other Child would
have became a Sufferer; but it may happen in some extraordinary Cases,
where the corrupted Fluid has attained an exalted Pitch of Malignity,
to communicate some of its more active Particles to the Blood and
Spirit; and so causing a very great Disorder in their Motions produce a
violent Fever, and Confusion of the whole Oeconomy, so as to occasion
a Person’s Death. But see a remarkable Case in _Tulpius_, _Lib._ 4.
_Obs._ 8. That there are several cutaneous _Diseases_ that may be
propagated by Contagion, if a Person lies with another, is by all
allowed of; and that the lying with a Person that has a _Cancer_ may
be attended by such a _Disease_, from the Proofs we have brought, I
suppose will be agreed to be equally as certain. But this cannot happen
unless the matter be very malignant, and be suffered, by the Negligence
of the Patient, to come to an immediate Contact, with a Part of the
Body of the other Person; for then, without doubt, it may contuminate
the Fluids, and incline them to assume a Viscidity, to which the
_Effluvia_ will immediately adhere, because they are best qualifyed for
a Union with those Substances that are viscous. To this we may add,
that in those Persons that are nearly related, the Malignity may be
more easily communicable because of their Analogy to each other; for
consonant hereto, _Diemerbroeck_ says in his Treatise of _the Plague_,
that _Kindred more easily receive the Infection from one another_. But
see more in that Author’s excellent Book where you have likewise some
curious Thoughts relating to Contagion. [Sidenote: Vide _Diemerbroeck_
de _Pest_. Page 58.]


PROBLEM III.

_Whether if the extirpating a_ Cancerous Breast _happens to be
successful, it ought to be look’d upon as a Consequence of Performing
the Operation better than our Predecessors._

[Sidenote: Vide _Ætius Tetrab._ 4. Ser. 4. _Cap._ 44.] By the Account
we receive from Authors we cannot be positively assured, whether there
was any particular established Method in the first Ages of this Art,
for the Performance of this Operation: This we are only assured of
that there are some Circumstances which relate to it, that have been
taken Notice of; the most considerable of which is, that the actual
Cautery was to be applied immediately after the Abscision; this they
advised, not only to put a Stop to the Flux of Blood, but likewise
to correct the ill Quality of it: It is to be observed, that they
ordered always, upon such an Occasion, Defensatives to be applied
to the contiguous Parts, to prevent their being inflamed; but for
as much as they were sensible the actual Cautery would procure an
Eschar, they recommended the Use of Digestives to separate it; after
which, they proposed to heal it as [Sidenote: Vide _Arceus_, lib. 2.
Cap 3. de _Curand. Vulnerib._] a common Ulcer. The very next Advance
this Operation received, that we have met with, was by that Accurate
Writer _Franciscus Arceus_, who obliged the World with an exact and
methodical Account of the whole Method of Procedure in extirpating
a _Cancer_ in the Breast; though this Author would only venture on
those that were not Ulcerated, those that were he looked upon as
incurable. We do not find that this Method was recommended to the
World by any remarkable Histories of Cures effected by it; whether it
proceeded from the Unsuccessfulness of the Attempts, or its Disuse, we
cannot determine. _Fabritius Hildanus_ likewise made a considerable
Step towards the Encouraging the Performing this Operation; and he
assures us, he has more than once done it with Success; he did not
only influence his Cotemporaries to revive an Operation, that was,
perhaps, almost grown out of Date, by the Histories of some Cases he
recites; but obliged them with the Figure of a Pair of Forceps, which
in this Operation are very convenient to engage the Breast, and thereby
prevent the Pain the Patients are sometimes put to, by piercing the
Breast with Needles armed with Silk to suspend it. There are several
Ways of performing the Operation, mentioned by later Practitioners,
but at this Time there are few that are willing to be concerned in
it. A very considerable Author speaking of extirpating a _Cancerous
Breast_, advises us to take care we do not cut the Pectoral Muscle in
the Operation: But we have seen a very remarkable Case of this Nature,
where a Part of that Muscle was cut away, and the Cartilages of the
two of the Ribs laid bare, and the Patient happened to be cured.
Now if our Predecessors had so great a Respect to the avoiding the
wounding of this Part, as to make their Incisions too superficial,
their Operations must be in all Probability unsuccessful; for we are
very well assured by Experience, that their actual Cauteries will have
no good Effect here, nor will they consume the remaining Part of the
_Cancerous Mass_. We have elsewhere shewed, that this Substance upon
boiling becomes hard and friable; and we will here take the Liberty to
give our Opinion of the Use of Cauteries in this Case. The _Cancerous
Substance_ we take to be nothing more than a Transformation of the
small glandulous Bodies, which form the Breast, and a Lymphatick Juice,
intimately incorporated therewith, into a hard, close, whitish, and
(by common Medicines) indissolvable _Mass_. In some Cases, perhaps, it
may receive some Addition from some Juices, which may distil from the
contiguous Fibres. This being granted, what Benefit, can we reasonably
imagine, will ensue on this painful Method? Will not the Fire, by
causing the more Fluid Parts of the _Mass_ to evaporate, actually dry
up, torrefy, and harden it; and so dispose it for displaying a Train
of mischievous Effects, on the contiguous Parts? and all this without
any very apparent Decrease of it too: Nay, the very reducing of it to
such a Consistence, which very much resembles a Piece of burnt Horn,
is sufficient to procure a perpetual Pain, seeing Medicines can hardly
soften it, so as to reduce it to its first State.


PROBLEM IV.

_Whether_ Salivation _will Cure a_ Cancer.

The extraordinary Success this Method has been attended with, in some
Cases of the greatest Difficulty, has so far recommended it to the
World, that it is at this Time become of so great Repute, that there
are few Persons but what will willingly embrace it, if proposed to
them, provided they have found former Methods prove ineffectual. We
once knew a Person, who laboured under an ulcerated _Cancer_ in her
Breast, advised to it, and who had certainly under-gone it, though
contrary to the Opinion of some Persons concerned, if in three or four
Days time she had not been reduced to such a weak Condition, that it
put an End to the Controversy. That a _Salivation_ has cured the most
malign and spreading Ulcers, and those that have been of several Years
continuance, notwithstanding their Edges have been high, inverted and
assumed the Consistence of a callous Body, we have found by several
Instances; but that it should cure a _Cancerous Ulcer_, an _Ulcer_
which is chiefly seated in a transformed animal Substance, and which
has no Correspondence with the contiguous Parts, is what we cannot
believe. One of the principal Effects of _Mercury_, if prudently given,
is, that it attenuates the Juices, clears the Canals, destroys the
ill Quality of that Fluid that has a Hand in causing any Obstruction,
and renders the Juices temperate and sweet. By effecting this, it is,
that it cures so many different Diseases, which perhaps have not so
great a Diversity in their Causes, but have different Appearances,
which depend upon the Variety of Parts, where the Cause operates.
From hence any One may judge, that a Person who discovers a certain
Method of curing _Cancers_ by Medicines only, will find that it will
not consist in a Secret for purifying the Juices, which can have no
Effect on the _Cancerous Mass_, so as to procure it’s Dissolution; and
without a Remedy for which his Method will be always unsuccessful.
_Mercklin_, in his Treatise _de Transfus Sanguinis_, page 35, tells us
we have no Reason to believe we may have Success from Transfusion in a
_Cancer_, nor indeed would Injections succeed better; though, perhaps,
by this Means, it is possible so to alter the Fluids, that _Ulcers_,
not _Cancerous_, may be cured in a short Time, as it once happened
to a certain Person, who being under Cure for an inveterate Pox, had
some _Rosin_ of _Scammony_ infused in the Essence of _Guaiacum_,
injected into his Veins, which Vomited him excessively; but his
_Ulcers_ were healed in three Days Time. From what has been hitherto
said, it is evident, that a _Salivation_ can never cure a confirmed
_Cancer_, because it is not capable of procuring a Dissolution of that
hard Substance, which is the real _Cancer_ it self. The Glands we
have observed, with the extravasated _Lympha_, and its Vessels, are
perfectly changed to a different Substance to what they were before,
all which make a _Mass_ of such a Nature, that it will be impossible
to procure it’s Dissolution by any inward Means. If the _Cancer_ was
nothing more than a Coagulation of the Juices in the Vessels, or other
Canals, or Pipes, the Cure might be much more easily effected, but as
the _Cancer_ is conjoined with such Circumstances as we have mentioned,
we may affirm the Cure will be altogether impossible without the whole
Substance with it’s Appendices or Branches (which we have found they
often have) be taken away; or a perfect Dissolution of all of it be
procured by some external Remedy, which is capable of operating on it
after such a peculiar Manner, as to dissolve the _Cancerous Substance_,
without having any such Effect on the contiguous Parts.


PROBLEM V.

_Whether Cancers are Curable by Causticks._

The Difficulty that those of our Predecessors who had Courage enough
to attempt the Cure of _Cancers_, must unavoidably meet with, obliged
them to enter upon several Methods of Practice, in order to be capable
of surmounting it; and there have not been wanting for these several
hundred Years last past, some Gentlemen in the Republick of Medicine
that have proposed to conquer this Rebellious Disease, by the use
of some particular Causticks, they have recommended. It is foreign
to my Design, to give an Account of the Composition of the several
Remedies, they have been big with the Expectation of Success from; I
shall only take notice of one or two not very pompous Preparations,
that by some Persons I know, have been looked upon as extraordinary
as any that have been transmitted to us. _Guido_, who I think I may
justly say is one of the best Authors of so ancient a Date, has been
very lavish of his Encomiums on _Arsnick_, and after him _Fallopius_,
_Rodericus a Castro_, _Ossenius_, _Penotus_, _Faber_, _Borellus_,
and others, have recommended it in some particular Preparations.
That of _Fuschius_, who is said to have cured abundance of Persons
of _Cancers_, in _England_, _Germany_, and _Poland_, having had the
most said in it’s Commendation, required our more particular Notice;
_Hartman_ calls it _Pul Benedictus_, which whether it deserves that
Title, we will leave to the Reader to judge, after we have faithfully
recounted the Effects of it. Its Preparation is as follows: ℞ _Arsenici
albi_ ℥i _subtilissime pulverisetur per dies 15 de die tertio in
tertium affundatur Aq. vitæ, ut cooperiat pulverem, post triduum Aq.
vitæ abjiciatur, ac nova affundatur, ac misceantur. Rad Dracunouli
Major, mense julio vel Agu. collect & in taleolas scissæ ac in loco
ventis perflatili exsiccatæ_ ℥ii. _Fuliginis Camini splendidi_ ℥iii
_redigantur omnia in subtilissimum pulverem super lapidem marmoreum,
& servetur in Vase bene clauso vitreo. Ante annum vero ad usum non
erit it a commodus_. This Powder I applied to a _Cancerated_ Breast
of a Woman, under thirty Years of Age, after having made a Sore by
applying one of the milder _Causticks_; the first Night it was made
use of, it caused a great deal of pain, and the next Day, the Breast
appeared very much tumefied and inflamed, a small quantity of Gleet,
having discharged on the Bolster: in short for fifteen Days she was
not free from pain, she had a _Fever_, was attended with frequent
_Vomitings_, _Faintings_, and several other Disorders. I could afford
her but very little Relief by Internals, or the most cool and temperate
Applications to the Breast; nor was it in my Power to remove the
dressing, it adhered so fast to the Sore. There was a Discharge of
a bloody ferous Juice for twelve Days in a moderate quantity, after
which the Matter thickened, and it began to smell somewhat offensive,
at the end of fifteen Days the Dressing dropped off, and with it came
away about two Ounces of the _cancerous Mass_. The Reader may easily
imagine that making so small a Progress in such a time, and that at
the Expence of so much Pain, I could easily prevail with my self to
desist from the Undertaking, for the second Application would have
been attended with the same Inconveniencies as the first, which to any
Persons that entertains such a concern for his Patients as he ought
to do, must be very fatiguing; in short, after this I made use of
that Remedy I had elsewhere mentioned, and which from its Effect was
properly enough called a _Dissolvent_, with this by the Blessing of
God the _Cancerous_ Substance was consumed in about three Weeks, and
a perfect Cure compleated in not many Days after, the Patient which I
saw lately continuing perfectly well, it being the first Case that ever
Providence directed me to the use of the Remedy in. _Hildan_ has an
Observation very pertinent to what we have before related; he tells us,
that the _Powder_ so much celebrated by _Penotus_, and which is much
the same with that just now mentioned, being applied to a _Cancer_, was
succeeded by such ill Symptoms, that it killed the Patient in a few
Days. We are informed in the communicated Observations of _Riverius_,
that a Foreigner extirpated a Cancer, that had began to Ulcerate in the
Breast of a Woman of fifty Years of Age, by the following Application:
℞ _Arsenici_ ʒi. _Salis Armoniaci_ ℥ii. _Sublimat. crud._ ℥iiii. _Aq;
Fortis_ ℥i. _These were to be distill’d to Dryness, then an equal
Weight of distill’d Vinegar put thereto, which was to be distilled
again, till the remaining Matter, became of the Consistance of a
Paste._ The Surgeon bathed the _Cancer_ with hot Wine, and rubbed it
with Cloths for some time to _irritate_ it, then he spread some of
his Composition on a Bolster six times less than the _Tumour_, and
applied it; in twenty four Hours time, it made an _Escar_ as large
as the Swelling, so that it wholly consumed the _Cancer_; after the
Separation of the _Escar_ he incarned the _Ulcer_ and cicatrized
it. It is very observable, that he did not engage in this painful
Process, without immediately causing a Fever, which was attended with
a _Vomiting_, _Loosness_, and much Provocation of _Urine_; which
Symptoms lasted two or three Days, for Nature was disordered by the
destructive Quality of a venemous Remedy. _Paracelsus_, _Faber_, and
some others, make mention of Arsnical Preparations, that procure but
little Pain in their Operation; I had a Design of making a Trial of
some of these Remedies, had I not in my Enquiries met with what was
very satisfactory to me, though after knowing what I have related, I
should have always cautiously avoided the use of any Remedy, in which
the _Arsnick_ had not undergone such a Preparation as I should have
approved of, because I am assured it may procure very mischievious
Symptoms, though in Substance, it do not so much as touch the Skin,
witness the _Amulets_, in which it has been the chief Ingredient, and
of which there have been such direful Accidents related by _Crato_,
_Massaria_, and _Zacutus Lucitanus_. I do not think it impossible,
but that _Arsnick_ may be prepared after such a manner as may, by
the addition of some convenient Body, or depriving it of its noxious
Particles, qualify it for effecting uncommon things in the Cure of
this Disease, without causing the Surgeon to repent the use of it. I
remember that _Helmont_ somewhere says one may easily enough correct
several sorts of Poisons, so that they shall not be deprived of their
Force, when we destroy their Virulency. Many Instances of this Nature
we meet with in Mr _Boyle_, and some others; but that which makes most
for my present purpose, is, what is mentioned by the last Honourable
Gentleman, of a very ingenious Man he knew, that was famous, as well
for his Writings, as for a Remedy to cure _ulcerated Cancers_ in Womens
Breasts, without any considerable Pain. He assured our Author that his
Medicine was indolent, and mortified the ulcerated Parts as far as
they were corrupted, without disordering the Party, and this Remedy it
seems partly by the Confession of the Gentleman, was reasonably enough
supposed to be a Dulcification of _Arsnick_; one would think that
the mention of this very Remedy, with Monsieur _Alliot’s_, and that
recommended in the preceeding Letter, should be sufficient to influence
the inquisitive of our Profession to farther Enquiries, which must be
certainly an Undertaking, worthy the noblest Spirits. To conclude, we
cannot say, but there are many Cancers that may be cured by Causticks,
but the Person that is to undergo it, may very well answer, as a
certain Patient did, who’s Thigh was to be cut off, _Non est tanto
digna dolore Salus_. _The Preservation of Life would be too dear bought
at the Price of so much Pain._ This puts me in Mind of what is related
of _Galienus_ the Emperor, who it seems had for a considerable time
been very grieviously afflicted with a _Sciatica_, a certain Physician
undertaking to cure him, performed indeed his Promise, but nevertheless
made him undergo a thousand painful Experiments; whereupon, the Emperor
one Day sent for, and thus said to him, _Take_ Fabatus _two Thousand
Sesterces, but withal, be informed I give them not for curing my_
Sciatica, _but that thou may’st never cure me again_.


PROBLEM VI.

_Whether Cancers are Curable by internal Medicines._

Though this _Problem_ at first View may seem to be too near allied
to that which proves the Impossibility of curing cancerous Tumours,
whether ulcerated or not, by Salivation; yet in regard there are
some Persons, that tell us the Disease is superable by some internal
Remedies, which operate after a quite different Manner, to those
generally given to procure a Salivation, we shall enquire into one of
the most considerable of them, related by a Person whose Memory we have
a very great Value for. And we shall the rather take Notice of this
particular Remedy, because we have elsewhere spoke of the Success of
it. It were no very difficult Matter for me to mention several internal
Medicines, out of our Chirurgical Writers, more especially those that
have been Favourers of Chemistry; but I shall purposely decline it,
because to speak freely, I suspect that most of the Remedies, though
much has been said in the Praise, have not been sufficiently examined
by those that recommended them. To this we may add, that had the
Authors of them considered the vast Difference there is to be observed
in Cancers, they would not have so suddainly and positively determined,
that their Medicines were of use in these Cases in general; seeing we
must have regard to absolutely different Intentions, in those that are
not ulcerated, and those that are, and those that are a hard Tumour,
and those that are flat, and likewise when they are conjoined with
Circumstances, which are often enough to be met with. The Honourable Mr
_Boyle_ in his _Usefulness of experimental Philosophy_, tells us, that
he was informed by credible Persons, of a certain _English_ Woman above
sixty Years of Age, who had lain long indisposed with a Cancer in her
Breast, in an Hospital in _Zeeland_, and was by Doctor _Harberfeld_,
with one single inward Remedy perfectly cured in three Weeks; the
Relation was made by a _Doctor of Physick_, who was an Eye Witness
of the Cure, and another Person who not only saw the Cure, but knew
the Woman before, and out of Charity, carried her to him that healed
her. Our Author was informed, that the _Chemical Liquor_ the Doctor
constantly made use of, does in the Dose of about a Spoonful or two,
work suddainly and nimbly enough by Vomit, but hath very quickly ended
it’s Operation, so that within an Hour, or less, after the Patient
has taken it, he is commonly well again, and very hungry. He adds,
that having some of the Liquor presented him, he found the Taste to be
offensive enough, and not unlike that of _Vitriol_, which by the Taste
and emetick Operation, was guessed to be it’s principal Ingredient.
The Relators assured our Author they had been in _England_, as well
as elsewhere partly Eye Witnesses, and partly Performers of wonderful
Cures by the help of it alone, under God, in the _King’s Evil_;
insomuch, that an eminent Gentleman of this Nation, hath been cured by
it, when _that Distemper_ had brought his Arm to such a pass, that the
Surgeons had appointed a time to cut it off. Now, who is there, that
upon reading this Account would not think the Doctor a very happy Man,
that was Master of so valuable a Secret; but alas! How satisfactory
would it be to the World if the hundredth part of the Remedies that
have been handed down to us, had a Power of effecting those things that
are ascribed to them, without being attended with any ill Consequences.
I assure you, Reader, I have made use of this very Remedy, for since
I mentioned it as the Doctor’s having great Success from it; I met
with the true Preparation of it, as it was communicated to Sir _Kenelm
Digby_ by Doctor _Havervelt_, or _Haberfield_, for the Cure of
_Cancers_, the _King’s Evil_, and old _Ulcers_. It is as follows. ℞
_Dantzick Vitriol, calcine it till it be yellow, then grind it with
Salt, or Salt Petre, the ordinary proportion with this Sublime Mercury,
which Sublime once again by it self, then take only the Cristaline
part of it; of this take_ ℥i, _grind it to a Subtile Powder in a Glass
Mortar with a Glass Pestle._ Put this into a Glass Bottle, and pour
upon it a Quart of Fountain Water, stop the Bottle close, and let it
stand thus for some Days, shaking it often; after it is well settled
pour off the clear, and filtre it; take a Spoonful of this Liquor,
which put into a Vial, and put to it two Spoonfuls of fair Water; shake
the Vial well, and let the Patient Drink it in the Morning Fasting: As
to the quickness of its Operation, and the making the Patient Hungry,
I found it at first to agree with what Mr _Boyle_ says of it; but upon
giving it three or four times, the Patient would afterward complain of
a Languidness, which was ushered in by a Sickness at the Stomach; after
this, they would be attended with a Heat or Soreness of the Throat,
immoderate Thirst, convulsive Motions of the Stomach, _&c._ Some of
which Inconveniencies would continue for many Hours together. It was
upon Account of the Melancholy Reflections of bringing the Patients
into such Disorder, and their Unwillingness to endure such Fatigues,
that I had never Courage enough to proceed in this Method. I cannot but
say, upon the Alteration I found in a Patient of mine, from the use of
six Doses of this Medicine, that it may as well as some other churlish
Remedies, cure some flat ulcerated Cancers, where there is no Tumour
to dissolve, in Persons that are capable of often repeating it, which
I think is sufficient to put us upon farther Enquiries, that we may be
able to accomplish such Undertakings without bringing upon the Patient
such a Train of mischievous Accidents.


_POSTSCRIPT._

What follows is taken from a Manuscript which at this time 1714–15,
belongs to one of the Family of the _Pains_, that have for a long time
pretended to cure Cancers: In the Margin is this Note, (_Used by my
Father, and Grandfather, and Brothers, and known as a thing excellent
by long Practice in our Family of the_ Pains:) The Book was lent me by
my Brother _Dobyns_, who had it from one of the Family, a Patient of
his.


_The Red Caustick._

To eat all Superfluous Cancerous and Schirrous Matters gathered hard in
the Edges or Sides of any Ulcer or Cancer, breeding upon the Mouth,
Face, Nose or Valva. Take of Bole Armoniac one Ounce, of yellow Arsnic
three Ounces, powder them and searse them fine, pare an Apple or two
and take of the Pulp and put so much of it to the Powder (beating of
it together in a Mortar) as will make it of the stiffness of Dough,
then make it up into round Balls of the bigness of a Walnut, dry them
in a Chamber-Window till they be hard enough. When you use these Balls
shave a little off from them into your Hand, and moisten the same with
a little Spittle, and rub it well about the hard Foot of the _Noli
me Tangere_, and all over the Head of the same, and after that you
have gathered him up into the Ligature and knit him hard up (for it
seems they used a Ligature smeared with the Medicine) then apply your
Preparation before-mentioned, and lay fine Holland Raggs dipt in the
following Red Water, all over the said Caustic, and so let it lye till
it fall off its self. _Note_, The Quantity of Caustic laid on, ought
not to be much, and yet sufficient to work its effect. It worketh with
great Pain for twelve Hours or more, and after that by Fits, like the
Tooth-Ach; as the Pain worketh off it causes great Inflammation and
Swelling about those Parts it is applied to, but this does not continue
above four or five Days; so meddle not with it till the Caustick comes
off. Then you may for three or four Days dress the Inflammation with
Diachylon Plaister, or the Red Water warm.


_The Red Water for a Cancer._

Quench unslacked Lime in boiling Water, which let stand six Hours, the
clear Water poured off, put to the Fire again; to a Gallon and half of
which, put _Camphir_ ℥ß _Aloes Succatrine_ ℥ß. _Common Bole_ ℥ii _White
Copperas or Allum_ ℥ii all powdered, which boil in the Liquor a little
while: He sometimes gave a Pill made of Deflograted Red Precipitate,
which sometimes made them spit a little.


_The Musilage Plaister to dissolve Schirrous Knots in the Breast._

Take of the white and inward Bark of the Witch-Hasel half a Handful,
cut it short and stamp it, then take of the Roots of Marsh Mallows,
Holy-hock Roots two or three Roots, clean them and throw away the Pith,
stamp all together, then take of Fenugreek and Linseed of each two
Ounces powdered, put all in an Earthen-pot, then take a Pint of white
Wine or Water, heat it scalding hot, put it to the Things aforesaid,
cover it close, stirring it every Day for nine Days, then strain out
the Musilage Liquor with which you make the following Plaister. Take a
Pint of Salad Oyl, Cerus finely powdered 8 Ounces, boil them together,
constantly stirring them, a sufficient time, which you may know by its
coming clear off a Pewter Dish when dropt on, let it cool a little
and put in your Musilage, which stir till it be as white as you would
have it, and until almost all the Musilage be boiled away, then remove
it from the Fire and put to it four Ounces of _yellow Wax_, probably
_Galbanum_ may be better, which when dissolved and the Plaister cold,
work up for use. This Plaister is sometimes used with equal Parts of
_Galbanum_.




                              THE

                             CASE

                              OF

                       Dr _JAMES KEIL_,

                        Represented by

                       _JOHN RUSHWORTH_.


I Should not have been induced to make these Papers publick, barely
on account of the rash Censures, that are frequently cast upon
the Practice of _Surgery_, not attended with Success; tho’ that
Consideration alone, in the Case of a Person of such Value and Eminency
in _Physick_, as Dr KEIL is known to have been, may be thought
sufficient to have moved me to it: But being certainly informed, That
several _Physicians_ and _Surgeons_ have before, and since his Death,
given themselves the Liberty to reflect, not only upon me for Using,
but also upon the Deceased for submitting to the Methods that were
taken with him; I think I shall not discharge my Duty, either to my
Friend, or to my Self, or indeed to the Profession, if I do not, as far
as I am able, endeavour to set what was done in a True Light.

In order thereunto, it may be requisite to look back to the Time He
first mentioned any Disorder in his Mouth to me, which was in _August_
1716. He then told me, He had preceived a Fulness in his Mouth for very
many Years; but in the last Three or Four Years it was much encreased,
and by the Bulk began to be troublesome to him, tho’ not in the least
painful: Upon examining it, I found the Tumour not only large, but also
to fluctuate, and therefore told him, until I was satisfied what was
contained in it, I could not come to a Resolution, as to the manner of
treating it; but, if he pleased, I would make an Incision into it, and
then would tell him what I thought was fit to be done; He was very well
satisfied, and resolved I should proceed accordingly.

Upon Opening it, there appeared to be nothing contained in it, but
Blood; not in the least altered in Colour, Consistence, or Smell, from
what is contained in the Vessels. The Tumour presently sunk very much,
and I dilated the Incision with my Probe-Scissers, and pressed in
some _Dossels_; and then told him, it was a fleshy Tumour, called a
_Sarcoma_, and that the Blood contained in it was only accidental; and
that the best way of extirpating it was by the actual _Cautery_; but I
let him know, that I feared it would be more troublesome to him, and
take longer Time to cure, than he seemed to expect.

We presently sent for the best _Instrument-Maker_ the Country afforded,
and gave him Directions: But that Night: talking with him of his Case,
I desired him to consider, Whether it might not be thought a Slight,
by the Learned of both Professions, if I should Perform the Operation,
upon a Man of his Character, without a Consultation; there being no
Reason (but the Loss of his Time) to be in haste. At first he seemed
unwilling to lose so much Time, yet upon Consideration, he resolved for
_London_ the next Day, where several _Physicians_ and _Surgeons_ were
consulted; they all agreed, it was a simple _Sarcoma_, and that the
actual _Cautery_ was the properest, if not the only means of curing it.
This Account I received from the Doctor by Letter; as also, that the
_Surgeons_, upon probing, found the Bone bare, and from the ill Smell
concluded it was foul: “Which, said the Doctor it was impossible for
you to discover; because after I left _Northampton_, Two _Dossels_ of
the first Dressing dropt out.” I was very glad to hear That, for those
_Dossels_ lodging so long, in that warm Part, I was in hopes might
be the Occasion of the fœtid Smell; which the _Surgeons_, not being
acquainted with, might fairly be induced to take for that of a foul
Bone: Which I mentioned to the Doctor by the first return of the Post;
and also, that I was farther encouraged in that Hope, by considering
that the Blood, that was discharged at the first Opening, was not at
all altered, neither was any Smell perceived, until after the lodging
of those _Dossels_.

Whether the Doctor ever mentioned this my Opinion, to the _Surgeons_
in Town, I know not; but when he returned to me, to have the Operation
performed, he seemed discouraged by the Opinion the _Surgeons_ gave of
the Bones being foul. But I thought I might make bold to confirm him,
in my former Opinion, the ill Smell ceasing without the Assistance of
Medicines. The Consequence proved the Assertion: For when, by several
Applications of the _Cauteries_, I had removed the whole Tumor, it was
plain to me, the Bone was not affected; and the Part healed as smooth,
and with as much Ease, and in as short a Time, as ever I met any thing
of that Nature, and the Doctor continued well, without the least
Disorder or Complaint, a Year and about Eight Months.

