◊ Contents

Transcriber's Endnote

Hyperlinks to Pages and Lines

1881.

CONTENTS.

• INTRODUCTION … v
  • Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances … v
  • Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem … vi
  • The Provençal Ferabras … ix
  • The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan Romance … xi
  • The Poem of the Destruction de Rome … xiii
  • MSS. of the French Fierabras … xv
  • The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. … xvi
  • The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras … xxii
  • Dialect of the Sowdan … xxxiv
  • Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan … xl
  • Date and Author of the Sowdan … xlv
  • MS. of the Sowdan … xlvii
  • Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan … xlviii
• ADDITIONS … xlix
  • The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan … xlix
  • The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras … lii
• SKETCH OF THE STORY … liv
• THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME … 1
• NOTES … 95
• GLOSSARIAL INDEX … 133
• INDEX OF NAMES … 141

INTRODUCTION. ◊

THE exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror and legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply changed the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half a century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful sceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more northern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a profound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries, so that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory of the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given by the numerous chansons de geste or romances, which celebrate the deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant champion of Christendom.

It is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his imaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish or Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been considerably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the composers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him. Whereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with high corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all royal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished and debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the prejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne, says, in the Chanson de Roland, l. 376:—

and again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in Guy de Bourgoyne, l. 1061:—

This glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France, but soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long Charlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations. Indeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French Charlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as well as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these chansons of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.1

A full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found in Gaston Paris’s exhaustive work of the Histoire poétique de Charlemagne (Paris, 1865), and in Léon Gautier’s Epopées françaises (Paris, 1867).

Of all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has certainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by the numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th century down to the present day.

When the art of printing first became general, the first romance that was printed was a prose version of Fierabras; and when the study of mediæval metrical romances was revived in this century, the Fierabras poem was the first to be re-edited.2

The balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for its immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely described in Florian’s Don Quichotte, I. chap. 10. The scene of Fierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of his vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,3 must also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of Fierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying “a bragging bully or swaggering hector.”4

Rabelais5 also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as to figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel.

In 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed ‹vii› a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which Fierabras and Balan were the principal characters.6

That in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live, is evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the edition of the Bibliothèque Bleue, still circulate amongst the country people of France.7 There is even an illustrated edition, published in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less an artist than Gustave Doré. And like Oberon, that other mediæval hero of popular celebrity,8 Fierabras has become the subject of a musical composition. There is an Opera Fierabras composed by Franz Schubert (words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been arranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.9

The different versions and the popularity of the present romance in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the Introduction to Sir Ferumbras, we need not repeat it again here.10 As to the popularity of the Fierabras romance in the Netherlands, the following passage from Hoffmann, Horæ Belgicæ (Vratislaviæ, 1830), I. 50, may be quoted here11:—

That the Fierabras romance must have been well known and highly popular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous references to this poem in various Middle English works.

Thus the whole subject of the Fierabras romance is found in the following passage, taken from Barbour’s Bruce, ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss., where the King is described as relating to his followers:—

In his poem of Ware the Hawk, Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites Syr Pherumbras as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of his poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following apostrophe:—

The story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by Lyndsay, in his Historie of ane Nobil and Wailȝeand Squyer, William Meldrum, ed. Hall, ll. 1313–16:—

The tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have been very well known in England and Scotland. In the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the Tail of the Brig of the Mantrible mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on Garnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and uglier than

As has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the (originally French) romance of Fierabras is remarkable as being one of the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is worthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version was not a French, but a Provençal one, which was published not in France, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany.

The manuscript of this Provençal version having been discovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von Oettingen-Wallerstein,15 ‹x› somewhere about the year 1820, the poem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.16

Raynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the Journal des Savants, March 1831, supposed this Provençal version to be the original.

Soon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in French, and a third French MS. was found in London,17 by Fr. Michel, in 1838.

In 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the Histoire Littéraire de la France, par les religieux bénédictins de congregation de Saint-Maur . . . . . continuée par des membres de l’Institut, vol. xxii. p. 196 et seq., where he also investigated the question of the originality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution; as from the comparison of the French and the Provençal version, no conclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the two poems.18

As early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that in all probability the Provençal poem was to be looked upon as a reproduction of some French source;19 and in 1839 Edelestand du Méril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of the Provençal version;20 Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des Chartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860, the editors of the French Fierabras21 finally and irrefutably proved the impossibility of considering the Provençal poem as anything but a translation of a French original. ‹xi›

In 1865, Gaston Paris, in his Poetical History of Charlemagne, pointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must be looked upon as a very different version from the old original Fierabras (or Balan) romance, the former being indeed only a portion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the old poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston Paris had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening of the Fierabras, which at once introduces the reader in medias res, and by the numerous passages of the Fierabras, which contain allusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being obscure and inexplicable from the context of the Fierabras itself, can only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem.

The main subject of the old Balan or Fierabras romance may be given as follows:—“The Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the Pope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main army. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is delivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.”22 ‹xii›

Of all the events related in the old Balan romance, there is but one which is contained in the Fierabras poem, viz. the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in consequence of the composer’s transferring the scene of action from Italy to Spain. All the other events related in the Fierabras, the love of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their being besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance by Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are altogether wanting in the original Fierabras [Balan] romance.

Therefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the Fierabras poem contained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of which had not come down to us.

Now it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly ‹xiii› demonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough modification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover. Professor Grœber, having been informed of the existence of that MS. by Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the Destruction de Rome,23 which in that MS. precedes the Fierabras romance.24 In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists at Leipzig,25 the same scholar attempted to show that this poem represented the first part of the earlier Balan romance.

This supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and needs a great modification, as by no means all the references to previous events contained in the Fierabras receive explanation in the Destruction, although all such previous events must have been narrated in the original Balan. Moreover, one of these allusions in the Fierabras is in direct contradiction to the contents of the Destruction.

Thus ll. 2237 et seq. of the Fierabras:26—

where Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when defeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 et seq. of the Destruction, where Guy does not arrive at Rome until after the departure of Laban’s army to Spain.

In the Destruction no clue is given which would enable us to explain why Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the Fierabras (ll. 112 et seq.) for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in particular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There is no mention in the Destruction of Richard chasing ‹xiv› the Emir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708–9 of the Fierabras27 clearly refer.

The allusion contained in l. 2614,28

where Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle of Floripas, is not cleared up by the Destruction, as in the three passages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does not play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket’s analysis of the original Fierabras [Balan] romance, we know how important a part Guy and Richard played in the old poem.29 There Richard and Guy being sent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans, succeeded in delivering Château-Miroir, which had been seized by the Saracens. The story of the combat around Château-Miroir, as related in the Destruction, ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,30 as besides other variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it.

Therefore, as the contents of the Destruction are not identical with Mousket’s analysis of the old Balan romance, and as several passages alluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the Destruction; and as there is even an instance of the Destruction being in contradiction to the Fierabras, the poem of the Destruction de Rome cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the Balan romance.31 ‹xv›

The Provençal version and the Destruction are each printed from unique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the Wallerstein MS. Of the French Fierabras there are seven MSS. known to exist.

• a = the MS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Supplém. franç., No. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the French Fierabras, who in cases of evident errors or lacunæ of this MS., consulted the three following MSS.:
• b = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 7566^3.3.
• c = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.32
• d = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616.
• D = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small fragment of which has been printed by Gautier, Epopées fr. ii. 307.
• E = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the variations, has been given by Knust, in the Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, vol. ix. p. 43 et seq.
• H = the Hanover MS., which also contains the Destruction de Rome. It has been described by Professor Grœber in the Jahrbuch, xiii. p. 111. ‹xvi›

As to the English Fierabras romances, there are two versions known to exist:33 the poem of Sir Ferumbras contained in the Ashmole MS. 3334 and the present poem.

In the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these two versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between the English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the original of the former.

A superficial comparison of the English poem of Sir Ferumbras with the French romance Fierabras (edd. Krœber and Servois) will suffice at once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my Dissertation on the sources and language of the Sowdan of Babylone (Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30–40) that the Ashmolean Ferumbras must be considered as a running poetical translation of a French original. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of the Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the translator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong to the same type as the Fierabras, edited by MM. Krœber and Servois. “The author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the course of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely, introducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to enliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original literally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of only 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole MS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter, and that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver’s attempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne’s prayers, &c.”

Now, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the fact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all translators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as closely as possible, will easily be able to render it ‘literally’ as long as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their translation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering of their original, ‹xvii› they must needs be more diffuse, and the consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to abandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free reproduction. This is also the case with the author of Syr Ferumbras, who, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not given ‘literally,’ must be considered as a close rhymed translation of the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author take sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those couplets similaires,35 or strophes which contain repetitions.

But not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his original closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the same place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 et seq. corresponding to Fierabras, ll. 125 et seq.

The closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by his introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which are unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and which in his translation are found in the same place and context, where the French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing the corresponding phrases of the two versions.

Besides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind that there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author of Syr Ferumbras seems to have introduced slight incidents and modifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become aware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may sometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of those French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words “þarto ys stede þan tyeþ he,” l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial MS.36—“son cheval aresna à l’abricel rose”—which is omitted in l. 93 of F (i. e. the French Fierabras, as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois).37 ‹xix›

The following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean Ferumbras) differing from F, but agreeing with E:

Notwithstanding these resemblances of A to E, in passages where A differs from F, E cannot have been the source of A, as there are many instances where E and F show the same reading, whereas A differs from both versions.

Thus, A, l. 340 et seq., it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and not Charles, as E and F (l. 357) have it.

The names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814, differ from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of E and F (ll. 1548–49).

There is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver (A 880) to be found in E or F (l. 1670–76).

In A 1178, Lamasour advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners; in E and F (l. 1948) the same advice is given by Brulans.

The names of Lambrock and Colbrant (A 1616, 1618) are not found in E and F, 2424.

A, ll. 1347–48, are wanting in E and F (2174). ‹xx›

Instead of a giant (A 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in E and F (l. 2483).

Instead of Roland (A 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in E and F, 2570.

These few instances, the number of which might easily be increased, will certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding E as the original of A.

Only a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;38 therefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of A with that printed passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and final. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as E, we may at once presume, that as E cannot be taken for the original of A, the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of A, is not very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two additional lines (ll. 19 and 2039) which the Didot MS. inserts after l. 63 of a (or F) is found in A, although this version gives, in ll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in F (ll. 50 et seq.). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS. was not the source of A.

Comparing now A with what is known of the Hanover MS. of Fierabras,40 we find A resembling to H in the following names: Lucafer (only once Lukefer in A 2204), Maragounde (once Marigounde, A 1364), Maubyn A = Maupyn H.—A 1700 and 2831, which differ from F, equally agree with H. In the last case A agrees also with E (although differing from F). Now as we know that H together with D and E are derived from the same group z,41 we may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as the original of A. But a more detailed comparison of A with H being impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation.

The impossibility of regarding the Provençal version as the source ‹xxi› of the Ashmolean Ferumbras, is proved by the fact that the long additional account, the ‘episode’ as Professor Grœber calls it,42 is wanting in A. Another proof is given by A, ll. 5763 et seq., where A agrees with F, but widely differs from P.43

It seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the French prose version as the original of A, the first edition of the prose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole Ferumbras. But also that version from which the prose romance has been copied or compiled, cannot have been the original of A. For although the phrase of A, 3888—“A skuntede as a bore”—seems to contain some resemblance of expression with the reading of the prose Fierabras—“il commença à escumer come s’il fust ung senglier eschaufé,” which Caxton translates—“he began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed”—the reading of A, ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton’s version (a translation of the French prose Fierabras), renders inadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose version is the source of A.44

Having thus compared the Ashmolean Ferumbras, as far as can be done at present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at the following conclusions.

The Ashmole Ferumbras is a pretty close translation of some French version, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original was neither of the same family (w) as the Fierabras, edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version. Nevertheless, the original of Sir Ferumbras cannot have differed much from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are derived. To this original, called y by Grœber, the MS., from which A has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to the Provençal version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the liberties which the author of Sir Ferumbras took in translating his original, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude ‹xxii› from his closeness of translation in general, that in those passages of A which exhibit significant deviations from the known French versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the Ashmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore the Ashmole Ferumbras may be considered as representing by itself the translation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at least was nearly related, to the type y.

I now come to the consideration of the Sowdan of Babylone, which the simple analysis given by Ellis,45 shows to be an essentially different work from the Ashmolean Ferumbras. Indeed, whilst the Syr Ferumbras represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of the original Fierabras [or Balan, as Gaston Paris has styled it],46 the Sowdan approaches the original more nearly in that it contains the long ‘introductory account’.47 For this first part of the Sowdan (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as identical with the first portion of the old Balan romance, contains several facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great resemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost portion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean Ferumbras is, on the whole, a mere translation of a French original, the Sowdan must be looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who, though following his original as far as regards the course of events, modelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus came to compose an independent work of his own.

This point being fully treated in my Dissertation,48 I need not again enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the composer of the Sowdan has much shortened his original, omitting all episodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the principal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number of lines which his original had,49 and that the proportion of the diffuse Ashmolean Ferumbras and the Sowdan is over five to one.50 ‹xxiii›

The subject of the ‘introductory account,’ or the first part of the Sowdan, is nearly the same as that of the Destruction de Rome, differing from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant incidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter circumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author.

Indeed, the author of the Sowdan seems to have known the Destruction, as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the following instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two versions:

Other instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages:

S 49–50 = D 94–99;51 S 103 = D 202, 209; S 119 = D 385; S 146 = D 445–46; S 150 = D 503–4; S 157 = D 509; S 300 = D 967; ‹xxv› S 303 = D 915; S 396 = D 977; S 312 = D 989; S 340 = D 1063; S 360 = D 1101; S 376 = D 1119, 1121; S 377 = D 1133; S 380 = D 1136; S 699 = D 1379; S 723 = D 1384, &c., &c.

Besides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French versions, but in the Destruction, point to this poem as to the original of the Sowdan. Thus Savaris52 (S 171) seems to be taken from D 540.

Astragot or Estragot, S 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by whom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock, occurs in D 1090.

The Ascopartes, a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in D 98, 426, but not in F or P.

King Lowes, in the context where it occurs (S 24) is clearly taken from D 9.

