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Title: The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606. Volume 1

Author: Pedro Fernandes de Queirós

Translator: Sir Clements R. Markham

Release date: October 27, 2012 [eBook #41200]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE VOYAGES OF PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS, 1595 TO 1606. VOLUME 1 *** 





[Contents]





Newly Designed Front Cover.






[Contents]



WORKS ISSUED BY


The Hakluyt
Society.




THE VOYAGES

OF

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,

1595 TO 1606.




SECOND SERIES.

No. XIV.


Original Title Page.


[iii]










THE VOYAGES

OF

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,


1595 TO 1606.




Translated and Edited

BY

SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM,

K.C.B., P.R.G.S.;

PRESIDENT OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


IN TWO VOLUMES.—VOL. I.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.DCCCCIV.




[iv]


[Contents]



London:

Printed at the Bedford Press, 20 and 21, Bedfordbury, W.C. [v]






[Contents]



COUNCIL

OF

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


    

  • Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
Pres. R.G.S., President.
    • 

  • The Right Hon. the Lord Amherst of Hackney,
Vice-President.
    • 

  • Rear-admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., Vice-President.
    • 

  • Colonel George Earl Church.
    • 

  • Sir William Martin Conway.
    • 

  • George William Forrest, C.I.E.
    • 

  • William Foster, B.A.
    • 

  • F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D.
    • 

  • The Right Hon. the Lord Hawkesbury.
    • 

  • Edward Heawood, M.A.
    • 

  • John Scott Keltie, LL.D.
    • 

  • Frederic William Lucas.
    • 

  • Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham,
K.C.B.
    • 

  • Mowbray Morris.
    • 

  • Commr. John Franklin Parry, R.N.
    • 

  • Edward John Payne, M.A.
    • 

  • Ernest George Ravenstein.
    • 

  • Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W. Richards,
G.C.B.
    • 

  • Henry William Trinder.
    • 

  • Richard Stephen Whiteway.
    • 

  • Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., Honorary
Secretary.
    • 



[vii]






[Contents]



Contents.






VOLUME I.







PAGE





Dedication
ix





Introduction
xi





Note on the Cartography of
the Southern Continent. By B. H.
Soulsby
xxxvii




I.—
Narrative of the
Second Voyage of the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, by the Chief
Pilot Pedro Fernandez de Quiros
3




II.—
Narrative of the
Voyage of the Adelantado Alvarez de Mendaña de Niera for the
Discovery of the Islands of Solomon, written by the Chief Pilot Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros for Don Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of the
Philippines
149




III.—
Narrative of the
Voyage of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros in 1606, for the Discovery of the
Austrial Regions
161





VOLUME II.





IV.—
True Account of the Events of the
Voyage that the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros made to the unknown
Southern lands, by Gaspar de Leza, Chief Pilot of the said Fleet
321




V.—
Torquemada’s Account of the
Voyage of Quiros
407




VI.—
Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres to
the King of Spain
455




VII.—
Legends on the Four Maps signed by
Diego de Prado y Tobar
469




[viii]

APPENDIX.





I.—
Eighth Memorial of Quiros
477




II.—
Memorial of Quiros, 1607
487




III.—
Memorial of Quiros, 1609
504




IV.—
Memorial of Don Fernando de Castro,
1608
508




V.—
Letters from Diego de Prado y
Tobar, 1613
511




VI.—
Note on the Memorials of Quiros by
the Council of the Indies, 1610
514




VII.—
Memorial touching Papers printed by
Quiros, 1610
516




VIII.—
Memorial by Juan Luis Arias
517





Index
537





MAPS.





1.—
Planos de las
Bahías descubiertas el año de 1606, en las islas del
Espíritu Santo y de Nueva Guinea y Dibujadas por D. Diego de
Prado y Tovar en Igual Fecha (Soc. Geogr. de Madrid, 1878).
In Pocket at the end.




2.—
New Hebrides, Banks and Duff
Groups, showing Discoveries of Quiros in 1606. G. Mackay del.
In Pocket at the end.




3.—
Routes of Mendaña, 1595;
Quiros, 1606, and Torres, 1606. G. Mackay del.
In Pocket at the end.