But then in _April_ 1718. He shewed me a small _Ulcer_, near that Part
of the Mouth that was before affected, and told me, He perceived it
began upon eating some hot Meat, that stuck to it: At first this healed
without much Trouble, but soon excoriated again; and then I could not
again perfectly skin it: For as soon as it was almost healed, it would
begin to excoriate a-fresh at the Edges, which is what is usual in
_Phagedænical Ulcers_. And tho’ I could digest it, and keep it easy,
yet it got ground of me, and spread towards the Teeth; and, near the
Root of One of the _Molares_, laid the Bone bare, which appeared to me
at the first not to be injured, but being long exposed became foul. It
not exfoliating in due Time, with the Tincture that is commonly used,
I proposed the touching of it with a small _Cautery_, I being able
very easily to come at it without making use of a _Cannula_; which, by
confining the Heat, very much injures the neighbouring Parts: The good
Effect of which Practice, of not making use of a _Cannula_, where you
can conveniently omit it, I had good Experience of in Doctor _KEIL_’s
former Case: For tho’ he had several _Cannulas_ made in _London_, by
the best Hand, yet after Twice using of them, I told the Doctor, That
if a Patient could be trusted, it would be much more easy to him,
and the Surgeon would see much better to use the _Cautery_, than when
obstructed by a _Cannula_. The Doctor was pleased with the Thought,
and pressed me, at the next making use of the _Cautery_, to do it
without the _Cannula_: The Advantage he had by it was, that it bore
four Burnings, and said, It gave him not the Pain, or Trouble he had
from but One before, and that the Parts were much less Disordered by it
afterwards. But to return:

It will not I suppose be doubted, but that proper internal Means were
all along made use of: But the _Ulcer_ still appearing to me more
threatening, his Friends pressed him, and I more than any, that he
would go again to Town, and have the best Advice it could afford; and
I resolved to accompany Him, in the Beginning of _August_ 1718. And I
cannot forbear saying I was surprized, when, upon a Consultation, my
Brothers, _Palmer_ and _Brown_, made light of it; and, without so much
as hearing what I had to say, concluded, That it was chiefly owing to
the Bones being foul; and that by drawing a Tooth or Two which they
said were affected, and by Purging with _Mercurius dulcis_, all would
be well; and so they took their Leave. Says the Doctor to me, “What say
you to this?” I answered him, That I feared they would find themselves
again mistaken as to the _Surgery_ Part; and that as to the _Mercury_,
though a good Medicine, He knew he had taken it already several Times,
without any considerable Advantage. The Doctor smiled and said, “But
since I came so far for Advice, I will not only give them a Tooth, but
also try again what Effect _Mercury_ may have.”

Another Meeting was ordered, and the Tooth-Drawer to be there: Upon
Drawing the Tooth, it appeared to be very sound. The First Dose he took
of _Mercury_, whether by Cold, or any other Accident, I know not, very
much disordered him. I could not conveniently be absent any longer, and
therefore the next Day returned into the Country, and do not know how
many more Doses the Doctor then took; but in a few Days I received a
Letter from him, in which he said, “I know nothing that has succeeded
right with me, since I came here: You know what State you left me in,
and I was a great deal worse for some Days afterwards; though I hope
the _Mercury_ has had no ill Effect, yet I should have been loath to
have been so swelled in those Parts, as I have been, willingly. The
old _Ulcers_ are not yet healed, they tell me indeed, there is no
Appearance of any new Ones, and that the _most effectual_ Methods,
which have been taken here, will _infallibly_ prevent every thing,
_&c_.”

But by his next, which I soon received, I had the melancholy News
from him, That the _Ulcer_ was broke out again larger than ever, and
therefore that he would be down with me in a Day or two, and he came
accordingly, but in a worse State than ever before. And though it again
digested, and did as before near heal, yet the returns were quicker,
and upon every new Eruption it was larger and worse; and so continued
to be, notwithstanding all the good internal Methods continually used
by the concurring Advice of Dr _Mead_, Dr _Friend_, and several other
Eminent _Physicians_; which no doubt was owing to the malignant Nature
of it.

And therefore in the Beginning of _February_ last, I could no longer
forbear expressing my Fears to the Doctor that it would terminate in a
raging _Cancer_. He was too sensible of it, and told me, “That since
I thought I could keep it within Bounds no longer, He was resolved to
try what a _Salivation_ would do:” And though I could say nothing as
to the Advantage he might expect from it, yet I frankly owned to him,
that if it was my own Case, I should be of his Opinion, that I might
make bolder with my self, than with any other Patient: But desired by
all means, he would first hear if his Friends, the _Physicians_ and
_Surgeons_ in _London_, had yet any other Method to propose, or else
would approve of that. He wrote to them, the Answer was long in coming,
which made the Doctor express himself to me with more Warmth, than I
ever knew him to do before: (For he was a Man of the greatest Command
of himself, as well as of the sweetest Temper) “What, says he, is not
their Silence enough? And will not you, whom I take for my Friend (for
fear of losing your Reputation) assist me in what I desire?” With
a great deal more to assure me of his Confidence in me, and of his
Opinion of my Ability to take Care of him in the Course. I am not so
vain, as to mention all his kind Expressions, yet if it be desired, by
any of his Friends, I will give them the Satisfaction of seeing the
Letters I had from him, when he was absent from me in _London_.

At this Time his Brother, Doctor _John Keil_, came to him from
_Oxford_; and, as I understood afterwards, had seen Dr _Friend_ there,
who was for having him salivated at _London_: But the Doctor being
determined to the contrary, did not at that Time acquaint me with it,
but began his Course, which I desired might be in the mildest Method,
by small Doses of _Calomel_, encreased gradually, which Method pleased
him very well: But Dr _Friend_ (to whom Dr _John Keil_ constantly sent
an Account of our Proceedings) gave it as the Opinion of Mr _Palmer_
and Mr _Brown_, that it should be done by _Unction_: I gave my Reason
to the Patient against it, but they still pressed it, notwithstanding
the ill Symptoms, that I thought, at that Time, forbad it; which
Symptoms they had been acquainted with. They still persisting, I
desired the Doctor would give me leave to write my Opinion my self to
Mr _Brown_, which I did hastily in the following manner.

    Good Brother,

    _I Have seen Dr_ Friend’s _Letter to Dr_ Keil; _and Dr_ Friend _I
    understand has been so kind as to consult you, and several Others
    in the Case; whose Judgments, though I have all due Regard for,
    yet in the present Circumstances (though I give the Preference
    to_ Unction _in some stubborn Cases) I dare not encourage it in
    this: For my Reason at first, for beginning so mildly, was, that
    in this uncommon Case, we might by degrees, make some Judgment of
    the Effects of_ Mercury, _and then proceed accordingly: For had I
    not been prevented by the Accidents you have, by Dr_ Friend, _been
    acquainted with, I should have been very desirous to have gone at
    least to the Heighth mentioned by Dr_ Friend. _But since I find, by
    encreasing the Quantity of the Dose to a_ Scruple (_of which he has
    taken four_) it has not affected the Glands at all, or made him
    Spit the more; but his Stomach is much more oppressed by it, with
    vast Quantity of Phlegm, viscous to a degree I have not met with,
    and gives him more than common Disturbance, not to be relieved but
    by often Vomiting, to which purpose the_ Turpith, _has answered
    very well for the present: My great Fear is, all things considered,
    that if I should proceed to_ Unction, _and it should produce the
    same Effect, that it will be too many for him. If my Fears are too
    great, my more than common Concern and Friendship is some Excuse
    for me; as also I desire it may be to You, for this tedious Account
    from_, Sir,

                                                   Yours, _&c._
    Feb. 22d, 1718.
                                                   J. RUSHWORTH.

I not receiving, in due Time, an Answer to this, and the Patient being
reduced to a great Weakness, and to so great a Disorder, that he could
not bear Talking to, I writ these few Lines for him to consider of.

    Dear Sir,

    _As your Case now stands, I must own my self a Coward: Though Dr_
    Friend _is much mistaken to think I am either unacquainted with,
    or fear the common Accidents that often arise in Salivating: But
    that irregular and uncommon Effects are, in extraordinary Cases,
    produced by_ Mercury, Hale’_s Case is to me a sufficient Precedent,
    of which I have formerly told you the Particulars; and though your
    Friends in Town took no Notice of the unusual Disorder in your
    Stomach, yet I should think myself Inexcusable if I should not.
    And if, upon using an_ Unction, _any irregular Ferments should
    again arise, weak as you now are, I should dread the Consequence.
    In these Circumstances, I think it most prudent for me, to advise
    you, to let what is already taken, go fairly off, and if you find
    it not effectual, you may with much better Prospect, when you have
    Strength, begin_ de Nova, _by_ Unction, _and have an Opportunity to
    have it done by the_ infallible _Men_.

Upon this the Doctor no longer, at present, pressed me to use the
_Unction_, and in a few Days, the Force of what he had taken being
somewhat spent, he began to get Strength, and the very great Slough
(which was one of the Accidents mentioned to Dr _Friend_) not only cast
off, but also healed, as did also the old malignant _Ulcer_, and all
the Parts of the Mouth looked very smooth and well; and the Doctor was
very chearful, and in great Hopes of gaining the Point.

At this Time, it being eighteen Days since I wrote to Mr _Brown_,
I received a Letter from him, in which he mentioned nothing to the
Purpose. This, I must confess, did not a little warm me; and I the same
Night wrote to him again, but never received any Answer: Perhaps he
thought mine too hot; if so, if he desires it, both mine, and his that
occasioned it, shall be produced.

The Doctor seeing what had been done to have so good Effect, and
hoping what was before advised by Mr _Palmer_ and Mr _Brown_, would
effectually prevent any return of his Disorder, resolved to use a
_Mercurial Unction_. He had now more Strength, and therefore I complied
with him; I began with a small Quantity, and encreased it every Time,
until I had used even a larger Quantity than had been proposed by Dr
_Friend_: But it not in the least affected the Glands, or made him
to spit near so much, as when he took the _Calomel_; neither did the
_Unction_ or _Calomel_ produce the Smell, which generally attends
_Mercurial_ Courses; and to my great Surprize and Concern, whilst he
was using the _Unction_, the _Ulcer_ broke out again. And by this we
were discouraged from proceeding any farther; and in due Time the
Doctor endeavoured to Purge this off, but he had always so untoward a
Constitution, that neither now, nor at any Time before, could he by
Purges have any regular Evacuation; which was, no doubt in his Case,
very Injurious to him.

Now I perfectly desponded: But a Friend and Kinsman of the Doctor’s,
a _Surgeon_ of no small Reputation, assured him, that he had known,
when other Methods failed, a _Mercurial Fumigation_ had answered: And
what is it that a rational Man will not try to prevent the excruciating
Pains of a _Cancer?_ When the Doctor mentioned this to me, I confessed
I knew nothing of that Practice, and always had an ill Opinion of
the Fumes of _Mercury_: And he also owned to me, that he was wholly
unacquainted with it; but satisfied in his Friend, and therefore would
try it: He began the Course according to his Friend’s Directions;
I never pretended to order any thing afterwards; but however still
frequently visited my Good Friend, though with an aking Heart. The
Fumigation not only made him spit, whilst he was using it, but also
for some Hours afterwards; and the Patient continued to use it for
several Days, but without any good Effect upon the _Ulcer_. In about
ten Days after he had left off the Fumigation, a very hard Tumour began
to arise, upon the Muscles of the lower Part of the Face and Neck, and
increased very fast, and in a very short Time spread it self from Ear
to Ear: and, by the Bulk, in a great measure prevented his Swallowing,
and soon suffocated him. He was Chearful, and to all outward Appearance
tolerably easy to the last, and had what he now desired, a gentle
Release, _July 16, 1719_.

And thus, to the Misfortune of Mankind, it is manifest to me, that
_Mercury_ is not adequate to this _Herculean_ Distemper: but however,
this Case, and That I mentioned before to the Doctor, gives me good
Reason to believe, that _Mercurials_ do at least blunt the Acrimony
of the Humour, and so procure Ease. For, though that Patient had
most acute Pains, before he entered into a _Mercurial_ Course, yet
afterwards he was easy all a long, as he told me; for I was called in
but a few Days before he died. These, and other melancholly Cases,
should not however, I think, wholly discourage _Surgeons_ from making
rational Attempts upon a Distemper, which I fear is more frequently
met with, than formerly, in this Part of the World: It is to be hoped,
there is in Nature a Specific that may answer; and happy will that Man
be who shall discover it. He will deserve to be placed next to the
Great _Hippocrates_, and also to be rewarded, by the Publick, equally
with him that shall find out the _Longitude_.

I will not pretend to determine, how far the Fumigation might
contribute to the sudden growth of the Tumour mentioned, but I
should be very glad that the _Surgeon_ who recommended it, would be
so ingenuous, as to vindicate himself, by giving Instances of it’s
Innocency, and of the Advantages he has met with in the Practice of it.

And now I heartily beg Pardon of the Friends of the Deceased, who shall
give themselves the Trouble of Reading this Account, that I could not
bring it into a narrower Compass.

                     *    *    *    *    *

Having truly related what was done, in the Case of Dr _Keil_, I hope
it may appear, that I have acted an honest, and not an unskilful Part
in it: If what was prescribed by others of greater Fame, when it came
to be tried, had not better Success, I presume I shall no longer be
blamed for it. No Man would willingly lose any Reputation, who is to
live by it. I question not, but the best _Surgeons_ in the World will
allow, there are Cases for which there is no Remedy: And he who frankly
owns thus much, no more loses any Reputation, than the Quack, that
promises greater Matters than he afterwards performs, gets any: And I
think they, who have censured me, would have done more ingenuously, if
they would rather have looked upon the present Case as incurable by any
_Surgeon_, than have thrown their Aspersions upon me, as not treating
it properly.

_N. B._ The foregoing remarkable _Case_ of Dr _Keil_, was published
by Mr _Rushworth_ of _Northampton_, Surgeon at _Oxford_, in the Year
1719[3]. Under the _Imprimatur_ of _Robert Shippen_, Vice-Can. _Oxon._

  [3] Mr _Rushworth_ died 1737, and it is here inserted in Justice to
  his Memory.

    _Some_ curious Observations _made_ (_by my Friend_ John Ranby,
    _Esq_; _Surgeon to his Majesty’s Household_, _and F. R. S._) _in
    the_ Dissection _of_ Three Subjects, 1728.

The _first_, a Man aged 70 Years, who died of a Suppression of Urine,
occasioned by a Stone stopping in the _Urethra_, just within the
_Glans_, of the bigness of a Horse Bean. This Appearance, with the
Symptoms that had attended this miserable Man, gave me reason to
expect something remarkable in the urinary Passages. The _Ureters_ and
_Pelvis_ were very much distended; which is common where great Numbers
of Stones have descended down them, from the Kidneys to the Bladder.
The Bladder contained about 60 Stones, the largest of which was about
the Size of a Walnut, the others smaller; and just within the Neck, was
a hard _Tumour_, as big as a Nutmeg, which almost closed the Orifice:
and indeed the Situation of this Tumour was such, that it not only made
the passing the _Catheter_ very difficult, and hindered our feeling the
Stones, by directing the Instrument upwards: but likewise would alone
produce the Symptoms of the Stone in the Bladder, by obstructing the
free Discharge of Urine through the _Urethra_, the inner Membrane of
which appeared as if lacerated in several Places, and the Tube filled
with a glutinous Matter tinged with Blood. On the back Part of the
_Vesiculæ Seminales_, near the _Prostata_, were several _Stones_, as
large as Peas, which closely adhered to the adjacent Membranes.

The _second_, a Boy aged 10 Years, killed by a Blow on the Skull; whose
Spleen weighed two Pounds, and possessed almost all the left Side
of the abdominal Cavity. The Bladder, when distended to its greatest
Capacity, would not contain an _Ounce_.

The _third_, a Man aged 25, who died of a Pocky Hectick, and some Days
before complained of a painful Swelling in the Testicle, which he said
came the Night before. I examined it, and found it to be a _Hernia
Aquosa_, and would have punctured it, if I had not felt (besides the
Water) a hard Body, which I could by no Means reduce. In a few Days
he died, which gave me an Opportunity of being satisfied. Opening
the _Scrotum_, and separating the common Membranes to the _Processus
Vaginalis_, it contained about 4 Ounces of Water, besides a great Part
of the _Omentum_; some Portions of which adhered to the Bottom of the
Cavity, and the _Albuginea_ that immediately covers the Testicle.

                     *    *    *    *    *

It has been likewise thought proper to preserve a _small Treatise_
of curing _Consumptions_ by a new Method, of administring
_Specific-Medicines_, more especially _such_ as proceed from _Ulcers_
of the _Lungs_.

This excellent Piece was written by the late eminent Mr _Thomas
Nevett_, of _Fen-Church Street_, Surgeon.




                             A NEW

                            METHOD

                           Of Curing

                         CONSUMPTIONS

                              BY

                      Specific Medicines.


INTRODUCTION.

I Remember a remarkable Passage in some _Observations_ upon the
_Bermudus_ Berries, by a Doctor of Physic in the Country, addressed
to the Hon. _Robert Boyle_, Esq; who professeth he had been for 50
Years an exact Observer of the _Methodus Medendi_; yet saith the
Doctor for my part I firmly believe, that (_Universal Evacuations_
being premised) the greatest Cures wrought in the World, are by the
use of _Specifical Medicines_. The higher the Attainments of any have
been in Understanding, the more freely have they acknowledged that
the greatest part of those _things_ they _did know_, was the least of
those _things_ they _did not know_; such Men account it not shameful
to renounce an Errour, tho’ ever so ancient, when persuaded thereunto
by Truth and plain Demonstration: There are other narrow Spirits
(abundantly satisfied in their own Knowledge) who believe the _Art_
of _Physic_ hath been taught by our Ancestors, in such an absolutely
perfect manner, as that nothing remains to the Industry and Diligence
of Posterity; it being too much their Humour to undervalue every
Medicine that they themselves are not Masters of, because they prefer
their private Interest to the public Good: But in the mean time where
is that cordial Love to Mankind, which is one of the Badges of true
Christianity? Nay, where is the Exercise of Reason? For how can a Man
give his Opinion against a thing that he never _heard of_ before, or at
least never _experienced_? I am sure, this unjustifiable Practice is
the way to put a stop to all useful Knowledge and Improvements: It is
therefore expected from the Ingenious and Candid Reader, that he should
adhere to the Cause of Truth, by whomsoever it is pleaded, weigh every
Invention, not in the deceitful _Balance_ of _Custom_, but in the just
and even _Scales_ of _Reason_; approve what is agreeable, and reject
what is contrary to it.

That I who am by Profession a Surgeon, should in such a polite and
inquisitive Age, venture my Thoughts in public concerning a _Physical
Case_, may be to some matter of Admiration, and to others of severe
Censure; especially such as may think I have invaded their Province. As
for the latter, I am persuaded nothing that I can say will remove their
Prejudices; and for the former, I shall only tell them, that being
alarmed by some of the _Symptoms_ mentioned in the following Discourse,
whereby I plainly perceived the Constitution of my own Body inclined
to a _Consumptive State_, I strenuously applied my Mind to study the
Nature of this _Disease_, and to find out, if possible, some noble
Specific Medicines, which might indeed deserve that Name, and be able
to oppose the growth of so fatal a Distemper, which hath insensibly
flattered so many into the Chambers of Death. What I then laboured
for, and searched after, I have since (by the Blessing of God) found,
and with great Advantage experimented on my self and many others, and
now think fit to disclose for the good of All, not doubting but if a
more excellent Method and Medicine than hath hitherto been generally
administered, or prescribed, be treasured up in the Hands of any
Person whatsoever, he doth more faithfully perform the part of a just
Steward, by a due Improvement, than a close Concealment of it. And on
the same Account, I judge it more my Duty to serve my Native Country,
than mind the Clamours of censorious Critics; not at all questioning
but in a little time, the Efficacy of _these Medicines_ will at once
bring Health to the Patient, and Reputation to their Author: And the
World will be convinced of the _Power_ of these _Remedies_, by their
Effects; tho’ ignorant Persons may be apt to contemn and neglect, till
their Opinions be altered by _Experience_, and their Prejudices removed
by _Demonstration_.


_Of the Nature, Causes, and Symptoms of Consumptions._

I. A _Consumption_, in general, is a wasting of all the solid parts
of the Body, for want of a due Distribution, or Assimilation of the
Nutritious Juices.

By some learned Men this is observed to be the _Endemical Distemper_
of _England_; and indeed our _Weekly-Bills_ at once declare both the
Strength of the Disease, and the Weakness of the Medicines wherewith
it’s Cure hath been hitherto attempted. Besides, that which seems to
justify this Observation, is the pernicious Custom of the Inhabitants
of this island, who immoderately and unseasonably indulge their
Appetites with several sorts of Meats and Drinks, whereby the Tone
of the Stomach is so vitiated, as that it cannot perfectly ferment
and volatilize the Chyle, which is commonly the internal procatartic
Cause of most Distempers among us, and consequently of _Consumptions_
from those Distempers, from whence comes a Colliquation of the Chyle
in _Lienteries_ and _Dysenteries_, tormenting _Cholic_ and _Iliac_
Pains, hypocondriac Melancholly, hysteric Fits, scorbutic Twitches,
troublesome Catarrhs, sluggish Passage of the Chyle thro’ the milky
Veins, scrophulous Tumours and Inflammations of the mesenteric Glands,
spasmodic Contractions or Convulsions of the Nerves, preternatural
Fermentation of the Blood and Spirits, _Cachexies_, _Atrophies_,
Obstructions, Fevers hectical, inflammatory and putrid, Exulcerations
of the Lungs and _Marasmus_, with many other Diseases, whence come they
originally and for the most part, but from the Weakness, ill Habit and
Indisposition of the Stomach?

Now the proper Action of the Stomach is Chylification; for tho’
the Meat we take into our Mouths receives some Alteration there in
Mastication, by the fermenting Juice that flows from the salivatory
Glands, together with the acrimonious Particles, and fermentaceous
Spirits of Liquors which we drink, yet it is not turned into a thick
white Juice, ’till it hath passed down thro’ the _Oesophagus_, or
Gullet, into the Stomach, where by the help of it’s Fibres it is
closely embraced, and mixed with specific fermentaceous Juices,
separated by it’s inner Coat, and impregnated by the Saliva, then
by a convenient Heat there is made a mixture of all; for that the
fermentaceous Particles entering into the Pores of the Meat, do pass
thro’ agitate and eliquate it’s Particles, dissolving the whole
_Compages_, in which the purer parts were intimately united with the
Crass, and making them more fluid, so that they make another form of
Mixture, and unite among themselves into the resemblance of a milky
Cream, after which together with the thicker Mass with which they are
yet involved, by the Constriction of the Stomach they pass down to the
Guts, where by the Mixture of the Bile and Pancreatic Juice they are by
another manner of Fermentation quite separated from the thicker Mass,
and so are received by the Lacteal Vessels, as the thicker is ejected
by Stool.

After the purer part of the Chyle hath been thus strained thro’ the
narrow and oblique Pores of the milky Veins, by the continual and
peristaltic Motion of the Intestines, it is yet farther attenuated
and diluted with a very thin and clear _Lympha_ from the Glands of the
Mesentery to expedite its passage thro’ those numerous Meanders into
the common Receptacle, from whence by the constant Supply of such like
_Lympha_ from the small Glands of the _Thorax_, it is safely conveyed
thro’ the _Ductus Chyliferus Thoracius_, subclavian Vein, and the _Vena
Cava_ into the Heart.

The Chyle now mingled with the Blood, passeth with it thro’ the
Arteries of the whole Body, and returns again with the Blood by the
Veins to the Heart, undergoing many Circulations before it can be
assimilated to the Blood; for every time the new infused Chyle passeth
thro’ the Heart with the Blood, the Particles of the one are more
intimately mixed with those of the other, in it’s Ventricles, and
the Vital Spirit, and other active Principles of the Blood work upon
the Chyle, which being full of Salt, Sulphur and Spirit, as soon as
it’s _Compages_ is loosned by it’s Fermentation with the Blood, the
Principles having obtained the Liberty of Motion, do readily associate
themselves, and are assimilated with such parts of the Blood as are of
a like and suitable Nature.

After the Chyle hath been thus elaborated, it becomes fit as well
to recruit the Mass of Blood, as to nourish the whole Body, seeing
it consists of divers Principles and Parts of a different Nature;
therefore, according to the various Use and Necessity of every part,
and also that it may conform and fashion it self to the different
Pores and Passages, it is severally appropriated; the most volatile
and subtil part is separated in the Brain, and adapted to refresh the
Animal Spirits, the glutinous to nourish the Body, and the sulphureous
to revive the native Heat: And in it’s Passage with the Blood thro’
all the parts of the Body, all the Mass of Chyle that is capable of
being turned into Blood is sanguified; the serous and saline part
precipitated by the Kidneys, and evacuated by Sweats or insensible
Transpirations, the bilious is deposited in the Liver, and the rest of
its Excrements retire to the several Emunctories of the Body.

Thus it comes to pass by the wonderful Sagacity of Nature, such
extraordinary Provision is made, that the purer part of the Chyle by
these ways and means is more purified; and when it is thus purified
and sublimed, it is more capable of reinforcing the Blood and Spirits,
as also of corroborating the Tone of every particular Part: Whereas
when the Chyle is sour and dispirited, the Blood necessarily becomes
vappid, the animal Spirits which reside in the System of the Nerves
are infected with a Morbid Disposition, and all parts of the Body
begin to flag and waste. For indeed there is no other way to recruit
the daily Expence of Blood and Spirits, but by a continual Influx
of laudable Chyle into the Blood-Vessels, which Chyle is made by
the Fermentative Juice of the Stomach, and this Fermentative Juice
supplied from the Mass of Blood, so that there plainly appears to
be a fixed Correspondence betwixt the Blood and the Chyle, and a
necessary Dependance all the Humours in the Habit of the Body have
on the Stomach; from whence it is reasonable to infer, That if the
Chilifying Faculty of the Stomach be depraved, the Blood and Humours
must necessarily sympathize therewith, and in a manner proportionable
to the Distemper of this part.

II. The immediate Cause of a _Consumption_ of the _Lungs_ is store of
sharp, malignant, waterish Humours, continually distilling upon the
soft spungy Substance of the Lungs, stuffing, inflaming, impostumating,
and exulcerating them, whereby their Action, which is Respiration, or
a receiving-in and driving-out Air is depraved, as will more clearly
appear by the following Description of these Parts. It will not be
impertinent to our Discourse if we should usher in the Description of
the _Lungs_, with a short Account of the _Trachea_, _Aspera Arteria_,
or _Wind-pipe_.

III. The _Trachea_ or _Aspera Arteria_ is a long Pipe, consisting of
Cartilages and Membranes, which beginning at the Throat or lower part
of the Jaws, and lying upon the Gullet, descends into the _Lungs_,
thro’ which it spreads into many Branchings, and is commonly divided
into two parts, the _Larynx_ and _Bronchus_; the _Larynx_ is the upper
part of the Wind-pipe, the _Bronchus_ is all the _Trachea_ besides the
_Larynx_, as well before as after it arrives at the _Lungs_.

The Substance of the _Lungs_ is soft, spongy and rare, curiously
compacted of most thin and fine Membranes, continued with the
Ramifications of the _Trachea_ or Wind-pipe, which Membranes compose
an infinite number of little, round and hollow Vesicles, or Bladders,
so placed as that there is an open Passage from the Branches of the
_Aspera Arteria_, out of one into another, and all terminate at the
outer Membrane that investeth the whole _Lungs_: These little Bladders
by help of their muscular Fibres contract themselves in Expiration, and
are dilated in Inspiration, partly by the Pressure of the Atmosphere,
and partly by the elastic Power of the Air, insinuating it self
into these Vesicles thro’ the Windpipe and it’s several Branches:
Their Lobes are two, the right and left, parted by the _Mediastinum_,
each of which is divided into many lesser Lobules, according to the
Ramifications of the _Aspera Arteria_; they have all sorts of Vessels
that are common to them with other parts, as Arteries, Veins, Nerves,
Lympheducts, but peculiar to themselves they have their _Bronchia_,
or the Branches of the Wind-pipe, for bringing-in and carrying-out
Air so necessary to Life, that we cannot Live without it: And when we
consider their admirable Structure, (as well as the Structure of every
individual part of our Body) how ought we to adore the infinite Wisdom
of our Creator! Now when these small Vesicles or Bladders are replete
with extravasated _Serum_, or purulent Matter, the natural Tone of
the _Lungs_ is so weakned, that we cannot enjoy the Benefit of free
and full Respiration, hard, scirrhous Tumours and Tubercles are bred,
attended with a dry and troublesome Cough, Oppression of the Breast,
difficult and short Breathing, preternatural Heats, Exulcerations, and
other deplorable Symptoms, according to the Degrees of Obstruction, and
different Nature of the included Humours.