Iffrez, S 165, is perhaps the same as Geffroi in D 1139, 1367, 1122.

[Mounpelers, S 3228, occurs only in D 250, 286.]

Persagyn, S 1259, seems to be identical with Persagon, D 162.

The form Laban is only met with in the Destruction, the French and the Provençal versions, and the Ashmole Ferumbras reading Balan.53

The name of the Soudan’s son, Ferumbras, is explained by the form Fierenbras, which occurs in D 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237, besides the spelling Fierabras, which is the only one used in the French, the Provençal and Caxton’s versions.

Also the phrase ‘sowdan’ seems to have been derived from the Destruction (l. 1436, ‘soldan’), as it does not occur in any other version.

The great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the Destruction as the original of the first portion of the Sowdan; the few points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer convincing arguments against this supposition. ‹xxvi›

Indeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which are not in D, mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to the Soudan’s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as from many other instances we know how fond many composers of mediæval romances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of which they believed to show their knowledge in that science.54 Also the three names of Saints (Qwyntyn, Symon, Fremond55), and the names of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,56 many of which, moreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be regarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of the Sowdan. Others also, as Oliborn, Focard, Hubert, Gyndard, Tamper (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names of insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives. Another variation is Isrez (ll. 625, 641) for Tabour (D 1202).

Besides these variations in the names contained in the two poems, we find in the Sowdan some slight modifications as to the matter related; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as necessarily to point to some other original than the Destruction, which the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost decisively to have been the original of the Sowdan. The differences in the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to follow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned, but to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and especially to deal freely with secondary incidents.

Thus he may have thought the combat round Château-Miroir—which, moreover, is related in the Destruction in a rather obscure and confused style—to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better leave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events.

A similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of Lukafer’s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in the Sowdan than in the Destruction. In the Destruction, l. 241, Lucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the ‹xxvii› Soudan’s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way in Laban’s service. The poet of the Sowdan thinking, perhaps, that this was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this incident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly chosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious expedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the Sowdan, ll. 224–242, asks for the hand of Floripas.

As to the following or second part of the Sowdan, on the whole the same subject is treated of as in the Ashmole Ferumbras. But there are many differences between the two poems.

In the Sowdan, l. 1411 et seq., Roland is captured by the Saracens at the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at once avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led away to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray, whereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a mission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.57

The names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the Sowdan we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 et seq., and ll. 1730, 880):—Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys, Tery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban, Bishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,58 Guy of Bourgoyne.59—Richard of Normandye, although a most important personage, is not included amongst the Douzeperes. Nor is Guenelyn mentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant, Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in the Ashmolean Ferumbras.60

The new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently described in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol. MS. (ll. 2231 et seq.) of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of in ll. 1998–2000 of the Sowdan. ‹xxviii›

In the Sowdan, l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes the image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in Syr Ferumbras (ll. 3345).

In the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 et seq., Ferumbras tries to persuade his father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not to delay in putting him to death. In the Sowdan, l. 3156 et seq., there is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against their father.

Ashm. MS., ll. 130 et seq., differs greatly from the corresponding passage in the Sowdan (ll. 1647 et seq.). In the latter poem the knights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the former they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer, anvil, and tongs, &c.

In the Sowdan, l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a governor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 et seq., Raoul and Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies Charlemagne (cf. l. 5499).

In the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his host; in the Sowdan, l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the banner of France.

The prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to Christ, in the Sowdan, l. 1304 et seq., is not mentioned in the Ashm. version.

The account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs considerably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the incident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. Sowdan, 1158) is omitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the Sowdan, l. 1270) who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own sword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680).

In the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once with twelve of Charles’s knights; in the corresponding passage of the Sowdan, l. 1067, he challenges only six.

In the Sowdan, l. 1512 et seq., Floripas advises her father not to slay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be exchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas, but Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. ‹xxix›

As in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many omissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the Sowdan, it becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the original from which the Sowdan was copied, which is also proved by several names occurring in the Sowdan, but which are not to be found in Syr Ferumbras. Thus, for instance, the names of Espiard, Belmore, Fortibrance, Tamper,61 do not occur at all in the Ashmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form in the latter poem. For Generyse, S 1135, 1239, we find Garin, A 216, 443; Barrock, S 2939, 2943, 3022 = Amyote, A 4663; Alagolofur, S 2135, 2881 = Agolafre, A 3831, 4327; and Laban is always spelt Balan in the Ashmolean poem, &c.

Now as there are some passages where the Sowdan, while it differs from the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French Fierabras, we might be inclined to think that poem to be the original of the Sowdan. Thus Charlemagne’s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted in the Ashm. MS., occur in the French Fierabras. But there are several differences between the Sowdan and the French poem.

In the Fierabras, l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought before the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the Sowdan, l. 1498.

In the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before the fight begins; in the Sowdan, l. 1249, he does not confess his true name until they had fought for a considerable time.

In the Fierabras, l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the Sowdan, l. 1190.

Again, Fierabras, ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed Oliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll. 1279–82 of the Sowdan.

Instead of Floripas (S 1515), Brulans advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners in F 1949.

The French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called Bryer in S 2604, but Basin in F 3313. ‹xxx›

Concerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the cross (S 3236) in the French poem, and the signe, i. e. ‘the shroud or winding-sheet of the Lord’62 (F 6094), is omitted in the Sowdan.

Besides these variations of the two versions there is an incident of Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens (S 2247–2274), which being omitted in the Fierabras proves that the author of the Sowdan cannot have followed the French poem, or at least not that version which is edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.

Similarly there is no mention made in the French Fierabras of Bryer being charged to take care of the relics and of Charles’s treasure (S 3204).

The game of blowing burning coals is related in Sowdan, l. 1996 ss., with several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907.

The names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find Generyse, S 1139, for Garin, F 438; Mapyn, S 2325, for Maubrun, F 3046; Alagolofur, S 2135, for Agolafre, F 4290 or Golafre, F 4267, 4383; Bryer, S 2604, for Basin, F 3313; Maragounde, S 1563, for Marabunde, F 2196; Boloyne, S 3238, for St. Denis, F 6199; Barokke, S 2939, and Espiard, S 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French Fierabras, nor does Belmore, S 3122, occur in the Fierabras, either in the corresponding passage, F 5867, or elsewhere.

On the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii) differ in the Sowdan from those mentioned in the Fierabras, too much stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the simple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his source, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates the course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French knights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some of whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up their number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered having met with somewhere ‹xxxi› as included in the list of the douzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however we see appear afterwards.63

Similarly the names of Laban and Ferumbras for Balan and Fierabras afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of the French Fierabras being the original of the second part of the Sowdan, as the poet, having found those spellings in the Destruction, the source of the first portion of his romance, might simply have retained them for the whole poem.

But reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those passages which relate incidents omitted in the Fierabras, and which the author of the Sowdan therefore cannot have taken from that poem—and further taking into account the several differences between the two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are only slight ones—the French Fierabras, i. e. the version edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, which represents the group w (see before, p. xix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the Sowdan.

Proceeding now to a comparison of the Sowdan with the Escorial MS.,64 we have not found any passage where S differing from F agrees with E, as E and F generally have in those places the same reading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original of the Sowdan.

Unfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short to allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know65 that some names, the spelling of which in the Sowdan differs from that in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as in the Sowdan. Thus we find the following names agreeing in both versions: Lucafer, Maragonde, Maupyn. Only instead of Laban which is used in the Sowdan, we read Balan. In the fragment printed by Grœber,66 we find the name of the Soudan’s son ‹xxxii› with the same spelling as in the Destruction, Fierenbras, which is nearer to Ferumbras than Fierabras.67

This resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead us to believe the Hanover MS. of Fierabras to be the original of the second part of the Sowdan, just as the Destruction, found in the same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to Gaston Paris, the Hanoverian version “is the same as the printed text, differing only in slight variations of readings,”68 we may suppose it likely that in all passages where the Sowdan differs from the printed Fierabras, it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the differences between the Sowdan and the printed Fierabras are, on the whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission in the Sowdan, being easily accounted for by the general plan of the poet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the spelling of which differs in S and F, are found to be identical in S and H, we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of the Sowdan to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one.

It still remains for us to compare the Sowdan with the Provençal version.

In most cases where S differs from F, it also differs from P, therefore S cannot have taken those variations of readings from the Provençal poem.

The account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in S 1663–1738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in P 2211 ss.

In P the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no mention of the combat before Rome,69 as in the first part of the Sowdan.

The game of blowing a coal, S 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the Provençal version.

From these variations, taken at random out of a greater number, ‹xxxiii› it becomes evident that the Provençal poem has not been the original of the Sowdan.

If now we compare the Sowdan with Caxton’s version, which we know to be simply a translation of the French prose romance of Fierabras;70 the few following instances of differences between C and S will show at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was copied or compiled71 cannot have been the original of the Sowdan.

There are several variations in the names contained in the two versions. Thus we find Ballant in C for Laban in S; Fyerabras in C for Ferumbras in S; Garin, C 55/3 = Generyse, S 1135; Amyotte, C 176/26 = Barrokk, S 1135, &c. The game of blowing a coal is told with more details in S 1998, and somewhat differently from C 118/24; the incident of Laban’s seizing the image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in S 2507, is omitted in C, &c.

Looking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the Sowdan, we sum up what results from it, in the following resumé:

Most probably the Destruction de Rome is the original of the first part of the Sowdan. As to the second part, we are unable to identify it with any of the extant versions. The French Fierabras, as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences between the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar to the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original.

The Sowdan is no translation, but a free reproduction of its originals; the author of the Sowdan following his sources only as far as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own independent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many minor points.

The Sowdan differs from the poem of Syr Ferumbras in two principal points:

(1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the treatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole Ferumbras is little more than a mere translation. ‹xxxiv›

(2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old Balan romance, whereas Syr Ferumbras contains only the second. But as that second part of the old Balan romance appears to be considerably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole Ferumbras, so the first part of the Sowdan contains a likewise modified, but much shortened, narration of the first part of the old Balan poem, so that the Sowdan has arrived to become quite a different work from the original Balan or Fierabras romance, and that a reconstruction of the contents of that old poem would be impossible from the Sowdan.

LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS. ◊

AS regards the language of the Sowdan, the first point is the dialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in -en or -n, we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem. Thus we find, l. 1331, gone rhyming with one, l. 1010, goon : camalyon, l. 506, gone : than, l. 1762, lyven : gyfen, l. 1816, byleven : even.

The verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second person sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an East-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative end in -est, -eth; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs exhibits the inflection -est: l. 1202, goist : moost; 1314, 1715, knowest; 1344, trowest; 1154, blowest; 1153, saiest; 2292, forgetist; 560, doist; 1193, doistowe;—1093, goth : wroth, 1609 : loth, 1620 : doth; 1728, sleith : deth; 561, sholdest; 1244, shuldist; 603, madist; 563, hadist; 2219, askapedist, &c.—Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without -est (made, wroght); but see the note to l. 2.

If, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities of the Sowdan, we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other East-Midland works,72 which still further confirms the supposition of the East-Midland origin of the poem. ‹xxxv›

I or y, the descendants of original u (which in Old English [Anglo-Saxon] had already become y or i in consequence of i- mutation or umlaut)—are found rhyming with original i:—ll. 449, 881, kyn : him, 2060 : wynne; 1657, fille : stille; 1973, fire : desire, &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme king : inne (l. 372) or king : thing (ll. 173, 236) cannot be regarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because king, drihten, chikken, the i of which is a modification of original u, are to be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by Professor Zupitza in the Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum, vol. vi. p. 6.

Old English short a, which is liable to change into o, appears in this poem—

(1) always as o, before n- combinations (nd, nt, ng):—531, stronge : istonge; 3166, bronte : fonte; 214, amonge : longe, &c.

(2) as a, before the single consonants m and n:—1120, name : shame, 935 : same, 1739 : grame; 785, 1773, man : Lavan; 3125, came : Lavan (cf. 2579, Lavan : tane); 2160, came : dame, &c.—The fact that com (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as well as cam as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if we remember that the original short a (or o) of cam (or com) had already been lengthened into ô in the O.E. period.73 Came and come as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in Chaucer as well as in the Celestin (ed. Horstmann, Anglia, i. 56), which is known to have been composed in the East-Midland dialect.

O long, from O.E. â, in our poem has that broad sound which is peculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with—

(1) original ô:—1025, wrothe : sothe; 801, goo : doo; 60, inowe : blowe; 325, so : ido, &c.

(2) unchangeable a:—257, Aufricanes : stoones; 506, gon : than; 2049, agoon : Lavan, &c.

As many East-Midland works74 the Sowdan has three forms for O.E. þâr:—thare, thore, there, all of which are established by the rhyme:—1805, thore : Egremoure (cf. 2895, Egremoure : tresoure, 1003, Agremore : more); 126, thore : lore; 430, thare : sware; ‹xxxvi› 2245, there : chere, 2404 : bere; 2604, there : were (wron), 208 : were (werian), &c.

We likewise find sore and sare75 (O.E. sâre):—1196, sore : more; 166, sare : care; 1377, sore : thore.

The O.E. diphthongs ea and eo and the O.E. ŷ (mutated from êa or êo) appear as e in this poem:—1595, me : see, 632 : fee, 1339 : free, 405 : be; 1535, depe : slepe; 1011, 1523, dere : here; 963, yere : vere, 1257 : Olyvere; 996, nere : were; 596, 1528, nede : spede; 1702, eke : speke; 1726, leke : speke; 184, 215, 1208, shelde : felde; 2530, hevene : elevene, &c.

A brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will also give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other East-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the Sowdan agrees closely with that of Chaucer.

In the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by means of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular and the Plural.

The genitive singular of nouns ends in es (sometimes written -is or ys) for all genders:—356, develes; 1209, stedes; 849, worldis; 1804, worldes; 3035, dammes; 1641, nedes; 1770, shippes; 1072, faderis.

Substantives ending in -s in the nominative case, remain unchanged in the genitive case:—1214, 1287, Ferumbras; 2006, Naymes; 3207, Charles; 1639, 1350, Floripas.—Florip, l. 614, is the genitive case of Floripe or Florip, l. 2027, 1571.