[ix]




[Contents]



DEDICATION.






TO

COMMANDER ROBERT FALCON SCOTT,

R.N., M.V.O., F.R.G.S.;

LEADER OF THE NATIONAL ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION,

1901 TO 1904.


My Dear Scott,


I dedicate this translation of the Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros to you, because the efforts and aspirations of the first
navigator who ever conceived the idea of discovering the Antarctic
continent cannot fail to have an interest for you who have actually
made such great discoveries in the Far South; as a tribute also of
admiration for your great qualities as a leader, and of affectionate
regard for yourself.


Believe me to be ever, my dear Scott,


Your attached friend and well-wisher,


Clements R. Markham.
[xi]






[Contents]



Introduction.


Introduction.






The Council of
the Hakluyt Society has decided that the volumes containing the
narratives of the discovery of the Solomon Islands by Mendaña
shall be followed by a monograph on the two voyages of Quiros. In the
first voyage he was Chief Pilot to Mendaña; the second and most
famous voyage was under his own command.


The best and most detailed narrative of both voyages is contained in
a work which remained in manuscript until twenty-eight years ago, when
it was edited and published at Madrid by Don Justo Zaragoza. It is
entitled History of the Discovery of the Austrial Regions, made by
the General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.1 Two copies were
known to be in existence: one in the private library of the King of
Spain, the other in that of the Ministry of Marine. Both have erroneous
titles, written by careless librarians. The narratives were evidently
dictated by Quiros, or written from his notes; but Señor
Zaragoza gives reasons for the belief that the work, in its present
form, was written by Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, a young man who was
Secretary to Quiros during the voyage of 1606, and that [xii]it contains several passages for which the
Secretary was alone responsible. Belmonte Bermudez remained faithful to
Quiros in his adversity, and, after his master’s death, he became
a poet of some celebrity. Señor Zaragoza quotes several passages
which show the hand of a poet.2 There is also a quotation from the
Araucana of Ercilla on unknown lands not yet revealed by God, to
which is added another version by the young sailor-poet on those
unknown lands now revealed by God.3


The author is mentioned twice in the narrative: once as being nearly
drowned in landing on the island of Anaa4
(“Conversion de San Pablo”), and again in the list of
officials for the municipality of the city of New Jerusalem projected
by Quiros.5 The question of authorship is really settled by the
poet himself, in a line of his poem entitled La Hispalica,
quoted by Zaragoza. Speaking of Quiros as his “Lusitanian master,
the star of gallant Portuguese,” he adds that, in recording the
history of the voyage there was:—




“Want of a writer, which I supplied.”




The Historia, as published by Zaragoza, is
continuous in eighty-one chapters. It has been found more convenient to
divide the translation into two parts: the first containing the second
voyage of Mendaña, and the second part being the story of the
voyage of Quiros in 1606. [xiii]


The present volume commences with the first part of the History
of the Discovery of the Austrial Regions. It describes the second
voyage of Mendaña in much detail, including the discovery of the
Marquesas Islands and of the island of Santa Cruz, the death of
Mendaña, and the terrible passage from Santa Cruz to Manilla. It
is certainly a most extraordinary story.


In the work entitled Hechos del Marques de
Cañete, a life of one of the Viceroys of Peru, by Cristoval
Suarez de Figueroa,6 Book VI contains an
abbreviated version of the narrative in the Historia, generally
copied word for word. Numerous details are omitted, particularly such
as are derogatory to the Spanish character. There are also a few
passages which are not in the Historia, but none
having any bearing on the events of the voyage. Suarez de Figueroa
tells us that he had the narrative of Quiros before him as he wrote.
For these reasons I have considered it unnecessary to translate the
version of Suarez de Figueroa, as it is merely a mutilated version of
the narrative in the Historia. The account in the work
of Suarez de Figueroa was the only version of the second voyage of
Mendaña that was known to our historians of Pacific voyages,
Dalrymple and Burney.