IV. The external Procatartic Cause of a _Consumption_ of the _Lungs_
is cold Particles of Air, constipating the Pores of the Body, whereby
the _Serum_ which ought to expedite the Motion, and temperate the Heat
of the Blood is separated from it, and thrown upon the Glands of the
_Larynx_, and the spungy Substance of the Lungs themselves: For as the
_Lympha_ helps the Motion of the _Chyle_, so the _Serum_ accelerates
the Circulation of the Blood, being carried about with it thro’ the
smallest Capillary Vessels and remotest parts of the Body, lest it
should be inflamed with a burning Heat, or stagnate by excessive
Thickness; during which circular Motion they are both called by the
same common Name, but when some Portion of _Serum_ is separated from
the Mass of Blood, and retreats to some one or more of the Emunctories;
according to their various Dispositions, it derives a Name from those
particular Parts on which it seizeth, as when it distils upon the Eyes,
we call it _Opthalmia_, when upon the Nose _Coryza_, and when upon the
_Thorax_ it goes by the proper Name of a _Catarrh_.

Now forasmuch as there is nothing makes a Separation of the Blood
more commonly than the want of usual Transpiration, so nothing more
conduceth to the Preservation of Health, than that the Pores of the
Body should continually let out the hot Streams and Vapours that arise
from the Ebullition of the Blood; but when after taking Cold the Skin
and Habit of the Body are on a sudden stopped up, that the sulphureous
and waterish Excrements of the Blood cannot pass through the Pores,
they are again resorbed into the Mass of Blood, from whence proceeds
a feverish Disposition; unless they are carried off by Stool, or
precipitated by the Kidneys, are sometimes translated to the Glandulous
Parts of the _Lungs_, where by Degrees contracting more and more Heat
and Sharpness they inflame and exulcerate these tender Parts.

Nevertheless tho’ a _Consumption_ of the _Lungs_ is sometimes thus
caused by taking Cold, yet this comes to pass but seldom, unless
in such Bodies whose Mass of Blood being rendered Cachectic, thro’
frequent Influxes of dispirited Chyle, is pre-disposed to receive,
and unable to free it self from this New Influx of Catarrhous Rheum:
For suppose Two Persons in like manner deprived of the Benefit of
usual Transpiration, by some great Cold, which tho’ troublesome in
the beginning, because of a violent and continual Distillation of
Extravasated _Serum_ upon the Glandulous Coat of the Wind-pipe,
and other adjacent Glands, yet in the One of these it survives not
the accidental feverish Disposition of the Blood, occasioned by
the Stoppage of the Pores: For as soon as the Ferment ceaseth, the
separated Humours, partly for want of a new Influx of _Serum_, and
partly by the natural Heat of these Parts, are concocted into a thick
sort of Phlegm, and coughed up; after the Expectoration of which
separated _Serum_ the glandulous Parts presently recover their natural
Tone, without any Remains of a Tumour, Cough, Shortness of Breath, or
other Inconvenience; but in the other this feverish Ferment, occasioned
by taking Cold, is not transitory, but so habitually fixed by means
of some previous Indisposition, as to encrease the Effervescence and
Colliquation of the Blood and Spirits; from whence all the Glands which
are seated in the upper part of the _Larynx_, as also the glandulous
Coat of the Wind-pipe it self are overflown with a Deluge of hot
distempered Humours, the Substance of the _Lungs_ distended with hard
Tumours, the Branches of the Wind-pipe comprest, and the Wind-pipe it
self from these Swellings irritated to Cough, by a continual tickling,
which promotes a frequent spewing out of hot sharp Humours all along
the _Aspera Arteria_, till at length these Tubercles growing very
large, begin to inflame and suppurate; immediately upon the breaking
or opening of those Apostemes, sometimes such a Flood of corrupted
Matter is poured out of their Baggs or Cavities, into the Branches of
the _Trachea_, as compleatly suffocates and choaks the Patient; but at
other times this Purulent Matter, mixt with streaks of Blood, and some
thin Phlegm that is continually discharged from the glandulous Coat of
the Wind-pipe, is coughed up by degrees, and then this deplorable Case
requires Specific Medicines, to cleanse and heal these Ulcers.

V. Such kind of _Consumptions_ whose Original is store of malignant
acrimonious Humours, which are most apt to inflame and putrify, may be
termed acute, when compared to others that proceed from Humours more
mild and benign. There may be likewise some difference made by omitting
Bleeding, and committing some egregious Errors in Diet, Exercise,
Passions of the Mind, or any other of the _Non-Naturals_: However,
all _Consumptions_ of the _Lungs_ ought to be reckoned in the Number
of Chronical Distempers, because they are contracted and augmented by
degrees, and no other way to be remedied; yet this doth not prove them
incurable in their own Nature, for Reason and Experience both teach the
contrary: And indeed I must confess, it was from the marvelous Success
of these Remedies that I first imbibed this Notion, _viz._ _Ulcers_
of the _Lungs_ are in themselves curable. Sometimes a Fever or other
acute Distemper may be jugulated, when either Nature or Art carries
off the Morbific Matter by a sudden _Crisis_ or plentiful Evacuation,
but all hopes of dispatching a confirmed _Consumption_ of the _Lungs_
instantly are groundless, seeing many inveterate Obstructions must be
removed, abundance of tough glutinous Humours attenuated and evacuated,
the whole Mass of Blood and Spirits rectified, the Habit of the Body
meliorated, and the Tone of several parts recovered, before we can
eradicate this fixed Distemper.

What will be the Issue and Result of this _Consumptive-Disease_, may
rationally be prognosticated from it’s several Stages or Degrees:
For when the Mass of Blood by a continual Influx of sour dispirited
Chyle is reduced to a sharp and hectical State, and the _Serum_ which
is separated from this corrupted Blood only stuffs the Bladders and
Glandules which are dispersed thro’ the Body of the Lungs, this
Distemper may be said to be in it’s Infancy or beginning, (and if
sovereign Remedies were then presented, they might obtain an easy
Conquest) but the Increase is attended with a greater Distention of
the Glands and Bladders, as also an Inflammation of these Tubercles
tending to suppuration: For when the Animal Spirits which are necessary
to the natural Fermentation of the Blood are vitiated with unwholesome
Particles of a foggy and thick Air, and the Humour which for a long
time hath been contained in the Baggs or Cavities of the Lungs is
over-heated by some extraordinary Ebullition or Fermentation of the
Blood, with a total Suppression of Expectoration, the Cough becomes
more violent, the Fever inflammatory, and all parts more tabid. In
it’s further Progress or State all Symptoms advance apace towards
their Extremity, Suppuration now succeeds the Inflammation of these
Tubercles, for that the Purulent Matter is either breeding or already
made, the Inflammatory Hectic is changed into a putrid Intermitting
Fever, attended with an Universal Colliquation of the Nutritious Juices
and plentiful Separation of them from the Mass of Blood by all ways of
Evacuation that Nature affords; whence the Patients strength suddainly
decays, and in a short time he is reduced to the highest State of a
_Marasmus_, with an _Hippocratic_ Face.

VI. Thus having demonstrated to the meanest Capacity the Power of this
prevailing Evil, with it’s efficient and material Causes, Reason it
self presently suggests nothing less than great and noble Medicines
can tame a Distemper so formidable. It is no less obvious to the
Understanding of every one that professeth any thing of Physic, that
the sooner the Cure is begun the better, the more moderate the Patient
is in the use of the Six _Non-Naturals_, the more likely to succeed;
the Spring-time is the best Season, Universals are to be premised,
extraordinary Symptoms and Circumstances peculiarly attended, and such
like things must run through the whole Course of Practice.

No doubt but the Chalibeate Mineral Waters when impregnated with
the Volatile Salts and Spirits of a serene Air, pleasant Society,
delightful Recreations, Morning and Evening Walks, regular Diet,
Freedom from Business, vexatious Thoughts, Exercise[4], and the rest
may be serviceable: But if the _Jesuit_ were sentenced to perpetual
Exile, I think the Consumptive have no reason excessively to lament,
for I can tell them who hath a Febrifuge Antihectical, without a Grain
of the _Jesuit_, more excellent far than the _Peruvian_ Bark, because
it makes a safe, not a treacherous Peace, and can give a Reason of it’s
working so stupendiously, tho’ they who know not how a thing can be
done, think it impossible to be done.

  [4] Particularly that of _Riding_; relating to which, consult Mr
  FULLER’s _Medicina Gymnastica_.

For my part, I do not believe any Medicine can work a Cure in the way
of a Charm, yet they who either know or use no other (at least for the
most part) than ordinary Medicines, cannot conceive how such wonderful
Effects can be wrought, unless by Inchantment[5].

  [5] See _Boyle_ on _Specific Medicines._

The common Method of Cure is by Bleeding to abate the Effervescence
or Colliquation of the Blood, and prevent the Tumour and Inflammation
of the Lungs, by Vomits to relieve the Stomach opprest with store of
ill Humours, and remove divers Obstructions of several Bowels and
small Vessels, by Stomach-Purges gently to carry down the peccant
Humours; and lastly by Diuretics and Diaphoretics with some mixture of
an Opiate, plentifully to carry off the Colliquated _Serum_ by Urine,
or the Pores of the Skin, without raising a fresh Catarrh by a new
Commotion of the Blood. After a due Administration of these universal
Evacuations, (which in their respective Seasons are highly necessary)
the frequent Use of Pectoral Apozems and Pulmonary Linctuses is next
enjoined, to retund the Acrimony of the Humours which ouze out of the
Wind-pipe, by their mucilaginous and incrassating Quality, and so
mitigate the troublesome Cough. How far serviceable to this end and
purpose the neatest Forms of such Dispensations that I ever yet saw may
be, I will not dispute, only this I must take leave to say, because to
me (as also to the unprejudiced I humbly conceive) it seems evident
that such fulsom Ingredients of which they are compounded, are more
apt to spoil a weak than recover a lost Stomach, and consequently not
the fittest Medicines Consumptive Persons may have recourse to: For
how many by woful Experience have found the constant and frequent use
of such Anti-Stomachics led them from one Degree of this Malady to
another, ’till their decaying Appetite hath been quite overthrown, (and
consequently their hectic Heat inflamed) their Bodies so emaciated, as
to render them uncapable of necessary Evacuations, and they themselves
at last given over to a Milk Diet, Asses Milk, some Chalibeate Mineral
Waters, or such like Liquids, to which the poor distressed Stomach
ecchoes aloud, _Miserable Comforters all_! If therefore I can, as I
have Reason to believe, with Medicines less offensive in Quantity, and
more useful in Quality, restore the lost Appetite, and do the same, if
not greater Service towards the Concocting and Expectorating that load
of separated _Serum_ with which the Pipes of the Lungs are stuffed,
(which will easily be perceived by the Patient in a few Weeks with due
Care and Management) I think I have gained a great Point, forasmuch as
the Recovery of the Stomach may reasonably be looked upon as an Earnest
of the Cure.

The Medicines I do here recommend to my Countrymen as Specific
in the Cure of _Consumption_ of the _Lungs_, arising from the
fore-mentioned Causes, have a peculiar Faculty of warming, comforting
and strengthening weak Stomachs, attenuating and gently carrying off
that load of Tartareous Matter which is lodged in their rugous Coat,
depraving both Appetite and Digestion. In their Passage thro’ the
whole Circumference of the Guts, they likewise dissolve that crusted
Slime and Filth which hinders the Pressure of the Chyle into the Milky
Vessels by the Peristaltic Motion of their Spiral Fibres: Thus having
removed these Fundamental Obstructions, they hasten together with the
Chylous Mixture, which by this time is somewhat Invigorated towards the
Relief of the Sanguineous Mass, presently upon their Conjunction the
Blood revives, and by degrees becomes brisk and vigorous, able to cope
with, and give some check to the preternatural hectic Heat, stop the
Influx of the Rheum into the Glandulous Substance of the Lungs, concoct
that which is already collected, and release the Animal Spirits,
intangled with a vitious disposition of the Nervous Juice. Having
gained these Advantages, things begin to look with another manner of
Aspect, the Habit of the Body grows firmer, the Mind chearfuller, the
Countenance fresh and brisk, the emaciated Parts gather Flesh and
Strength, the Lungs and Glands of the _Larynx_ recover their natural
Tone, and the whole Constitution improves towards a State of Health.
Moreover, These _Anti-Phthisics_ are really impregnated with such
Volatile Spirits and Salts, that as Lightning they penetrate the
remotest Corners of the Body, exterminating the very Seeds and Roots
of this grievous Disease, powerfully and effectually, yet pleasantly
and securely, if plentifully taken in the manner of a Diet: For thus
in time they chear up the drooping Animal Spirits, fortify the System
of the Nerves, and so influence the whole Sanguineous Mass, as that
the Blood it self becomes the most precious of all natural Balsoms,
marvellously cleansing the putrid _Ulcers_ of the _Lungs_, and finally
reducing them to a perfect _Cicatrix_.

Wherefore let none be deceived by the flattering Nature of this
Distemper in the beginning, nor give themselves over for lost in the
highest State, because these reviving Cordials are calculated for
the weakest Constitutions, seeing at the same time they offend the
Diseased Matter on the one Hand, they support Nature from sinking
under any Evacuations on the other. It is therefore my Advice to the
_Consumptive_, or _Consumptively-inclined_, and their Interest (by way
of Prevention) to acquaint themselves in time with these Sovereign
Antidotes. Better Counsel I cannot give to the best of my Friends, if
they are desirous to save themselves a great deal of Pain and Misery,
as well as Charges, and render their Lives comfortable to themselves
and serviceable to others.

The Warmness of these Medicines, which is the only Objection that
ever I met with in the use of them, is so far from being a real
Discouragement, as that upon serious and judicious Considerations,
it becomes a Notable Argument to enforce the taking of them; for
otherwise they would be too weak to engage the Original Cause of
hectic, burning and putrid Fevers; whereas by this active Principle
of Heat, they work so effectually upon the whole Mass of Chyle, as
to separate the sharp and dispirited from the nutritious Particles
thereof, thoroughly insinuate themselves into all the Avenues of the
Adversary, cut and divide the tough viscous Humours which distemper
the Veins, Arteries and Nerves, destroy the Acidity of the Nervous
Juice, recover the Natural Temper of the Animal Spirits, sweeten the
Mass of Blood, by separating the Impurities thereof by the Cutaneous
Glands, gently forcing a Transpiration of the Feverish Particles of
the whole, and so banish that Preternatural Heat which is Proof to
all common Remedies. And that Diseases which carry in their outward
Appearance a shew of preternatural Heat are thus to be treated with
warm Medicines, is indeed observable to every discerning Eye: For
the most malignant Fevers are attacked and conquered by the briskest
and warmest _Alexipharmics_ and the most violent _Erysipelas_, or
St _Anthony_’s _Fire_, is discussed and breathed out by strong
and spirituous Fomentations, but are both of them exasperated by
refrigerating or cooling Medicines, and their preternatural Heat more
and more increased, till the one at length terminates in the _cold
sweats of Death_, and the other in a compleat _Mortification_.

To multiply Encomiums of this kind is remote from my intended Brevity,
therefore take this remarkable one for all: The Efficacy of _Specific
Medicines_ may be experienced from Mr _Boyle_’s unparalelled Treatise,
herein referred to, and from the full Descriptions I have given any
Chymist of Eminence, upon consulting each respective Patient’s Case,
can effectually prepare them. But I would more particularly recommend
for this Purpose the Skilful Mr _Boyle Godfrey_, in _Covent-Garden_.

    THO. NEVETT.




[Illustration]

                               A

                        MODEST DEFENSE

                              OF

                        _PUBLICK STEWS_

                       Price 2_s._ 6_d._

[Illustration]




                          THE NATURAL

                        SECRET HISTORY

                              OF

                         _BOTH SEXES_:

                              OR,

                       A Modest Defense

                              OF

                        _PUBLIC STEWS_.

             With an Account of the Present State
                 of WHORING in these Kingdoms.

                     By _LUKE OGLE_, Esq;

                      THE FOURTH EDITION.

                           _LONDON_:

                 Printed in the YEAR M.DCC.XL.




[Illustration]

                            TO THE

                           SOCIETIES

                              FOR

                   _Reformation of Manners_.


GENTLEMEN,

The great Pains and Diligence You have employ’d in the Defence of
Modesty and Virtue, give You an undisputed Title to the Address of this
Treatise; tho’ it is with the utmost Concern that I find myself under a
Necessity of writing it, and that after so much Reforming, there should
be any Thing left to say upon the Subject, besides congratulating
You upon Your happy Success. It is no small Addition to my Grief to
observe, that Your Endeavours to suppress Lewdness have only serv’d
to promote it; and that this _Branch_ of _Immorality_ has _grown_
under Your Hands, as if it was _prun’d_ instead of being _lopp’d_. But
however Your ill Success may grieve, it cannot astonish me: What else
could we hope for, from Your persecuting of poor strolling Damsels?
From your stopping up those _Drains_ and _Sluices_ we had to let out
Lewdness? From your demolishing those _Horn-works_ and _Breast-works_
of Modesty? Those _Ramparts_ and _Ditches_ within which the Virtue
of our Wives and Daughters lay so conveniently _intrench’d_? An
Intrenchment so much the safer, by how much the Ditches were harder
to be fill’d up. Or what better could we expect from Your Carting of
Bawds, than that the Great Leviathan of Leachery, for Want of these
Tubs to play with, should, with one Whisk of his Tail, overset the
_Vessel_ of Modesty? Which, in her best Trim, we know to be somewhat
_leaky_, and to have a very unsteady _Helm_.

An ancient Philosopher compares Lewdness to a wild, fiery, and
headstrong young Colt, which can never be broke till he is rid into a
Bog: And _Plato_, on the same Subject, has these Words; _The Gods_,
says he, _have given us one disobedient and unruly Member, which, like
a greedy and ravenous Animal that wants Food, grows wild and furious,
till having imbib’d the Fruit of the common Thirst, he has plentifully
besprinkled and bedewed the Bottom of the Womb_.

And now I have mentioned the Philosophers, I must beg Your Patience for
a Moment, to hear a short Account of their Amours: For nothing will
convince us of the irresistible Force of Love, and the Folly of hoping
to suppress it, sooner than reflecting, that those venerable _Sages_,
those Standards of Morality, those great _Reformers_ of the World,
were so sensibly touch’d with this tender Passion.

_Socrates_ confess’d, that, in his old Age, he felt a strange tickling
all over him for five Days, only by a Girl’s touching his Shoulder.

_Xenophon_ made open Profession of his passionate Love to _Clineas_.

_Aristippus_ of _Cyrene_, writ a lewd Book of ancient Delights; he
compar’d a Woman to a House or a Ship, that was the better for being
used: He asserted, that there was no Crime in Pleasure, but only in
being a Slave to it: And often used to say, I _enjoy_ Lais, _but_ Lais
_does not enjoy me_.

_Theodorus_ openly maintain’d, that a wise Man might without Shame or
Scandal, keep Company with common Harlots.

_Plato_, our great Pattern for chaste-Love, proposes, as the greatest
Reward for public Service, that he who has perform’d a signal Exploit,
should not be deny’d any amorous Favour. He writ a Description of the
Loves of his Time, and several amorous Sonnets upon his own Minions:
His chief Favorites were _Asterus_, _Dio_, _Phædrus_, and _Agatho_; but
he had, for Variety, his Female Darling _Archeanassa_; and was so noted
for Wantonness, that _Antisthenes_, gave him the Nick-name of _Satho_,
i. e. _Well-furnish’d_.

_Polemo_ was prosecuted by his Wife for Male-Venery.

_Crantor_ made no Secret of his Love to his Pupil _Arcesilaus_.

_Arcesilaus_ made Love to _Demetrius_ and _Leocharus_; the last, he
said, he would fain have open’d: Besides, he publickly visited the two
_Elean_ Courtezans, _Theodota_ and _Philæta_, and was himself enjoy’d
by _Demochares_ and _Pythocles_: He suffer’d the last, he said, for
Patience-sake.

_Bion_ was noted for debauching his own Scholars.

_Aristotle_, the first _Peripatetic_, had a Son call’d _Nichomacus_,
by his Concubine _Herpilis_: He lov’d her so well, that he left her
in his Will a Talent of Silver, and the Choice of his Country-Houses;
that, as he says, the Damsel might have no Reason to complain: He
enjoy’d, besides the Eunuch _Hermias_, others say only his Concubine
_Pythais_, upon whom he writ a Hymn, call’d, _The Inside_.

_Demetrius Phalereus_, who had 360 Statues in _Athens_, kept _Lamia_
for his Concubine, and at the same time was himself enjoy’d by _Cleo_:
He writ a Treatise, call’d, _The Lover_, and was nick-nam’d by the
Courtezans, _Charito_, _Blespharus_, i. e. _A Charmer of Ladies_; and
_Lampetes_, i. e. _A great Boaster of his Abilities_.

_Diogenes_, the _Cynic_, us’d to say, that Women ought to be in
common, and that Marriage was nothing but a Man’s getting a Woman in
the Mind to be lain with: He often us’d Manual Venery in the public
Market-place, with this Saying. _Oh! that I could assuage my Hunger
thus with rubbing of my Stomach!_

But what Wonder if the old _Academics_, the _Cyrenaics_, and
_Peripatetics_, were so lewdly wanton, when the very _Stoics_, who
prided themselves in the Conquest of all their other Passions, were
forc’d to submit to this?

_Zeno_, indeed, the Founder of that Sect, was remarkable for his
Modesty, because he rarely made Use of Boys, and took but once an
ordinary Maid-Servant to Bed, that he might not be thought to hate
the Sex; yet, in his _Commonwealth_, he was for a Community of Women;
and writ a Treatise, wherein he regulated the Motions of getting a
Maidenhead, and philosophically prov’d Action and Reaction to be equal.

_Chrysippus_ and _Apollodorus_ agree with _Zeno_ in a Community of
Women, and say, that a wise Man may be in Love with handsome Boys.

_Erillus_, a Scholar of _Zeno_’s, was a notorious Debauchee.

I need not mention the _Epicureans_ who were remarkable for their
Obscenity.

_Epicurus_ used to make a Pander of his own Brother; and his Scholar,
the Great _Metrodorus_, visited all the noted Courtezans in _Athens_,
and publicly kept the famous _Leontium_, his Master’s _Quondam_
Mistress. Yet, if you will believe _Laertius_, he was every Way a good
Man.

But what shall we say of our Favourite _Seneca_, who, with all his
_Morals_, could never acquire the Reputation of _Chastity_? He was
indeed somewhat Nice in his Amours, like the Famous _Flora_, who was
never enjoy’d by any Thing less than a Dictator or a Consul; for he
scorn’d to intrigue with any Thing less than the Empress.

Now, if those Reverend School-Masters of Antiquity, were so loose in
their Seminals, shall we, of this Age, set up for Chastity? Have our
_Oxford Students_ more Command of their Passions than the _Stoics_? Are
our Young _Templars_ less Amorous than _Plato_? Or, is an _Officer_ of
the Army less Ticklish in the Shoulder than _Socrates_?

But I need not waste any Rhetoric upon so evident a Truth; for plain
and clear Propositions, like Windows painted, are only the more Obscure
the more they are adorn’d.

I will now suppose, that you have given up the Men as Incorrigible;
since You are convinc’d, by Experience, that even Matrimony is not able
to reclaim them. Marriage, indeed, is just such a Cure for Lewdness,
as a Surfeit is for Gluttony; it gives a Man’s Fancy a Distaste to
the particular Dish, but leaves his Palate as Luxurious as ever: for
this Reason we find so many marry’d Men, that, like _Sampson_’s Foxes,
only do more Mischief for having their Tails ty’d. But the Women, You
say, are weaker Vessels, and You are resolv’d to make them submit;
rightly judging, if You cou’d make all the Females Modest, it would
put a considerable Stop to Fornication. It is great Pity, no doubt,
so Fine a Project should Miscarry: And I would willingly entertain
Hopes of seeing one of these _Bridewell_ Converts. In the mean Time
it would not be amiss, if You chang’d somewhat your present Method of
Conversion, especially in the Article of Whipping. It is very possible,
indeed, that leaving a Poor Girl Penny-less, may put her in a Way of
living Honestly, tho’ the want of Money was the only Reason of her
living otherwise; and the stripping of her Naked, may, for aught I
know, contribute to Her Modesty, and put Her in a State of Innocence;
but surely, _Gentlemen_, You must all know, that Flogging has a quite
contrary Effect. This Project of pulling down Bawdy-houses to prevent
Uncleanness, puts me in Mind of a certain Over-nice Gentleman, who
cou’d never fancy his Garden look’d sweet, till he had demolish’d a
Bog-house that offended his Eye in one Corner of it; but it was not
long before every Nose in the Family was convinc’d of His Mistake. If
Reason fails to Convince, let us profit by Example: Observe the Policy
of a Modern Butcher, persecuted with a Swarm of Carnivorous Flies; when
all his Engines and Fly-flaps have prov’d ineffectual to defend his
Stall against the Greedy Assiduity of those Carnal Insects, he very
Judiciously cuts off a Fragment, already blown, which serves to hang
up for a Cure; and thus, by sacrifising a Small Part, already Tainted,
and not worth Keeping, he wisely secures the Safety of the Rest. Or,
let us go higher for Instruction, and take Example by the Grazier, who
far from denying his Herd the Accustom’d Privilege of Rubbing, when
their Sides are Stimulated with sharp Humours, very Industriously
fixes a Stake in the Center of the Field, not so much, you may imagine,
to Regale the Salacious Hides of his Cattle, as to preserve his Young
Trees from Suffering by the Violence of their Friction.

I could give You more Examples of this Kind, equally full of
Instruction, but that I’m loth to detain You from the Perusal of the
following Treatise; and at the same Time Impatient to have the Honour
of Subscribing Myself

    _Your Fellow-Reformer,

        and Devoted Servant,_

            PHIL-PORNEY.




[Illustration]

                           PREFACE.


Lest any inquisitive Reader should puzzle his Brains to find out why
this _Foundling_ is thus clandestinely dropt at his Door, let it
suffice him, that the _Midwife_ of a Printer was unwilling to help
bring it into the World, but upon that Condition, or a much harder,
that of my openly _Fathering_ it. I could make many other reasonable
Apologies, if requisite: For, besides my having follow’d the modest
Example of several other pious _Authors_, such as that of Εικων
Βασιλικη, of the _Whole Duty of Man_, &c. who have studied rather their
Country’s Publick Good, than their own Private Fame; I think, I have
also play’d the Politick Part: for should my _Off-spring_ be defective,
why let it fall upon the Parish. On the other hand, if accidentally
it prove hopeful, ’tis certain I need be at no further Trouble. There
will then be _Parents_ enough ready to own the _Babe_, and take it upon
themselves. Adoption amongst the _Machiavellian_ Laws of the _Muses_
is strictly kept up, and every day put in Practice: How few of our now
bright _Noblemen_ would otherwise have _Wit_? How many of our present
thriving _Poets_ would else want a _Dinner_? ’Tis a vulgar Error to
imagine Men live upon their own Wits, when generally it is upon others
Follies; a Fund that carries by much the best Interest, and is by far
upon the most certain Security of any: The _Exchequer_ has been shut
up, the _Bank_ has stopt Payment, _South-Sea_ has been demolish’d,
but _White’s_ was never known to fail; and indeed how should it,
when almost every Wind blows to _Dover_, or _Holyhead_, some fresh
_Proprietor_ amply qualified with sufficient _Stock_.

I am in some pain for the Event of this _Scheme_, hoping the _Wicked_
will find it too Grave, and fearing the _Godly_ will scarce venture
beyond the Title-Page: And should they, _even_, I know they’ll object,
’tis here and there interwoven with too ludicrous Expressions, not
considering that a dry Argument has occasion for the larding of Gaiety
to make it the better relish and go down. Besides, finding by the exact
Account tack’d to that most edifying _Anti-Heidegger_ Discourse,[6]
that eighty six Thousand Offenders have been lately punish’d, and
that four hundred Thousand religious Books have been distributed
about _Gratis_ (not to mention the numberless Three-penny Jobs
daily publish’d to no Ends, or Purpose, but the _Author_’s;) I say,
finding all these Measures have been taken, and that Lewdness still
so much prevails, I thought it highly proper to try this Experiment,
being fully convinc’d that opposite Methods often take place. Own,
_Preferment-Hunter_! when sailing on with the Tide avails nothing,
does not tacking about steer you sometimes into that snug Harbour, an
Employment? Speak _Hibernian Stallion_! when a meek fawning Adoration
turns to no Account, does not a pert assuming Arrogance frequently
forward, nay, gain the critical Minute? And say, [7] _Mesobin!_ where
a Purge fails, is not a Vomit an infallible _Recipe_ for a Looseness?

  [6] The Bp. of _L----n_’s Sermon against Masquerades.

  [7] An able Member of the College of Physicians.