The nominative plural of all genders is formed by -es (-is, -ys) or -s:—919, knightes, 1947, 2276, knightis; 1384, horses, 1401, horsys; 429, 2054, gatis; 192, wordes; 837, swerdes; 174, hedes; 2289, ladies; 3271, soules; 26, bokes; 606, peres; 297, tours, &c. Examples of a plural case without s are seen in thinge, l. 2, 1709:—O.E. þing; honde, 987, O.E. handa, as well as hondes, 1412, 2568; frende, 3212, O.E. frŷnd, as well as frendes, 1011, O.E. frêondas. Other plurals which are equally easily explained by their O.E. forms are:—eyen, 825, O.E. êagan; shoone, 1381, O.E. scêon; fete, 1403, O.E. fêt, fote, 1427, O.E. fôtum, 2673, O.E. fôta. ‹xxxvii›

To mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of adjectives is a difficult task; as the final -e had in most cases already become silent in the poet’s dialect, it seems probable that he no longer observed the distinction.

The pronouns are the same as in Chaucer and in other East-Midland poems:—I, me, thou, the; he, hym; sche, her and hir; it and hit (cf. note to l. 41); we, us; ye, you. The plural of the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is thai and he (cf. note to l. 2698) for the nominative case; hem, and in some doubtful passages (see note to l. 88) thaym for the accusative case.

As in Chaucer, the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the verb:—hastow 1680, maistow 1826, shaltow 1669, woltow 1727, wiltow 1151, artow 1967, kanstow 2335, &c.

Possessive pronouns:—myn and thyn are used before vowels and before h; my, thy before consonants. Only once, l. 90, my is placed before a vowel. His, hire and here; our, your; here and (twice, 623, 1244) thair.

The demonstrative pronouns are this, these or thes; that.

The definite article the or þe, is used for all cases singular and plural. But we find besides, the following examples of inflexion:—tho, 2063, O.E. þâ, and the accusative sing. þon, 108. In l. 2052, tho means ‘them, those’ = Lat. eos. Tha, l. 2639, seems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for þat (day), cf. l. 619.

Men, 115, 1351, and me, 287, are used as indefinite pronouns. Everyche, every, everychone occur frequently. Note also ichoon 2774, ilka 2016; thilke 2644, eche 1865.

That or þat, who, whome are used as relative pronouns. The interrogative pronouns are who and what.

Verbs. The plural imperative ends in -eth or -th, which, however, we find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, prove you, 2078 proveth; 2131 sende, 167 sendith; telle 1977, tellyth 1625, &c.

The -n of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in Chaucer:—274, 1588, sene : bene; 1124, see : tre; 658 : cite; 600, be : cite; 1225 : contre; 1411, flee : cite; 3065, fleen : men; 1282, sloo : mo; 792, sloone : one, &c.

The final -(e)n of past participles of strong verbs is in most cases ‹xxxviii› dropped, as in Chaucer:—3176 forlorne: borne, 32 born, 3011 wonne, 21 wonnen, 2756 comen : nomen, 155 come, 2476 holpe, 1362 bygote, 1026 blowe, &c.

Weak verbs form their past participles in -ed, -d, -et, -t, much as in Chaucer:—lerned 3042, eyde 1648, toolde 670, bogt 111, delte 526, displaied 133.

The prefix i- or y- occurs sometimes, icome 784, come 155, istonge 533, itake 49, taken 1430, &c.

The present participles end in -inge and ande, as is often the case in East-Midland works:—2831 prikande : comande, 435 cryande, 924 makande, 3225 mornynge : kynge, 2399 slepynge : honde, where evidently slepande is the true reading.

As in Chaucer the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes formed by -est or -ist, letist 2167; but we find also regular forms, as in slough 1259, where, however, the O.E. e (slôge) is already dropped.

The -en or -n of the preterite plural and of past participles is commonly dropped, ronnen 3007, ronne 2959, took 477, tokene 2621, slough 78, sloughen 401, ido 327: so, &c.

The -d in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is sometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find comforte 2242 and comforted 312, commaunde 57 and commaunded 228, graunte 607, liste 1132, list 1966, discumfite 1464, &c. On the same analogy we find light 1125, 1189, and lighted 3109, worth 1203, and worthed 1163.

As regards the final -e’s, it may be remarked that the scribe has added many final -e’s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect them, and has often given a final -e to words which in other passages of the poem, although similarly used, have no e:—note 245, 274, not 255, 313; howe 19, how 275; undere 61, under 713; bute 247, but 8; cooste 202, coost 3062; crafte 424, craft 2335; ashamede 1295, ashamed 558, &c.

This is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or perhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final e’s had already become altogether silent, so that finding many words ending in -e and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere ‹xxxix› “ornament in writing” (Ellis, Pronunciation, i. 338), and sometimes added, sometimes omitted it.

With respect to the composer of the Sowdan himself, there may be some doubt left whether in his speech the final e had become altogether silent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following instances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very frequently did not sound the final e:—757 boghtẹ : noght, 3154 hat : fat, 961 wrongẹ : distruccion, 556 onlacẹ : was; cf. also 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 spékẹ we of Ríchard, 2999 fought, 2093, 859 bringẹ, 9, 2547 keptẹ, 834 wentẹ, 142 comẹ, 713 wodẹ.

In other cases there is no certainty whether the final e is quite silent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form trisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing trisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this kind of measure will increase to a great amount in the Sowdan. Therefore I rather incline to think the final e silent also in the following instances:—2090 défendẹ this place, 1201 brékẹ both báke, 861 cómẹ from ál, 2119 askẹ consaile, 1597 wólẹ these traítours, 1783 whéns comẹ yé, 2317 pássẹ that brígge, 1100 rónnẹ bytwéne, 2997 fóught so lónge, 175 brokẹ nothinge, 1658 béddẹ with ríght, 713 grénẹ wodẹ síde, 571 hómẹ to Rómẹ that nýght, 1610 the fáls jailoúr feddẹ yoúr prisonére, 2152 fáls traitóurs of Fránce, 921 chárged the yónge with ál, 380 aboútẹ midnýghte, 726 sóne to hím, 160 únneth not óne [Chaucer still pronounces unnethë].

Nevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final e is to be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463, 1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91.

Final en also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate syllable:—1365 waít uppon mé, 459 brék our wállis, 45 slép with ópyne ýȝe, 485 cóm by the cóst, 2313 díd it aboút, &c.

In all these cases n had very probably already fallen off in the speech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:—178 wynne : him, 1582 dye : biwry, 2309 shewe  : trewe, 2107 slépe to lónge, 861 cóme from ál, &c.

As regards the final es of nouns, the poet seems to have observed the same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. es is sounded when ‹xl› joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number of syllables (and therefore is often spelt-s instead of-es), when the stem has two or more syllables:—197, 277 goddës, 665 nailës, 445 tentës, 2068 tentïs, 174, 1799 hedës, 2032, 2868 swerdës, 2327 wallës, 1209 stedës, 1770 shippës, 2702 somers, 2687, 2591 felowes, 2660 felows, 2412 maydyns, 647, 1597 traytours, 2036 orders, 45 lovers, 2612, 3098 develes, 1072 faderis, 203, 862 sowdons, 881 sarsyns.

The final es of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate syllable:—2213 hónged’ els bý, 2786 éls had’ hé, 2109 éllis I may sínge, 1525 élles wol’ hé, 2061 théns, 1783 whens.

METRE AND VERSIFICATION. ◊

THE poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme is such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and 4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: a b a b. The rhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next following.

But it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of eight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the model employed by Chaucer. Others are arranged differently. Those beginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula a b a b a c a c, in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and the 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same rhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611 is a b a b c b c b. In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are rhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in the poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as generally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only in the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not to be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some other poem.76

Turning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between the Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in the MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel ‹xli› inclined to regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza employed in the Sowdan as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from the Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for one single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial) to the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three stanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from the Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795.

In all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would suit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the following cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were more closely connected and made better sense than four lines, e. g. ll. 583–598, 1703–1710, 1679–1686, 939–962, 1043–1050, 244 ss., 455 ss., 631 ss., 1059 ss.

But, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also a great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be considered as an independent whole, when, e. g., the speech spoken by a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another person replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often also these next four lines contain only a part of the second person’s reply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following stanza. This ‘enjambement’ or continuation of the sense, and sometimes of the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not, of course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line stanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in stanzas, and as it is frequently used in Le Morte Arthur (Harleian MS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas; but as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing four different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would be the case with the Sowdan, the eight-line stanzas containing either three rhyme-endings, as in Chaucer, or two, as in Le Morte Arthur, and as in some passages of the Sowdan (ll. 1691, 1695, 1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe a stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended by the composer—a metre which, according to Guest, History of Eng. Rhythms, ii. 317—‘must have been well known and familiar during the fifteenth century.’ The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may ‹xlii› then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who somewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza a third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he intentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line stanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It is perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was not greatly felt.

As regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or masculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are used alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l. 2755.

Sometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1263–66. But it must be noticed that the number of masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll. 3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463, &c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings.

The rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect ones.

(1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the plural number, which therefore has an additional s (or es):—797, thinge : tidyngys; 2647, fyght : knyghtes; 2087, light : knightes; 1455, cosynes : kinge; 2272, laye : dayes; 2395, 885, Ogere : peres; 2456, alle : walles; 2682, nede : stedes; 944, mone : stoones; cf. also 2376, wile : beguiled. In l. 68, poundis : dromonde; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading pounde, as in l. 2336, instead of poundis.

(2) Single n is found rhyming with n- combinations.

α. n : nd—cf. 814, ychoon : Mahounde; 912, pavilone : Mahounde; 1201, crowne : Mahounde. The rhyme, 162, Rome : houne, may be explained in the same manner, for houne stands for hounde, as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.77

β. n : ng—cf. 2349, Mapyne : endinge; 86, Apolyne : tithinge; 370, inne : kinge; 1455, cosynes : kinge; 3249, Genelyne : kinge; 3171, serpentyne : endinge; 959, distruccion : wronge. ‹xliii›

In 614, love : vowe, the second rhyme vowe does not contain the consonant v.

(3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants.

m : n—cf. 76, Rome : one; 1672, 364 : done; 2443, 366, come : done; 747, some : soudone; 1323, came : than; 1488, came : ranne; 2128, tyme : pyne; 177, him : wynne; 2375, him : tene; 447, 859, him : kyn; 2004, hyme : skyne; 2353, him : inne.

f : v—cf. 341, twelve : selve; 415, wife : alive; 1762, gyfene : lyvene; 1912, gife : lyve. But in all these cases the rhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence of the copyist writing indiscriminately f and v. Thus the rhyme of l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, self : twelf. In l. 2336 we find gefe, which is written geve in l. 198; lefe, l. 764; safe, l. 864, are spelt with v in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808.

l : n—cf. l. 363, consaile : slayne. Quite similar is l. 1251, felde : sende.

p : k—l. 820, stoupe : stroke. A similar rhyme occurs in Guy, l. 10903, scapid : nakid.

d : t—l. 2868, gyrde : sterte; 1151, plete : dede.

d : p—l. 283, tyde : depe. But this rhyme is very probably owing to the scribe. For depe we ought to read wide.

A single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain instance occurs in l. 311, tyde : chidde. For in ll. 312, 317, dele : welle, we might read wele, as this word is frequently spelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For dedde in l. 2980 (rede : dedde) we may substitute dede, which occurs in l. 2510. The rhyme glad : hadde, 2687, becomes perfect if we read gladde, which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf. ll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe hadde to be monosyllabic. Ferre : nere l. 1575; in l. 117 we find fere.

The rhyme, l. 2654, sloughe : drowe can easily be restored in reading slowe, which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304, 2208, &c. The rhyme ane : shafe, 555, seems to be due to some clerical error.

(4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels.

a : e—2803, gate : lete; perhaps we are justified in reading late, ‹xliv› cf. Havelock, 328; l. 2752, made : dede. The rhymes thare : were, 1383; bare : there, 671; Agremare : there, 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used thare, there, and thore indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430, 1805, 1003; l. 1436, ladde : nede; 2365, ladde : bedde, the author probably pronounced ledde. For lefte, l. 2335 : craft, we may read lafte, as is shown by l. 424, lafte : crafte. In ll. 1781, 544, tene : than, the rhyme will be improved by reading then.

a : o (cf. p. xxxv)—504, thane : gone; 1143, 1079, Rolande : honde; 133, sowdone : Lavan (where we might read sowdan, as in l. 1491); 627, sowdane : towne; 2527, 1684, Roulande : londe.

i(y) : e. This rhyme also occurs in Chaucer; cf. Ellis, Pron. i. 272; see also Guy, p. xiv.—l. 21419, him : hem; 1299, dynte : lente; 523, strike : breke; 1643, mylde : shelde; 1263, togedere : thidere; 1277, wepenless : iwis; 344, shitte : mette; 2538, hende : wynde (read wende), &c.; l. 82, vilane : remedye (read vilanye, as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015, vilane : me, cf. Guy, xi, ν—813, sle : curtesye; 895, we : lye; cf. Ellis, Pron., i. 271.

The monophthong y is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of which is y:—l. 441, Sarsynes : Romaynes; 2761, Apolyne : agayne; 2105 : slayne; 2175 : eyne; 2280, dye : waye (cf. 1582); 589, fyne : Bourgoyne.

o: ou (ow).—l. 1023, wrothe : southe (which is written sothe in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, fonde : grounde; 260, clarione : soune; 879, lione : crowne; 2780, malison : towne, &c. Cf. also 1264, endured : covered.

o: e.—463, oost : best. The rhyme is restored in reading rest instead of oost.

o: i.—l. 966, sonne : begynne.

ue: ewe.—l. 2312, vertue : fewe. But this rhyme cannot be objected to, as “final French u (as in due) was diphthongized into eu in Chaucerian English.”78

Other irregularities are:—l. 112, douȝte : rowte; 1987, use : house; 1131, thou : lough; 1200, moost : goist; 1730, dethe : sleith; ‹xlv› 2136, pas : grace; 1611, was : mace (in which cases e is silent); 931, 1144, peris : fiers.

A line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated from each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there are some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301, 2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are put close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which is altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented syllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575–582, 763–770, 839–846, 871–878, 2287–2290, &c. But in most cases lines with four accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1–372, 995–1010, 1026–1029, 1067–1107, 1147–1154, 1731–1734, &c.