There is a short report of the second voyage of Mendaña, to
Antonio de Morga, the Governor of the Philippines, by Quiros himself.
It was translated and printed by Lord Stanley of Alderley, in his
edition of the work of Antonio de Morga (Hakluyt Society, 1868).
I have caused it to be reprinted in this volume, in order to make the
monograph of Quiros complete.


For the voyage of Quiros in 1606, when he discovered [xiv]the Duff and Banks groups of islands, and the
New Hebrides, there are no less than four separate accounts.


The first, and by far the most important, forms the second part of
the Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales, by
Belmonte Bermudez. It contains the full narrative, the speeches and
reflections of Quiros, as recorded by his Secretary, and the remarks of
the poet himself. The royal orders, the curious and interesting
instructions of Quiros to his Captains, the act of possession and other
strange proceedings at Espiritu Santo, the half-allegorical will of
Quiros, and other documents, are included.


The second narrative is by Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, the Chief Pilot
of the Capitana with Quiros. For the most part it is merely a
log, with courses, distances run, winds, and latitudes for each day,
with occasional calculations of the distance from Callao. But it also
contains accounts of the visits to the newly-discovered islands, and
some remarks of interest, which may be compared with the same events
described by Quiros, and in the work of Torquemada. The manuscript is
in the Royal Library at Madrid (J. 2); and Lord Stanley of Alderley
quoted largely from it, in annotating the letter of Torres. But it was
first printed by Zaragoza.


The third narrative is contained in the Monarquia Indiana, a
work on Mexico first published in 1614, by the Franciscan Friar, Juan
de Torquemada, who was Provincial of the Order in Mexico in that year
(vol. i, pp. 738 to 756 the second edition, 1723) (Lib. V, caps. lxiv to lxix). Torquemada was at Mexico when
Quiros and his companions landed at Acapulco, and came up to the
capital in the end of 1606. He must have known and conversed both with
Quiros and with some of his crew. He thus obtained his information at
first hand, and was able to write an authentic account of the voyage.
Torquemada’s style is [xv]more polished and
flowing than those of the sailors, or even of the young poet, who
relate the events of the same voyage.7


The fourth narrative is contained in a letter from the second in
command, Luis Vaez de Torres, to the King. This letter briefly
describes the whole voyage; but it is specially interesting when it
relates the events after parting company with Quiros. For Torres, on
his voyage from Espiritu Santo to Ternate, was the discoverer of the
strait which bears his name. Dalrymple obtained a copy of the letter of
Torres, and translated it. This translation was, with the permission of
Dalrymple, first published by Burney. Mr. Major reprinted it in his
volume of Early Voyages to Australia (Hakluyt Soc., 1859). Lord
Stanley of Alderley found another copy in the National Library at
Madrid (J. 2), and translated it as Appendix VI of his edition of the
work on the Philippines, by Antonio de Morga (p. 402, Hakluyt Soc.,
1868). This is a copy of a document mentioned by Navarrete as existing
at Simancas. Ever loyal to his chief, though disapproving of his
conduct of the expedition, Torres wrote another letter to Quiros.
[xvi]The letter of Torres has such an important
bearing on the voyage of Quiros, that I have considered it
indispensable to include it in the present volumes.


The Memorials of Quiros, and other documents in the Appendix, will
be described further on. They complete the materials for a monograph of
the famous navigator’s work and life.


I now propose to state all that I have been able to ascertain
respecting his life; and to discuss his character, his attainments, his
views and aspirations, and the position his voyages occupy in the
history of maritime discovery.


Pedro Fernandez de Quiros was born at Evora8, in Portugal,
in 1565, the year before Mendaña sailed on his first voyage. The
ill-fated Don Sebastian was then King of Portugal. His uncle, the
Cardinal Henry, became King in 1578; but in 1580 Philip II, the
Cardinal’s nephew, succeeded as King of Portugal, as well as of
Spain. Quiros, though a Portuguese, then became a subject of the King
of Spain, his age being fifteen. We are told, though an enemy is our
informant,9 that young Quiros was brought up in the “Rua
nova,” then a disreputable part of Lisbon, and that he was a
clerk or supercargo in merchant ships. This may or may not be true. He
certainly became a good sailor, and an accomplished pilot.