To conclude; when my Arguments are impartially examin’d, I doubt not
but my Readers will join with me, that as long as it is the Nature
of Man (and _Naturam expellas furca licet usque recurret_) to have a
Salt _Itch_ in the Breeches, the _Brimstone_ under the Petticoat will
be a necessary Remedy to _lay_ it; and let him be ever so sly in the
Application, it will still be found out: What avails it then to affect
to conceal that which cannot be concealed, and that which if carried
on openly and above-board, would become only less detrimental, and of
consequence more justifiable?

Be the Success of this Treatise as it happens, the Good of Mankind is
my only Aim; nor am I less hearty or zealous in the Publick Welfare of
my Country, than that Noble Pattern of Sincerity, Bishop _B----t_, who
finishes his Preface with the following Paragraph. _And now, O my G--,
the G-- of my Life, and of all my Mercies, I offer this Work to Thee,
to whose Honour it is chiefly intended; that thereby I may awaken the
World to just Reflections on their own Errors and Follies, and call on
them to acknowledge thy Providence, to adore it, and ever to depend on
it._




[Illustration]

                               A

                     _Modest Defence, &c._


There is nothing more idle, or shows a greater Affectation of Wit, than
the modern Custom of treating the most grave Subjects with Burlesque
and Ridicule. The present Subject of _Whoring_, was I dispos’d,
would furnish me sufficiently in this kind, and might possibly, if
so handled, excite Mirth in those who are only capable of such low
Impressions. But, as the chief Design of this Treatise is to promote
the general Welfare and Happiness of Mankind, I hope to be excus’d,
if I make no farther Attempts to please, than are consistent with
that Design. The Practice of _Whoring_ has, of late Years, become so
universal, and its Effects so prejudicial to Mankind, that several
Attempts have been made to put a Stop to it; and a certain _Society_
of Worthy _Gentlemen_ have undertaken that Affair with a Zeal truly
commendable, tho’ the Success does but too plainly make it appear, that
they were mistaken in their Measures, and had not rightly consider’d
the Nature of this Evil, which we are all equally sollicitous to
prevent, however we may differ in our Opinions as to the Manner. And
tho’ the Method I intend to propose, of erecting _Publick Stews_ for
that purpose, may seem at first sight somewhat ludicrous, I shall,
nevertheless, make it appear to be the only Means we have now left
for redressing this Grievance. As this Redress is the whole Scope and
Design of this Treatise, I hope to be acquitted of my Design, when
I have prov’d the following Propositions: That _publick Whoring_ is
neither so criminal in itself, nor so detrimental to the _Society_, as
_private Whoring_; and that the encouraging of _publick Whoring_, by
erecting _Stews_, will not only prevent most of the ill Consequences of
this Vice, but even lessen the _Practice_ of _Whoring_ in general, and
reduce it to the narrowest Bounds which it can possibly be contain’d
in. But before we proceed, it is requisite that we examine what those
mischievous Effects are which _Whoring_ naturally produces, that we may
the better judge whether or no they will be prevented by this Scheme.

The greatest Evil that attends this Vice, or could well befall Mankind,
is the Propagation of that infectious Disease, called the _French-Pox_,
which in two Centuries, has made such incredible Havock all over
_Europe_. In these Kingdoms it so seldom fails to attend _Whoring_,
now-a-days mistaken for _Gallantry_ and _Politeness_, that a hale,
robust Constitution is esteem’d a Mark of Ungentility; and a healthy
young Fellow is look’d upon with the same View, as if he had spent
his Life in a Cottage. Our Gentlemen of the Army, whose unsettled way
of Life makes it inconvenient for them to marry, are hereby very much
weaken’d and enervated, and render’d unfit to undergo such Hardships
as are necessary for defending and supporting the Honour of their
Country: And our Gentry in general seem to distinguish themselves
by an ill State of Health, in all probability the Effect of this
pernicious Distemper: for the Secrecy which most People are obliged to
in this Disease, makes the Cure of it often ineffectual; and tho’ the
Infection itself may possibly be remov’d, yet for want of taking proper
Methods, it generally leaves such an ill Habit of Body as is not easily
recover’d. ’Tis to this we seem to owe the Rise of that Distemper, the
_King’s-Evil_, never known till the _French Disease_ began to prevail
here. But what makes this Mischief the more intolerable, is, that the
Innocent must suffer by it as well as the Guilty; Men give it to their
Wives, Women to their Husbands, or perhaps their Children; they to
their Nurses, and the Nurses again to other Children; so that no Age,
Sex, or Condition can be intirely safe from the Infection.

Another ill Effect of this Vice, is, its making People profuse, and
tempting them to live beyond what their Circumstances will admit of;
for if once Men suffer their Minds to be led astray by this unruly
Passion, no worldly Consideration whatever will be able to stop it;
and Wenching as it is very expensive in itself, without the ordinary
Charges of Physic or Children, often leads Men into a thousand other
Vices to support its Extravagance: Besides, after the Mind has once got
this extravagant Turn, there naturally follows a Neglect and Contempt
of Business; and Whoring of itself disposes the Mind to such a sort of
Indolence, as is quite inconsistent with Industry, the main Support of
any, especially a trading, Nation.

The murdering of Bastard Infants is another Consequence of this Vice,
by much worse than the Vice itself: and tho’ the Law is justly severe
in this Particular, as rightly judging that a Mind capable of divesting
itself so intirely of Humanity, is not fit to live in a civiliz’d
Nation: yet there are so many ways of evading it, either by destroying
the Infants before their Birth, or suffering them afterwards to die
by wilful Neglect, that there appears but little Hope of putting any
Stop to this Practice, which, besides the Barbarity of it, tends
very much to dispeople the Country. And since the Prosperity of any
Country is allow’d to depend, in a great measure, on the Number of its
Inhabitants, the _Government_ ought, if it were possible, to prevent
any Whoring at all, as it evidently hinders the Propagation of the
Species: How many thousand young Men in this Nation would turn their
Thoughts towards Matrimony, if they were not constantly destroying that
Passion, which is the only Foundation of it? And tho’ most of them,
sooner or later, find the Inconvenience of this irregular Life, and
think fit to confine themselves to One, yet their Bodies are so much
enervated, by the untimely or immoderate Increase of this Passion,
together with the Relics of Venereal Cures, that they beget a most
wretched, feeble, and sickly Offspring: We can attribute it to nothing
else but this, that so many of our ancient Families of Nobles are of
late extinct.

There is one thing more we ought to consider in this Vice, and that
is the Injury it does to particular Persons and Families; either by
alienating the Affections of Wives from their Husbands, which often
proves prejudicial to both, and sometimes fatal to whole Families; or
else by debauching the Minds of young Women, to their utter Ruin and
Destruction: for the Reproach they must undergo, when a Slip of this
nature is discover’d, prevents their marrying in any Degree suitable
to their Fortune, and by degrees hardens them to all Sense of Shame;
and when they have once overcome that, the present View of Interest as
well as Pleasure, sways them to continue in the same Course, till at
length they become common Prostitutes.

These are the several bad Effects of Whoring; and it is an unhappy
Thing, that a Practice so universal as this is, and always will be,
should be attended with such mischievous Consequences: But since few
or none of them are the necessary Effects of Whoring, consider’d in
itself, but only proceed from the Abuse and ill Management of it; our
Business is certainly to regulate this Affair in such sort as may
best prevent these Mischiefs. And I must here beg pardon of those
worthy _Gentlemen_ of the _Society_, if I can’t conceive how the
Discouragement they have given, or rather attempted to give, to publick
Whoring, could possibly have the desired Effect. If this was a Vice
acquired by Habit or Custom, or depended upon Education, as most other
Vices, there might be some Hopes of suppressing it; and then it would,
no doubt, be commendable to attack it, without Distinction, in whatever
Form or Disguise it should appear: But alas! this violent Love for
Women is born and bred with us; nay, it is absolutely necessary to our
being born at all: And however some People may pretend, that unlawful
Enjoyment is contrary to the Law of _Nature_, this is certain, that
Nature never fails to furnish us largely with this Passion, tho’ she is
often sparing to bestow upon us such a Portion of Reason and Reflection
as is necessary to curb it.

That long Course of Experience which most of these _Gentlemen_ have had
in the World, and which is of so great Use in other Cases, may probably
occasion their Mistake in this; for Age is very liable to forget the
violence of youthful Passions, and, consequently, apt to think them
easier curb’d: whereas if we consider the true Source of Whoring, and
the strong Impulse of Nature that way, we shall find, it is a Thing not
to be too violently restrain’d; lest, like a Stream diverted out of
its proper Channel, it should break in and overflow the neighbouring
_Inclosures_.

History affords us several Instances of this Truth; I shall mention
but one, and that is of Pope _Sixtus_ the Fifth, who was so strictly
severe in the Execution of Justice, if such Severity may be call’d
Justice, and particularly, against Offenders of this kind, that he
condemned a young Man to the Galleys, only for snatching a Kiss of a
Damsel in the Street: yet notwithstanding this his _Holiness_’s Zeal,
he never attempted once to extirpate Whoring intirely: But like a true
_Pastor_ separated the clean Sheep from the unclean, and confin’d all
the Courtezans to one Quarter of the City. It is true, he did attempt
to moderate this Vice, and banish’d as many Courtezans as he thought
exceeded the necessary Number; but he was soon convinc’d of the Error
of his Computation, for _Sodomy_, and a thousand other unnatural Vices
sprung up, which forc’d him soon to recal them, and has left us a
remarkable Instance of the Vanity of such Attempts.

Let us now proceed to the Proof of our Proposition, in the first Part
of which, it was asserted, That publick Whoring is neither so Criminal
in itself, nor so Detrimental to the _Society_, as private Whoring.

Publick Whoring consists in lying with a certain Set of Women, who
have shook off all Pretence to Modesty; and for such a Sum of Money,
more or less, profess themselves always in a Readiness to be enjoy’d.
The Mischief a Man does in this Case is intirely to himself; for with
respect to the Woman, he does a laudable Action, in furnishing her with
the Means of Subsistence, in the only, or at least most innocent way
that she is capable of procuring it. The Damage he does to himself,
is either with regard to his Health, or the Expence of Money, and may
be consider’d under the same View as Drinking, with this considerable
Advantage, that it restores us to that cool Exercise of our Reason,
which Drinking tends to deprive us of. Indeed was there a Probability
of a Woman’s Amendment, and of her gaining a Livelihood by some
honester Method, there might be some Crime in encouraging her to follow
such a Profession: But the Minds of Women are observ’d to be so much
corrupted by the Loss of Chastity, or rather by the Reproach they
suffer upon that Loss, that they seldom or never change that Course
of Life for the better; and if they should, they can never recover
that good Name, which is so absolutely necessary to their getting a
Maintenance in any honest Way whatever; and that nothing but meer
Necessity obliges them to continue in that Course, is plain from this,
That they themselves in Reality utterly abhor it: And indeed there
appears nothing in it so very alluring and bewitching, especially to
People who have that Inclination to Lewdness intirely extinguish’d,
which is the only thing could possibly make it supportable,

The other Branch of Whoring, viz. _Private_, is of much worse
Consequence; and a Man’s Crime in this Case increases in proportion to
the different Degree of Mischief done, if you consider his Crime with
regard to the _Society_; for as to personal Guilt, Allowance ought to
be made for the Increase of Temptation, which is very considerable in
the Case of debauching _Married Women_; upon account of the Safety to
the Aggressor, either with Respect to his Health, or the Charge, and,
if that affects him, the Scandal of having a Bastard. On the other
hand, the Injury done, is very considerable, as such an Action tends
to corrupt a Woman’s Mind, and destroy that mutual Love and Affection
between Man and Wife, which is so necessary to both their Happiness.
Besides, the Risque run of a Discovery, which at least ruins a Woman’s
Reputation, and destroys the Husband’s Quiet; nay, where Virtue does
not intirely give way, if it warps but ever so little, the Consequence
is shockingly fatal: for tho’ the good Man, suspicious of the Wife’s
Chastity, the Wife of the Gallant’s Constancy, and the Gallant of the
Husband’s Watchfulness, by being a Check upon each other, may keep the
Gate of Virtue shut; yet then even all Parties must be attended with a
never-ceasing Misery, nor to be imagin’d, but by those who too fatally
_feel it_.

The Crime of debauching young _Virgins_ will appear much greater, if
we consider that there is much more Mischief done, and the Temptation
to do it much lessen’d by the fear of getting Children; which, in
most Circumstances of Life, does a Man a deal of Prejudice, and keeps
at least three Parts in four of our sober Youth from gratifying this
violent Passion. Besides, the Methods that are necessary to be taken,
before a Man can have such an Action in his Power, are in themselves
Criminal; and it shows a certain Baseness of Mind to persuade a Woman,
by a thousand solemn Vows and Protestations, into such a good Opinion
of you, and Assurance of your Love to her, that she trusts you with
all that is dear and near to her; and this with no other View but the
Gratification of a present Passion, which might be otherwise vented,
than at the certain Expence of her Ruin, and putting her under the
Necessity of leading the Life of a _Publick Courtezan_.

From this general Consideration of Whoring, it is evident, that tho’
all the several Species of it proceed from the same Cause, our natural
Love and Passion for Women, yet they are very different in their
Natures, and fully as distinct Crimes as those which proceed from our
Love to Money, such as Murder, Shoplifting, _&c._ And I hope I have
said enough to prove, that the Publick Part of it is by far the least
Criminal, and least Detrimental to the _Society_; which of itself
is a sufficient Motive for the _Legislature_ to confine it to that
Channel. I shall now proceed farther, and show, as I before propos’d,
that the encouraging of Publick Whoring, will not only prevent most of
the mischievous Effects of this Vice, but even lessen the Practice of
Whoring in general, and reduce it to the narrowest Bounds which it can
possibly be contain’d in.

When I talk’d of encouraging publick Whoring, I would be understood
to mean, not only the erecting _Publick Stews_, as I at first hinted,
but also the endowing them with such Privileges and Immunities, and at
the same time giving such Discouragement to private Whoring, as may be
most effectual to turn the general Stream of Lewdness into this common
Channel.

I shall here lay down a Plan for this Purpose, which, tho’ it may well
serve to illustrate this Point, and make good the Proof of my present
Argument, would doubtless receive infinite Improvement by coming
through the Hands of a _National Senate_, whose august Body, being
compos’d of _Spirituals_ as well as _Temporals_, will, I hope, take
into Consideration this Important Affair, which so nearly concerns both.

The Plan I would propose, is this: Let a hundred or more Houses be
provided in some convenient Quarter of the City, and proportionably
in every Country-Town, sufficient to contain two thousand Women: If a
hundred are thought sufficient, let a hundred _Matrons_ be appointed,
one to each House, of Abilities and Experience enough to take upon
them the Management of twenty Courtezans each, to see that they keep
themselves neat and decent, and entertain Gentlemen after a civil and
obliging Manner. For the encouragement of such _Matrons_, each House
must be allow’d a certain Quantity of all sorts of Liquor, Custom
and Excise free; by which Means they will be enabled to accommodate
Gentlemen handsomely, without that Imposition so frequently met with in
such Houses. Besides the hundred abovemention’d, there must be a very
large House set apart for an Infirmary, and Provision made for two able
Physicians, and four Surgeons at least. Lastly, there must be three
Commissioners appointed to superintend the whole, to hear and redress
Complaints, and to see that each House punctually observes such Rules
and Orders as shall be thought necessary for the good Government of
this Community. For the better Entertainment of all Ranks and Degrees
of Gentlemen, we shall divide the twenty Women of each House into four
Classes, who for their Beauty, or other Qualifications may justly
challenge different Prices.

The first Class is to consist of eight, who may legally demand from
each Visitant Half a Crown. The second Class to consist of six, whose
fix’d Price may be a Crown. The third Class of four, at half a Guinea
each. The remaining two make up the fourth Class, and are design’d
for Persons of the first Rank, who can afford to pay a Guinea for the
Elegancy of their Taste. To defray the Charges of this Establishment,
will require but a very moderate Tax: For if the first Class pays but
forty Shillings Yearly, and the rest in Proportion, it will amount to
above 10,000 _l._ a Year, which will not only pay the Commissioners
Salaries, Surgeons Chests, and other Contingencies, but likewise
establish a good Fund for the Maintenance of Illegitimate Orphans and
superannuated Courtezans.

For the better Government of this _Society_, it will be necessary that
the Mistress have an absolute Command in her own House, and that no
Woman be suffer’d to go abroad without her Leave. No Woman must be
suffer’d to lie in, within the House; nor any young Children admitted
under any Pretence. No Musick or Revelling to be allow’d in any Room,
to the Disturbance of the rest. No Gentlemen disorderly or drunk, to be
admitted at an unseasonable Hour, without the Consent of the Mistress:
And, in case of Violence, she must be empower’d to call the Civil Aid.

For the _Society_’s Security in Point of Health, it must be order’d,
That if any Gentleman complains of receiving an Injury, and the Woman,
upon Search, be found tainted, without having discover’d it to the
Mistress, she shall be stripp’d and cashier’d. But if a Woman discovers
her Misfortune before any Complaint is made against her, she shall
be sent to the _Infirmary_, and cured at the Publick Charge. No Woman
that has been twice pox’d shall ever be re-admitted. _Note_, That three
Claps shall be reckon’d equivalent to one Pox.

But as no _Society_ ever fram’d a compleat Body of Laws at once, till
overseen Accidents had taught them Foresight, we shall refer the
farther Regulation of these Laws, with whatever new ones shall be
thought necessary, to the _Wisdom_ of the _Legislature_,

The _Publick Stews_ being thus erected and govern’d by good and
wholesome Laws, there remains nothing to compleat this Project, but
that proper Measures be taken effectually to discourage all other Kinds
of Whoring whatsoever. And here it is to be hoped, that those worthy
_Gentlemen_ of the _Society_, who have hitherto distinguish’d their
_Zeal_ to so little Purpose, will now exert themselves where they have
so good a Prospect of Success; for altho’ a poor Itinerant Courtezan
could not by any Means be persuaded to starve at the Instigation of
a _Reforming_ Constable, yet a little _Bridewell_ Rhetorick, or the
Terrors of a Transportation, will soon convince her that she may
live more comfortably and honestly in a _Publick Stew_. If there are
any so foolish as to love Rambling better, or who are not qualify’d
to please Gentlemen according to Law, they ought to be transported;
for _Bridewell_, as it is now manag’d, only makes them poorer,
and consequently lays them under a greater Necessity than ever of
continuing Prostitutes.

Let us now suppose, for Brevity sake, that the _Publick Stews_ are
as much as possible favour’d and encourag’d, and that all the other
Branches of this Vice have the utmost Rigour of the Laws exerted
against them.

It now remains for me to show what Benefit the _Nation_ would receive
thereby, and how this Project would prevent or in any Degree alleviate
those Mischiefs which I have mention’d to be the necessary Consequences
of this Vice. As for any Objections that may be rais’d against me,
either _Christian_ or _Moral_, I shall refer them to the Close of this
Discourse.

First then, I say, the _Nation_ would receive a general Benefit by
having such a considerable Number of its most disorderly Inhabitants
brought to live after a regular civiliz’d Manner. There is, one Year
with another, a certain Number of young Women who arrive gradually,
Step by Step, at the highest Degree of Impudence and Lewdness. These
Women, besides their Incontinence, are commonly guilty of almost the
whole Catalogue of immoral Actions: The Reason is evident; They are
utterly abandon’d by their Parents, and thereby reduc’d to the last
Degree of Shifting-Poverty; if their Lewdness cannot supply their
Wants, they must have Recourse to Methods more criminal, such as
_Lying_, _Cheating_, _open Theft_, &c. Not that these are the necessary
Concomitants of Lewdness, or have the least Relation to it, as all
_lewd Men of Honour_ can testify; but the Treatment such Women meet
with in the World, is the Occasion of it.

Those Females, who either by the Frigidity of their Constitutions,
a lucky Want of Temptation, or any other Cause, have preserv’d
their Chastity; and the Men, in general, Chaste or Unchaste, are so
outrageous against these Delinquents, that they make no Distinction:
all of them are branded with the same opprobrious Title, they are all
treated with the same Contempt, all equally despis’d; so that let
them be guilty of what other Crimes they please, they cannot add one
Jot to the Shame they already undergo. Having thus remov’d the Fear
of worldly Reproach, which is justly esteem’d the greatest _Bulwark_
of _Morality_, it is no wonder if these Women, insensible of Shame,
and prick’d on by Want, commit any Crimes, where they are not deter’d
by the Fear of corporal Punishments. But the Case now will be quite
alter’d; these Women, as soon as they have attain’d a competent
Share of Assurance, and before they are pinch’d with the Extreme of
Poverty, will enter themselves in some of the abovementioned Classes of
profess’d Courtezans; where, instead of being necessarily dishonest,
they will have more Inducements to Honesty than any other Profession
whatsoever. The same Money defends, as well as it corrupts a _Prime
Minister_: A _Churchman_ takes Sanctuary in a Gown, and who dare accuse
a Mitre of _Simony_? Accuse a _Colonel_ of Injustice, he is try’d by
his Board of _Officers_, and your Information is false, scandalous,
and malicious. A _Lawyer_ cheats you according to Law; and you may
thank the _Physician_, if you live to complain of him. _Over-reaching_
in Trade, is _prudent Dealing_; and _Mechanick Cunning_, is stiled
_Handicraft_. Not so fares the poor Courtezan; if she commits but one
ill Action, if, for Instance, she should circumvent a Gentleman of a
_Snuff-Box_, she can hardly escape Detection; and the first Discovery
ruins her; she is banish’d the _Publick Stews_, mark’d out for Infamy,
and can have no better Prospect than a Transportation. On the other
hand, the Motives to Honesty will be as great here as any where: It
is natural for Mankind to regard chiefly the good Opinion of those
with whom they converse, and to neglect that of Strangers: Now in
this Community, Lewdness not being esteem’d a Reproach, but rather a
Commendation, they will set a Value on their good Name, and stand as
much upon the Puncto of Honour, as the rest of Mankind; being mov’d by
the same commendable Emulation, and deter’d by greater, or at least
more certain Punishments. Besides this Reformation in Point of Honesty,
the Publick will receive another Benefit in being freed from those
nocturnal Disorders, Quarrels and Brawlings, which are occasion’d by
vagrant Punks, and the Number of private Brothels dispers’d throughout
the City, to the great Disturbance of its sober Inhabitants.

We have already mention’d the _French Disease_ as one of the worst
Attendants upon Lewdness, and with good Reason; for in the Enjoyment
of this Life, Health is the _sine qua non_: _i. e._ the greatest
Happiness. And this Distemper has one Thing in it peculiarly
inveterate, as if it came out of _Pandora’s_ worst Box; there is
no other Disorder, but what at some Age, or in some particular
Constitution, will abate of itself without the Application of
Medicines; but this is such a busy restless Enemy, that unless
resisted, he is never at a Stand, but gathers Strength every Day,
to the utter Disquiet of the Patient. Now it is so evident that the
_Publick Stews_, when well regulated, will prevent the Spreading of
this Plague, that a prolix and tedious Proof of it would look like
Declaiming. As this Disease has its Spring and Source entirely from
publick Whoring, and from thence creeps into private Families; so
it likewise receives continual Supplies and Recruits thro’ the same
Channel: When this Source is once dry’d up the Nation will naturally
recover its pristine Health and Vigour: And this cannot fail to happen,
if due Care be taken to keep the _Stews_ free from Infection; for what
young Fellow will be so industriously mad, as to take Pains to run
his Head into an Apothecary’s Shop, when he may with so much Ease and
Conveniency, and without the Fear of a _Reforming Officer_, both secure
his Health and gratify his Fancy with such a Variety of Mistresses.

’Tis true, the keeping of the _Publick Stews_ so very safe, will appear
a difficult Task, at first Sight; but not so if we consider the Case
a little nearer. This Disease is propagated reciprocally from the
Woman to the Man, and from the Man to the Woman; but the first is the
most common for several Reasons: We are not like Cocks or Town-Bulls,
who have a whole Seraglia of Females entirely and solely at their
Devotion; on the contrary, one industrious Pains-taking Woman, who lays
herself out that Way, is capable of satisfying several rampant Males;
insomuch, that a select Number of Women get a handsome Livelihood by
being able to oblige such a Number of Customers. Now, if but a few of
these Women are unsound, they can infect a great many Men; whereas
these Men have neither Power nor Inclination to infect the like Number
of Women. I say, Inclination; for a Woman, to raise Money for the
Surgeon’s Fee, may counterfeit Pleasure when she really receives Pain;
nay, she may even venture to complain of being hurt: for the Man will
attribute the Pain he gives her, either to her Chastity, or his own
Vigour; not dreaming, perhaps, that he has molested a _Shanker_. This
a Female may do, as being only passive in the Affair, but a Man must
have real Fancy and Inclination before he is qualify’d to enter upon
Action: And how far this Fancy to Woman may be cool’d by a stinging
_Gonorrhœa_, I leave the experienc’d Reader to judge; and whether a Man
won’t rather employ his Thoughts upon his _round Diet_, _i. e._ Pills,
how to digest 2 at Night, and 3 in the Morning; what Conveyance to find
out when poach’d Eggs grow nauseous, and how to preserve his Linnen
from being speckled; with a Thousand other Particulars that occur to a
Man in this Distress: but these are sufficient, with the Assistance of
a _Cordee_, to _bridle_ any moderate Passion. So that from the whole
we may safely draw this Conclusion; That since the Men are so seldom
guilty of transgressing in this Kind, the spreading of this Distemper
must be owing to the Neglect of Cure in the Women. Now the _Publick
Stews_ will be so regulated, that a Woman cannot possibly conceal
her Misfortune long; nay, it will be highly her Interest to make the
first Discovery; so that whatever Damage the _Society_ may sustain at
first, when Claps are most current, it will be soon repair’d, and this
Distemper, in Time, entirely rooted out. But of this enough.

                     *    *    *    *    *

The next Thing that comes to be consider’d in this Vice, is the Expence
it occasions, and the Neglect of worldly Business, by employing so much
of our Time and Thoughts; for let a Man have ever so much Business,
it can’t stop the Circulation of his Blood, or prevent the Seminal
Secretion: for Sleeping or Waking, the _Spermaticks_ will do their
Office, tho’ a Man’s Thoughts may be so much employ’d about other
Affairs, that he cannot attend to every minute Titillation. A Man of
Pleasure, indeed, may make this copulative Science his whole Study;
and, by Idleness and Luxury, may prompt Nature that Way, and spur up
the Spirits to Wantonness: but then his Constitution will be the sooner
tired; for the Animal Spirits being exhausted by this Anticipation,
his Body must be weaken’d, and his Nerves relax’d; neither will his
irregular effeminate Life assist them in recovering their former Force.
Besides, those Parts which more particularly suffer the Violence of
this Exercise, are liable to many Accidents; and Men of Pleasure,
though otherwise pretty healthy, are often troubled with Gleets and
Weaknesses, either by a former Ulceration of the _Prostrates_, or
else some violent Over-straining, which occasions this Relaxation.
These Men, ’tis true, will talk very lusciously of Women; but,
pretend what they please, they can never have that burning Desire
which they had formerly, when their Vessels were in full Vigour. The
Truth is, their Lust lies chiefly in their Brain, kept alive by the
Impression of former Ideas, which are not so easily rubb’d out as
the Titillation which created them; and this Passion comes to be so
diminished, that, in Time, it changes its Residence from the _Glans
Penis_ to the _Glandula Penealis_. A Man of Business, on the contrary,
or one who leads a sober regular Life, will seldomer be attack’d by
these wanton Fits, but then they will come with double the Violence;
for though it is a common received Opinion, that the longer a Man
refrains, the better he is able to refrain, yet it is only true in
one Sense, and amounts to no more than this: That if a Man has been
able, for such and such Reasons, to curb this Passion, for Instance,
a Month, he will, if the same Reasons hold, and without an additional
Temptation, be able to curb it a Month longer; but, nevertheless,
he may have Desires much stronger than a Man who, for want of these
Motives to Abstinence, gratifies them every Day. If there are some
Men of a particular Constitution, whose puny Desires may be easily
block’d up with the Assistance of _three small Buttons_: or else
endow’d with such an extraordinary Strength of Reason, that they can
master the most _rampant_ Sallies of this raging Passion; I heartily
congratulate their happy Conquest, but have nothing more to do with
them at present, the _Publick Stews_ not being design’d for such: I
am here speaking of those Men of Business, who, notwithstanding their
Abstinence or the Regularity of their Lives, are sometimes prevailed
upon to quench these amorous Heats; and, I say, in such Men the Passion
is much stronger than in Men of Pleasure, and that their Abstinence
contributes to heighten the Violence of the Desire, and make it the
more irresistible: for the Fancy not being cloy’d with too frequent
Enjoyment, presently takes fire; and the _Spermaticks_, not being
weaken’d with forc’d Evacuations, are in their full Vigour, and give
the Nerves a most exquisite Sensation: so that upon the least toying
with an alluring Wench, the Blood-Vessels are ready to start; and to
use _Othello_’s Words, _The very Sense aches at her._

Now, what shall this Man do, when he has once taken the Resolution to
make himself easy? He must either venture upon the Publick, where,
it is Odds, he may meet with a Mischance that will either drain his
Pocket, and make him unfit for any Business, at least without Doors;
or else he must employ both his Time and Rhetoric, and perhaps too his
Purse, in deluding some modest Girl; which, besides the Loss of Time in
carrying on such an Intrigue, is apt to give the Head such an amorous
Turn as is quite inconsistent with Business, and may probably lead a
Man into After-Expences, which at first he never dreamt of.