A few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are also to be met with in the Sowdan. They are either due to the author and therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally imitates his original,79 or they may be considered as due to some clerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a slight emendation.

A verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot begins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented one. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded by two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060, 1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot consisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one being altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c.

DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR. ◊

GEORGE Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. “I think,” he says in his Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 380, “it would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that the present translation80 cannot be earlier than the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.” ‹xlvi›

Having seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there is a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the composer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter as a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the Sowdan, which seem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that the poet must have known the Canterbury Tales. Thus ll. 42–46:—

appear to be imitated from the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales, ll. 10–12:—

Further on we remark in ll. 939–40:—

some traces of resemblance with the Knight’s Tale, ll. 1123–26:—

which may still be compared with the first lines of the Prologue of Queen Anelida and False Arcite:—

Now the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales and the Knight’s Tale, being written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly composed after 1385,82 or rather after 1389.83 From the treatment of ‹xlvii› the final e’s, which, contrary to Chaucer’s usage, seem to have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet’s speech, we may further conclude that the Sowdan must be somewhat later than the Canterbury Tales. Therefore the poet of the Sowdan cannot have been merely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more probable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring us to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance.

As to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have no clue whatever from the poem.

MS. OF THE SOWDAN. ◊

The present edition of the Sowdan is printed from the unique MS. of the late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which is now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane House, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber’s sale.84 The oldest possessor’s name which we find noted, is on the reverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, “This is John Eteyes (or Ebeye’s) boke, witnes by John Staff”—in a hand circa temp. Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the first fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find there, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. “at Dr. Farmer’s Sale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.” On May 20th, 1800, it was “bought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.” by “O. Grah^m Gilchrist.”

A transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by him to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in 1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances.85 The same copy has been followed by Halliwell, who in his Dictionary of Arch. and Prov. W., has several quotations86 from the present romance, which he styles as “MS. Douce, 175.” ‹xlviii›

The poem of the Sowdan was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in 1854.87 The text of the present edition differs from that of the editio princeps in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is altogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In some passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are separated in the text; thus a laye, l. 2694; a ras, l. 645, are printed instead of alaye, aras. Sometimes also words written separately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as be-falle, 14; i-wiss, 71; i-sought, 725; with-oute, 841; a-bide, 818; a-ferde, 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are always indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the great help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More important emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and other mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained in the Notes.

The Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the Sowdan with any other version of the romance.

The Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those words the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs from that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical variations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader will have no difficulty in identifying them.

In conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable assistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave me. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for their kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a transcript of the poem with the MS.

EMIL HAUSKNECHT.

Berlin, January, 1881.

FOOTNOTES. ◊

1 Histoire Poét., p. 133–4.

2 Gautier, Epopées, ii. 308.

3 Cf. the French Fierabras, l. 84; Sir Ferumbras, l. 102; Sowdone, l. 1067.

4 Thus in Scarron, Gigant, iii.

5 Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1.

6 See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious manner of representation in Histoire Littéraire de la France, xvii. 720–21.

7 Gautier, Epopées, ii. p. 308; and Histoire Poétique, p. 99.

8 See Huon de Bourdeaux, edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii.

9 See G. Nottebohm, Thematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck erschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert. Wien, 1874.—Op. 76.

10 Cf. besides, Histoire Poétique, pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251; Epopées françaises, ii. pp. 307–9; and the Préface of the French edition of Fierabras.

11 See also Mone, Uebersicht der niederländischen Volksliteratur älterer Zeit. Tübingen, 1836. p. 56.

12 Cf. Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, 1824, vol. i. pp. 147–8.

13 It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance as given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with the subject of the French Fierabras or the English Syr Ferumbras, but not with the Sowdan, as there is no mention made of the combat before Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the Sowdan. But the spelling Lawyn for Balan agrees with the spelling of the same name in the Sowdan. As to the relics mentioned in the passage above, they differ from all other versions.

14 In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called Alagolofre; cf. Index of Names.

15 This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured initials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in the possession “Majoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,” at Paris. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution, it finally came to the Library of Wallerstein.

16 Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829.

17 British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.

18 Cf. also the Préface of the French Fierabras, p. iv.

19 See Leben und Werke der Troubadours, by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau, 1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1831.

20 In a footnote to his Histoire de la Poésie scandinave, p. 183, where he says:—“Le roman de Ferabras, publié à Berlin par M. Bekker, est . . . évidemment traduit du français, et en a conservé trop de formes et d’expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.”

21 Fierabras chanson de geste, edd. Krœber and Servois, in the collection of the Anciens Poètes de la France.

22 For a more detailed analysis, see Histoire Poét., p. 251, and cf. the account given of the old Fierabras or Balan romance by Philippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664–4716, which runs as follows:—

4664	Puis fu Roume par force prise
	et la gent destruite et ocise
	et li apostoile ocis
	Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris
4668	et toute la cité bruie.
	li dus Garins et sa mesnie
	entrerent en Castiel-Croisant,
	quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant
4672	amenerent trop grant compagne
	et devers Surie et d’Espagne;
	si furent crestien dolant,
	et manderent tot maintenant
4676	soucours al bon roi Charlemainne
	ki sa fieste en France demainne,
	et li rois en cele besogne
	lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne,
4680	ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit
	et des jovenes enfans avoit
	devant çou la couronne prise.
	et soucoururent sans faintise
4684	lor bon roi en la tiere estrange
	u il n’orent ni lin ni lange.
	en France estoient revenu
	et soujourné et bien péu,
4688	mais à cel soucours le tramist
	li rois, ki moult s’entremist,—
	et si tramist de Normendie
	Ricart à la ciere hardie,
4692	si reprirent li Mireour:
	et dus Garins vint à l’estour,
	ki tint Pavie en quité
	s’ot bien Castil-Croisant gardé,
4696	et Karles ot sa gent mandée,
	si vinrent de mainte contrée,
	quar il lor faisoit tant de biens,
	qu ’à ses amis ne faloit riens.
4700	si trest vers Rome li bons rois
	et fist as paiens moult d’anois.
	dont se combati Oliviers
	a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers;
4704	d’armes l’outra, si reconquist
	les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,
	si les gieta enmi le Toivre
	por çou que plus n’en péust boivre;
4708	quar c’est bausmes ki fu remés
	dont Ihesu Cris fu embausmés.
	puis furent mort tot li paien
	et mis en Roume crestiien,
4712	si ot autre apostoile fait
	et Karles s’en revint à hait,
	si gratia Dieu et St. Piere,
	que recouvrée ot sa kaiere,
4716	soujourner vint dont à Parise . . .

23 Romania, ii. 1873, pp. 1–48.

24 Cf. Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, edd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111.

25 Printed in Verhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Leipzig. Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 et seq.

26 Corresponding to ll. 1410 et seq. of the Ashmole Ferumbras.

27 Cf. Sir Ferumbras, ll. 8192–3.

28 Cf. also l. 2784 and Sir Ferumbras, ll. 1860 and 2059.

29 See above, p. xi, footnote, and Histoire Poétique, p. 251.

30 Cf. Grœber, Verhandlungen, pp. 217–18.

31 The following differences between the Destruction and the narration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:—

(i) the combat around Château-Miroir is described in a different manner in the two poems.

(ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the Destruction is transferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the neighbourhood of Rome for the whole time.

(iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important active part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the Destruction this is not the case.

Now, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such as they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages of Fierabras, of which even the Destruction affords no explanation, are cleared up. Thus, Fierabras, l. 1049,

“Près fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jetés”—

which is in contradiction to the Destruction, is explained by ll. 4705–6 of Mousket’s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that Floripas has seen Guy before Rome (Fierabras, l. 2240; Ashmole Ferumbras, l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there. Therefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must have been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older than the Destruction, which exhibits significant differences.

These differences between Mousket and the Destruction, as well as the fact that several references to preceding events contained in Fierabras remain unexplained by the Destruction, were some of the reasons which led me in my Dissertation, pp. 41–49, to consider the Destruction as a poem written by another author than that of the Fierabras. In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events contained in the Fierabras, the very beginning of which necessarily requires some explanatory account—a circumstance which also gave rise to the ‘episode’ of the Provençal version—the Destruction was composed as a kind of Introduction to the Fierabras, whereby it happened that some allusions remained unexplained.

32 For a description of this magnificent MS., see Sir Ferumbras, p. vi, footnote.

33 Cf. Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, ii. 197–8.

34 Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.

35 Cf. Gautier, Epopées Françaises, i. 221.—“Rien n’est plus fréquent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos poèmes les plus anciens, que la répétition double, triple et même quelquefois quadruple, de certains couplets. Cette répétition n’a pas lieu dans les mêmes termes, ni surtout avec les mêmes rimes. Tout au contraire, la même idée est reproduite en vers différents, munis d’assonances ou de rimes différentes.”

36 The variations of this MS. are printed in the Jahrbuch der roman. and engl. Sprachen, vol. ix. pp. 43 ss.

37 This edition, although printed from the MS. a, may be said to represent a group (w) of four MSS., called a b c d (see above xv). Another group (z) is formed by the MSS. E and D. Both groups belong to the same type y. Cf. Grœber, Die handschriftlichen Gestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras, Leipzig, 1869, p. 27, where we find the following stemma:

38 Epopées Françaises, ii. 307, and Cat. rais. des livr. de la bibl. d’Ambr. F. Didot, I, 361.

39 Grœber, Handschriftl. Gestaltungen, p. 6.

40 Jahrbuch, xiii. p. 111, and Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, iv. p. 164.

41 “Die Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht gewiss, dass H mit D und E aus der nämlichen Quelle z geflossen ist.” Jahrbuch, xiii. 113.

42 Handschriftl. Gestalt., p. 10.

43 See the note to l. 5763 of Sir Ferumbras, and cf. Fierabras, 5955.

44 The number of instances where A varies from C’s version might easily be increased. Thus we find A 340 differing from C 52/111 and from F 357; A 814 differing from C 79/3 and from F 1548; A 1616 differing from C 102/10 and from F 2424; A 1238 differing from C 92/5 and from F 2083; A 4652 differing from C 171/26 and from F 4900, &c.

45 Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 379 et seq.

46 Histoire Poétique, p. 251; cf. also Revue critique d’Histoire et de Littérature, ii. 1869, p. 121 et seq.

47 Cf. Mr. Shelley’s Paper in Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, ii. 197–8.

48 pp. 17 et seq.

49 Dissertation, p. 18.

50 Introduction to Sir Ferumbras, p. xiv.

51 The French text will be found in the Notes, which see.

52 For these names, the Index of Names may be referred to.

53 In some passages the Destruction shows also the spelling Balan, but Laban is more common.

54 See note to l. 1000.

55 See note to l. 2842.

56 Dissertation, p. 20.

57 See note to l. 1663.

58 Cf. note to l. 1723.

59 Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259, reproduces—from the Roxburghe Club edition, Introd. p. vi.—the list of the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531, which he erroneously takes for that of the Sowdan.

60 But there is one “Alorys þe erld of Brye,” mentioned in the Ashm. MS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c.

61 There is one Templer mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he is not identical with Tamper of the Sowdan, ll. 2641, 2667.

62 Greek σινδων. Cf. Dissertation, pp. 45–46.

63 See note to l. 2535.

64 There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS. (Epopées Fr. ii. 307), a comparison of the Sowdan with this version is impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same group as E, what results from a comparison of S with E may be assumed for the Didot MS.

65 See Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, iv. pp. 164, 170.

66 Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, xiii. p. 111.

67 This example is not very striking, as the spelling Ferumbras may simply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above, p. xxxi.

68 Syr Ferumbras, Introduction, p. xiv, footnote.

69 See Handschriftliche Gestaltungen, p. 14, and Dissert., p. 29.

70 Histoire Poétique, p. 157.

71 And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by the author; see Hist. Poét., p. 99, bottom.

72 See Morris’s Preface to Genesis and Exodus, Skeat’s Introduction to Havelock the Dane, and Mall’s edition of Harrowing of Hell (Breslau, 1871).

73 See Sweet, Anglia, iii. 152.

74 Cf. Mall, Harrowing of Hell, p. 18.

75 Cf. Schipper, Alexiuslegenden, 98/121.

76 See note to l. 939.

77 “This elision of a final d in such words as hond, lond, sheld, held, &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry, and arises simply from pronunciation.”—Morris, Specimens of Early English, 320/261.

78 Cf. Mr. Nicol’s Paper in the Academy of June 23, 1877, vol. xi. p. 564, col. 1, and Seventh Annual Address of the President to the Philol. Soc., p. 2.

79 See the note.

80 Although l. 25 says that the story of the Sowdan “is written in Romance,” this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere translation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French original.

81 Cf. also Lindsay’s History of Squyer Meldrum, l. 390:

“Like Mars the God Armypotent.”

82 Cf. Prioress’s Tale, ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx; and Furnivall’s Trial Forewords, p. 111.

83 Cf. Chaucer, ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote.

84 Bibliotheca Heberiana, Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533.

85 Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 et seq.

86 For instances, see the following words:—Atame, alayned, ameved, assorte, avente, forcer, &c.

87 London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV.

ADDITIONS. ◊

SINCE the Introduction was written, I have had an opportunity of seeing the Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras. The kind offices of Professor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the Administration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to Berlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the Reading Room of the University Library.

Having now compared the Sowdan more closely with the Hanover MS., I must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation concerning the original of the Sowdan (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way altered.

As already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination and the passages of H quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover version is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the Fierabras, differing only in slight variations of readings.

The names in which S differs from F, but agrees with H, are already spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the spelling of which H agrees with F, but differs from S. Thus we find Balans or Balant in H for Laban in S; Guarin, H, leaf 80, back, F 438 = Generyse, S 1135; Agolafres, H, leaf 81 = Alagolofer, S 2135; Amiotte, H leaf 83, back = Barrokk, S 2939, etc.

As to the subject-matter, there are no instances where S, differing from F, agrees with H. In all points in which S differs from F we find it also differing from H.