In 1589, when he had reached his twenty-fourth year, he had probably
been several years at sea. He then married Doña Ana Chacon, of
Madrid, daughter of the licentiate Juan Quevedo de Miranda, by Ana
Chacon de Miranda. She was a year his senior. A son, named Francisco,
was born to them in 1590, and they must then have gone to Peru; for
their daughter Jeronima was born some [xvii]months
after Quiros sailed from Peru with Mendaña in 1595.10


Quiros was thirty years of age when he accepted the post of Chief
Pilot in the ship of Alvaro de Mendaña, who had received a
concession to colonise the Solomon Islands, which he had discovered
thirty years before. Quiros joined this expedition with some
misgivings, caused by the quarrelsome character of the Camp Master, the
want of order and discipline, and the position assumed by the
Commander’s wife and her brothers. Mendaña was more than
twenty years older than Quiros. The Pilot’s position was one of
some difficulty: for while on one side he had to exercise tact in his
intercourse with the family clique, on the other he found it difficult
to avoid friction with a most impracticable and quarrelsome old soldier
who was Camp Master, and who had a feud with the brothers-in-law of
Mendaña, which continued to increase in bitterness. The
expedition culminated at the island of Santa Cruz, a new discovery,
with the slaughter of the old Camp Master, the deaths of Mendaña
and his brother-in-law Don Lorenzo, the succession of the widow,
Doña Isabel, to the command of the expedition, and the
disastrous voyage to Manilla.


Through all this intrigue and violence the Chief Pilot steered his
course with prudence and caution. He was a reliable seaman, and was
constantly consulted. He appears, from his own account, to have been a
peacemaker, to have avoided quarrels, and to have had some influence.
He was, however, a great talker. The widow did not like him, but she
was obliged to rely upon him entirely. Her brothers were useless.
Quiros stood between the widow’s [xviii]selfish
parsimony and a crew on the verge of mutiny from misery and starvation.
He brought a sinking ship, with rotten spars and rigging, safely over
an unknown sea from Santa Cruz to Manilla.


It was during this voyage, and while gaining experience in the
navigation of the Pacific Ocean and the treatment of natives, that
Quiros conceived his grand project. He was a cartographer, and, in
studying existing maps, he saw a great Southern continent extending
across the ocean, from the Strait of Magellan to New Guinea. He thought
that here was a discovery as famous as had been made by Columbus or Da
Gama. He thought that here was not only a great continent extending to
the South Pole to be added to the dominions of his sovereign, but
millions of souls to be saved and brought within the fold of the
Church. He devoted his life to the realisation of this glorious dream
with unswerving devotion, never turning aside to the right hand or to
the left; undaunted by difficulties or wearisome delays to his dying
day; literally killed by Councils and Committees; but succumbing only
with his last breath. He became a man with one idea. Alas! he was but a
dreamer.


It was a dream. The heroic days of Spain and Portugal were passed
and gone. Quiros was the last of the long and glorious roll of great
Spanish navigators. He spoke, if not to stone-deaf ears, to
fast-deafening ears. The Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco,11 at Lima, to
whom Quiros [xix]first explained his project, would take
no responsibility, and referred him to the Court of Spain and its
Councils of State and of the Indies. It was a happy inspiration which
led Quiros to go first to Rome, and interest the Pope in the conversion
of millions of Antarctic souls; for nothing was more likely to induce
the Spanish Government to move in the matter than a strong
recommendation, which would be looked upon almost as a command, from
the Supreme Pontiff. Quiros was himself a very religious man, deeply
imbued with the superstitions of his time and nation.


When Quiros arrived at Rome, the Duke of Sesa, a descendant of the
Great Captain, was Spanish Ambassador. The Pope was a scion of the
noble Roman family of Aldobrandini, and had succeeded, as Clement VIII,
in 1592.


The Duke of Sesa received Quiros well on his arrival at Rome, made
him a member of his household, and was so much interested in his
project that he assembled all the most eminent astronomers and
geographers in the Eternal City to examine and report to him upon it.
Among these experts there was a mathematician of the first rank.
Christopher Clavio was born at Bamberg in 1537, and taught mathematics
at Rome for twenty years. He corrected the calendar for Gregory XIII,
and published his Calendarii Romani Gregoriani Explicatio in
1603. He had previously been the author of a work entitled
Gnomonices, and of an edition of Euclid. The other
advisers of the Duke were Dr. Mesa and Dr. Toribio Perez, who had been
Professors of Geography at Salamanca, and a learned Jesuit named
Villalpando.