Now to remedy all these Inconveniences, the _Publick Stews_ will be
always ready and open, where a Man may regulate his Expences according
to his Ability, from Half a Crown to a Guinea; and that too without
endangering his Health: And besides, which is chiefly to be consider’d,
if a Man should be overtaken with a sudden Gust of Lechery, it will be
no Hindrance to him even in the greatest Hurry of Business, for a ready
and willing Mistress will ease him in the twinkling of an Eye, and he
may prosecute his Affairs with more Attention than ever, by having his
Mind entirely freed and disengag’d from those troublesome Ideas which
always accompany a wanton Disposition of the Body. But to proceed:

Another ill Consequence of Whoring, is the Tendency it has to dispeople
a Nation; and that both by the Destruction of Illegitimate Infants, and
by ruining young Men’s Constitutions so much, that, when they marry,
they either beget no Children, or such as are sickly and short-liv’d.
The first of these, indeed, is almost unavoidable, especially in modest
Women, who will be guilty of this Cruelty as long as Female Chastity
carries that high Reputation along with it, which it really deserves:
However, in common Women, it may and will be, in a great measure,
prevented by this Scheme; for every profess’d Courtezan, that is
legally licens’d, will have an Apartment allotted her in the Infirmary
when she is ready to lie in, and will be obliged to take Care of her
Child; by which means a considerable Number of Infants will be reared
up, that otherwise might probably have perish’d. Besides, there are
a great many ordinary Girls, such as Servant-Maids, who are chiefly
mov’d to this Action, by the fear of losing their Services, and wanting
Bread. Now this handsome Provision that is made for them, will be a
great Inducement for such to enter themselves in the _Stews_, rather
than commit such an unnatural Action, especially when the Discovery is
Death.

Let us now consider the Affair of Matrimony. Since the World is now
no longer in a State of Nature, but form’d into several Societies
independent of one another, and these Societies again divided into
several Ranks and Degrees of Men, distinguish’d by their Titles and
Possessions, which descend from Father to Son; it is very certain that
Marriage is absolutely necessary, not only for the regular Propagation
of the _Species_, and their careful Education, but likewise for
preserving that Distinction of Rank among Mankind, which otherwise
would be utterly lost and confounded by doubtful Successions. And
it is no less certain and indisputable, that all Sorts and Kinds of
Debauchery whatever are Enemies to this State, in so far as they impair
the natural Vigour of the Constitution, and weaken the very Springs of
Love.

This necessary Passion is, indeed, of such a ticklish Nature, that
either too much or too little of it is equally prejudicial, and the
_Medium_ is so hard to hit, that we are apt to fall into one of the
Extremes. We are naturally _furnish_’d with an extraordinary _Stock_
of Love; and, by the _Largeness_ of the Provision, it looks as if
Nature had made some Allowance for _Wear and Tear_. If young Men were
to live intirely chaste and sober, without blunting the Edge of their
Passions, the first Fit of Love would turn their Brains Topsy-turvy,
and we should have the Nation pestered with Love-Adventures and Feats
of Chivalry: By the time a _Peer’s_ Son came to be Sixteen, he would be
in danger of turning Knight-Errant, and might possibly take a Cobler’s
Daughter for his _Dulcinea_; and who knows but a sprightly young
_Taylor_ might turn an _Orlando Furioso_, and venture his Neck to carry
off a Lady of Birth and Fortune. In short, there are so many Instances
every day of these ruinous disproportion’d Matches, notwithstanding our
present Intemperance, that we may justly conclude, if the Nation was in
a State of perfect Sobriety, no Man could answer for the Conduct of his
Children.

It must, indeed, be confess’d, as Matters now stand, the Excess of
Chastity is not so much to be fear’d as the other Extreme of Lewdness,
tho’ there are Instances of both; and many Fathers, now living, would
gladly have seen their Sons fifty times in a _Stew_, rather than see
them so unfortunately married. The other Extreme is equally, or rather
more dangerous, as it is more common; for most young Men give too great
a Loose to their Passions, and either quite destroy their Inclination
to Matrimony, or make their Constitutions incapable of answering the
Ends of that State.

To avoid therefore these two dangerous Extremes, we have erected the
_Publick Stews_, which every considerate Man must allow to be that
Golden Mean so much desired: For, in the first Place, we avoid the
Inconvenience of too strict a Chastity. When a Man has gained some
Experience by his Commerce in the _Stews_, he is able to form a pretty
good comparative Judgment of what he may expect from the highest
Gratifications of Love; he finds his Ideas of Beauty strangely alter’d
after Enjoyment, and will not be hurry’d into an unsuitable Match by
those romantick chimerical Notions of Love, which possess the Minds of
unexperienced Youth, and make them fancy that Love alone can compleat
the Happiness of a married State. But this will be so readily granted,
that I shan’t insist upon it farther.

In the next Place, the _Publick Stews_ will prevent the ill Effects
of excessive Lewdness, by preserving Men’s Constitutions so well,
that although they may defer Matrimony some time for their special
Advantage, yet they will have a sufficient Stock of Desire left to
perswade them, one time or other, to quit the Gaiety of a Single Life:
and when they do marry, they will be able to answer all the Ends and
Purposes of that State as well, and rather better, than if they had
lived perfectly chaste.

This may seem a bold Proposition, but the Proof of it is nevertheless
obvious. However, to proceed methodically, there are three Ways
by which lewd young Men destroy their natural Vigour, and render
themselves Impotent: First, By Manufriction, _alias_ Masturbation.
Secondly, By too frequent and immoderate Enjoyment. And, Lastly, By
contracting Venereal Disorders, as Claps or Poxes.

The first lewd Trick that Boys learn, is this Manual Diversion; and
when they have once got the knack of it, they seldom quit it till
they come to have actual Commerce with Women: The Safety, Privacy,
Convenience, and Cheapness of this Gratification are very strong
Motives, and chiefly persuade young Men to continue the Practice of it.

If these Pollutionists were so abstemious as to wait the ordinary
Calls of Nature, this Action, however unnatural, would be no more
prejudicial, when prudently managed, than common Copulation; but,
instead of this, they are every Day committing _Rapes_ upon their own
Bodies; and though they have neither real Inclination nor Ability to
attack a Woman, yet they can attack themselves, and supply all these
Defects by the Agility of their Wrists; by which means they so weaken
their Genitals, and accustom them to this violent Friction, that, tho’
they have frequently Evacuations without an Erection, yet the common
and ordinary Sensation which Females afford to those Parts, is not able
of itself to promote this Evacuation: so that they are impotent to all
Intents and Purposes of Generation.

To put a Stop therefore to these clandestine Practices, and prevent
young Men from laying _violent Hands_ upon themselves, we must have
Recourse to the _Publick Stews_, which cannot fail to have the desired
Effect: For which of these private Practitioners can be so brutish, as
to prefer this boyish solitary Amusement before the actual Embraces of
a fine Woman, when they can proceed with the same Convenience, Safety,
and Privacy in the one, as well as the other.

In the next Place, Men are often weaken’d, and sometimes contract
almost incurable Gleets by too frequent and immoderate Enjoyment. This
seldom or never happens but in private Whoring, when some particular
Mistress has made such a strong Impression upon a Man’s Fancy, that he
exerts himself in an extraordinary Manner beyond his natural Ability,
and thereby contracts a Seminal Weakness, which is generally more
difficult to cure than a virulent Running. Now this Danger will be
pretty well remov’d by the Encouragement given to _Publick Whoring_,
which, as I shall show more particularly hereafter, will divert Men’s
Minds, and turn their Thoughts very much from private Intrigues: And
it will be readily granted me, that no such Excess is to be fear’d in
_Publick Stews_; where a Man only acting out of a general Principle of
Love to the whole Sex, will be in no Danger of proceeding any farther
than he is prompted by Nature, and the particular Disposition of his
Body at that Time.

As for the third Cause of Impotency, the Venereal Disease, we have
already prov’d that this Institution of the _Stews_ is the best and
surest Remedy against it; and shall only observe here how happily
this Project provides against the various ill Effects of Lewdness, in
whatever Light we consider them.

Thus, I think, the first Part of my Proposition pretty well clear’d,
_viz._ That the _Publick Stews_ will preserve Mens Constitutions so
well, that they will have a sufficient Stock of corporal Ability, and
consequently Inclination left to persuade them, sooner or later, to
enter into the Marriage-State.

                     *    *    *    *    *

I say farther, that these Men, having thus preserv’d their
Constitution, will answer all the Intents and Purposes of that State,
rather better than if they had lived perfectly chaste.

When a Man and a Woman select one another out of the whole Species,
it is not merely for Propagation; nay, that is generally the least
in their Thoughts: What they chiefly have in View, is to pass the
Remainder of their Lives happily together, to enjoy the soft Embraces
and mutual Endearments of Love; to divide their Joys and Griefs; to
share their Pleasures and Afflictions; and, in short, to make one
another as happy as possible. As for Children, they come of Course, and
of Course are educated according to their Parents Abilities.

Now all these Enjoyments depending upon the mutual Affection of these
two, Man and Wife; whenever this Affection fails, either in the Woman
or the Man, that Marriage is unhappy, and all the good Ends and Designs
of this State entirely frustrated. To give the Women their Due, they
must have the Preference in Point of Constancy; their Passions are not
so easily rais’d, nor so suddenly fix’d upon any particular Object:
but when this Passion is once rooted in Women, it is much stronger and
more durable than in Men, and rather increases than diminishes, by
enjoying the Person beloved. Whether it is that Women receive as much
Love as they part with, and that the Love they receive is not entirely
lost, but takes Root again by Conception; whereas what a Man parts with
never affects him further, than just the Pleasure he receives at the
time of parting with it: or whether this Difference is owing to the
different Turn of Mens Fancies, which are more susceptible of fresh
Impressions from every handsome Face they meet, or perhaps that their
Heads are so much employ’d in worldly Affairs, that they only take Love
_en passant_ to get rid of a present Uneasiness, whereas Women make it
the whole Business of their Lives: Whatever the Reason is, I say, it is
experimentally true, that a Woman has but a very _slippery Hold_ of a
Man’s Affections after Enjoyment. Let us see therefore which of these
two, the chaste or the experienc’d Man, will be least liable to this
Failure of Affection, and consequently which of the two will make the
best married Man.

The first great Cooler of a Man’s Affections after Marriage, is the
Disparity of the Match. When a Man has married entirely for Love,
and to the apparent Detriment of his worldly Affairs, as soon as the
first Flash of it is over, he can’t help reflecting upon the Woman as
the Cause, and, in some Sense, the Author of his Misfortunes; This
naturally begets a Coldness and Indifference, which, by Degrees, turns
to an open Dislike. Now it is these sorts of Marriages that chaste Men
are always in danger of falling into, as I have already proved; neither
is there any effectual Way to convince a Man of this Folly, and secure
him against it, but by giving him some Experience in Love-Affairs.
Again, as chaste Men seldom marry for any thing but sheer Love, so they
have framed to themselves such high extravagant Notions of the Raptures
they expect to possess in the Marriage-Bed, that they are mightily
shocked at the Disappointment. A chaste unexperienc’d Man is strangely
surprized, that those bewitching Charms should make such a faint
Impression upon him after a thorow Perusal; he can scarce believe that
the Woman is still possessed of the same Charms which transported him
formerly; he fancies he has discover’d abundance of little Faults and
Imperfections, and attributes his growing Dislike to this Discovery,
not dreaming that this Alteration is entirely in himself, and not in
the Object of Desire, which remains still the same. The Truth is, when
a Man is full fraught with Love, and that his Pulse beats high for
Enjoyment, this peccant Love-Humour falls down upon the Eye, which may
be observ’d at such a time to be full brisk and sparkling: ’Tis then
the Beauty of every Feature is magnified. and _Parthenope_ is no less
than a Goddess. But when this dazzling Humour is drawn downwards by
a Revulsion, as in the Case of Marriage, a Man’s Eyes are perfectly
open’d; and though they may look languid, sunk, and environ’d with
blueish Circles, yet he actually sees much better than before; for
_Parthenope_ will now appear to him a Mortal, such as she really is,
divested of all those false Glosses and Appearances.

The chaste Man is surprized at this Change; he is apt to lay the Fault
upon the Woman, and generally fixes his Affections on some other
Female, who, he imagines, is free from those Faults: then farewel happy
Wedlock. The experienc’d Man, on the contrary, has try’d several Women;
he finds they all agree in one Particular, and that after a Storm of
Love there always succeeds a Calm: When he enters into Matrimony, he is
prepar’d against any Disappointments of that Nature, and is ready to
make Allowance for those Faults and Imperfections which are inseparable
from Human Kind. This is so true, that Women have establish’d a Maxim,
that Rakes make the best Husbands; for they are very sensible how
difficult it is to monopolize a Man’s Affections; that he will have
his Curiosity about those Affairs satisfied one time or other: And
tho’ this Experience is useful before Marriage, it is very dangerous
afterwards.

Besides, to compleat the Happiness of the Marriage-State, or indeed to
make it tolerably easy, there must be some Agreement in the Temper,
Humour, and Disposition of the two Parties concern’d. If, for Instance,
the Man can’t endure the Sight of a _Metropolis_, and the Woman can’t
enjoy herself out of it; if the Man is grave, serious, and an Enemy
to all jocular Merriment, when his Wife is a profess’d Lover of Mirth
and Gaiety, these two can never agree: Differences will arise every
Day, and Differences in Wedlock are as hard to reconcile as those in
Religion: We may guess at the Reason from a parallel Instance.

After the Revocation of the Edict of _Nantz_, several Protestant
Gentlemen were shut up in the _Bastile_ at _Paris_, where they liv’d
constantly together for a considerable Time: They made an Observation,
during their Stay there, That whenever the least Difference or Dispute
happen’d amongst them, it was never reconciled till some time after
their Enlargement; because, said they, altho’ we were Yoke-Fellows
in Affliction, yet never being out of one another’s Company, our
Animosities were always kept up warm, for want of a little Absence to
cool them. It is the same Case with Matrimony; and People ought to be
particularly careful to chuse a Wife as nearly of their own Temper as
possible.

Now this Consideration never enters into the Head of a chaste
unexperienc’d Man, he is so infatuated with personal Love, that he
imagines his whole future Happiness depends upon the Possession of such
a Shape, or such a Composition of Features; when he is disappointed
in this, how much will it add to his Chagrin, to find himself yoked
for Life to a Woman whose Temper is quite opposite to his own, and
consequently whose Satisfaction is quite inconsistent with his? We
may guess the Sequel; separate Beds, separate Maintenance, and all
the whole Train of Conjugal Misfortunes. In short, let us consider
Matrimony under what View we please, we shall still find that the
experienc’d Man will make the best Husband, and answer all the Ends
of Marriage much better than a Man who lives perfectly chaste to his
Wedding-Day.

Thus, we see, by this happy Regulation of the _Publick Stews_, that
Whoring, instead of being an Enemy to Matrimony, will advance and
promote the Interest of it as much as possible.

                     *    *    *    *    *

We come to the last great Point propos’d, _viz_. that this Project of
the _Publick Stews_ will prevent, as much a possible, the debauching
of modest Women, and thereby reduce Whoring to the narrowest Bounds in
which it can possibly be contain’d.

To illustrate this Matter, we must step a little back to consider the
Constitution of Females, while they are in a State of Innocence; and
when we have taken a View of the Fortifications which Nature has made
to preserve their Chastity, we shall find out the Reason why it is so
often surrender’d, and be the better able to provide for its Defence.

Every Woman, who is capable of Conception, must have those Parts
which officiate so framed, that they may be able to perform whatever
is necessary at that Juncture. Now, to have those Parts so rightly
adapted for the Use which Nature design’d them, it is requisite that
they should have a very quick Sensation, and, upon the Application of
the _Male-Organ_, afford the Woman an exquisite Pleasure; for without
this extravagant Pleasure in Fruition, the recipient Organs could never
exert themselves to promote Conception as they now do, in such an
extraordinary Manner: The whole _Vagina_, as one continu’d _Sphincter_,
contracting and embracing the _Penis_, while the _Nymphæ_ and adjacent
Islands have their particular Emissions at that critical Minute,
either as a Vehicle to lubricate the Passage, or else to incorporate
with the Masculine Injection: Add to this, that the _Fallopian Tubes_
put themselves in a proper Posture to receive the impregnating Fluid,
and convey it, as is suppos’d, to the _Ovaria_. Now it is hard to
imagine, that so many alert Members, which can exert themselves in such
a lively Manner on this Occasion, should be at all other Times in a
State of perfect Tranquillity; for, besides that Experience teaches us
the contrary, this handsome Disposition would be entirely useless, if
Nature had not provided a prior Titillation, to provoke Women at first
to enter upon Action; and all our late Discoveries, in Anatomy, can
find out no other Use for the _Clitoris_, but to whet the Female Desire
by its frequent Erections; which are, doubtless, as provoking as those
of the _Penis_, of which it is a perfect Copy, tho’ in Miniature.

In short, there requires no more to convince us of the Violence of
Female Desire, when raised to a proper height, but only to consider,
what a terrible Risque a Woman runs to gratify it. Shame and Poverty
are look’d upon as Trifles, when they come in Competition with
this predominating Passion. But altho’ it must be allow’d, that
all Women are liable to these amorous Desires, yet, the Variety of
Constitutions will make a considerable Difference; for as in some Men
the _Olfactory_, _Auditory_, or _Optick_ Nerves, are not so brisk and
lively as in others, so there are some Women who have the Nerves of
their _Pudenda_ more lively, and endow’d with a much quicker Sensation
than others. Now, whether this Difference is owing to the Formation
of the Nerves, or to the different Velocity of the Blood circulating
thro’ those Parts, or whether it is owing to the different Quantity, or
perhaps Acrimony, of that Fluid which is separated from the Blood by
the _Nymphæ_, and other titillating Glands: I say, from whencesoever
this Difference proceeds, according to the Degree of this Sensation,
we may venture to pronounce a Woman more or less in their own Nature
Chaste.

To counterballance this violent natural Desire, all young Women have
strong Notions of Honour carefully inculcated into them from their
Infancy. Young Girls are taught to hate a _Whore_, before they know
what the Word means; and when they grow up, they find their worldly
Interest entirely depending upon the Reputation of their Chastity. This
Sense of Honour and Interest, is what we may call artificial Chastity;
and it is upon this Compound of natural and artificial Chastity, that
every Woman’s real actual Chastity depends.

As for Instance, some Women are naturally more Chaste, or rather, to
speak properly, less Amorous than others, and at the same time have
very strict Notions of Honour. Such Women are almost impregnable, and
may be compar’d to Towns strongly fortify’d both by Art and Nature,
which, without Treachery, are safe from any sudden Attacks, and must be
reduc’d by long and regular Sieges, such as few Men have the Patience
or Resolution to go thro’ with.

Other Women, again, have the same Value for their Reputation, and
stand as much upon the Puncto of Honour; but then they are naturally
of a very sanguine amorous Disposition. A Woman of this Class may not
unjustly be compar’d to a Town well garrison’d, but whose mutinous
unruly _Inhabitants_ are strongly inclin’d to revolt and _let in_ the
Enemy. Such Women, it’s true, by extraordinary Care and Vigilance
may suppress these Mutinies; and Honour may for a long while keep
Inclination under, but yet they are never perfectly safe; there are
certain Times and Seasons, certain unguarded Hours, when Honour and
Interest are lull’d asleep, and Love has got the entire Ascendant.
Besides, altho’ we allow Love and Honour to be pretty equal Combatants,
nay even granting, that in a _Pitch’d Battle_, when they have muster’d
up all their Forces, Honour will have the Advantage, and quell
Inclination; yet, in the Course of a long _Civil War_, it is Odds but
Love one Time or other obtains a Victory, which is sure to be decisive:
for Inclination has this unlucky Advantage over Honour, that,
instead of being weaken’d, it grows stronger by Subjection; and, like
_Camomile_, the more it is press’d down and kept under, the sturdier it
grows; or, like _Antæus_, it receives fresh Vigour from every Defeat,
and rises the brisker the oftener it is thrown. Whereas Honour once
routed never rallies; nay, the least _Breach_ in Female Reputation is
irreparable; and a _Gap_ in Chastity, like a _Chasm_ in a young Tree,
is every Day a _Widening_. Besides, Honour and Interest require a
long Chain of solid Reasoning before they can be set in Battle-Array:
Whereas Inclination is presently under Arms, the Moment Love has
pitch’d his _Standard_: For, as we find that the least wanton Glance
of a Lady’s Eye quickly alarms a Man’s Animal Spirits, and puts the
whole Body Corporate into an unruly Ferment; so, doubtless, the Female
Imagination is at least equally alert: and in such a sudden Scuffle
betwixt Love and Honour, it is ten to one but the Enemy _enters_; for
the _Gate_ of Chastity, like the _Temple_ of _Janus_, always stands
_open_ during these Conflicts. It must indeed be granted, that if the
Loss of Honour was immediately to succeed the Loss of Chastity, the
Virtue of these Women would be much stronger than it is; but they
flatter themselves with the Hopes of Secrecy, and fancy that they have
found out an Expedient to purchase Pleasure without the Expence of
Reputation; by this Means Honour is reconciled to Inclination, or at
best made to stand Neuter; and then the Consequence is very obvious.
In short, a wanton Woman of Honour may withstand a great many Attacks,
and possibly defend her Chastity to the very last; but yet she is every
Day in danger of being surpriz’d, and at best will make but a very
precarious Defence.

A third Sort of Women, the very Reverse of the preceding, have neither
Honour nor Inclination; that is to say, they have neither the one nor
the other to an equal Degree with the rest of the Sex. These Kinds of
Women, who put a slighter Value than ordinary upon their Characters,
are generally, in their Circumstances, either above the World or below
it; for when a Woman has her Interest and Fortune depending upon her
Reputation, as all the middle Rank of Womankind have, she is a Woman of
Honour of course. Interest, indeed, is inseparable from Female Honour,
nay, it is the very Foundation of it; and Honour and Interest, when
they are consider’d as Guardians to Chastity, are synonimous Terms. The
bare Puncto of Honour, when abstracted from Interest, would prove but
a small Rub to Women in their eager Pursuit of Pleasure: Thus we see
the Conduct of a Maiden Lady, how much more circumspect it is whilst
her Fortune in Marriage is depending, than afterwards, when that Point
of Interest is secured by a Husband; for all marry’d Women are above
the World, in so far as they are out of the Reach of any Suspicions or
Surmises, or even a Probability of Incontinence; and since they are not
liable to be detected by Pregnancy, there’s no other Sort of Conviction
able to prejudice them, but downright ocular Demonstration: Which seems
to be the Reason why so many of them take such Liberties, as if they
were of _Falstaff_’s Opinion, when he said, _Nothing but Eyes confutes
me_. Female Honour, therefore, being so nearly ally’d and closely
annex’d to worldly Interest, we must confine this Class of Women to
two Sorts: First, those whose Fortunes are independent, and above
being influenc’d by the Censure of the World; and, secondly, those
who are far below the World, that they either escape its Censure, or
else are incapable of being hurt by it. The first Sort lie under this
Disadvantage, that let their natural Chastity be ever so great, the
smallest Spark of Desire is capable of being blown up and rais’d to a
considerable Pitch; whereas, when a Woman is once arriv’d to Maturity,
that Portion of Honour which she has acquir’d, is with Difficulty
preserv’d, and at best is incapable of any Improvement. The second Sort
are equally liable to have their Passions rais’d, however low they may
be naturally, and besides lie under this farther Disadvantage, that
tho’ they cannot promote their Interest by preserving their Chastity,
yet, if they have the least Spark of Beauty, they will find their
Account sufficiently in parting with it. The Virtue, indeed, of this
Class of Women, seems chiefly to depend upon the Degree of Beauty which
they stand possess’d of; for if they have Charms sufficient to provoke
young Men to be at any tolerable Pains and Cost, their Chastity can
never hold out long, but must infallibly surrender.

The fourth and last Kind of Women we shall mention, are those who have
a very moderate Share of Honour, join’d to a very amorous Constitution.

The Virtue of these Women is entirely defenceless; and, as soon as
a Man has removed that little timorous Coyness, which is natural to
young Women in their first Attempts, he may proceed with Confidence,
and conclude the Breach to be practicable; for whatever Resistance he
meets with afterwards, will only enhance the Pleasure of Conquest. Most
Women, indeed, let them be ever so fully resolv’d to comply, make as
great a Shew of Resistance as they can conveniently counterfeit; and
this the Sex would pass upon the World for a kind of innate Modesty:
but it is very easily accounted for.

As soon as Women have entertain’d any Degree of Love, they make it
their whole Study to raise and maintain an equal Degree of Passion in
the Men; and they are very sensible how far the bare Appearance of
Modesty will prevail to render them amiable. The Pain they suffer in
smothering their Desires, is fully recompenced by that secret Pleasure
which a Lover’s Eagerness gives them, because they esteem it a Proof
both of the Sincerity and Violence of his Passion. A Woman is not,
without some Reason, afraid, lest a Man’s Love should diminish after
Enjoyment, and would gladly bribe his After-Love, by the great Value
she seems to put upon her Chastity before she makes him a Present of it.

Besides, not to mention the actual Pleasure a Woman receives in
Struggling, it is a Justification of her in the Eye of the Man, and a
kind of _Salvo_ to her Honour and Conscience, that she never did fully
comply, but was in a manner forced into it. This is the plain natural
Reason why most Women refuse to _surrender_ upon _Treaty_, and why
they delight so much in being _storm’d_.

Having thus taken a cursory View of the Sex, in their several Classes,
and according to their several Circumstances, we may conclude,
preferring Truth to Complaisance, that by far the greater Part of
Womenkind hold their Virtue very precariously; and that Female Chastity
is, in its own Nature, built upon a very _ticklish_ Foundation.

_Hudibras_ has ludicrously plac’d the Seat of Male-Honour, in the
Posteriors, whereby it is secur’d from any Attack in Front; but Female
Honour, notwithstanding the apparent Safety of the Situation, like a
Debtor’s House upon the Verge of two Counties, is liable to be attack’d
both Ways; _à parte_ ante, & _à parte_ post,

That the Seat of Honour in Females has this double Aspect, like _Janus
bifrons_, and consequently that it is two Ways accessible, has already
been taken Notice of by almost all the _Writers_ upon this Subject; but
it is worth remarking here, that _Lycurgus_ had an Eye to it when he
modelled the _Spartan_ Petticoat; for tho’ the Warmth of the Climate
obliged the Women to be very open in that Part of their Dress, insomuch
that, if we believe _Plutarch_, in his Comparison of _Numa_ and
_Lycurgus_, the Habit which the Maidens of _Laconia_ wore came but to
their Knees, and was open on both Sides, so that as they walked their
Thighs appear’d bare; yet this wise _Law-giver_ would not permit them
to make the least Aperture, either in the fore or hind Part of that
Garment; rightly judging, that those two sacred _Avenues_ to a Maid’s
Honour ought to be guarded with the utmost Caution.

For this same Reason the upright Posture of the Body has always
been esteem’d the most decent; and it has ever been the Mode, in
all Countries, for Ladies to cursey instead of bowing: for, tho’ a
Female-Bow, might seem a modest and coy Reclension of the Body, with
regard to the Person saluted, yet it would occasion a very indecent
Projection to those who should happen to be behind; especially since
that dangerous Fashion of _Postern-Plackets_ has crept into the
_European_ Petticoat.

                     *    *    *    *    *

But to return to our present Argument, the Design of which was to prove
the following _Syllogism_.

The only way to preserve Female Chastity, is to prevent the Men from
laying Siege to it: And this Project of the _Publick Stews_ is the only
Way to prevent Mens laying Siege to it: Therefore this Project is the
only Way to preserve Female Chastity.

The former Part of the Proposition is, I hope, sufficiently proved.
It is, indeed, evident, from the bare Consideration of the Nature of
Females, that if the Men are suffer’d to go on, as they now do, in
the Pursuit of Pleasure, there is no possible Way can be found out,
effectually, to secure the Virtue of any one Woman of any Rank, or in
any Station of Life. If a Woman is handsome, she has the more Tryals to
undergo; if homely, and for that Reason seldom attack’d, the Novelty of
the Address makes the greater Impression: If she is married, it is odds
but there’s a Failure at home, and habitual Pleasures are not easily
foregone, especially when they may be enjoy’d with Safety: If a Maid,
her unexperienc’d Virgin-Heart is capable of any Impression: If she is
rich, Ease and Luxury make the Blood run mad; and Love, if high-dieted,
is ungovernable: If poor, she will be the easier bribed, when Love and
Avarice jointly must be gratified.