Thus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of ‹l› which S slightly differs from F, is related in H with nearly the same words as in F. As, besides the small fragment printed by Grœber in the Jahrbuch, xiii, and some few remarks in the Zeitschrift für rom. Phil., nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following passages printed here may serve to show how little H differs from F. The game of the coal (S 1996–2016, F 2907–2934) is thus described in H, leaf 58:—

The distribution of the relics, in which S (cf. note to l. 3238) differs from F 6195 et seq. is related as follows in H, leaf 100:—

The miracle (F 6101–6123)88 of the glove, in which Charles had placed fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for over an hour, the description of which is omitted in the Sowdan (cf. Dissert., p. 29), is related as follows in H, leaf 99:—

H, leaf 37, agrees with F, l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the Sowdan, l. 1190 (cf. p. xxix). ‹lii›

Similarly we find S 2604 differing from H, leaf 62, where we read Basyns (= Basin, F 3313) instead of Bryer.

Again H, l. 40, agreeing exactly with F, l. 1329 et seq., differs from S 1279–82 (cf. p. xxix).

Instead of Floripas, S 1515, it is Brulans, H, l. 49, and F 1949, who advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners.

The names of the twelve peers are the same in H as in F (cf. p. xxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the other on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the Sowdan) is described exactly alike in F 2263–2282 and in H, leaf 51, back, with the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a different order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off as the sixth in F, being the second in H.

These variations of S from H clearly exemplify the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the Sowdan. But as on the whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and as, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the favourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the essential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see above p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are several names, the spelling of which differs in F, agreeing in S and H, I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second part of the Sowdan was a version similar to the Hanover MS.

If now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole Ferumbras more closely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances where A, whilst differing from F, agrees with H.

Nevertheless, the following passage in which A agrees with F, but differs from H, will at once show the impossibility of regarding H as the original of A. ‹liii›

In other instances A is found differing from H as well as from F. Thus the name of Enfachoun, A 4652, which is Effraons in F 4900, does not occur at all in H, which in the passage corresponding to F 4900, as well as in that corresponding to F 4913, reads Affricons li Geans.

Again, in the story of Myloun, in which A, l. 2008 et seq., differs from F, we find H disagreeing from F, 2734 et seq., and from A:—

But in most cases in which F differs from A, H agrees with F.

Thus we find Ferumbras challenging only six French knights in H, lf. 26, as in F, 84, 105, instead of twelve in A, l. 102.

In A, l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas in F, 5373, and in H, lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling.

For Howel of saint Miloun, A 5574, we read Huon de saint Lis in F 5792, and Hugon de saint Lis in H, lf. 95, bk.

As in F 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in H, lf 57, bk., and not to Olyver, as in A 2234.

That Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather (A 2406) is not mentioned in F 3061, nor in H, lf. 59, bk.

In A 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught, which heals every wound; in F 2209, as well as in H, lf. 51, it is by a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed.

The maid-attendant mentioned in A 1238 (chamberere) is a man-attendant in F 2083 (chamberlenc) and in H, lf. 49, bk. (chamberlayn).

There is no trace of the additional lines of A, ll. 4867–4875, to be found in H, lf. 86 bk., nor in F, 5094.

Among the relics spoken of in A, there is nowhere a mention made of the signe. In H we find the signe always mentioned ‹liv› together with the crown and the nails, just as in F. In the passage quoted above from H, lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to F 6094, we find ensigne instead of signe; but ensigne certainly must be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in which we find “the winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord” mentioned in H it is also called signe:—

That the signe cannot be the “inscription of the cross” (cf. Introduction, p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover MS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the French with the signe:—

Abstaining now from citing any more passages where H agrees with F, but differs from A, I think the few quotations above will suffice to show the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the Ashmole Ferumbras, notwithstanding that there are some resemblances of A to H (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived at on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way altered by the detailed comparison of A with H.

SKETCH OF THE STORY. ◊

Laban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain, went to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting he sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto the shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire for news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the ship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a ‹lv› present to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near Rome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been slain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult. Laban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a war-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred sail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter, in a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of Rome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The pope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the Saracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan’s pavilion on the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans, though masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of the city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten thousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put to death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for which he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers to the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has fulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city, but the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to retire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are, on Mavon’s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where there were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans, the heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes the Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer told him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the following day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when Savaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like that of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted within the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for Savaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew all therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing his troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate shut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his steel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested the necessity of ‹lvi› sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his aid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a postern at midnight; they passed the enemy’s camp without being noticed by any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he commanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill the Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats bound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the tower there stood a bulwark, or “bastile,” which was a strong defence to the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban, growing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender. Instead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but his hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras to destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to direct their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot, with his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But as he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall, which crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of hell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to their tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up to Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter’s and proposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack the enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand for the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the banner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city, they marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed their coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a fierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the worthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand Romans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a senator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with a great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to be the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him down to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure, and recognized the Pope. “Fie, priest,” he said, “what doest thou here in the battle-field? ‹lvii› It would be a shame for me to slay thee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.” The Pope, being glad to get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen thousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger the great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not desist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom (p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of Burgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan by forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the mean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him Charlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas. Lukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he attacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras. The combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired to their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by inheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went to the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his life and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras with twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he caused the traitor’s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be carried on the point of a spear through the city. “Treason,” cried the people (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were soon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter’s, seized the relics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city, and carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain, where the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they spent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and burning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts and milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir Guy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He grieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there for Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city, and had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon king Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three hundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland ‹lviii› led the vanguard, Oliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions were conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king, and told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made a vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief. “He will find me near,” said Charles, “and shall pay dearly for it. Unless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon again.” They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them into the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore, and laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished at Charles’s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and charged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king of France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth with many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy strokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer’s shield. The combat lasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras charges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and strikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on account of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword Mounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had promised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles strikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great throng. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and hammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty thousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field. Ferumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver (p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion and thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights for having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example by them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address a prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans the victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late losses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more than three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them (p. 29) in order to increase their ‹lix› ardour, ordered a solemn sacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty thousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to teach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p. 30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops; until arriving near Charles’s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood, and advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and offered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer them, he would lead them away to his father’s hall; but if he should be conquered, he would be Charles’s man. The king sent for Roland and ordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because Charles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess now. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood springs from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his sword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them. Meanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of this dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the king of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle. Charles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to the forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of which his steed was tied. “Arise,” he said, “I am come to fight with thee.” Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. “I am Generyse, a young knight lately dubbed.” Ferumbras observes: “Charles is a fool to send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such four other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with thee.” “Spare thy words,” replies Oliver, “and take thy arms” (p. 33). Ferumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him to lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount their steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have their lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver on his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of Ferumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing off down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he throws into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to a wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life. He ‹lx› strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield, but his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries to kill his adversary’s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to a hazel. “Yield thyself to me,” says Ferumbras, “believe on Mahound, and I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister” (p. 35). “Ere I yield to thee,” answered Oliver, “thou shalt feel my strokes.” They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both their bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras again asks Oliver his name and kin. “Thou must be one of the twelve peers, as thou fightest so well.” “I am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.” “Thou art welcome here,” says Ferumbras; “thou slewest my uncle (p. 36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.” The fight continued the whole day. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword broken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was hanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that made him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke. Charles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might grant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his prayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again. Ferumbras breaks his sword on Oliver’s helmet. He runs for another and asks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts his hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his mercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He requested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to carry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the wood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an olive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens many a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy and slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts, he fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away. Oliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is overpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p. 41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain by the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners, and ‹lxi› Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they find Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his requesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to his tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and bishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to be called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn of Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to the Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p. 43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning before his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages, and to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged. The Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to imprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the sea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt water, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas, who was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to compassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting food for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of her father’s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her governess to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting beneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the flood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler threatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his key-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she had surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising to deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the prisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any harm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both, and led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went to bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas’s chamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan to demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of Rome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan ‹lxii› (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be anxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the king: “By God, thou shalt go with Guy.” Ogier the Dane remonstrates, but is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant, Aleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the king’s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p. 49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About the same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and Brouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles to give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are despatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers. Duke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard their message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which they take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was just dining when Naymes delivers his message: “God confound Laban and all his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his two nephews and to restore the relics” (p. 52). They then produce the heads of the Soudan’s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they should all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But Floripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general council of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the liberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where they were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they had fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The following day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of Burgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she would do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he would agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his wife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given him by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last consents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him, and requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she then would drink to him in return. They all ‹lxiii› make merry, and prepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile Lukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in order to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p. 56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was come to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes answers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner. Naymes says: “Some joust, some sing, some play at chess.” “I will teach you a new game,” says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a needle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes’s beard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand from the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where he was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their danger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father (p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in and slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a window on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all in the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban vowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent to Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore. Floripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the Soudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods of sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland tells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions, the peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to Alagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to pass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles and die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan’s messenger, is despatched to Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass the bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the bridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve peers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang them, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He then calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel against the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements. ‹lxiv› Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p. 64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at him. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him seven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades the castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains of Charles’s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she possessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and thirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt as if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but at last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal it at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a chimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him and cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin’s head, and throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing the girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland comforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In the morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others start and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three hundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The Soudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by his wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests. Laban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the assailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers that the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But soon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them her father’s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan in alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged with his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the priests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile Roland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles, that he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following morning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile he should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out. Floripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard went off towards Mantrible (p. 73). ‹lxv› The others slay many Saracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner. Laban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred Saracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent the other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in which Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The peers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them. Floripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to lament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the following morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the castle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls his companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir Tamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and gives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and put the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral Costroye, and the Soudan’s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy, destined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77). Roland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye refuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and the convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland for bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a mistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that is not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies his gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But bishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes an offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as far as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains, and Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand unperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears (p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing over in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the traitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve peers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward, lamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by Charles, who asks him about the others. ‹lxvi› Richard tells the king how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are waiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p. 81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant who kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He proposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their arms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge being let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to approach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks whither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to the Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses to let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed there and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest them all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows his horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with a great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down. Four men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened the chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many Christians were slain. Alagolofer’s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes on with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes out her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate of the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was instantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in great danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king and the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished to be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85) calls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts open the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible is taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children of seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of Barrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and called the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for want of their mother’s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of the city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras (p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy ‹lxvii› that his city was taken and the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council, and charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him. Charles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and tells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth to meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order. The French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters the Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but for Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The Saracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them. Three hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore. Floripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her. She then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him. Charles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for her assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious relics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the Soudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads Laban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel, utters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles commands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to hell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her maidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and Ferumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of the relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave of Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God for the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to Paris, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles well remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn and hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93).

The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who Conquerede Rome: ◊

From the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.

	Od in glorye of myghteste89 moost,	1	God has ordained all
	That al thinge made in sapience		things wisely.
	By vertue of woorde and holy goost,
	Gyvinge to man grete excellence,	4	He has subjected the
	And alle, þat is in erthe, wroght		earth to man, and man
Subiecte to man and ma to the,			to God.
That he shoulde witħ herte and thought
To loue and serve, and noo but the:		8	The man who keeps His
For ȝyfe ma kepte thy commaundemente			commandments and loves
In al thinge and loued the welle			Him well, will feel
And hadde synnede in his entente,			His grace. But many
Tha shulde he fully thy grace fele;		12	who offended Him have
But for the offences to God I-doon90			felt His vengeance. I
Many vengeaunces haue be-falle.			will tell you of one;
Where-of I wole yo telle of oo,			it would take too long
It were to mocħ to telle of alle.		16	to tell of all. Listen
While þat Rome was in excellence			to me, and ye shall
Of alle Realmes in dignite,			hear how Rome, the
And howe it felle for his offence,			former mistress of all
Listinythe a while and ye shal see,		20	nations, came to fall
Howe it was wone and brente			by its sins, and was
Of a Sowdo, that heathe was,			destroyed by a heathen
And for synne howe it was shente;			Soudan. King Lewis has
As Kinge Lowes witnessith þat cas,		24	borne witness to

‹p002› LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS

As it is wryten in Romaunce		that story, which,
And founden in bokes of Antiquyte		written in Romance
At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],91		and found in very
There as Cronycles remembrede be,	28	old chronicles at
Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre,		St Denys in France,
And sy and Sowdo of hie Babilo,		relates how Laban, the
Conquerede grete parte of Christiante,		king of Babylon, who
That was born in Askalo.	32	was born at Ascalon,
And in the Cite of Agremare92		conquered a great part
Vppo the Rivere of Flagote		of Christendom. He was
At þat tyme he soiorned the†		holding his court in
Fulle roially, wel I wote,	36	the city of Agremore,
With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij,		on the river Flagot,
With many a Baro & Kniȝtis ful boold,		with 12 kings and 14
That roialle were and semly to sene;		admirals, and many
Here worþynesse al may not be told.	40	worthy barons and
Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye,		[lf 1, bk] knights,
Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,		when, in the time
Wha ffritħ and felde wexen gaye,		between March and May,
And every wight desirith his like,	44
Wha lovers slepe withe opy yȝe,
As Nightyngalis on grene tre,
And sore desire þat thai cowde flye,
That thay myghte withe here louere be:	48
This worthy Sowdo in this seso		he went to the chase
Shope him to grene woode to goo,
To chase the Bore or the Veneso,
The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson.	52
He roode tho vppo a fforeste stronde		in a wood near the sea.
With grete rowte and roialte,
The fairest, þat was in alle þat londe,
With Alauntes, Lymmeris and Racches free.	56
His huntes to chace he commaunde,
Here Bugles boldely for to blowe,
To fere the beestis in þat launde.

‹p003› OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.