The authority of Clavio cannot be gainsaid. He found [xx]Quiros to be an accomplished Pilot and
cartographer, and the inventor or improver of two nautical instruments.
The Duke of Sesa was satisfied by Clavio and the other experts of the
capacity of Quiros as a navigator, and of the importance of his
project. He, therefore, introduced him to the Pope, and both Clement
VIII and the Duke gave him letters of recommendation to the Spanish
Government.


Philip III had succeeded his father in 1598 as King of Spain and
Portugal. He found the country utterly ruined, and commerce nearly
dead. Yet he continued the same fatal policy. He confided the
management of affairs to the Duke of Lerma, a man well known to readers
of Gil Blas, and the extravagance of the Court helped to lead
Spain downwards on the road to decadence and ruin.


Quiros arrived at Madrid with his credentials in the spring of 1602,
and had interviews with Philip III, and with his Minister, the Duke of
Lerma. The Pope’s influence secured his success. Within a year he
had obtained a royal order, through the Council of State, addressed to
the Viceroy of Peru, instructing that dignitary to fit out two ships at
Callao, to enable Quiros to undertake an expedition for the discovery
of the Antarctic continent.


Quiros sailed for Peru in the summer of 1603. He seems to have left
his family in Spain. He was shipwrecked near the Island of
Curaçoa, in the West Indies, and had to pass some time at
Caraccas. Here he found the orphan children of a brother, of whom he
had not heard for many years, living with their maternal grandfather:
two boys and a girl. He thought it right to take the two nephews with
him, leaving the niece with her grandfather. One of the nephews is not
heard of again. The other, Lucas de Quiros, was his uncle’s
companion in the voyage of 1606. [xxi]He was Royal
Ensign for the ceremonies at Espiritu Santo. He is afterwards heard of
as a rising cartographer at Lima.12


Quiros arrived at Lima quite destitute, owing to the refusal of the
royal officials on the route to give him any pecuniary assistance,
although they had positive orders to do so. He found shelter in the
house of a potter; and it was some days before he could get an audience
of the Count of Monterey,13 who was then Viceroy of Peru.
Eventually, the Viceroy recognised the necessity for carrying out the
royal orders. Vessels were tardily bought and fitted out at Callao, for
the expedition of Quiros, in the last months of 1605. There were two
ships and a zabra or launch. The ship chosen for Quiros was
called the Capitana, and named San Pedro y San Pablo. She
was 150 tons. The other ship was called the Almiranta, and named
the San Pedro, 120 tons. Her Captain was known as the Admiral,
the title of a second in command in those days. Both ships were built
on the west coast, probably at Guayaquil. They carried one hundred and
thirty men and six friars. The launch was named Los Tres
Reyes.


Luis Vaez de Torres, the Admiral or second in command under Quiros,
was a good sailor and pilot, an energetic and capable leader, and loyal
to his chief. He commanded all the landing parties, and relieved Quiros
of much anxiety and trouble. His Chief Pilot in the Almiranta,
Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, and Pedro Bernal de
Cermeño, [xxii]in command of the launch,
were loyal and capable men. The junior Pilot in the Capitana,
Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, afterwards Chief Pilot, was also a reliable
officer. Quiros had a cousin with him, one Alonso Alvarez de Castro, as
well as a nephew, Lucas de Quiros. But his most faithful and devoted
friend was young Luis de Belmonte Bermudez. Born at Seville in about
1585, this youth had gone out to seek his fortune, first in Mexico and
then at Lima. Fired by the stories told him of the Araucanian war in
distant Chile, he composed a panegyric on the youthful deeds of the
Marquis of Cañete, the first product of his muse. When Quiros
was fitting out his expedition, Belmonte Bermudez accepted the post of
Secretary, taking with him the “Araucana,” that noble epic
of the soldier-poet, Alonso de Ercilla.