In short, to sum up all, there is in the Passion of Love a certain
fatal _Crisis_, to which all Womenkind are capable of being wrought-up:
The Difference of Virtue consisting only in this, that it is very hard
to work a virtuous Woman up to this _Crisis_, and requires a very
unlucky Concurrence of Circumstances: Whereas a Woman without a good
Stock of Virtue, must have an unaccountable Series of good Fortune if
she escapes. But, virtuous or not virtuous, when this Passion is once
rais’d to the _critical_ Height, it is absolutely irresistible.

Since therefore Female Virtue cannot effectually be secured, but by
preventing the Men from laying Siege to it, it remains for us to
examine, if this Prevention can be effected by any other Method than
that of erecting the _Publick Stews_, and whether or no when erected,
they will have the desired Effect.

That young Men, in a good State of Health, have their Desires towards
Women much stronger, and more violent, than for the Enjoyment of any
thing else in this Life, is a Truth not to be contested. And it is
likewise as certain, that young Men will gratify these Desires, unless
the _Legislature_ can affix such a Penalty to the Commission of the
Fact, that the Apprehension of the Penalty may give their Minds more
Uneasiness, than refraining from the Gratification.

Now there are but three Things which Men fear in this Life, _viz._
Shame, Poverty, and Bodily Pain, and consequently but three Sorts of
Punishments, which the _Legislature_ can inflict. The first of these,
indeed, might be omitted; for Shame is so very little in the Power
of the Laws, that it hardly deserves the Name of a Penalty. If the
Pillory, and such like infamous Punishments, are more terrible for the
Shame that attends them, than for the bodily Pain, it is not because
such a Posture of a Man’s Body, with his Neck through a Hole, is in
itself ignominious, or that any Law can make it so; but because it
publishes to the World, that a Man has been prov’d to commit such a
certain Action, in its own Nature scandalous, which he is asham’d to
have thus publickly made known. The truth is, “Honour and Dishonour
being only the different Opinions of Mankind, as to the Good or Evil
of any Action; and these Opinions in the Mind arising, as Dr. _Clarke_
well observes, from the natural Fitness or Unfitness of the Actions
themselves, cannot be alter’d or determin’d by any _Secular Force_.”
And that they are entirely out of the Power of the _Legislature_, is
evident in the Instance of _Duelling_; where a Man often receives
Honour for a _Breach_ of the Law, nay is forced to _break_ it in
_Defence_ of his Honour.

The utmost Scandal, therefore, which the Laws can affix to any
Action, is to make a full and open Publication of the Fact: Now it is
evident that this Publication cannot have a sufficient Influence over
Mens Minds to deter them from Wenching, a Crime which meets with so
favourable a Reception in the Eye of the World, that young Men are not
asham’d to boast of it.

We must have Recourse then to a Fine, or Corporal Punishment, or
perhaps both. If it is a Fine, it must be one of these three sorts;
either a certain determinate Sum for every Offence, or, to make it
fall more equally, such a certain Portion of a Man’s whole Substance,
or else it must be such a Sum as the Jury shall think sufficient to
repair the Woman’s Damages. The first is impracticable because of its
Inequality, with regard to Mens different Fortunes. The second would
punish none but Men of Fortune. And the third, in many Cases, would
be impossible; for Women are often ruin’d by such as have it not in
their power to make them amends. But granting that a Fine could be
so happily contriv’d as to affect all Men equally in their several
Stations of Life; and let us suppose this Fine considerable enough, for
so it must be, to deter any moderate-spirited Man: yet still we lie
under a manifest Dilemma as to the Point of Proof; for if the Proof
is to depend upon the Evidence of Eye-Witnesses, none but Fools will
be convicted; and let a Man be ever so indiscreet, he that swears to
_rem in re_ must have good Eyes, and be a good Swearer withal. If, on
the other hand, a Man is to be convicted upon the sole Evidence of the
Woman, we run into greater Inconveniences: for either a Woman is to
be recompenced for the Injury she has received, or not; if not, there
is no modest Woman of common Sense, but will chuse much rather to
conceal her Weakness, than expose it in publick Court so much to her
own Prejudice; and this too upon the sole Motive of doing Prejudice to
a Man, for whom, in all Probability, she still retains an Affection: So
that no Man would be accus’d but by such sort of Women as the Law can
never intend to favour or countenance.

And if the Woman is to receive this Fine, either in Part or the Whole,
by way of Reparation, not to mention its being an actual Encouragement
to transgress, this Recompence would only be a Means to promote a
Multitude of false Accusations; for what Man could live with so much
Circumspection, that a Woman might not often have an Opportunity to
accuse him of such a Fact, with very probable Circumstances, when there
is no Opportunity of detecting the Fallacy. This Difficulty, indeed,
is not to be got over; and the Objection lies equally strong against
all sorts of Corporal Punishment, Death itself not excepted. For if
there are so many false Indictments for _Rapes_, where a Woman receives
no Benefit by the Prosecution, where she is liable to such cross
Examinations, and where the Possibility of the Fact is so much doubted,
that a Woman is generally discountenanc’d, and must bring a Number of
probable concurrent Circumstances before she can gain Credit: I say,
if notwithstanding these Discouragements, there are so many malicious
Prosecutions for _Rapes_, that the Benefit of the Law in general is
much disputed, what may we expect in the present Case, where a Woman
has nothing to do but acknowledge that she was over-persuaded, and
then all Difficulties vanish? Besides, if such a Law was made, setting
aside that the Remedy would be worse than the Disease, it is much to be
question’d if it prov’d any Remedy at all: For what Fine can we propose
as sufficient to deter Men, when there are so many that squander away
their whole Fortunes upon this sole Gratification? And what Corporal
Punishment, on this side Death, can we find out equivalent to a _Pox_,
which they every day run the Risque of?

But no such Law, as yet, has been so much as propos’d, altho’ Whoring
has been a very obvious Mischief ever since Laws were in Being;
therefore, without farther Argument, considering the Wisdom of our
_Legislature_, that such a Law never has been made, ought to be
sufficient Reason for us to judge it impracticable.

Since the Torrent of Lewdness, then, is too strong to be opposed by
open Force, let us see if we can find out an Expedient to divert it by
Policy, and prevent the Mischief tho’ we can’t prevent the Crime.

Most _Authors_, who have writ of Government, have chose to express
their Sentiments by comparing the Public Body with the Body Natural;
and Mr. _Hobbes_, in his _Leviathan_, has carry’d the _Allegory_ as far
as it will go. To make Use of it in the present Instance, we may look
upon _Whoring_ as a Kind of Peccant Humour in the Body-Politic, which,
in order to its Discharge, naturally seizes upon such external Members
as are most liable to Infection, and at the same time most proper to
carry off the Malignity. If this Discharge is promoted by a Licence for
_Publick Stews_, which is a Kind of legal Evacuative, the Constitution
will certainly be preserv’d: Whereas, if we apply Penal Laws, like
violent Astringents, they will only drive the Disease back into the
Blood; where, gathering Strength, and at last assimilating the whole
Mass, it will break out with the utmost Virulence, to the apparent
Hazard of those sound Members, which otherwise might have escaped the
Contagion. As we may observe in a _Clap_, where Nature of her own
Accord expels the noxious Humour thro’ the same Passages by which it
was at first receiv’d; but if we resist Nature in this Discharge, and
repel the Venom by too hasty an Application of _Styptics_, the Disease
then turns to a _Pox_, seizes the Vitals, and, to use _Solomon_’s
Words, _like a Dart, strikes thro’ the Liver_. But, leaving _Allegory_
as more proper for _Rhetoric_ or _Poetry_, than such serious Debates,
since this Project of the _Public Stews_ is the only Expedient now left
for the Preservation of Female Chastity, the Question is, Whether or no
this Expedient will really answer the End propos’d?

To prove the Affirmative, requires no more but that we look into
ourselves, and examine our own Passions; for Love ever was and will
be the same in all Men, and in all Ages. The first amorous Emotions
that young Men feel, are violent; they are plagued with a Stimulation,
which raises a vehement Desire: The Passion is strong, but then it is
general; it is Lust, not Love: And therefore the natural Impatience
of _Lust_ will prompt them to take the speediest way for present
Gratification, and make them prefer the ready and willing Embraces
of a Courtezan, before the doubtful and distant Prospect of enjoying
a modest Damsel, whose Coyness will cost so much Pains, as well as
Time, to overcome; and, when overcome, may probably occasion a future
Uneasiness, and give them more Trouble after Enjoyment than they had
before.

Besides this, if their first Affections should happen to be engaged
to a particular Object, which is very rare; and that this particular
Object was in their Power to compass, which is still rarer; yet there
is naturally in Young-Men a certain secret Shame, which attends
their first Sallies, and prevents their declaring a private Passion,
’till it grows so violent, that they are forced to give it Vent upon
the Publick; and by that means, get into a regular Method of making
themselves easy, without doing their Modesty any Violence.

But tho’ the natural Bent of Men’s Minds inclines them to an easy
Purchase of Pleasure in their first Amours, yet publick Whoring lies
at present under so many Disadvantages; the Publick Women, for want of
good Regulation, are so infamous in their Principles and Practice; the
Places of Resort so vile, and so scandalously imposing in the common
Expence, and lying under the Lash of the _Civil_ Power, so pester’d
with the mercenary Officiousness of _Reforming Constables_; and which
is worst of all, the Plague of _Claps_ and _Poxes_ is so inevitable,
that Men contrary to their Inclinations are often forc’d to enter upon
private Intrigues, either without trying the Publick, or after meeting
with some Misfortunes in the Tryal.

Now if we see daily so many Young Men, who prefer the publick Commerce
under all these Disadvantages, what Success may we not expect from this
happy Establishment of the _Stews_, when the Young Women’s Behaviour
will be regulated after a civil decent Manner; when the Houses of
Entertainment will be so Commodious, and the Expence of Accomodation
so reasonable; when the horrid Dread of _Claps_ is entirely remov’d;
and when the Laws, instead of disturbing such Assemblies, will be
employ’d in their Protection, to give them the greater Countenance and
Encouragement; surely we may hope for a thorough Reformation.

But if these Considerations should not prove fully effectual, and
some Men should be so obstinate as to persist in private Whoring,
notwithstanding these Inducements to the contrary; we must then have
Recourse to _Legal_ Force, and drive those who are too resty to be led:
For tho’ the Laws can’t prevent Whoring, they may yet regulate it; the
_Quid_ is not in their Power, but the _Quomodo_ is. A Man must eat,
but he may be directed how to eat. The strongest Curb can’t stop an
unruly Horse, but the weakest will serve to turn him: And the smallest
Stream is not to be obstructed, tho’ we can change the Course of the
greatest River. So Love, tho’ ever so unruly and headstrong in the
general, changes the particular Object of its Passion with the smallest
Circumstance; and legal Penalties are no trifling Dissuasives, when the
Laws don’t command Impossibilities.

This Argument indeed, of Compulsion, is in a manner supernumerary, and
thrown in, as it were, _ex abundanti_: For _the Publick Stews_ under
this regular Oeconomy, will have so much the Advantage of private
Whoring, whether we regard the Ease and Conveniency of Enjoyment, or
the Beauty and Variety of Mistresses, that Men’s natural Inclinations
will sway them sufficiently without this superfluous Constraint. If
there is any Fear of Success, the Danger lies on the other Side; and
indeed we have some Colour of Reason to apprehend, lest the whole
Body of Lewdness being turn’d upon the Publick, there should want a
sufficient Supply of young Women to recruit the _Stews_; which, by that
Means, may run into a sudden Dis-repute, and lose a Character that will
be difficult to retrieve. But however plausible this Objection may seem
at first Sight, we shall find, upon a nearer View, that it only serves
to make the Excellence of this Scheme the more manifest.

As there is constantly in the Nation, a certain Number of young Men,
whose Passions are too strong to brook any Opposition: Our Business is
to contrive a Method how they may be gratify’d, with as little Expence
of Female Virtue as possible. But the Difficulty lies in adjusting this
Matter, and gaging our young Men’s Affections so exactly, that the
Modesty of one Woman may not be sacrifis’d, more than is absolutely
necessary for the Preservation of the rest.

The Gallants of this Age, indeed, are not quite so sturdy as that
rampant _Roman_ Emperor who deflower’d ten _Sarmatian_ Virgins in one
Night; but what we want in Constitution, we make up in the Niceity of
our Palates; as a squeamish Stomach requires the greatest Variety of
Dishes: And some of our Youth are grown such perfect _Epicures_ in
Venery, that they can relish nothing but _Virgins_: They destroy, it is
true, a great deal of Beauty, by browsing only upon the Buds.

But we ought not to judge of these Men’s Abilities by the Number of
Women they debauch, no more than we should measure the Goodness of a
certain curious Gentleman’s Appetite by his bespeaking several Dozen
of young Pigeons, when he only regal’d upon the Rumps: Neither is it
intirely from a Wantonness of Fancy, or a luxurious Taste of Pleasure,
that Men indulge themselves in making this Havock, but chiefly for
their own personal Safety. Young Girls are so giddy, thoughtless, and
unexperienc’d, and withal so fond of the Sport, at their first setting
out, that they seldom escape a Taint; and a Man is not safe in being
constant: Nay, some Men are afraid of venturing even after themselves.
By this Means several likely Women, that might do the Publick signal
Service, are in a short Time render’d useless: And, by a modest
Computation, we are put to the Expence of as many virtuous Women in one
Year, as might reasonably serve the Nation six.

Now, the _Publick Stews_ will regulate this Affair so precisely, and
with such critical Exactness, that one Year with another, we shall not
have one Woman employ’d in the Publick Service more than is absolutely
necessary, nor one less than is fully sufficient.

When this Project is first set on foot, the vast Choice and Variety
there is at present of these Women, will give us an Opportunity of
making a very beautiful Collection; and will, doubtless, for some
Time, occasion a considerable Run upon the Publick; so that _Private
Whoring_, the only Nursery of our Courtezans, may probably remain too
long neglected: For the whole Body of our incontinent Youth, like a
standing Army, being employ’d in constant Action, there cannot well be
spar’d a sufficient Detachment to raise the necessary Recruits.

But however true this may be, we shall thereby suffer no Inconvenience;
for if the Supplies of young Women, which we may reasonably expect from
the Northern and Western Parts of these Kingdoms, or from such Places
as are remote and out of the Influence of this _Scheme_: I say, if
these Supplies should not prove sufficient to answer the Greatness of
the Demand, and that the Reputation of the _Stews_ upon this Account,
should begin to flag, why then the worst Accident that can befal, is a
gradual Relapse into our former State of _Private Whoring_; and this
no farther than is just necessary and to recruit the _Stews_, and
thereby make them retrieve their former Character: For every Woman
who is debauch’d more than is barely necessary, only brings so much
additional Credit and Reputation to the _Stews_, and in some measure
atones for the Loss of her own Chastity, by being a Means to preserve
that of others; so that whenever the Tide of private Lewdness runs too
high, and exceeds the just and ordinary Bounds, it must of Course, by
encouraging the _Publick Stews_, immediately suffer a proportionable
Ebb: That is to say, it must be reduced again so low, that there will
remain but just a sufficient Quantity to supply the _Stews_; which is
as low, as in the Nature of the Thing is possible.

I might here lavish out Encomiums, and take Occasion to dwell upon
those many Advantages that will accrue to the _Nation_ by this
admirable Scheme; but shall only take Notice of this peculiar
Excellence, which it has above all other Schemes, that it necessarily
executes itself.

But since the Necessity of debauching a certain Number of young Women,
is entirely owing to the Necessity of supplying the _Public Stews_; a
Question may very reasonably arise, whether this Project might not be
vastly improv’d, even to the total Extirpation of _Private Whoring_,
by an Act _for encouraging the Importation of foreign Women_. This, I
must confess, deserves a serious Debate: for, besides the Honour of our
Females, which would be preserv’d by such an Act, it might bring this
farther Advantage; That whereas most of our estated Youth spend a great
Part of their Time and Fortunes in travelling Abroad, for no other End,
as it seems by most of them, but to be inform’d in the _French_ and
_Italian_ Gallantry; they would then have an Opportunity of satisfying
their Curiosity in Foreign Amours, without stirring out of _London_.
But I shall leave the Decision of this Matter to abler Pens, well
knowing, that a Truth of this Nature, which carries so much the Air of
Novelty, will require much better Authority than mine to warrant it.

Let it suffice for the present, that I have fully prov’d what I at
first propos’d in this Treatise: That _Public Whoring_ is neither so
criminal in itself, nor so detrimental to the _Society_, as _Private
Whoring_; and that the encouraging of _Publick Whoring_, by erecting
_Stews_ for that Purpose, will not only prevent most of the mischievous
Consequences of this Vice, but even lessen the Quantity of _Whoring_ in
general, and reduce it to the narrowest Bounds which it can possibly be
contain’d in.

After what has been said, it may, perhaps, appear somewhat odd to
talk of Religious Objections, as if either Christianity or Morality
could possibly object against a _Scheme_, which is entirely calculated
for the Welfare and Happiness of Mankind. But since a great many Men
amongst us have entertained such whimsical Notions of Religion, as to
imagine, that in some Cases, a Law may be unjust and wicked, tho’ it
evidently promotes the Publick Good: as if the right Enjoyment of this
Life was inconsistent with our Happiness in the next: I say, since many
Men of Understanding have suffer’d themselves to be possess’d with
this mistaken Principle, I shall, as briefly as may be, answer such
Objections as can, with any Colour of Reason, be offer’d.

First then, I expect to be attack’d with that old moral Precept, of
_Not doing Evil that Good may come of it_. This may be answer’d with
another old Saying, equally authentic, and more applicable to the
present Purpose, that _of two Evils we ought to chuse the least_. The
Case is this: A private Member of a _Society_, may, doubtless, commit
a Crime with a Design to promote the Good of that _Society_, which was
partly the Case of _Felton_ against the Duke of _Buckingham_; and this
evil Action may possibly answer the Goodness of the Intention, but
is universally condemn’d as an unwarrantable Presumption; and falls
justly under the Censure of doing a certain Evil, for the Prospect
of an uncertain Good. But as to the _Legislature_, there is a wide
Difference; for they, and they only, are intrusted with the Welfare of
the _Society_: This Publick Welfare is, or ought to be, the whole End
and Scope of their Actions; and they are fully impower’d to do whatever
they judge conducive to that End. If their Intentions come up to this,
they are certainly in their Consciences acquitted: But as to the World,
their Actions, that is, their Laws, are judg’d good or bad, just or
unjust, according as they actually prove beneficial or detrimental to
the _Society_ in general: And therefore it is the grossest Absurdity,
and a perfect Contradiction in Terms, to assert, That a _Government_
may not commit Evil that Good may come of it; for, if a Publick Act,
taking in all its Consequences, really produces a greater Quantity of
Good, it must, and ought to be term’d a good Act; altho’ the bare Act,
consider’d in itself, without the consequent Good, should be in the
highest Degree wicked and unjust.

As for Instance: A Ship performing Quarantine, and known to be
infected, is sunk by a Storm; some of the Crew, half drown’d, recover
the Shore; but the Moment they land, the _Government_ orders them to
be shot to Death. This Action, in itself, is no less than a downright
unchristian and inhuman Murther; but since the Health and Safety of the
Nation is secured by this severe Precaution, it is no Wonder, if we
allow the Action to be not only justifiable, but in the strictest Sense
of Morality Just.

Another Objection, or rather the same set in a stronger Light, is, That
altho’ the Welfare and Happiness of the Community is, or ought to be,
the only End of all Law and Government, yet since our spiritual Welfare
is the _Summum Bonum_ which all Christians should aim at, no Christian
Government ought to authorize the Commission of the least known Sin,
tho’ for the greatest temporal Advantage.

To this Objection, I answer, That it is universally allow’d as one of
the greatest Perfections of the Christian Religion, that its Precepts
are calculated to promote the Happiness of Mankind in this World
as well as the next; if so, then it is a direct Arraignment of the
Lawgiver’s infinite Wisdom, _i. e._ a Contradiction to assert, that, in
Matters of Law and Government, the Publick Breach of any Gospel Precept
can possibly be for the temporal Good of any _Society_ whatever: And
therefore we may with Confidence affirm, that no sinful Laws can be
beneficial, and _vice versa_, that no beneficial Laws can be sinful.
Now we have already given sufficient Proof of the Benefit the _Public_
would receive by licensing the _Stews_, and therefore ought to conclude
such Licence lawful; but lest the apparent Wickedness of the _Stews_,
should be objected against this general Reasoning, it is fit that we
examine this Matter a little nearer.

_Fornication_ is, no doubt, a direct Breach of a _Gospel_-Precept,
and is therefore a Sin; but this Sin, barely as such, concerns the
_Government_ no more than the Eating of _Black-puddings_, equally
prohibited in the same[8] Text. The Reason is this: The Sin consists
in a full Intention to gratify a Lustful Desire; which Intention the
_Legislature_ cannot possibly prevent: Penalties indeed may deter Men
from gratifying their Desires, at the Expence of the Public, but will
rather increase than lessen the Desires themselves. If it is argu’d,
that the Sin of the Intention is aggravated by being put in Execution,
so much the better for our Purpose; for then the Argument stands thus:

  [8] Acts, c. 15. v. 29. _That ye abstain from Meats offered to Idols,
  and from Blood, and from Things strangled, and from Fornication: from
  which if ye keep yourselves, ye do well. Fare ye well._

Since the Sin of the Intention is entirely out of the _Legislature_’s
Power, the utmost they can do, with regard to this Sin, is, to prevent
its being aggravated by actual Commission.

But the _Public Stews_, as we have already prov’d, will prevent as much
as possible this actual Commission.

Therefore the _Publick Stews_ will prevent as much as possible this SIN.

Another Branch of this Objection, without which the Objection itself
would be of no Force, is, that the authorizing of _Public Stews_ is a
Public Encouragement for People to Whore.

If by People are meant those in the _Stews_, I hope it will be thought
no Crime to encourage such People, rather to confine themselves to the
Practice of one Vice, than live by committing a Thousand; especially
when that one Vice is what they would really practise, whether they
were encourag’d or not.

But if any imagine that this particular Licence would be a general
Encouragement to the whole _Nation_, they are certainly mistaken. For,
as to the Men, they are already as bad as they can be; if any Thing
cures them, it must be _Satiety_: Let them have full and free Leave to
take a Surfeit of unlawful Love, and they will soon learn to prefer
the Chaste Embraces of Innocence before the bought Smile of Harlots
loveless, joyless, unindear’d casual Fruition.

It is a right Observation, that Restraint does but whet a Man’s
Passions instead of curing them.

_Exuperat magis, ægrescitque medendo._ Æn. 12. And a late ingenious
_Author_, who study’d Mankind, speaking on this Subject, has these
Words: _To put down_ Publick Stews, _is not only to disperse
Fornication into all Parts, but, by the Difficulty, to excite wild and
wanton People to this Vice._

It was observ’d at _Rome_, that in the full Liberty of Divorces, there
was not a single Instance of one in fifty Years: And that _Cato_ long’d
for his Wife again as soon as she was in another’s Possession.

The Master of Love says positively,

    _Quod licet ingratum est, quod non licet acrius urit_.

And _Martial_ speaking to a married Rake, _B_. 3. _Ep_. 68. says,

    _Cur aliena placet tibi, quæ tua non placet uxor?
    Nunquid Securus non potes arrigere?_

    I pr’ythee tell me why a Wife
      Thy am’rous Fancy never warms?
    What! without Danger o’thy Life,
      Cannot thy Cod-pice stand to Arms?

And again, _B_. 1. _Ep_. 74.

    _Nullus in urbe fuit tota, qui tangere vellet
    Uxorem gratis, Cæciliane, tuam
    Dum licuit: sed nunc, positis custodibus, ingens
    Turba fututorum est. Ingeniosus Homo es._

    There’s no Man, _Cæcil_, in the Town,
      Would, _gratis_, have enjoy’d thy Spouse;
    But how thou art so jealous grown,
      Lord! what a Croud about the House!
    You’ve lock’d her up, t’increase her Value;
    In short, you are a cunning Fellow.

The _Public Stews_ will not encourage Men to be lewd, but they will
encourage them to exercise their Lewdness in a proper Place, without
disturbing the Peace of the _Society_, and with as little Detriment to
themselves as possible. And, as to the Women, there’s not the least
Shadow of Encouragement: For no modest Woman ever lost her Maiden-head
with the dismal Prospect of becoming a _Public Courtezan_: And if a
Woman is not modest, the licensing of the _Public Stews_ is no more an
Encouragement for her to practise, than the allowing a certain Number
of Hackney-Coaches every _Sunday_ is an Encouragement for the rest to
ply; when the very Licence, to some, expresly implies a Prohibition of
the rest.

Having now sufficiently proved the Institution of the _Public Stews_
to be a Political Good, and answer’d all the religious Objections
against it; I shall conclude with observing, That I have the Authority
of _Italy_, the most Politic Nation in the World, to back me in the
first Part of my Argument; and the Opinion of _Holland_, one of the
strictest Reformed Churches, to vindicate me in the second; and that
we ourselves enjoy’d the Benefit of this Institution till we were
depriv’d of it by the over-hasty Zeal of our first Reformers in the
sixteenth Century.

The _Public Stews_ were antiently kept in _Southwark_, by an express
Licence from the Government, and open Permission both Civil and
Ecclesiastical, for they paid regular Taxes to the _Lord-Mayor_ of the
_City_, and to the Bishop of the _See_.

We do not find that they were ever molested ’till the 25th of _Edward_
the Third, when, in the Parliament at _Westminster_, at the Request
of the _Londoners_, says _Daniel_, an Act passed, obliging all Common
Whores to distinguish themselves, by wearing Hoods striped with divers
Colours, or Furs, and their Gowns turn’d _inside_ out.

This, indeed, was but a Trifle to what they suffer’d thirty Years after
by _Wat Tyler_’s Rebellion.

In the fifth of _Richard_ the Second, _Wat_ marched up from
_Dartworth_, with a true Spirit of Reformation, fully resolv’d to
burn and destroy every thing that oppos’d him: If the Archbishop’s
Palace at _Lambeth_ could not escape, there was little Mercy to be
expected for the _Stews_[9]; besides, Whoring was not the least of
_Wat_’s Grievances: He began his Rebellion by killing a Collector of
the Poll-Tax for being a little too brisk upon his Daughter; and his
Antipathy to the _Stews_ was still increased, by the _Lord-Mayor_’s
shutting the City-Gates, and denying him Entrance; for he could not
revenge the Affront more effectually, than by _cutting off so large a
Branch of his Lordship’s Revenue_.

  [9] On the Feast of _Corpus Christi_, or the 13th of _June_, the
  Commons of _Kent_ brake down the STEW-HOUSES near _London-Bridge_,
  at that Time in the hands of the Frowes of _Flanders_, who had farmed
  them of the Mayor of _London_.                 STOW’s Chron. p. 285.

In short, every thing concurred to the Destruction of the _Stews_, and
demolish’d they were.

This Action, however, lost _Tyler_ his Life; for _William Walworth_,
then Lord-Mayor, was the very Man who struck him first off his Horse
in _Smithfield_: For which the King knighted him, gave him 100 _l._
Pension, and added the Dagger to the City-Arms.

Whilst Whoring was in this unsettled Condition, the _Bishop_ thought it
a good Opportunity to ingross the whole Profit of licensing Courtezans,
which occasion’d them fresh Trouble; for _John Northampton_, who
succeeded _Walworth_, either piqued at the Bishop’s invading his
Right, or out of a real Reforming Principle, for he was a Follower
of _Wickliff_, commenced a severe Persecution. He had his Spies and
Constables in every Street, to apprehend Strollers; and such Women
as were neither handsome nor rich enough to bribe his Officers, were
carried through the Streets in great Pomp, with their Hair shorn, and
Trumpets and Pipes playing before them. All this he did contrary to the
express Commands of the Bishop, who had several Bickerings with him
upon that Head.

This great Reformer _John Northampton_ was, from his troublesome
Temper, nick-nam’d _Cumber-Town_; and as he succeeded _Tyler_ in the
Work of Reformation, so he had like to have met with as bad a Fate: For
two Years after he was found guilty of High Treason, without making
the least Defence; had his Goods confiscated, and was condemned to
perpetual Imprisonment 100 Miles from _London_: Accordingly he was sent
to _Tentagil-Castle_ in _Cornwall_.