The Sowdo woxe wery I-nowe;	60	Being weary with
He rested him vndere an holme tre		hunting, he sat down
Sittynge vppo a grene sete		under a holm tree, and,
Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in þe see		seeing a dromond
Anone he charged to beky him with honde	64	sailing on the sea, he charged
To here of him tidinges newe.		one to enquire for news
The maister sende a man to londe,		concerning the ship. The
Of diuers langages was gode and trewe,		interpreter of the vessel being
And saide “lorde, this Dromonde93	68	sent ashore, informed the
Fro Babyloyne come is,		soudan, that this
That was worþe thousande poundis,		dromond, freighted at
As94 it mete with shrewes I-wis,		Babylon, with a cargo
Charged with perle and precious stones	72	of rich furs, spices,
And riche pelure and spicerye,		oil, brass and pearls,
With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones		intended as a present
To presente yow, my lorde worthy.		to the soudan, had been
A drift of wedi vs droffe to Rome,	76	driven by stress of
The Romaynes robbed vs anone;		weather to Rome, where
Of vs thai slowgh ful many one.		they had been robbed by
With sorwe and care we be bygone.		the Romans.
Whereof, lorde, remedye	80	[leaf 3]
Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde,		Therefore he solicited
To wreke the of this vilane;		that the soudan would
Or certes oure blis is coolde.”		take revenge on those
The Soudon hirynge this tyþinge,	84	who had done such
With egre chere he made a vowe		villainy to him.
To Mahounde and to Appolyne,		The soudan, hearing
That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe,		these tidings, made
Er that he wente fro theyme.95	88	a vow to Mahound and
“Where be ye, my kinges boolde,		to Apolyn, that they
My Barons and my Admyral?		should dearly pay for
Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde,		it.
But I be venged, dyen I shalle.	92	‘Ferumbras, my son,’ he
Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere,		said, ‘and my daughter
Ye muste me comforte in this case;		Floripas, ye must

‹p004› THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE

My ioye is alle in the nowe here		be my comfort in this
And in my Doghter Dame Florypas.	96	case.
Sortybraunce, my Counselere,		Order Sortibrance,
Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me,		my counsellor, to be
And Oliborne, my Chauncelere		called for, and my
And noble Clerke of hie degre,	100	chancellor Oliborn,
And Espiarde, my messangere,		and Espiard my
To goon to Assye and to Aufrike,		messenger, that he
To kinges, princes fer and ne,		may go to Africa and
Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike,	104	to Asia and to all
Comaundinge hem vppo her legeaunce		the princes, who owe
To come in al hast vnto me,		me allegiance, and
Wel Armed with shelde and launse,		command them hastily to
To Egremoure þo riche Cite.”	108	assemble with shield
In shorte tyme this message was wroghte		and lance at Agremore.’
An hundred thouusande on a rowte		In a short time 100,000
That robbery was righte dere boght,		men had assembled.
Was never none derrer withouten douȝte.	112	On the advice of Lukafer,
The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe,		king of Baldas,
Of Aufryke lorde and governoure,		the soudan also
Spake to the Sowdo,that men myghte here,		brought together 700 sail
And saide “sir, for thyn honou,	116	and a dromond for himself,
Do sende for shippes both fe and nere.”		for Ferumbras of
Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene,		Alexandrie, for the
vij hundred were gadered al in fere		Asiatic king of
And a Dromonde for the Sowde kene.	120	[leaf 4] Chaunder and
Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre		for Floripas. There
In the Dromonde with him was,		were two masters in
Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde,		that vessel, and two
And his faire dogħter Floripas.	124	idols placed on the
Two maistres were in the Dromounde,		main top, with round
Two goddes on hye sete thore		maces, therewith to
In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde,		menace the Christians.
To manace with the Criste lore.	128	The sails of red
The sailes were of rede Sendelle,		sendal-silk were
Embrowdred witħ riche araye,

‹p005› TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.

With beestes and breddes every dele,		richly embroidered
That was right curious and gaye;	132	with figures of
The Armes displaied of Laban		animals and birds.
Of Asure and foure lions of goolde.		Four golden lions, the
Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdo,		arms of the soudan of
Moost myghty man he was of moolde,	136	Babylon, were also
He made a vowe to Termagaunte,		displayed thereon.
Whan Rome were distroied & hade myschaunce,		Laban made a vow to
He woolde turne ayen erraunte		Termagant, to destroy Rome,
And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce.	140	and after that Charlemagne.
Fortħ thai sailed on the flode,		Having disembarked in
Tille thai come to the haven of Rome:		the haven of Rome,
The wynde hem served, it was ful goode.		they slew all
Ther londed many a grymlye gome.	144	Christians, and burned
Thai brente and slowen, þat Cristen were,		towns, abbeys and
Tow, Abbey and holy chirche.		churches.
The hethen hade such power there,		The Pope of Rome,
That moche woo gan thai there wircħ.	148	hearing of the heathens
Tidinggis came to Rome anone		laying waste the whole
Unto the Pope, that þt tyme was,		country,
That the heþen came to bren and slone.
This was to hem a sory cas.	152
He lete cal his counsaile to-geder		assembled his council.
To wete, what was beste to do.
Anone as thai were come þede,
He asked of hem al ful sone:	156
“Lordinges, it is vnknowne96 to you,
That this cursed hathen Sowdo
Brennyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe,
Alive he leveth vnneth not one.	160
Seint Petir be oure governoure		[leaf 5]
And save this worthi Cite of Rome,
And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure
From this cursed hethe houne97!”	164
Ifreȝ he bispake him tha,		Jeffrez, a senator

‹p006› SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS

Of Rome he was a Senatoure,		of Rome, advised that
And saide “senditħ some worthy man		worthy men should be
To Charles kinge of hye honoure.	168	sent to Charles of
He wolde you helpe with al his mygħte,		Douce France to implore
That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.”		his assistance.
“Certes” quod Savaris “þat weren no rigħte,		But Duke Savariz,
It were right a foule myschaunce,	172	thinking this to be
To sende to þat worthy kinge.		a wretched piece
We have oure hedes yet al hole,		of timidity, as they
Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge,		had not tried
Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole.	176	anything for themselves,
Where-of shul we play to him,
That no thinge yet have assaide?
Mecħ uylanye we myght wynne,
That for noght were so sone afrayed.	180
Ten thousande men delyuere me tyte		asked for 10,000 men
Tomorue next in-to the feelde,		to be put under his
And I shall prove with al my myghte		command.
To breke there bothe spere and shelde.”	184
Vnto the Senatours it semed welle,
His counsaile goode and honurable.
This worthi Duke was armed in stele
In armes goode and profitable;	188
He bare a Chek of goulis clere,
An Egle of goolde abrode displayed.
With him many a bolde Bachelere
Tho spake Savaryȝ witħ wordes on hye	192	The next morning the
And saide “my felowes alle,		duke addressed his men,
This daie prove you me worthy,
And faire you al shal befalle.
Thenke yat Criste is more myghty	196
Than here fals goddis alle;
And he shal geve vs the victorie,
And foule shal hem this day bifalle.”
Fortħ than rode þat faire Ooste	200	and directed them to
With right goode chere and rando,		the soudan’s

‹p007› AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.

Tille than come ful nyȝe the cooste.		pavilion near the
Of the Sowdons Pavylo		shore.
Ferumbras was of hem ware	204	[leaf 6] Ferumbras,
And sprange out as a sparkil of glede;		that doughty
Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare,		warrior, becoming
A Doughty ma he was of dede.		aware of them, led
xv thousande came oute there	208	15,000 men against the
With him at þat same tyde,		Romans.
Ayen the Romaynes for to were,
Witħ bobaunce, booste and grete pride.
The stoure was stronge, enduryn longe:	212
The Romaynes hade there the feelde;
The Sarysyns thai slougħ amonge,
Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde.		10,000 and more of the
Sauariz was wise and ware	216	Saracens were slain,
And drowe towards þat Citee.		and the Romans, though
His baner displaied witħ him he bare		victorious, were led
To releve with his meyne.		back to Rome by the
The Pope with his Senatours	220	cautious Savaris.
Thanked god þat tyme of glorie,		The Pope thanked God
That gafe hem þat day grete honours,		for the victory.
Of hethen that dai to have the victorie.		Lukafer of Baldas
Lukafere, kinge of Baldas,	224	having scoured the
The countrey hade serchid and sought,		country,
Ten thousande maidyns faire of face		brought 10,000 maidens
Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte.		to the soudan, who
The Sowdo commanded hem anone,	228	ordered them to be
That thai shulde al be slay.		slain,
Martires thai were euerycho,		saying, he would
And therof were thai al ful fayne.		not have his people
He saide “my peple nowe ne shalle	232	polluted by them, and
With hem noughte defouled be,		he would destroy every
But I wole distroie ouer all		Christian seed.
The sede over alle Cristiante.”		Lukafer said to the
Tho spake lukefere the kinge,	236	soudan:
That hethe hounde Baldas,

‹p008› THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,

And saide “Sir Sowda, graunte me one thinge,		“Grant me thy daughter
Thi doghter Dame Floripas.		and I will bring thee
The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe	240	Charlemagne and all his
And the xij dosipers alle in fere.”		twelve peers.”
The Sowdan saide in þat tokenyn,		Laban assented; but
“I graunte the here, that is so dere.”		Floripas said, she
Tho sayde Floripe “sire, noo haste,	244	would only consent to
He hath note done as he hath saide.		be his darling,
I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste,		[leaf 7]
He wole make bute an easy brayde.
Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge	248	when he had taken
And the xij dosipers alle,		Charles and the
I graunte to be his derlynge		douzepeers.
What so evere therof by-falle.		The next morning the
Than on the morowe the Sowda	252	soudan ordered Lukafer
Callid to him Lukafe of Baldas,		to assault the City
To assaile the Cite anone:		with 30,000 men.
“And loke thou tary not in this cas!
Thritty thousande of my menie,	256
Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes,
Take hem to the walles witħ the.
Betitħ dow wallis, towris and stones.”
Lukafe blewe his clario	260
To Assemble the Sarasyns þat tide,
Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune,
Thai made hem redy for to ride,
But whan thai come to the yate,	264
The Dikes were so develye depe,		The Saracens, finding
Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate;		the ditches too deep,
Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe.		cannot pass, and are
Lukafe in al the haste	268
Turned to the Sowdan agay		obliged to return.
And saide “sir, it is alle in waste,
We laboure nowe alle in vayne.
To depe and brode the Dikes bene,	272
The Towres so stronge be witħ alle,

‹p009› BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.

That by Mahounde I can note see,
How that we shulde wyne ther to the walle.”
Who was woode but the Sowdo?	276
He reneyed his goddis alle.
He clepede his Engynour sir mavone,		The soudan calls for
To counsaile he did him faste calle.		his engineer Mavon,
He tolde him the case of þat myschefe,	280
How it stode at that ilke tyde.
Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe		who advised him to fill
To fille the Dikes þat were depe.98		the ditch
Every man to woode shal goo,	284
Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde,		with fagots.
And fille the Dikes faste anoo
With alle, that we may ther fynde.
“Gramercy, Mavo,” quod Laban tha,	288	Laban thanks his wise
“Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue,		engineer.
Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man,		[leaf 8]
With counsaile men for to saue.”
Alle this was done the seconde daye,	292	The following day, the
Men myght go even to the walle;		ditch being filled with
On every party the ooste laye,		fagots, the city
Thai made assaite99 then generalle.		was assaulted from all
The Romaynes ronne to the toures,	296	quarters. The Romans
Thai were in ful grete dowte;		ran to the towers, and
Thai hade many sharpe shoures,		a sharp conflict
Thai were assailed sore a-bowte.		ensued.
Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare	300	Women and maidens
To the walles than ful faste,		carried stones which
Thai were in grete drede and care;		the
The men over the wallis did caste.		men threw over the
Thai slowen many a Sarasy,	304	walls.
x thousande100 pepul of he and moo.		10,000 Saracens were
The daie passed to the fyne,		slain and
The hethen withdrowe hem tho.		the heathens obliged to
Whan these tidinges came to laban,	308	withdraw.

‹p010› LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.

His goddes he gan chide.		Laban chides his gods
He waxe both blake, pale and wan,		and nearly grows mad
He was nyȝe woode þat same tyde.		with vexation. But
Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle	312	Lukafer told him that,
And saide “sir, be not dismayed,		having espied that
For I have aspied everydele,		Savaris would, the
Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede.		following day, come
Sauariz wole to morowe witħ us fighte,	316	out again to fight
His baner knowe I ful welle;		with them, he would
I shal have an othere, I yo plighte,		have a banner made
Like to this every dele.		exactly like his, which
Whan he is moste besy in bataile,	320	when Savaris was much
Than wole I with banere displaiede		engaged in the battle,
Ride in to Rome without faile,		he would unfold and
Thus shal thai al be betrayede.”		enter Rome.
The Sowda was glad of this tidinge,	324
Hopinge it shulde be so;
And even as it was in purposynge,		And so it
Right so was it aftir I-do.		turned out; the Romans
Wenynge it hade be Sauarye,	328	mistaking him for
Relevinge fro the hethen stou,		Savaris, returning from
Wenynge doth ofte harme withoute lye,		his sally, he entered
He entred to the maister Toure.		the main tower,
The firste warde thus thay wonne	332	[leaf 9]
By this fals contrevede engyne.
Thus was moche sorowe bygo,
Thai slougħ all, that were ther-Inne.		and slew all therein.
Wha Sauariz saugħ this discomfitu	336	Savaris becoming aware
Of the Romaynes in that tyme,		of the artifice of the
And howe harde tha was here aventu,		enemy,
Of sorowe þat myghte he ryme
Of x thousande me lefte no moo	340	and seeing out of
But sexty me and twelfe,		10,000 Romans no more
And whan he sawe this myschief tho,		than seventy-two left,
He turned homewarde agayn him selue.		turned back, but found
By tha he founde the gate shite	344	the gate shut,

‹p011› THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.

With Sarisyns, that hade it wone;
And Estragot with him he mette
With bores hede, blake and donne.
For as a bore an hede hadde	348
And a grete mace stronge as stele.
He smote Sauaryz as he were madde,		and was slain by
That dede to grounde he felle.		Estragot, a black giant
This Astrogot of Ethiop,	352	of Ethiopia.
He was a kinge of grete strengtħ;
Ther was none suche in Europe
So stronge and so longe in lengtħ.
I trowe, he were a develes sone,	356
Of Belsabubbis lyne,
For ever he was thereto I-wone,
To do Criste men grete pyne.
Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope,	360	After the death of
That Duke Sauaryz was dede slay,		Savaris, the Pope
Tha to woo turned alle his hope;
He dide calle tha to counsaile		summoned his council
Alle the Senatouris of Rome,	364	again.
What þinge þat myght hem most availe,
And what were beste to done.
Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile,
An Erille of the Senatouris:	368	An earl of the
“The best counsaile, þat I can		senatours suggested
		the necessity of
Sending vnto Charles the kinge101		dispatching messengers
Certifiynge him by your myssangeris		to Charlemagne,
The myschief þat ye are Inne,	372	imploring him to come
That he come with his Dosyperys		to their deliverance.
To reskue Cristiante fro this heþen.”		[leaf 10]
All thai assentede anone therto;		They all assented.
The lettres were made in haste.	376	Three messengers,
Thre messageres we ordey102 therto,		with letters
That went forthe at the laste.		written in haste,

‹p012› THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.