But Quiros also had in his ship men of a very different stamp. Among
them was a Chief Pilot named Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, who had been forced
upon him as a protégé of the Viceroy;14 another
officer named Diego de Prado y Tovar; and the accountant, Juan de
Iturbe. They stirred up mutiny and disaffection on board.


Quiros complained bitterly of the delay in fitting out the
expedition, which obliged him to sail so late in the year. He
considered that he should have sailed not later than St. Francis, or
the 4th of October. He did not obtain his despatch until the 21st of
December.


Quiros was now free to attempt the realisation of his dream, the
discovery of the Antarctic continent and the annexation of the South
Pole. All was left to his discretion. There is no reason for the belief
that the Viceroy of Peru gave any instructions beyond the letter of
farewell which was read to the men. The plan of Quiros was to
[xxiii]steer W.S.W. from Callao until he reached
latitude 30° S.,15 where he fully expected that he
would have reached the continental southern land shown on the maps of
his time. He continued on this course from December 21st to January
26th, when he found himself in 26° S.


Then Quiros came to the fatal decision to alter course to
W.S.W. He
says in his narrative that there was a heavy swell, and that he was
obliged by the force of the wind and the sea to alter his course. He
adds, in one of his memorials, that winter was approaching, that there
was a mutinous spirit among his crew, and that he was ill in bed.
Torres remonstrated. He wrote: “I gave a declaration under my
hand that it was not a thing obvious that we ought to diminish our
latitude till we got beyond 30° S.” If Quiros had continued
on his course, he would have discovered New Zealand, and his dream
would have been partly realised.


Having turned away from the goal, his plan was to make for the
island of Santa Cruz, discovered when he served as Chief Pilot under
Mendaña, and thence to make another attempt southward. But this
was a lame conclusion. His chance was gone. Antarctic discovery was
left to another nation and another century.


The latitudes recorded by Quiros, Torres, and Leza, and the courses
and distances run, enable us to identify the islands discovered by
Quiros in crossing the Pacific. The first inhabited island, reached on
February 1st, 1606, has been supposed by Burney and others to be
Tahiti. It is in the latitude of Tahiti; but it is described as a low
island with a large lagoon in the centre, and no fresh water. This
could not by any possibility be Tahiti. [xxiv]Sir William
Wharton has identified it as Anaa, or Chain Island, one of the Low
Archipelago to the eastward of Tahiti.16 Quiros named
it “Conversion de San Pablo,” not “Sagittaria,”
as Burney supposed. With Anaa as a point of departure, the other
islands discovered by Quiros are easily identified.17


In following the parallel of 10° 20′ S. to reach Santa
Cruz, Quiros fortunately came upon Taumaco, the principal island of
what is now called the Duff group. Here he found a native Chief, from
whom he received such detailed information respecting the existence of
islands, and, as was understood, even continental lands to the
southward, that the most sanguine hopes appeared to be approaching
realisation. The project of going to Santa Cruz was abandoned, and
Quiros steered S., fully anticipating the consummation of his dreams of
discovery. Nor was he destined to be altogether disappointed. Island
after island, all lofty and thickly inhabited, rose above the horizon;
and at last he sighted such extensive coast lines that he believed the
Southern Continent to be spread out before him. The islands of the New
Hebrides group, such as Aurora, Leper, and Pentecost, overlapping each
[xxv]other to the S.E., seemed to him to be
continuous coast lines, while to the S.W. was the land which he named
Austrialia del Espiritu Santo. All appeared to his vivid imagination to
be one continuous continental land.


Such was the enthusiastic navigator’s belief when his vessels
anchored in the port of Vera Cruz, at the southern extreme of the great
bay of St. Philip and St. James. He had found the largest island of
what Captain Cook named the New Hebrides group, yet not a very large
island. He showed his belief by his grandiose proceedings. To us they
must now appear very pathetic. There was a ceremony of taking
possession, in the names of the Church, of the Pope, and of the King.
Quiros took possession of “all this region of the south as far as
the Pole, which from this time shall be called Austrialia del Espiritu
Santo, with all its dependencies for ever and so long as right
exists,” in the name of King Philip III. A great city was to be
founded and named the New Jerusalem, and its river was to be the
Jordan. All the municipal and royal officers were nominated, and a
knightly order of “Espiritu Santo” was instituted, subject
to confirmation by the King. There were processions, religious dances,
high masses and fireworks.