This dreadful _Cumber-Town_ being removed, the _Stews_ had Leisure to
re-settle themselves under the Protection of the Church; and enjoyed an
almost uninterrupted Tranquillity for 150 Years.

We find, indeed, an Act passed at _Westminster_, in the 11th of _Hen._
VI. that no Keepers of _Stews_, or _Whore-Houses_ in _Southwark_,
should be impannelled upon any Jury, or keep a Tavern in any other
Place.

But the most sensible Blow they ever felt, was the Invasion of
the _French-Pox_. The _Spaniards_ had brought it from the Islands
of _Florida_ to _Naples_, and the Army of _Charles_ VIII. when he
conquer’d that Kingdom in the Year 1495, transmitted it into _France_,
from whence it had a very quick Passage into _England_; for there was
an Act passed in the latter end of _Henry_ VII’s Reign, for expelling
out of the _Stews_ all such Women as had the Faculty of _Burning_ Men.

However, we find they still continued in good Repute in the Reign of
_Henry_ VIII.[10] and yielded a considerable Revenue to the _Bishop_ of
_London_; for _Bucer_, in one of his Books against _Gardiner_, taxes
him with it as _an heinous Crime, that he should receive most of his
Rents out of the Public Stews_.

  [10] In the latter end of _March_ (Anno Reg. _Hen._ VIII. 36) “the
  _Stewes_ on the Bank-side of the _Thames_, in _Southwark_, was put
  down, by the King’s Commandment, which was proclaimed by sound of
  Trumpets, no more to be privileged, or used as a common Bordell, but
  the Inhabitants of those Houses, to keep good and honest Rule, as in
  all other Places of the Realm.                 STOW’s Chron. p. 591.

After this terrible Accusation, we may easily guess what Quarter our
_Stews_ met with at the Reformation. But now _Bucer_ has got his Ends;
the _Stews_ are destroy’d; those public Nusances are demolish’d;
Whoring is attack’d on all hands without Mercy; and what then? Why,
truly, by mere Dint of _Reforming_, we have reduced Lewdness to that
pass, that hardly one Bachelor in the Kingdom will lie with a Woman, if
he is sure that she’s not found; and very few modest Women will suffer
a Man to get them with Child, unless he makes a Promise to marry.

In short, the Truth is, we are at this present Writing as _bad_ as we
can be; and I hope I have fairly shown how we may be _better_.




[Illustration]

                           APPENDIX.


NUMBER I.

_RICHARD RAWLINSON_, L. L. D. and R. S. S. in his Account of
_Southwark_,[11] informs us, that next to the _Bear-Garden_ on the
Bank-Side was formerly the BORDELLO, or STEWES, so called from several
Licensed Houses for the Entertainment of Lewd Persons, in which were
Women prepared for all Comers. They were subject to several Laws and
Regulations, and their Manner of Life and Privileged Places, received
several Confirmations from the Crown.

  [11] See _Aubrey’s_ Natural History and Antiquities of _Surrey_,
  _8vo._ Vol. v. p. 221.

In 1162, King _Henry_ II, in a _Parliament_ held at _Westminster_,
passed an Act, confirming several Ordinances, Statutes, and old Customs
observed in that Place, amongst which the following are remarkable:

                     *    *    *    *    *

That no _Stew-Holder_ or his Wife, should lett or stay any single Woman
to go and come freely at all Times when she listed.

No _Stewholder_ to keep any Woman to board, but she to board abroad at
her Pleasure.

To take no more for the Woman’s Chamber than _fourteen_ Pence.

Not to keep open his Doors upon the Holy-days.

Not to keep any single Woman in his House on the Holy-days, but the
_Bailiff_ to see them voided out of the Lordship.

No single Woman to be kept against her Will, that would leave her Sin.

No _Stew-Holder_ to receive any Woman of Religion, or any Mans Wife.

No single Woman to take Money to lie with any Man, except she lye with
him all Night, till the Morrow.

No Man to be drawn or enticed into any _Stew-House_.

The _Constables_, _Bailiffs_, and others, were every Week to search
every _Stew-House_.

No _Stew-Holder_ to keep any Woman that hath the perillous Infirmity of
_Burning_, nor to sell Bread, Ale, Flesh, Fish, Wood, Coal, or any sort
of Victuals.

                     *    *    *    *    *

Anno 1345, Stews were licenced by King _Edward_ III. Anno 1381, these
Stew-Houses belonged to _William Walworth_, Lord-Mayor of _London_,
who let them out to some _Flemish_ Women, and soon after they were
plundered by _Walter Tyler_, and the rebellious _Kentishmen_, when
probably they were put down, and again suffered, and afterwards
confirmed by _Henry_ VI. In 1506, King _Henry_ VII. for some Time shut
up these Houses, which were in Number _Eighteen_, and not long after
renewed their Licence, and reduced them to _Twelve_; at which Number
they continued till their final Suppression by Sound of Trumpet, in
1546, by King _Henry_ VIII, whose tender Conscience startled at such
scandalous and open Lewdness. The single Women who were Retainers to,
or Inmates in, these Houses, were excommunicated, not suffered to
enter the Church while alive, or if not reconciled before their Death,
prohibited Christian Burial, and were interred in a Piece of Ground
called the _Single-Women’s Church-Yard_, set a-part for their Use only.
These Houses were distinguished by several Signs painted on their
Fronts, as, a _Boar’s-Head_, the _Crane_, the _Cardinal’s Hat_, the
_Swan_, the _Bell_, the _Castle_, the _Cross-Keys_, and the _Gun_.

[Illustration]


[Illustration]

NUMBER II.

    _An Attempt to prove the Antiquity of the_ Venereal Disease,
    _long before the Discovery of the_ West-Indies; _in a Letter to
    Dr._ JAMES DOUGLASS, _M. D._

_SIR_,

The Undertaking I am at present engaged in, is to prove that the
_Venereal Disease_ was known among us, much earlier than the _Æra_,
which has been generally assign’d for its Rise by modern Authors; for
it is believed it was not known, at least in _Europe_, till about the
Year 1494. Notwithstanding which, I determine to make it evident, that
it was frequent among us some Hundreds of Years before that Date. I
could mention several Physicians and Surgeons of Eminence, who have
been of the same Sentiments, particularly, the Learned Dr. _Charles
Patin_, who has written a curious Dissertation to prove the _Antiquity
of this Disease_, which is sufficient to excuse me from the Imputation
of having started a Novelty, or being at the trouble of quoting
antient Authorities before taken notice of, from the most ancient
Writers of Medicine; as _Hippocrates_, _Galen_, _Avicen_, _Celsus_,
&c. and even the _Holy Scriptures_. I shall therefore lay aside all
those foreign Aids and Assistances, and trace out the Symptoms of the
Disease, as they naturally arise, from the _first_ Infection to the
_last_ destructive Period, and shew that, by searching into our own
Antiquities, we may be furnished with Instances of the Frequency of
the Distemper among us, in all its respective Stages, before ever our
Modern Authors dream it had its Appearance in _Europe_,

I shall begin with the _first_ Degree of this Disease, and prove
from authentic Evidences, it was anciently call’d the _Brenning_ or
_Burning_; and that this Word has been successively continu’d for many
Hundreds of Years, to signify the same Disease we now call a _Clap_;
and that it was not discontinu’d till that Appellation first began to
have its Rise. The most likely Method to accomplish my Design, will be
first to examine those Records that relate to the _Stews_, which were
by Authority allowed to be kept on the _Bank-Side_ in _Southwark_,
under the Jurisdiction of the Bp. of _Winchester_, and which were
suppressed the _37th_ of _Hen._ VIII. For it is impossible but, if
there were any such Distemper in being at that Time, it must be pretty
common among those lewd Women who had a Licence for entertaining
their Paramours, notwithstanding any Rules or Orders which might be
establish’d to prevent its Increase: But if we shall find that there
were Orders establish’d to prevent the Spreading of such a Disease,
that Persons might be secure from any contagious Malady after their
Entertainment at those Houses (which were anciently 18 in Number, but
in the Reign of _Hen._ VII. reduced to 12) we may then securely depend
upon it, that it was the Frequency of the Disease that put those who
had the Authority, under a necessity of making such Rules and Orders.
For the same Powers, who granted a Liberty for keeping open such lewd
Houses, must find it their Interest to secure, as much as possible,
all Persons from receiving any Injury there; lest the Frequency of
such Misfortunes should deter others from frequenting them, and so the
original Design of their Institution cease; from the entire sinking
of the Revenues. Now I find that, as early as the Year 1162, divers
Constitutions relating to the Lordship of _Winchester_, (being also
confirmed by the King) were to be kept for ever, according to the old
Customs that had been Time out of Mind. Among which these were some,
_viz._ 1. _No Stew-holder to take more for a Woman’s Chamber in the
Week than 14 d._ 2. _Not to keep open his Doors upon Holy Days._ 3.
_No single Woman to be kept against her Will, that would leave her
Sin._ 4. _No single Woman to take Money to be with any Man, except
she lie with him all Night till the Morning._ 5. _No Stew-holder to
keep any Woman that hath the perilous Infirmity of Burning._ These and
many more Orders were to be strictly observed, or the Offenders to be
severely punished. Now we are assured, there is no other Disease that
can be communicated by _Carnal-Conversation_ with Women, but that which
is _Venereal_, by reason that only is contagious; and its evident the
_Burning_ was certainly so: For, had it been nothing else but some
simple Ulceration, Heat, or Inflammation, there would have been no
Contagion; and that affecting only the Woman, could not be communicated
by any _Venereal Congress_, and so not infer a Necessity of her being
comprehended under the restraining Article. These Orders likewise
prove the Disease was much more ancient than the Date above-mentioned;
because they were only a Renewal of such as had been before established
Time out of Mind.

But to confirm this farther, I find that in the Custody of the Bp.
of _Winchester_, whose Palace was situate on the _Bank-side_, near
the _Stews_, was a Book written upon Vellum, the Title of which runs
thus: _Here begynne the Ordinances, Rules, and Customs, as well for
the Salvation of Mannes Life, as for to aschew many Mischiefs and
Inconvenients that daily be lik there for to fall out, to be rightfully
kept, and due Execution of them to be done unto any Person within
the same._ One of the Articles begins thus: _De his qui custodiunt
Mulieres habentes Nephandam infirmitatem._ It goes on, _Item, That no
Stew-holder keep noo Woman wythin his House, that hath any Sickness
of_ BRENNING, _but that she be put out upon the peyne of makeit a
fine unto the Lord of a hundred Shillings_. This is taken from the
Original Manuscript, which was preserv’d in the Bishop’s Court,
suppos’d to be written about the Year 1430. From these Orders we may
observe the Frequency of the Distemper at that Time; which, with
other Inconveniences, was _dayly like there for to fall out_: and the
Greatness of the Penalty, as the Value of Money then was, that is laid
on it, proves it was no trifling or insignificant thing.

But the bare Proof of there having been anciently such a Disease as was
called the _Burning_, may be thought to be insufficient, unless we were
perfectly assured what it was, and how it was in those Times described:
I shall therefore do it from an unquestionable Authority, which is that
of _John Arden_, Esq; who was one of the Surgeons to King _Richard_ II.
and likewise to King _Henry_ IV. In a curious Manuscript of his upon
Vellum, he defines it to be, a certain inward Heat and Excoriation of
the _Urethra_; which Description gives us a perfect Idea of what we now
call a _Clap_; for frequent Dissections of those who laboured under
that Disease, have made it evident, that their _Urethra_ is excoriated
by the Virulency of the Matter they receive from the infected Woman;
and this Excoriation or Ulceration is not confined to the _Ostiola_ or
Mouths of the _Glandulæ Muscosæ_ as has been lately thought, but may
equally alike attack any Part of the _Urethra_ not beyond the reach of
the impelled malignant Matter. The Heat before described, which these
Persons are sensible of, as well now as formerly, is a Consequent of
the excoriated _Urethra_; for the Salts contained in the Urine must
necessarily prick and irritate the nervous _Fibrillæ_, and excite a
Heat in those Parts of the _Urethra_ which are divested of its natural
Membrane; which Heat will always be observed to be more or less, as the
Salts are diluted with a greater or less Quantity of Urine; a thing I
have often observed in Persons who have laboured under this Infirmity
in hot Weather, when the perspirable Matter being thrown off in greater
Quantities, the Salts bear a greater Proportion to the Quantity of
Urine, and thereby make its Discharge at that Time so much the more
painful and troublesome.

Thus we see this very early and plain Description of this Disease among
us, to be entirely conformable to the latest and most exact Anatomical
Discoveries. Here is no Tone of the _Testicles_ depraved, according to
_Trajanus Petronius_; no Exulceration of the _Parastatæ_, according
to _Rondeletius_; no Ulceration of the _Seminal Vessels_, according
to _Platerus_; no Seat of the Disease in the _Vesiculæ Seminales_,
or _Prostatæ_, according to _Bartholin_; nor in those Parts and the
Testicles at the same Time, according to our Countryman _Wharton_ and
others, who have falsly fixed the Seat of this Disease, and whose
Notions, in this respect, are now justly exploded; but a single and
true Description of it, and its Situation, about 150 Years before any
of those Gentlemen obliged the World with their learned Labours.

Having, I hope, sufficiently made it appear, the _Burning_ was a
Disease very early among us, and given the Description of it, I shall
proceed to say something of the ancient Method that was made use of
to cure it. We are not to expect the Measures our Predecessors, in
those early Times, made use of, should be calculated for the removing
any Malignity in the Mass of Blood, or other Juices, according to the
Practice in Venereal Cases at this Time; because they looked upon the
Disease to be entirely local, and the Whole of the Cure to depend
upon the Removal of the Symptoms: Hence it was they recommended such
Remedies as were accommodated to the taking off the inward Heat of
the Part, and cure the Excoriations or Ulcerations of the _Urethra_.
The Process for the accomplishing of this, I shall set down from the
before-mentioned _John Arden_, who wrote about the Year 1380, His
Words are as follow: _Contra Incendium. Item contra Incendium Virgæ
Virilis interius ex calore & excoriatione, fiat talis Syringa (i. e.
_Injectio_) _lenitiva. Accipe Lac mulieris masculum nutrientis, &
parum zucarium, Oleum violæ & ptisanæ, quibus commixtis per Syringam
infundator, & si prædictis admiscueris lac Amigdalarum melior erit
medicina._ There is no doubt but this Remedy, being used to our
Patients at this Time, would infallibly take off the inward Heat of
the Part, and cure the Excoriations or Ulcerations of the _Urethra_,
by which means what issued from thence would be entirely stopt: and
this was all they expected from their Medicines, forasmuch as they were
entirely unacquainted with the Nature of the Distemper; and did not in
the least imagine, but if the Symptoms that first attack’d the Part
were removed, the Patient was entirely cured.

I shall now, as a farther Confirmation of what I have advanced,
proceed to prove, that by this _Brenning_ or _Burning_ is meant the
_Venereal Disease_, by demonstrating that succeeding Historians,
Physical and Chirurgical Writers, and others, have all along with
us in _England_ used the very same Word to signify the Venereal
Malady. In an old Manuscript, I have, written about the Year 1390. is
a Receipt for _Brenning of the Pyntyl, yat Men clepe ye Apegalle;
Galle_ being an old English Word for a running Sore. They who know
the _Etymology_ of the Word _Apron_, cannot be ignorant of this. And
in another Manuscript, written about 50 Years after, is a Receipt for
_Burning_ in that Part by a Woman. _Simon Fish_, a zealous Promoter
of the _Reformation_ in the Reign of _Hen._ VIII. in his Supplication
of Beggars, presented to the King, in 1530, says as follows, _These
be they_ (speaking of the _Romish Priests_) _that corrupt the whole
Generation of Mankind in your Realm, that catch the Pockes of one
Woman and bear them to another; that be_ Burnt _with one Woman and
bear it to another; that catch the Lepry of one Woman and bare it
unto another_. But to make this Matter still more evident, I am to
observe, that _Andrew Boord, M. D._ and Romish Priest, in the same
Reign, in a Book he wrote, entitl’d _The Breviary of Health_, printed
in 1546, speaks very particularly of this sort of _Burning_; one of his
Chapters beginneth thus, _The 19th Chapiter doth shew of_ BURNING _of
an Harlot_; where his Notion of communicating the _Burning_ is very
particular. He adds, that if a Man be _Burnt_ with an _Harlot_, and do
meddle with another Woman within a Day, he shall _Burn_ her; and as an
immediate Remedy against the _Burning_, he recommends the washing the
_Pudenda_ 2 or 3 times with White Wine, or else with Sack and Water;
but if the Matter have continued long, to go to an expert Surgeon for
Help. In his 82d _Chapter_, he speaks of _two_ sorts of _Burning_, the
_One_ by _Fire_, and the _Other_ by a _Woman_ thro’ carnal Copulation,
and refers the Person that is _Burnt_ of a _Harlot_ to another Chapter
of his for Advice, what to do, _yf he get a Dorser or two_, so called
from its Protuberancy or bunching out: For I find about that Time the
Word _Bubo_ was mostly made use of, to signify that sort of Swelling
which usually happens in pestilential Diseases.

From hence it appears, the _Burning_, by its Consequents, was
_Venereal_; since every Day’s Experience makes it evident, that the ill
Treatment of the first Symptoms of the Disease, either by astringent
Medicines, or the removing them by cooling and healing the excoriated
Parts, will generally be attended with such Swellings in the Groin,
which we rarely observe to happen from any other Cause whatsoever.

I shall give a few more Instances of this Disease being call’d the
_Burning_, and conclude. In a Manuscript I have of the Vocation of
_John Bale_ to the Bishoprick of _Ossory_ in _Ireland_, written by
himself, he speaks of Dr. _Hugh Weston_ (who was Dean of _Windsor_
in 1556. but deprived by Cardinal _Pole_ for Adultery) as follows;
“At this Day is lecherous _Weston_, who is more practised in the Art
of _Brech-Burning_ than all the _Whores_ of the _Stews_. And again,
speaking of the same Person, he says, “He not long ago _brent_ a
_Beggar_ in St. _Botolph_’s Parish. The same Author says of him
elsewhere, “He had ben _sore Bitten_ with a _Winchester Goose_, and
was not yet healed thereof; which was a common Phrase for the Pox at
that Time, because the _Stews_ were under the Jurisdiction of the
Bishop of _Winchester_. _Mich. Wood_, in his _Epistle_ before _Stephen
Gardiner_’s Oration _de vera Obedientia_, printed at _Rhoan_, 1553.
gives another Evidence of the _Burning_. And _William Bullein_, a
Physician in the Reign of Queen _Eliz._ in a Book he publish’d, call’d
_The Bulwark of Defence, &c._ printed in 1562. bringing in _Sickness_
demanding of _Health_ what he should do with a Disease call’d the
_French Pockes_, _Health_ answers, “_He would not that any should fishe
for this Disease, or to be bold when he is bitten to thynke thereby
to be helped, but rather to eschewe the Cause of thys Infirmity, and
filthy rotten Burning of Harlots._

    _London_, Feb. 4.                    WILLIAM BECKETT,
    1717–18.

[Illustration]


[Illustration]

NUMBER III.

    _A Second Letter on the same Subject to_ WILLIAM WAGSTAFFE, M. D.

_SIR_,

Before I engage farther, in proving that the _Venereal Disease_, when
it came to be confirmed, was frequently known among us some hundreds
of Years before the Siege of _Naples_: I shall endeavour to refute
the Opinion of those Persons, who believe it to have had its Rise
there, if any such shall remain. True indeed it is, that there have
not been wanting several modern Authors, who have asserted it; but I
determine to make it appear to be an Error as inconsiderately, and
hastily received, as started by some Chimerical Author; who, because
several Writers about that time, observing the Disease to begin in
the _Pudenda_, separated it from another, with which it was before
confounded, must likewise take upon him to assert its being a _new_
Distemper, and to assign a certain Time and Place for its Rise. Now
one might with all the Reason in the World expect, that if the Disease
had its Original there, it must have been so certainly and infallibly
known, that there could have been no doubtful or uncertain Opinions
about it, but that the Physicians, who resided _in_ or _near_ the
Place, and those more especially, who interested themselves so far
as to write of it, must have, all of them to a Man, agreed upon the
Certainty of a thing, the Knowledge of the Truth of which was so easily
attainable. But on the contrary, _Nicholas Leonicenus_, who was the
first _Italian_ Physician, that wrote of this Disease, and who lived at
the very time, when _Naples_ was besieged, is so far from acknowledging
it to have had its Rise there, from the _French_ Soldiers Conversation
with the _Italian_ Women, and so little did he know of its true Cause,
that he does not allow it to be the Consequent of impure Embraces.
About this time it was likewise, that Pope _Alexander_ the VIth engaged
_Gaspar Torella_ to write of this Distemper. This Pope was in League
with _Alphonsus_ King of _Naples_, against _Charles_ VIII. King of
_France_, to prevent his passing thro’ _Italy_, when he went to besiege
_Naples_; yet this Author is so far from allowing it to have had its
Original there, that he tells us, the Astrologers were of opinion, that
it proceeded from I know not what particular Constellations. Nor does
_Sebastianus Aquilanus_, who lived at that time, allow it to be any
other than an ancient Disease; or _Antonius Scanarolius_, who wrote in
1498, which was but 4 or 5 Years after that Siege. Nor do several other
Authors, then living, say one Word about this _Neapolitan_ Story. But
it seems _Ulricus de Hutten_, a _German_ Kt. no Physician, positively
affirms this Disease to have had its Rise there; but how he should come
to know this, who lived at such a distance from the Place, and they,
who were Physicians residing as it were upon the Spot, be ignorant of
it, will be as much credited, as his following inconsistent Relation,
which will sufficiently prove, how little care he took to be apprised
of the Truth of what he wrote. This very Author tells us, the Disease
was unknown till the Year 1493, or thereabouts; that he himself had
it, when he was a Child, and so consequently that it was hereditary,
or from the Nurse. He Wrote his Book of this Distemper at _Mentz_,
where it was printed by _John Scheffer_ in 4_to_, 1519. Now if we
allow him to be but 27 Years of Age, when he wrote, (for he cannot be
suppos’d to be less, who before this took upon him to cure his Father
of the _Venereal Disease_, without the Assistance of any Physician or
Surgeon,) he must have had the Distemper upon him, according to his own
Account, before ever it was in being. Thus we may see, how Persons may
be impos’d upon by a hasty and inconsistent Writer, no way qualified
for such an Undertaking, and greedily receive in Falshoods instead of
Truths, if they will not be at the Pains of consulting the Original
Writings of our Predecessors, the only sure Method of overthrowing such
chimerical and imaginary Notions.

I have in my former Letters, to Dr. DOUGLASS, sufficiently I think
proved that the _first_ Degree of the _Venereal Disease_ was very
common among us some hundreds of Years before it is commonly said to
have been known in _Europe_; there will be no Reason for any body to
conceive we were at that time in any measure Strangers to it, when it
came to be confirmed; more especially, when we consider the Methods
of Treatment in those Times, which consisting principally in topical
Applications, many of their Patients could not possibly escape having
it confirmed on them. Now when it was in this confirmed State, the
Writers of those early times looked upon it as an _entirely new_
Disease, and not a Consequent of any Evil before contracted, because
they were not apprised, that the _first_ Symptoms being removed, and
the Disease to Appearance cured, it should afterwards discover it self
in such a manner, as should not seem to have the least Analogy with the
Symptoms, that first attack’d a part which had been for a considerable
time free from any Misfortune. But because the Symptoms are the only
true Characteristicks, whereby we are infallibly able to know one
Disease from another, it may be expected, that I produce sufficient
Authorities to demonstrate they were all of them known and described by
ancient Physical and Chirurgical Writers, just as they appear to be in
the _Venereal Disease_ at this Day, if I would prove that _Disease_ to
be of a much more ancient Date, than is generally thought; and if I do
this, I cannot but think it will be satisfactory, since we can have no
other way of coming to a Knowledge of any one Distemper, than by its
Symptoms. The Method of laying down the exact Succession of them, will
be impossible to be reduced to any certain and infallible Rule, there
being so great a Variety of Causes, that obstruct such a Regularity;
for which Reason, I shall take notice of them in such Order as they
most generally appear, which was upon no account to be expected from
our antient Writers, insomuch as they mention every particular Symptom
by it self, not knowing but that they were independent of each other,
and that each of them was a distinct Disease. However, the proving
these Symptoms were in being in these _early_ times, will be as strong
an Argument to prove the Antiquity of this Distemper, as if they had
been register’d in the most exact Order of Succession, because we
shall, upon the strictest Examination, find they are peculiar to the
_Venereal Malady_ only. I have, I hope, sufficiently made it appear
in my former Letter, that the _first Degree_ of this _Disease_ was
anciently known among us by the name of _Brening_, or _Burning_;
and that it was the same Thing with what we now call a _Clap_, The
Symptoms, which are usually its Concomitants, are the _Phymosis_,
and _Parahphymosis_, both which are accurately described, and proper
Remedies, for them set down by _John Arden_, Esq; in another Manuscript
of his, curiously written upon Vellum, and beautifully illuminated.
The imprudent Method of Cure of this _first Degree_ of the _Venereal
Malady_, is sometimes attended with a Caruncle in the _Urethra_, which
was a Disease very common among us anciently: For not to mention other
_early_ writers, _Arden_ gives us the Case of a certain Rector, who had
such a _Substance_, like a Wart, growing in the _Penis_, which he says
_frequently happens_, and of another which had such an _Excrescence_
as big as a _small Strawberry_, which (says he) _proceeded from the
corrupted Matter remaining in the_ Urethra. And indeed there is not any
Symptom of the _Venereal Disease_, that I find so often mentioned as
this of the _Caruncle_, insomuch that it seems to have been more common
in those _early Times_, than at _this Day_. But this must be certainly
owing to the smooth and oily Remedies they were continually injecting,
which, by their relaxing and softning the Fibres of the Part, must
necessarily dispose the Contexture of small Blood Vessels, lodged at
the bottom of the little Ulcerations, to fill with nutritious Juices,
and to extend themselves so, as to form such fungous Excrescences;
and so solicitous were they for removing these Inconveniences, that
they made use of several Ways by Corrosives and other Methods, to
accomplish this end; and a very early Writer among us, has given a very
methodical and curious Tract on this Subject, wherein he recommends the
removing them by the _medicated-Candle_, which we use at this Day, and
lays down divers other Instructions, in relation to it, which makes it
probably the best Discourse on this Subject, that was ever yet written.
He takes notice of those _contumacious-Ulcers_, which happen upon the
_Glans_ and the neighbouring Parts, which we now call _Shankers_; and
the great Trouble our ancient Authors found in attempting their Cure,
sufficiently discover them to have had their Original from a Venereal
Infection. These several Symptoms of the _Venereal-Malady_ our _early_
Writers are very full in their Accounts of, and others, when the
_Disease_ was in a more confirmed State, to which they appropriated
particular Names, perhaps more significant and expressive than those
imposed by _modern_ Authors. Thus the _Buboes_ in the _Groin_ they
called _Dorsers_, which I have given a Reason for before; and the
_Venereal-Nodes_ on the _Shin-Bones_ they termed the _Boon-haw_, which
gives us a perfect Idea, not only of the Part affected, but after what
manner it was diseased; for the old English Word _Hawe_, signified
a Swelling of any Part. Thus for instance, a little Swelling upon
the _Cornea_, was anciently called the _Hawe_ in the _Eye_; and the
Swelling that frequently happens on the Finger, on one side the Nail,
was called the _White-Hawe_, and afterwards _Whitflaw_. The _Process_
this Author recommends, for the Cure of the _Boon_ or _Bone-Hawe_,
is by making use of a Plaister, which had a Hole cut in the midst,
to circumscribe it; and applying a _Caustic_ of unslacked Lime, and
black Soap incorporated together; which Plaister and Bandage were to
be secured on the part 4 Hours, and longer, if that was not found
sufficient: After this he proceeds to the separating the _Slough,
&c._ This Practice of his seems to have been found out by accident.
For he tells us, when he was a young Practitioner, he having applyed
both the Natural and Artificial _Arsenic_ to the Leg of a Man, who
was his Patient, it so mortified the Flesh, as surprized him; but by
proper Digestives, the _Eschar_ coming off, and leaving the Bone bare,
he scraped it with an Instrument for several Days, and drest it with
Incarnatives, designing to have ingendred Flesh on it; but this proving
unsuccessful, he continued to scrape it, till he observed it move under
the Instrument; after which having separated it, he found the Sore
covered with new Flesh, and that the Bone was 4 Inches in length, 2 in
breadth, and very thick, upon the Removal of which the Patient was
soon cured. Thus it’s probable this Observation of this great Man led
our Predecessors to practice the very same Method; and we do at _this
Day_ in our Hospitals treat the _Venereal Nodes_ on the _Shins_ exactly
as is here described, where we observe the same Appearances, he so
long before took notice of; and it is not in the least to be doubted,
but the _Boon-Haw_ and our _Venereal Nodes_ are the same _Disease_. By
the Appearance of some of the last of these Symptoms, we infallibly
judge the Patient has had the Infection upon him a considerable
time, and that the _Disease_ is making its gradual Advances, to the
corrupting and destroying the whole Frame of the Body. That this was
the Conclusion of the Miseries of those Persons, who gave themselves up
to the deceitful-Delights and Entertainments of lewd-Women, in those
_early-times_ as well as _now_, I cannot better prove than by those
remarkable Instances you quoted from a MS. in _Lincoln_-Colledge, in
_Oxon_, Viz. _Novi enim ego Magister_ Thomas Gascoigne, _licet
indignus sacræ Theologiæ Doctor, qui hæc scripsi & collegi, diversos
viros, qui mortui fuerunt ex putrefactione membrorum suorum genitalium
& corporis sui; quœ corruptio & putrefactio, ut ipsi dixerunt, causata
fuit per exercitium copulæ carnalis cum mulieribus. Magnus enim dux in
Anglia, scil._ J. de Gaunt, _mortuus est ex tali putrefactione
membrorum genitalium, & corporis sui, causatâ per frequentationem
mulierum. Magnus enim fornicator fuit, ut in toto Regno Angliæ
divulgabatur, & ante mortem suam jacens sic infirmus in lecto, eandem
putrefactionem Regi; Angliæ Ricardo secundo ostendit, cum idem Rex
eundem Ducem in suâ infirmitate visitavit; & dixit mihi qui ista novit
unus fidelis sacræ Theologiæ Baccalaureus. Willus etiam longe vir
maturæ ætatis & de civitat. Londonii, mortuus est ex tali putrefactione
membrorum suorum genitalium, & corporis sui, causatâ per copulam
carnalem cum Mulieribus, ut ipsemet pluries confessus est ante mortem
suam, quum manu sua propria eleemosynas distribuit, ut ego novi, anno
Dni. 1430._ Now what those Instances mentioned from _Arden_, or these
from _Gascoigne_, who was then Chancellor of _Oxford_, could possibly
be, but _Venereal-Cases_, I would be obliged to any body to inform me.
Certain it is, no _Disease_ was ever known to be gotten by the carnal
Conversation of Women, which first attacked the _Genitals_, causing a
Corruption and Putrefaction of them, and afterward of the whole Frame
of the Body, but that which is _Venereal_. For nothing is more commonly
known at this Day, than that after the Venereal-Engagement with an
impure Woman, the _Penis_ is the Part where the Scene is first laid for
the succeeding Tragical Appearances; and there, and in the Neighbouring
Parts, do the Symptoms of the Disease, as its Retainers, always first
assemble, till the malignant Poison taint the Blood and other Juices;
which being convey’d over the whole Frame of the human Fabric, if not
check’d, soon brings about its total Corruption.