At a posterne thai wente oute		left the city by a
Pryvely aboute mydnygħt,	380	postern at midnight,
And passed through alle the route.		and passed the enemy’s
Of hem was war no wigħt.		camp without being

Vt let we nowe the messangeris goo, noticed by any wight. And speke we of Laba, 384   Howe he dide saile the Cite anoo, Laban

And commaundid, þat every man		commanded every
Shulde withe Pikeys or witħ bille		man to throw pikes and
The Wallis over throwe,	388	bills over the walls,
That he myght the Romaynes kille,		to kill the Romans.
Playnly on a rowe,
By water he ordeynede the shippes goo,		He ordered the ships
The bootis bownden to the maste,	392	to go up the water,
That thai myght fight with hem anoo,		with their boats bound
Honde of honde, þat was here caste.		to the mast, that they
To the Toure a bastile stode,		might fight in close
An engyne was I-throwe—	396	combat.
That was to the Cite ful goode—		Near the tower there
And brake dow towres both hie and lowe.		stood a bastile which
Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns		formed a principal
And were ful hevy tha.	400	protection to the city.
Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns,		It was laid low by
And than bispake sire laban		stones hurled from an
And saide “yolde youe here to me,		engine.
Ye may not longe endure,	404	Laban, growing proud,
Or ellis shall ye al slay be,		summoned the Romans to
By mahounde I you ensure.”		surrender.
A Romayne drife a darte him to		Instead of an answer, a
And smote him on the breste plate,	408	Roman hurled a dart at
Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho,		his breast-plate, but
Mahounde had come to late.		his hauberk shielded
Tho was the Sowdo more þa wod,		him.
He cried to Ferumbras,	412	The soudan, more than
“For Mahoundes loue, þat is so good,		mad, charged Ferumbras
Destroye vp bothe man and place.		to destroy them all,

‹p013› ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.

Spare no thinge that is alyve,
Hows, Toure ner Walle,	416	[leaf 11]
Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife,
Brenne, slo and distroye alle.”
Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone
To bende the Engynes to the tow	420
And bete dow botħ Toure and stoo.
He cleped fortħ Fortibraunce and Mavo		and enjoined
And saide “be youre Engynes goode?		Fortibrance and Mavon
Shewe forth here nowe your crafte	424	to direct their
For Mahoundis love, þat gevith man foode,		engines against the
That ther be no Toure lafte.”		walls.
Tho the grete gloto Estagote103		The great glutton
With his myghty mace sware	428	Estragot, with his
On the Gatis of Rome he smote		heavy mace,
And brake hem alle on thre thare.		smote on the gates
In he entrid at the Gate		and brake them in
The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle.	432	pieces.
He wende, he hade come to late,		But as he was
It smote him through herte, lyuer and galle.		entering one of the
He lai cryande at the grounde		gates, they let the
Like a develle of Helle;	436	portcullis fall,
Through the Cite wente the sowne,		which crushed him to
So lowde than gan he yelle.		the ground,
Gladde were al the Romaynes,		where he lay crying
That he was take in the trappe,	440	like a devil.
And sorye were al the Sarsyns		The Romans were glad,
Of þat myschevos happe.		but the Saracens
Sory was the Soudo tha		grieved.
And Ferumbras and Lukafe.	444	They withdrew to
Thai drowe hem tille her tentes tha,		their tents, leaving
Thai left him ligginge there.		behind the corpse of
Mahounde toke his soule to him		Estragot, whose soul
And broght it to his blis.	448	went up to Mahound.
He loued him wel and al his kyn,

‹p014› THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.

Of þat myghte he not mys.
Anone the [P]ope dide somo alle;		The Pope called all
The peple of the Cite came,	452	his people to St.
To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle,		Peter’s,
And thidere came every man.
He saide on hie “my Children dere,		and proposed to them
Ye wote wel, howe it is;	456
Ayenst the Sarisyns, þat nowe be here,
We mowe not longe endure I-wis.
Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle		[leaf 12]
With caste of his Engyne.	460
Therefore here amonge yo alle
Ye shalle here counsaile myne.
Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,104
And on-armede thay ben alle.	464
Therfore, me thenketh, is beste		to attempt a sally
To-morowe erly on hem to falle.		with 20,000 men, to
We have xxxti thousande men;		attack the enemy
Twenty thousande shal go witħ me,	468	before day-break
And in this Cite leve ten		within their camp,
To governe the comynalte.”		and to leave 10,000
The Senatouris assentede sone		for the guard of the
And saide, beter myghte no man seyne.	472	city. The senators
On the morowe this was it done105;		assented.
God bringe hem wele home agayne.		In the morning
The Pope did display than		the Pope displayed
The hie baner of Rome,	476	the banner of Rome,
And he assoiled every ma
Througħ gracious god in Dome.
He praide of helpe and socou		and after a prayer
Seinte Petir and Poule also	480	for the preservation
And oure lady, þat swete floure,		of the city,
To saue the Cite of Rome from woo.		they marched out.
Forth thai ride towarde the Oost.		But Ferumbras, going
Ferumbras romede a-boute;	484	his rounds,

‹p015› FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.

He saw the Romaynes come by the Cost,106		discovered their
Thereof he hade grete dowte.		coming,
He blewe an horne, of bras it was;		sounded the alarm,
The Sarsyns be-go to wake.	488
“Arise vp” he saide in aras,107
“We bene elles alle I-take,
And Armes anone, every wight,
To horse with spere and shelde!	492
Ye may se here a ferefu sighte
Of oure enemyes in the felde.
Astopars,108 goo ye biforne vs,		and drew up his
For ye be men of myghte;	496	troops.
Ethiopes, Assayneȝ and Askalous,
Go nexte afore my sighte.
My Fadir and I with Babyloynes,
Ho109 shal kepe the rerewarde.	500
King Lukafe with Baldeseynes,
To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.”		[leaf 13]
The Romaynes aspied, þat thai were ware
Of here comynge tha,	504
And therfore hade thay moche care.
Natheles on hem thai go—
Seinte Petir be here socoure!—
And laiden on side, bake and bo.	508
There bigan a sturdy shoure		There began a hard
Sire 110Ferumbras of Alisaundre oo,111		struggle.
That bolde man was in dede,
Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye,	512
He roode in riche Weede.
Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye		Ferumbras slew Sir
He bare through witħ a spere,		Bryer of Apulia
Dede to the grounde ther he la	516
Might he no more hem dere!

‹p016› A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.

That sawe Huberte, a worthy man,
Howe Briere was I-slay,
Ferumbras to qwite tha	520
To him he rode ful eve.
With a spere vppone his shelde þa
Stifly ganne he strike;
The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde;	524
His Hawberke wolde not breke.
Many goode strokes were delte.
Ferumbras was a-greved tho,
He smote with mayne and mygħte	528	and the worthy Hubert.
The nekke asonder, the ventayle also,
That dede he sate vprighte.
There was bataile harde and stronge;
Many a steede wente ther a-straye,	532
And leyen at the grounde I-stonge,
That resyn never aftyr that day,
IX thousand of the payens pride		9000 pagans were
That day were slay,	536	killed,
And viij thousande of the Romaynes side,		and 8000 Romans.
That in the feelde dede layne.
Lukafere, þat paynym proude,		Lukafer destroyed
Slough Romaynes eyȝtene,	540	eighteen Romans,
Of wer moche sorowe he coude,		he also slew Gyndard,
His strokes were over alle sene.		a senator of Rome,
Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome,		who had slain ten
Had slayne Sarsenys te,	544	[leaf 14] Saracens.
Tille he met with the cursed gome,
Lukifere slough him than.
Tho come the Pope with grete aray,		Then came the Pope
His baner to-fore him wente.	548	with a great guard
Ferumbras than ga to assaye,		and his banner before
If he myght that praye entente,		him.
Supposynge in this though[t]e,		Ferumbras, supposing
Ther was the souerayne;	552	him to be the
He spared him therfore rigħt nogħt,		sovereign,

‹p017› FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.

But bare him dow ther in þe play.		burst open the thick
Anoo he sterte on him all ane		crowd and threw him
His Ventayle for to onlace,	556	down to the ground.
And saugh his crow newe shafe,		But seeing his
A-shamed thanne he was.		tonsure, he was
“Fye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe!		ashamed.
What doist thou armede in the feelde,	560	“Fie, priest,”
That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe,		he said, “what
What doist tho witħ spere and shelde?		doest thou in the
I hoped, tho hadiste be an Emperoure,		battle-field?
Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here,	564
Or some worthy conqueroure.
Go home and kepe thy Qwe!
Shame it were to me certayne		It would be a shame
To sle the in this bataile,	568	for me to slay thee.
Therfore turne the home agay!”		Go home and think of
The Pope was gladde þer-of certayne,112		thy choir-service!”
He wente home to Rome that nyght		The Pope retired with
Witħ Five thousande and no more,	572	5000 men,
XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight,		15,000 being killed.
Full grete sorowe was therfore.

Owe telle we of the messange, That wente to Charlemayne, 576 Charlemagne, having Certyfyinge him by lettres dere, learned from the

Howe the Romaynes were slayne,		messenger the great
And howe the Contrey brente was		disaster which had
Vnto the Gate of Rome,	580	befallen the Romans,
And howe the people song ‘alas,’
Tille socoure from him come.
“Who” quod Charles, that worthy kinge,		said, he would not
“The Sowdo and Ferumbras?	584	desist until he had
I nyl lette for no thinge,		[leaf 15] chased the
Till I him oute of Cristendome chace.		soudan and Ferumbras
Therefore Gy of Burgoy,		out of Christendom.
Mynne owen nevewe so trewe,	588

‹p018› THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.

Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne,		He gave 1000 pounds
To wage wytħ the pepul newe.		of francs to his
Take this with the nowe at this tyme,		nephew Guy of
And more I wole sende the,	592	Burgundy,
Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde,		and sent him off with
But þat he dede be;		orders to advance
And faste hye the thyderwarde,		against the soudan by
For I drede thay haue grete nede,	596	forced marches.
And I shalle come aftirwarde		Himself would follow
As faste, as I may me spede.”		as soon as possible.

Peke we of Sir Laba And let Charles and Gy be, 600   Howe he ordeyned for hem tha

To Distroye Rome Citee.
“Sir Lukafe, thou madiste thi boost		Laban reminded
To conque the Romaynes	604	Lukafer of his
And to bringe me the Ooste		vaunting promise to
Of the xij peris and Charlemayne.		bring him Charlemagne
Vppo a condicio I graunte the		and his douzepeers,
My doghter, dere Dame Floripas.	608	in return for his
Wherefore, I aske nowe of the		daughter Floripas.
To holde covenaunte in this cas.”
“That I saide” quod Lucafere,		Lukafer said, he
“To Mahounde I make a vowe	612	would do all he had
To done al þat I hight the the,		promised.
Ye and more than113 for Florip love.”
He ordeyned assaute anone in haste		With 10,000 men he
With x thousande men and moo;	616	attacked the city on
And Ferumbras at that oþer side faste		one side, the other
Assailed hem with grete woo.		being assaulted by
The saute endured al þat daye		Ferumbras. The combat
From morowe, tille it was nyght,	620	continues as long as
To throwe and shete by euery waye,		daylight lasts. At
While that hem endured the light.		night they retired to
Tho wente thai home to thai tentys,		their tents.

‹p019› THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.

Tille it were on the morowe.	624	Isres, who possessed
Isres in his fals ententes		by inheritance
Purposed treso and sorowe.		the guard of the
He was chief Porter of the Tow,		[leaf 16] principal
By heritage and fee so he shulde be.	628	gate, planned treason.
He wente to the Sowda,		He repaired to the
For the riche Cite betraye woolde he,		soudan and offered to
And saide “lorde, gife me grace		betray the city on
For my goodes and for me,	632	condition that his
And I wole delyuer the this place		life and property
To haue and holde for ever in fee.		should be spared.
The keyes of this riche Cite
I haue in my bandon.”	636
“That graunte I” quod Laban “the		The soudan promised
To be free withoute raunso.”		it.
Ferumbras made him yare,		Ferumbras with 20,000
With xxti thousand me and moo,	640	men went with Isres.
With this Isres for to fare,
And to wynne the Cite soo.
As sone as he entred was		On entering the gate,
The chief Gate of alle,	644
And alle his men in aras,114		he caused the
He lete the Portcolys falle.		traitor’s head to be
He smote of the traitourus hede		struck off by the
And saide “god gife him care!	648	portcullis, and
Shal he never more ete brede,
All traitours evel mot115 thai fare!
If he myght leve and reigne here,
He wolde betraye me;	652
For go he west, soutħ or Nortħ,
Traitour shalle he never be.”		to be carried on the
He dide lete bere his hede on a spere		point of a spear
Througħ-oute this faire Citee.	656	through the city.
‘Treson, treso’ thai cried there,		“Treason,” cried the
Pite it was to here and see.		people within,

‹p020› FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.

The people fled by every waye,
Thai durst no-where a-bide.	660
The hye wey ful of dede men laye,		and all streets were
And eke by every lanys side.		soon covered with
Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente,		dead men. Ferumbras
And alle the Relekes he seased anoo,	664	went to St. Peter’s,
The Crosse, the Crow, the Nailes bente;		seized the relics,
He toke hem with him everychone.		the cross, the crown
He dide dispoile al the Cite		and the nails,
Both of tresoure and of goolde,	668
And after that brente he		[leaf 17] burned
Alle þat ever myght be toolde.		the whole city, and
And alle the tresoure witħ hem þai bare		carried away all the
To the Cite of Egremou.	672	treasures and the
Laban the Sowdo soiourned there116		gold to Agremore,
Thre monþes and thre dayes more		where the soudan went
In myrtħ and Ioye and grete solas.		to stay. Three months
And to his goddes offrynge he made,	676	and three days they
He and his sone Sir Ferumbras		spent there in great
Here goddis of golde dide fade,		festivities, making
Thai brente Frankesense,		offerings to their
That smoked vp so stronge,	680	gods, and burning
The Fume in her presence,		frankincense in their
It lasted alle alonge.		honour.
Thai blewe hornes of bras,
Thai dronke beestes bloode.	684	They drank the blood
Milke and hony ther was,		of beasts and milk,
That was roial and goode.		and ate honey and
Serpentes in Oyle were fryed		snakes fried in oil.
To serve þe Sowdo with alle,	688
“Antrarian Antrarian” thai lowde cryed
That signyfied ‘Ioye generalle.’
Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis
Two monþes or thre.	692
Lete we now be alle this,

‹p021› GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.

And of Gye nowe speke we.

Ow speke we of Sir Ge That toward Rome hied witħ his Oost. 696   Wha he approched there-to so nyȝe, When Sir Guy drew

That he myght se the cooste,		near Rome, finding
Alle on a flame þat Cite was,		the whole city in
That thre myle al abowte,	700	flames,
Ther durst no ma, þat ther was,
Come nyȝe the Cite for grete dowte.
That was a sory Cite than,
Sir Gye was in grete care,	704	he grieved much
Ther was nowhere a soryer ma,
For sorowe he sighed ful sare,
And saide “welallas”117 the while
“For we come ar to late,	708	that he had arrived
For by some treson or some gyle		too late.
Thai entred in at some Gate.
There is no more but for to abyde,		He resolved there to
Tille Charles come, the kinge,	712	wait for Charlemagne
In this mede Vnder grene wode side,		[leaf 18]
To telle him of this tithinge,		and then to tell him,
Howe Laban hath the Cite brente		how Laban had burnt
And bore the Religes118 a-waye,	716	the city, and had
And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente		sent the relics to
With Shippes of grete aray,		Agremore,
To Egremou his chief Cite,		his principal town in
Ther to live and ende;	720	Spain.
And manassitħ Charles and his baronye.
God gife hem evelle ende!”
Kinge Charles he forgate nought		King Charles advanced
To come to reskowe Rome,	724	to rescue Rome with
Alle his Doȝypers were I-sought,		his douzepeers
Fulle sone to him thay come.
Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures		and 300,000 soldiers.

‹p022› CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.

Kinge Charles with him dide lede,	728
They were doughty in all stourys
And worthy men of dede.
Sir Roulande þat worthy knighte,		Roland led the
He ladde the Fowarde,	732	vanguard,
And Sir Olyue, that was so wighte,		Oliver the rear,
Gouerned the Rerewarde.
The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye,		the king was
With Dukes And Erilles roialle,	736
Gouerned alle the medil partye.		with the main body.
By commaundemente generall
He ordeynede grete plente		The provisions
Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne,	740
In shippes to saile by the see,		were conveyed by sea.
To serven him ful wel and fyne.
Sir Gye aspied his comynge,		Guy seeing them come,
He knewe the baner of Fraunce,	744	went to
He wente anoo ayen the kinge		meet the king, and
And tolde him of þat myschaunce,		told him the mischief
Howe that the cursed Sowda		done by the soudan,
Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye,	748
And how he hath slay alle and some,
That he hatħ founde of Criste faye.
And more-over he made his a-vowe,		who moreover had made
To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce	752	a vow to seek Charles
And do him wo ther I-nowe.		in France in order
“God gif him moch myschaunce!”—		to afflict him with
“A” quo Charles “þat neditħ noght,		grief. [leaf 19] “He
He shal fynde me nere.	756	will find me near,”
By god, þat dere me bogħt,		said Charles, “and
He shal by it ful dere.		shall dearly pay for
I shalle him never leve I-wis		it.
Withinne walle ner witħoute,	760
I swere by god and seinte Denys,
Tille I have sought him oute;		Unless he consents to
And but if he will Baptised be		be baptized,

‹p023› HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.

And lefe his fals laye,	764
Babyloyne shal he never see		he never shall see
For alle his grete aray.”		Babylon again.” They
Anoon to shippe every ma		all took ship without
With vitaile and with store,	768	delay.
Euen towarde the proud Sawda
With-oute any more.
Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode
Into the Ryver of Gaȝe,	772	Propitious winds
Even over the salte flode		drove them into the
And ouer the profounde rase.		river Gase, where
XXX legeeȝ from Egremou		they landed, 30 miles
By londe for south it is,	776	from Agremore,
And ther withoute any more
To londe thai wente I-wis,
And brente and sloughe al þat thai fonde,		and laid waste the
And stroyed both Toure and tow.	780	country.
Thai lefte no thinge on grounde,
That thai ne bete it dow.
Tithinggis were tolde to Laban,		Laban, hearing this
Howe Charles was I-come	784	news,
And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man
And brente and stroyed alle and some
With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris,
That were both stoute and gaye,	788
And with him al his Dosyperis,
Pepul of grete araye.
“And but ye ordeyne remedy,
He wole you brenne and sloo,	792
Youe and youre riche Baronye,
He wole leve a-life neuere oo.”
Whan Laban herde these tidyngys,
His herte woxe alle coolde	796
And saide “this is a wonder thinge!		[leaf 20]
Howe durste he be so boolde?		was astonished at
Litill kennyth he what I may doo,		Charles’s presumption.

‹p024› A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.

He dredith me litil nowe.	800
But certes he shalle, e he goo,
To Mahounde I make a vowe.
Sir Lucafe and Ferumbras		He assembled all his
To him dide he calle	804	barons,
And Mavo and Sortebras
And his Barons alle.
I charge you vppo youre legeaunce,
That ye bringe me that gloton,	808	and charged them to
That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce,		bring him alive that
Hidere to my Pavilo.		glutton that called
Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle		himself king of
The xij Peris ychoo!	812	France, and to slay
I shalle tech him curtesye,		the remnant.
I swere by god Mahounde.”
Ferumbras anoo than		Ferumbras went forth
Arrayed him for to ride	816	with many Saracens.
With proude Sarasyns many a man,
That boldely durst a-bide.
Rowlande met with Ferumbras		He meets with Roland.
And gafe him such a stroke	820
That al astonyed þerof he was,
It made him lowe to stoupe.
Ferombras smote him agayne		They deal each other
With myghte and mayn, with ire	824	heavy strokes.
That he stenyed alle his brayne,
Him thought, his eye were alle on fyre.
With Lucafe Olive mette,		Oliver cuts off a
And hit him on the sheelde	828	quarter of Lukafer’s
A stroke, that was right wel sette;		shield.
A quarter flye in the feelde.
Thus thai hurteled to-gedere		The combat lasted the
Alle the lefe longe daye,	832	whole day.
Nowe hider and nowe theder;
Mony an hors wente ther astraye.		Well fought the
The Dosyperis thay foughten wele,		twelve peers.

‹p025› CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.

Duke Neymys and Oge,	836
With goode swerdes of fyne stele
And so dide Gye and Syr Brye.
Ferumbras was euer a-bowte		[leaf 21]
To fyghte witħ Olyvere,	840	Ferumbras charges
And Olyue with-oute dowte		Oliver.
Leyde on with goode chere.
Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras,		King Charles, seeing
To him fast he rode	844	this, rides on to
And it on the helme witħ his mace,		Ferumbras,
That stroke sadlye abode.		and strikes his helm
Ferumbras was woode for woo,		with his heavy mace.
He myght for prees come him to	848	Ferumbras cannot
For no worldis thinge, that myght be tho.		approach him on
Kinge Charles anoon119 Ioye oute-drowe,		account of the crowd.
And with his owen honde		Charlemagne with his
XXXti Sarseynys ther he slowe,	852	sword Mounjoy slew 30
That laie dede vppone the sonde;		Saracens.
Many of hem therfore made joy Inowe.
Sir Lucafere of Baldas,		Lukafer of Baldas,
He presed to Charles sone,	856	encountering Charles,
And saide “Sir, with harde grace,
What hastowe here to done?
I behight Laban to bringe the to him		told him that he had
And the xij peris alle;	860	promised the soudan
Now shaltowe come from al thy kyn		to bring him Charles
Into the Sowdans halle.		and the douzepeers.
Yelde the to me” he saide,
“Thy life shalle I safe.”	864
A stroke on him than Charles layde;		Charles strikes him
He made the Paynym to rafe.		on his helmet,
He smote him on the helme
With mown-Ioye, his gode bronde.	868
Ne hadde he be reskued than,
He hade slayn him with his honde.

‹p026› THE SARACENS QUIT THE FIELD.

Than came Baldeȝynȝ with thronge		but Lukafer is
To reskue there here lorde,	872	rescued by a great
And nubens with hem amonge		throng. Roland,
And Turkes by one accorde.		drawing Durendale,
Tho Roulande Durnedale oute-drowe		cleared a space
And made Romme120 abowte.	876	around him and
XL of hem ther he slowe,
Tho were thai in grete dowte.
Roulande as fiers as a lio
With Durnedale121 tho dinge	880	hammered the heads of
Vppon the Sarsyns crowne,		the Saracens.
As harde as he myght flynge.		[leaf 22]
Duke Neymys and Sir Olyue,		So do the other peers,
Gy and Alloreynes of Loreyne,	884
And alle the noble xij Peris,
Oge and Brye of Brytayne,
Thai foughten as feythfully in þat fight,
The feelde ful of dede men laye.	888
XXXti thousande, I you plight,		and 30,000 Saracens
Of Sarsenys ther were slay.		were slain.
Al thinge moste haue a ende,
The nyghte come on ful sone,	892	At night the Pagans
Every wighte retourned to wende;		quit the field.
Ferumbras to his men gan gone
And saide “oure hornes blowe we,
This day haue we a ful ille afraye,	896
To saie the south and not to lye,
Oure goddis holpe vs not to daye,
What devel þat ever he eilith.
This bataile was so sharpe in faye,	900
That many a man it wailyth.
Shalle I never in herte be glade to daye,		Ferumbras vows, never
Till I may preve my myghte		to desist
With Roulande, that proude ladde,	904
Or with Olyue, that is so lighte,

‹p027› CHARLES PRAISES THE OLD KNIGHTS.

That evel hath vs ladde;
And in Paris be crowned kinge		unless he be crowned
In despite of hem alle,	908	king at Paris.
I wole leve for no thinge
What so evere byfalle.”
Kinge Charles with grete honou		Charles went to his
Wente to his Pavilo;	912	pavilion and
Of the treyumple he bare the flou
In dispite of Mahounde.
Almyghty God and Seynte Denyse		thanked God
He thanked ful ofte sithe	916
And oure lady Marie of Paris,		and St. Mary of
That made hem gladde and blitħ.		France.
He recomendide the olde Knightes,		He praised the elder
That þat daye hade the victorye,	920	knights for having
And charged the yonge with al her myghtes		won the victory and
To haue hem in memorye;		exhorted the young
For worthynesse wole not be hadde,		ones
But it be ofte sougħte,	924	[leaf 23]
Ner knigħthode wole not ben hadde,
Tille it be dere boghte.
“Therfore ye knightes, yonge of age,
Of oolde ye may now lere,	928
Howe ye shalle both hurle and rage
In felde with sheelde and spere.
And take ensample of the xij Peris,		to take an example by
Howe thai have proved her myght,	932	them.
And howe thai were both wight and fiers
To wynnen honourys in righte.
These hethen houndes we shal a-tame
By God in magiste,	936	They make merry and
Let us make myrtħ in goddis name		go to supper.
And to souper nowe goo we.”		Prayer addressed

Thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente, to the red Mars That in the trende baye hase made þy trone, 940 Armipotent, That god arte of bataile and regent

‹p028› SPRING IS THE TIME OF LOVE.

And rulist alle that alone,
To whom I profre precious present,
To the makande my moone	944
Witħ herte, body and alle myn entente,
A crow of precious stoones,
And howe to the I gyfe
Withouten fraude or engyne,	948
Vppo thy day to make offerynge,
And so shal I ever, while þat I live;
By righte þat longith to my laye,
In worshipe of thy reverence	952
On thyn owen Tewesdaye
With myr, aloes and Frankensense,
Vppo condicio that thou me graunte,		to grant the
The victorye of Crysty Dogges,	956	Mahometans the
And that I may some122 hem adaunte		victory over the
And sle hem dow as hogges,		Christians.
That have done me distruccio
And grete disherytaunce	960
And eke slayn my men with wronge.
Mahounde gyfe hem myschaunce!”

N the semely seson of the yere, In the spring of the Of softenesse of the sonne, 964 year In the prymsauns of grene vere,

Whan floures spryngy and bygynne,		[leaf 24]
And alle the floures in the fritħ
Freshly shews here kynde,	968
Than it is semely therwytħ,		man ought to show his
That manhode be in mynde;		manhood
For corage wole a man to kitħ,
If he of menske haue mynde,	972
And of loue to lysty and lithe,		and to think of love.
And to seke honu for þat ende.		For none can be a
For he was neuere gode werryou,		good warrior, unless
That cowde not loue a-ryght;	976	he knows how to love.

‹p029› THE SOUDAN RALLIES HIS TROOPS.

For loue hath made many a conquerou
And many a worthy knighte.
This worthy Sowdan, though he heþen we,		The soudan was a
He was a worthy conquerou;	980	great conqueror;
Many a contrey with shelde and spere
He conquerede wyth grete honoure.
And his worthy sone Ferumbras,		Ferumbras and
That kinge was of Alisaund,	984
And Lucafe of Baldas,		Lukafer wrought
That cruel kinge of Cassaund,
That wroughten wonders with here honde		wonders with their
With myghte and mayne for to fyghte,	988	hands.
And over-ride mony a manly londe,
As men of Armes hardy and wighte.
The Sowdan seyinge this myschief,
How Charles hade him a-greved,	992
That grevaunce was him no thinge lese,123
He was ful sore ameved.
He sente oute his bassatoures		The soudan sent for
To Realmes, provynces fer and ne,	996	his vassals,
To Townes, Citeis, Castels and Tours,
To come to him the he were,
To Inde Maior and to Assye,
To Ascoloyne, Venys, Frige and Ethiope,	1000
To Nubye, Turkye and Barbarye,
To Macedoine, Bulga and to Europe.
Alle these people was gadred to Agremore,		and assembled more
Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle,	1004	than 300,000 Saracens
Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as more,		at Agremore.
Some horible and stronge as devel of helle.
He made hem drinke Wilde beestes bloode,		[leaf 25]
Of Tigre, Antilope and of Camalyo,	1008
As is here vse to egre here mode,
Whan þai in werre to battayle goon.
He saide to hem “my frendes de,		He addressed them in
As my trust is alle in you,	1012	order