We do not indeed find the _Disease_ mentioned by _Gascoigne_,
was distinguish’d by any particular Name: But great Numbers must
unavoidably die of the _Venereal-Malady_ at that time, from the
imperfect Knowledge of those who had the Treatment of the first Degrees
of it. It must necessarily follow, therefore, that when the whole
Frame of the Body had receiv’d a Taint from the _Venereal-Poison_,
so as to occasion its breaking-out in Scabs and Ulcers, almost all
over its Surface, it must generally be called by the Name of some
particular Disease, whose Appearances had somewhat of an Affinity to
it. Now if we examine the Nature of all the Diseases, that attack the
Human Body, we shall not find the _Venereal-Malady_, when it arrives
at this State, to bear a greater Similitude to any than the Leprosy,
as it is described by the Ancients: Nay, so great was the Analogy
betwixt these Diseases supposed to be, that _Sebastianus Aquilanus_
has endeavoured to prove from _Galen_, _Avicen_, _Pliny_, &c. that the
_Pox_ is only one Species of the _Leprosy_; and _Jacobus Cataneus_,
a Writer almost as early as the Rise of the Name of the _Pox_, tells
us, ’tis not only possible there may be a Transition from one of these
Diseases into the other; but that he saw _two_ Persons in whom the
_Pox_ was changed into the _Leprosy_: That is, from having great
_Pocks_ or _Pustules_ on the Surface of their Bodies, from whence
the _Pox_ is denominated, to have become Ulcerous or Scabby. This
particular State of the Disease anciently put the Surgeons to a great
deal of Trouble: For they finding that these Ulcers were of a very
contumacious and rebellious Nature, were obliged to make use of great
Numbers of Remedies, in order to conquer the evil Disposition of
them. But they observed that all of them were useless, unless Mercury
was joined with them. Now the dressing each particular Ulcer being
so very tedious, they ordered the Patients to daub the Ointments
over the Parts which were ulcerated; which done, they were wrapt in
Linnen Cloths till the next dressing: But after a few Days they were
extreamly surprised, to find their Mouths began to be sore, and that
they spit very profusely; but they tell us to their Astonishment,
that in a little time the Sores became healed, and the Patients
cured. And by this Accident it was the Method of _Salivating_ by
_Unction_ was first discover’d, which is in so much use among us at
this Day. From these and some other Instances I have given of the
Industry and Application of our Predecessors, and with what Sagacity
they applied every accidental Hint, to the relieving their distressed
Fellow-Creatures from the Misfortunes they laboured under; we ought
to be led to the highest Esteem and Veneration of them; and so much
the more most certainly forasmuch as they were principally our own
Country-Men, who, I can prove, not only from several Persons coming
from _Foreign-Parts_ to be cured of their Diseases _here_, but for
other Reasons, that they excelled most of their Cotemporaries in the
Divine Art of Healing. Now altho’ those _Foreign-Authorities_, I
before mentioned, might be looked upon as sufficient to convince any
one, how our Ancestors blended these _two_ Diseases together; yet
I shall prove from our own Writers, long before those, that altho’
the _Pox_ was not only among us, but in distant Nations, anciently
confounded with the _Leprosy_; yet, so exact were our Writers in their
Observations of the Infectious Nature of one Species of that Disease,
and describing the Symptoms, as was sufficient to lead any Person
to the distinguishing between them, so as to separate _one_ Disease
from the _other_. I shall therefore _first_ enquire into the manner
how the _Leprosy_ was sometimes said to be gotten in those early
Times, and then examine the Symptoms of the Disease, that attacked
the Patient. _John Gadisden_, a very learned and famous _English_
Physician, who flourished about 1340, in an excellent Work of his, he
entitles _Rosa Anglica_, speaking _de Infectione ex Coitu Leprosi,
vel Leprosæ_, says as follows, _Primo notandum quod ille qui timet de
excoriatione & arsura Virgæ post coitum statim lavet Virgam cum aqua
mixta aceto, vel cum urina propria, & nihil mali habebit_; and in
another Place speaking _de Ulcere Virgæ_, he says, _Sed si quis vult
membrum ab omni corruptione servare, cum a Muliere recedit, quam forte
habet suspectam de immunditie, lavet illud cum aqua frigida mixta cum
aceto, vel urina propria, intra vel extra preputium_. He likewise
speaking still of the _Leprosy_, recommends a Decoction of Plantain
and Roses in Wine, to be made use of by the Woman immediately after
the _Venereal-Encounter_; upon which he tells us she will be secure.
From hence it is evident some of their _Leprous Women_ (as they call’d
them) were capable of communicating an infectious Malady to those that
had carnal Conversation with them; which proves, the _Pudenda_ of
the Women must be diseased, for as much as we are absolutely assured
Infections of that Nature only happen when a sound Part comes to an
immediate Contact with a diseased one; for the Symptoms always first
display themselves in those Parts, thro’ which the Virulency is first
conveyed. Now in a true _Leprosy_ we never meet with the mention of any
Disorder in those Parts, which, if there be not, must absolutely secure
the Person from having that Disease communicated to him by Coition with
_Leprous-Women_; but it proves there was a Disease among them, which
was not the _Leprosy_ altho’ it went by that Name; and that this could
be no other than _Venereal_, because it was infectious; for there is
no other Disease that is capable of being communicated this way but the
_Venereal-Disease_, seeing the _Pudenda_ are only in that Distemper so
diseased as to become capable of communicating their Contagion. I find
the learned _Gilbertus Anglicus_, who flourished about 1360, reasoning
concerning the manner how it is possible a Man should be infected by a
_Leprous-Woman_; where if we allow him to call the _Malignant Matter_,
which is lodged in the _Vagina_ [_the Womans seed_] we shall find he
acurately describes the very first _Venereal-Infection_, by part of
the virulent Matters being received into the _Urethra_; from whence by
the Communication of the _Veins_ and _Arteries_, it is conveyed into
the whole Body, after which (_says he_) ensues its total Corruption.
Let us now examine the Symptoms of one sort of their Leprosy, for
it must be necessarily divided into different Species, when another
Distemper was blended with it, in which we observe such a _diversity_
of _appearances_; and this I shall the rather do in this Place, because
it will furnish us with the next Succession of Symptoms after those
already mentioned, as the _Venereal-Ozænas_, the Ulcers of the Throat,
the Hoarsness, the proof of its being communicable from the Nurse to
the Child, by _Hereditary-succession, &c._ All which we find to be true
in the _Venereal-Disease_ at this Day. Our Country-Man _Bartholomew
Glanvile_, who flourished about 1360, in his Book _de Proprietatibus
Rerum_, translated by _John Trevisa_ Vicar of _Barkley_ in 1398, tells
_us, some_ Leprous-Persons _have redde Pymples and Whelkes in the
Face, out of whom oftene runne Blood and Matter: In such the Noses
swellen and ben grete, the virtue of smellynge falyth, and the Brethe
stynkyth ryght fowle_. In another place he speaks of _unclene spotyd
glemy and quyttery, the Nose-thrilles ben stopyl, the wason of the
Voys is rough, and the Voys is horse and the Heere falls_. Among the
Causes of this sort of _Leprosy_, he reckons lying in the Sheets after
them, easing Nature after them; and others which the first Writers on
the _Pox_ looked upon to be capable of communicating that Contagion:
Also, _says he, it comyth of fleshly lykeng by a Woman, after that a_
Leprous-Man _hathe laye by her; also it comyth of Fader and Moder;
ann so thys Contagyon passyth into the Chylde as it ware by Lawe of
Herytage. And also when a Chylde is fedde wyth corrupt Mylke of a
Leprous Nouryce._ He adds, _by what ever Cause it comes, you are not
to hope for Cure if it be confyrmyd; but it may be somewhat hidde and
lett that it distroye so soone._ Thus we see how our Author, under
the Name of _one_ Species of the _Leprosy_, gives a Summary of the
Symptoms of the _Pox_, and the several ways whereby it is at this time
communicated. Now when these _two_ Diseases were anciently blended
together, and passed under the Name of the _Leprosy_ only, it must
be the real Cause why that _Disease_ seemed to be so _rife_ formerly;
for _two_ Distempers passing under _one_ Name must necessarily make
it more taken notice of and much more frequent; not but that much the
greater Number of those who were formerly said to be _Leprous_ were
really _Venereal_, seems to be very evident; for since that _Disease_
has been separated from the _Leprosy_, it has drawn off such vast
Numbers, that the _Leprosy_ is become as it were a perfect Stranger
to us. Those who are acquainted with our English History well know
the great Provision which was anciently made throughout all _England_
for _Leprous-Persons_, insomuch that there was scarce a considerable
Town among us but had a _Lazar-House_ for such diseased. In a Register
which belonged to one of these Houses, I find there were in _Hen._ the
VIIIth’s time 6 of them near _London_, (_viz_,) at _Knight’s-Bridge_,
_Hammersmith_, _Highgate_, _Kingsland_, the _Lock_, and at _Mile-end_,
but about 40 Years before I find but 4 mentioned: and in 1452 in the
Will of _Ralph Holland_, Merchant-Taylor, registred in the Prerogative
Office, mention is made but of 3, which, with his Legacies to them,
are as follow. _Item lego Leprosis de Lokes, extra Barram Sti Georgii
20s. Item lego Leprosis de Hackenay_ (which is that at _Kingsland_)
_20s. Item lego Leprosis Sti Egidii extra Barram de Holborn 40s_,
from which it is worth while to note, that the _Lock_ beyond St.
_Georges_ Church, and that at _Kingsland_, are at this time applyed
to no other use than for the Entertainment and Cure of such as have
the _Venereal-Malady_. Some of our learned Antiquaries have been much
concerned to know the Cause why the _Leprosy_ shou’d be so common in
those early times, and so little known among us now: But I believe the
Reason will be impossible to be assigned, unless we allow, according to
the Proofs which I have already brought, that the _Venereal-Disease_
was so blended with it, as to make up the Number of the diseased. It
seems to have been the same thing with them in _France_ as with us: For
_Mezeray_ tells us, that the House of the _Fathers_ of the _Mission_
of St. _Lazarus_, was formerly an _Hospital_ for _Leprous-People_, but
that Disease being ceased in this last Age (since the _Pox_ has been
separated from it) these _Lazar-Houses_ have been converted to other
Uses; and it may not be perhaps foreign to my purpose to take notice
that the Writ _de Leproso amovendo_ contained in the _Register of
Writs_ was (according to _Coke_ upon _Littleton_) to prevent Leprous
Persons associating themselves with their Neighbours, who appear to be
so by their Voice and their Sores; and the Putrefaction of their Flesh;
and by the Smell of them. Well then, let us examine what Method was to
be taken to prevent this noysom and filthy Distemper, the Leprosy;
why truly that which would infallibly prevent their getting the _Pox_
after the usual Method, and that was Castration. It is certain that
_Eunuchs_ are rarely or never troubled with the Leprosy, according to
_Monsieur le Prestre_, a Councellor in the Parliament of _Paris_, who
has these Words, _Antipathia vero Elephantiasis veneno resistit: Hinc
Eunuchi & quicunque sunt mollis, frigidæ & effeminatæ naturæ nunquam
aut raro Lepra corripiuntur, & quidem quibus imminet Lepræ periculum
de consilio medicorum sibi virilia amputare permittitur_. (Cent. I.
Cap. 6. de Separatione ex causa Luis Venerea.) And _Mezeray_ says, he
has read in the Life of _Philip_ the _August_, that some Men had such
Apprehensions of the _Leprosy_, (that shameful and nasty Distemper)
that to preserve themselves from it, they made themselves _Eunuchs_.
Now it is highly probable that those Persons who submitted to such
a painful Operation, having before observed, that those who gave
themselves up to a free and unrestrained use of Women, fell at length
under such unhappy circumstances; and so found the only measures to
preserve themselves from it was to be disabled for such engagements,
which sufficiently proves this Species of the _Leprosy_ was infectious;
and for the reasons before assigned could be no other than _Venereal_;
for how the true _Leprosy_ should be prevented by such means will be,
I believe, impossible for any Person to determine. There yet remains
one very considerable Symptom of the _Venereal-Malady_ for me to
take notice of, because it is looked upon to be the most remarkable
in that Disease, which, is the falling of the Nose; but since it has
been already proved, that this Disease when it had arrived to such
a pitch as to discover it self by those direful Symptoms, as are
the immediate forerunners of this, was by the Ancients confounded
with the _Leprosy_, and called by that Name, it must be among the
Symptoms of that _Disease_ we are the most likely to meet with it,
if any such thing as the falling of the Nose was known among them.
Now the most likely Method of coming to a certain Knowledge of the
Infallible Symptoms of the _Leprosy_ of the Ancients in its more
confirmed State, is to consult the Examinations those unhappy Persons
were obliged to undergo, before they were debarred the Conversation
of Human Society, and committed to close confinement: But this being
a thing some Ages since laid aside, no Author that I know of having
the particular History of it, I shall do it as briefly as I can from
what Remains I have met with in Records, and other scattered Papers.
First then, after the Persons appointed to examine the Diseased had
comforted them, by telling them this Distemper might prove a Spiritual
Advantage; and if they were found to be _Leprous_, it was to be looked
upon as their Purgatory in this World; and altho’ they were denied
the World, they were chosen of God: the Person was then to swear to
answer truly to all such Questions as they should be asked; but the
Examiners were very cautious in their Inquiries, lest a Person who was
not really _Leprous_ should be committed, which they looked upon to be
an almost unpardonable Crime: They considered the Signs as _Univocal_,
which properly belonged to that Disease, or _Equivocal_, which might
belong to another, and did not, upon the appearance of _one_ or
_two_ Signs, determine the Person to be a _Lazar_; and this I find
to be the Case of the Wife of _John Nightingale_ Esq; of _Brentwood_
in _Essex_, who in the Reign of _Edw._ the IVth, _An._ 1468, being
reported to be a _Lazare_, and that she did converse and communicate
with Persons in public and private Places, and not (according to
custom) retire herself, but refused so to do, was accordingly examined
by _William Hattecliff_, _Roger Marcall_, and _Dominicus de Serego_
the Kings Physicians; but they upon strict Inquiry adjudged her not
to be _Leprous_, by reason the Appearances of the Disease were not
sufficient: Some of the Questions put to the _Leprous-Persons_, which
will more fully confirm what I have before advanced, I shall now give
as I transcribed them from an Ancient Book of Surgery, _yf there were
any of his lygnage that he knew to be_ Lazares _and especially their
Faders and Moders; for by any other of their Kynred they ought not to
be_ Lazares, _then ought ye to enquire yf he hath had the Company of
any lepress Woman, and yf any_ Lazare _had medled with her afore him;
and lately because of the infect matter and contagyous filth, that she
had received of him. Also his nostrils be wyde outward, narrow within
and gnawn. Also yf his lips and gummes are foul stynking and coroded,
Also yf his voice be horse, and as he speaketh in the nose._ Now the
Signs which are here mentioned, were looked upon to be _Univocal_:
And these were they who made the _Examiners_ principally determine
the Persons to be _Leprous_; but what Determinations any one would
immediately give from such Symptoms now, no Person is surely ignorant
of. But even these certain appearances would not always satisfy some
Persons, if we may believe _Fælix Platenus_ in his _Medicinal_ and
_Chirurgical_ Observations, _Lib._ 3. who tells us, some did not look
upon them to be so, till they had an horrible aspect, were _hoarse_ and
_Noses_ fell. Likewise in the _Examen Leprosorum_ printed in the _De
Chirurgia Scriptores Optimi_, the Author speaking of the _Signs_ of
the _Leprosy_ relating to the _Nose_, begins thus, _Si nares exterius
secundum exteriorem partem ingrossentur, & interius constringantur,
& coarctentur, secundo si appareat cartilaginis in medio corosio, et
casus ejus significat Lepram incurabilem_. And the before mentioned
_John Gadisden_ in his Chapter _de Lepra_ says as follows, _Signa
confirmationis etiam incurabiliter sunt corrosio cartilaginis quæ est
inter foramina & casus ejusdem_. Thus, Sir, have I proved we had a
Distemper amongus some hundreds of Years before the _Venereal-Disease_
is said to have been known in _Europe_, which was called the _Burning_;
that this _Burning_ was _Infectious_, and that it was the _first
Degree_ of the _Venereal Disease_; that this being common at that
time, from their Method of Treatment; the _Pox_ must be unavoidable:
That it had exactly the same Appearances it has now, altho’ they were
generally called by _different_ Names, that the Ancients confounded it
with the _Leprosy_; that the vast Numbers of _Leprous-Persons_ among
us, before the _Venereal-Disease_ was separated from it, and the small
Number we observe at this Time, is a flagrant Proof of the former; that
in describing the _Symptoms_ of the _Leprosy_, they give us those of
the _Venereal Malady_; and, by mentioning how it is communicated, they
describe the Ways by which the _Pox_ is gotten at this Day; that such
Remedies were by them recommended to prevent the _first_ Attack of the
_Leprosy_, as are at this Time in Use to prevent the _first_ Symptoms
of the _Pox_; and that the falling of the _Nose_, which has been look’d
upon to be the most remarkable Symptom of the _Venereal-Disease_, was
commonly observed in what they called the _Leprosy_ in former Ages.

    _I am, Sir,
        Yours_, &c,
            WILLIAM BECKETT.




                         _New BOOKS_,

           Printed for E. CURLL, in _Covent-Garden_.


I. THE SCHOOL of _VENUS_: Or, The _LADY’s_ MISCELLANY. Being A
COLLECTION of ORIGINAL POEMS, TRANSLATIONS, TALES, and NOVELS, relating
to LOVE and GALLANTRY.

    VENUS! thy Empire o’er the World extends!
    To thy soft Charms the whole Creation bends!
    On Earth, in Streams, thro’ all the rolling Main,
    The leafy Forest, and the grassy Plain;
    Thy kindling Warmth, the various Nations find,
    And rush with Joy to _generate their kind_.        DRYDEN.

Adorn’d with Cuts, by _Hogarth_. Price 6 _s._

II. The ALTAR of LOVE: Or, The Art of Kissing, in all its Varieties.
Being a curious Collection of Poems, and other Miscellanies. Design’d
for the Improvement of both Sexes. The chastest Ear will be equally
entertain’d, and forewarn’d, by a Recital of the alluring Wiles of the
Fair Sex; at the same Time that the dishonourable Attacks of Mankind
are expos’d, in order to preserve the Ladies Reputation. For, herein,
from the Court to the Cottage, the Affair of intriguing Gallantry is
fully trac’d through its most intricate Labyrinths, Price 6 _s._

III. A NEW MISCELLANY of Original Poems, Translations, and Imitations.
Publish’d by _Anthony Hammond_, Esq; written by the most eminent
Hands, _viz._ Mr _Prior_, Mr _Hughes_, Mr _Pope_, Lady _Mary Wortley
Montague_, Mrs _Manley_, Mrs _Fouke_, Mrs _Centlivre_, Mr _Amhurst_,
&c. Price 5 _s._

IV. The WORKS of the justly celebrated WILLIAM WALSH, Esq; in Prose
and Verse. With some Account of the Author and his Writings; and his
Character by Mr _Pope_. Price 4 _s._

V. COURT TALES: Or, MODERN AMOURS. Being the ADVENTURES of some Persons
of the First Rank. Faithfully related from the AUTHOR’s own Knowledge
of each Transaction. Written by Mrs _Grainger_.

    When Am’rous CHARLES _Britannia_’s Scepter bore,
    Such were our Pleasures in the Days of yore,
    The Nightly Scene of Joy the _Park_ was made,
    And Love, in Couples, peopled ev’ry Shade:
    But since at COURT the _Rural-Taste_ is lost,
    What mighty Sums have _Velvet-Couches_ cost?        GAY.

The Second Edition. Price 2 _s._ 6 _d._

VI. Select TALES and NOVELS in Verse. Translated from the _French_
of _La Fontaine_. By Mr _Congreve_, Mr. _Topham_, Mr _Harrison_, Mr
_Fenton_, Mr _Rowe_, Mr _Prior_, Mr _Cobb_, Mr _Humphreys_. Adorn’d
with Cuts. The Second Edition. Price 5 _s._

VII. The WORKS of Monsieur VOITURE, Addressed to Mrs. _Blount_,
by Mr. _Pope_. Containing, I. Letters and Characters of the most
eminent Persons in the Court _France_. With explanatory Notes by
Monsieur _Richelieu_. II. _Alcidalis_ and _Zelida_: A Romance written
for the Entertainment of _Mademoiselle De Rambouillet_. III. The
_Metamorphoses_ of _Ladies_ into various _Flowers_. IV. Poems on
several Occasions. Translated by the most eminent Hands. 2 Volumes
_Duodecimo_. Price 6 _s._ sewed up in Blue Paper: or, 7 _s._ neatly
Bound.

Major PACK’s Character of VOITURE and his Writings, viz.

Monsieur VOITURE is, I own, the only Author in the World who can
_always_ put me into _good Humour_. The inimitable Turns of his Wit,
even upon the most Barren Subjects; his Droll-Mirth, his Quotations so
happily applied, free from any of that Pedantry so offensive in most
Others, who mingle the learned Languages with their own; his Skill
in that hardest Part of Good-Breeding, _Complimenting the Ladies_,
(where he never runs into _Common Place_;) and _Flattering the Great_
(where he never descends into _Servility_ or _Meanness_.) In short,
the _Generosity_ as well as _Gaiety of his_ SOUL, runs through all
he writes, and makes one not only read him with _Admiration_ but
Affection.]

_Essay_ on _Study_; Pag. 106. of _the Second Edition_. 8 vo.

_Lettres Muscovites_: or, _Muscovian Letters_. Containing an Account
of the _Form_ of _Government_, _Customs_, and _Manners_ of that _Great
Empire_. Written by a Person of Distinction, and Printed at _Paris_
1735. Translated by _William Musgrave_, Esq; Price 5 _s._

VIII. The _Northern Worthies_, or, the LIVES of PETER the Great, Father
of his Country, and Emperor of All _Russia_; and of his Illustrious
Empress CATHARINE, the late CZARINA. Likewise of PETER II, and of the
Accession and Conduct of the present CZARINA. Translated from the
_French_ Original of Monsieur _Fontenelle_. Price 2 _s_ 6 _d._

IX. _Post-Office-Intelligence_: or, _Universal Galantry_. Being a
Collection of _Love-Letters_, written by Persons in all Stations, from
most Parts of the Kingdom. Publish’d from their Originals return’d into
_the General Post-Office in London_, the Parties to whom they where
directed being either dead or remov’d from their usual Places of Abode.
Price 3 _s._

X. The Works of the justly celebrated _William Walsh_, Esq; in Verse
and Prose. Consisting of his Defence of the Female Sex. Letters amorous
and gallant, Satires, Pastorals, Epigrams, &c. With some Account of his
Life and Character by Mr. _Dryden_ and Mr. _Pope_. Price 4 s:

XI. Philomela; or, The Poetical Works of Mrs. _Elizabeth Rowe_ late of
_Frome_ in _Somersetshire_. With some Account of her Life, Writings,
Last Will and Testament. Letters to Lady _Hartford, &c._ with her
Character by Dr. _Watts_. Price 4 _s._

XII. The whole Works of Major _Richardson Pack_, (late of _Bury St.
Edmonds_ in _Suffolk_) together with his Remains, Life, Last Will, and
Testament. Price 9 s.

XIII. A New Miscellany of Original Poems, Translations, and Imitations.
By the most eminent Hands. Collected and published by _Anthony Hammond_
Esq; Price 5 s.

XIV. The Poetical Works of the late ingenious Mr. _William Pattison_ of
_Sidney College, Cambridge_. Two Vols. Price 12 s.

XV. The Poetical Works of _Nicholas Rowe_, Esq; (including his
Translation of _Calipædia_) Price 4 s.

XVI. Poems on several Occasions, by Mr. _Addison_. With his
_Dissertation_ on the Roman Poets. Price 5 s.

XVII. Mr. _Philip_’s Poems, viz. 1 Blenheim. 2. The Splendid Shilling.
3. Ode to Lord _Bolingbroke_. 1 s. 6 d.

XVIII. The LIFE and _Posthumous Works_ of _Arthur Maynwaring_, Esq;
containing several _Original Pieces_ and _Translations_, in PROSE and
VERSE. With an Abstract of all his Political Tracts. Price 5 _s._

XIX. The LIFE and WORKS of _Walter Moyle_, Esq; published by himself.
Price 5 _s._

XX. Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Amours of the late _William
Congreve_, Esq; interspers’d with Essays, Letters, and a Novel,
intitled _Adventures of three Days_: All written by himself. Also a
true Copy of his last Will and Testament. Price 5 _s._

XXI. The Life of that eminent Trgedian Mr. _Thomas Betterton_. Price 3
_s_ 6 _d._

XXII. Archbishop’s _Tillotson_’s Life, (in _Folio_ to perfect his
Works,) Written by Dr. _Young_, Dean, and Dr. _Burnet_, Bishop of
_Salisbury_. Price 3 _s._

XXIII. The Life of Mrs. _Manley_ (Author of the _Atalantis_) Written by
herself. With a Key. Price 1 _s_ 6_d._


_FINIS._



Corrections:

    Opporunity —> Opportunity
    dedeparted —> departed
    Subscripton —> Subscription
    cosiderable —> considerable
    themseves —> themselves
    Releif —> Relief
    Contract —> Contact
    the to —> to the
    thickned —> thickened
    swell —> smell
    Sypmtoms —> Symptoms
    lacreated —> lacerated
    apppears —> appears
    Dictinction —> Distinction
    accont —> account
    Risqne —> Risque
    Mischeif —> Mischief
    abstemions —> abstemious
    Speices —> Species
    Expence —> Experience
    Circnmstances —> Circumstances
    disconntenanc'd —> discountenanc'd
    accure —> accrue
    hereditay —> hereditary
    Iches —> Inches
    ovt —> out
    ths —> the
    Farnce —> France
    Hnmour —> Humour
    Liqour —> Liquor
    articutately —> articulately
    recieve —> receive
    Mischeifs —> Mischiefs








*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A COLLECTION OF CHIRURGICAL TRACTS ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.