The great navigator had two serious drawbacks in his rejoicing. He
was disabled by a serious illness; and the natives, owing to the
misconduct of the Spaniards, were persistently hostile. After being at
anchor in this port of Vera Cruz for thirty-five days (from the 3rd of
May to the 8th of June, 1606), the little fleet sailed, with the object
of completing the discovery of the Southern Continent. Then came the
catastrophe.


It came on to blow hard from the S.E., with a nasty sea; and it was
resolved to return to the anchorage. Late at night Torres brought the
Almiranta to anchor, and the launch was also safely brought to.
Quiros was too ill to [xxvi]come on deck, the Pilots
seem to have lost their heads, were confused between the lights of the
other ships and these on shore, and eventually stood out, running
before the wind. At dawn they were several leagues to leeward, outside
the bay. From the 12th to the 18th they were trying to beat up to the
bay, but with topmasts struck it was nearly all leeway. Ships built in
Peru would not work to windward: Quiros was in despair. At last, he
determined to make for Santa Cruz, which was a rendezvous in the
Instructions. But when the latitude of Santa Cruz was reached, there
was a consultation. It was resolved to cross the Line, and make for
Acapulco: a four months’ voyage. Quiros bewailed his position. He
had enemies on board. He does not mention any actual mutiny, though his
enemy, Prado y Tovar, who must have got his information from the men
who remained at Mexico, and perhaps afterwards found their way to the
Philippines, makes the assertion.


Quiros consoled himself with the reflection that his return would at
least enable him to make known his discoveries, and to urge upon the
King and his Councils the importance of completing them. He also felt
confidence in Torres, his second in command, who was left behind on
board the Almiranta, and in his Pilot, Fuentidueña; and
with good reason. They were resolute and capable seamen. Quiros hoped
that they would continue his discoveries; and he rejoiced when, some
years afterwards, he received the news of the successful voyage of
Torres.


After waiting for some days for the Capitana, Torres
continued the voyage by rounding the northern end of Espiritu Santo,
and steering a course to the S.W., until he reached a latitude of
21° S.18 He then altered course to the N., and discovered
the bay and islands at the east end [xxvii]of New
Guinea. In 1613 Diego de Prado y Tovar sent home four maps from Goa,
which throw considerable light on the course of Torres’s ship.
The first map is a very interesting one of the bay of St. Philip and
St. James, in Espiritu Santo. The next is a map of a land named
“Buenaventura,” with many islands. Torres arrived at this
land on July 18th, having sailed from the bay of St. Philip and St.
James on the 26th of June. “Buenaventura” is Basilisk
Island, so named by Captain Moresby, after his ship, in 1873. The bay
of San Millan, accurately delineated by Torres, is Jenkins Bay of
Moresby. The port of Santo Toribio of Torres is the China Strait of
Moresby.


The third map shows the great bay of San Lorenzo, and the port of
Monterey, identified with “l’Orangerie” and
“Ile Dufaure” of Bougainville (1768), on the S. coast of
New Guinea. The names of Saints given to the bays, capes, and islands,
throw light on the dates, for it was usual to give to a cape, bay, or
island the name of the Saint on whose day it was discovered. The feast
of San Lorenzo is on the 10th of August, the date when Torres arrived
in the bay, where he appears to have remained for several days. The
fourth map is of the bay of San Pedro de Arlanza, whose feast is on the
18th of October. This bay is identified with the Triton Bay of the
Dutch. The four maps have been reproduced for this volume, and the
legends on the original large-scale maps are given separately.19
From Triton Bay, Torres proceeded to Ternate, where he left the launch,
and thence continued his course to Manilla. His letters to Quiros and
to the King from that place are dated June and July, 1607. From the
fact that Diego de Prado y Tovar sent the four maps home in December,
1613, it is supposed that Torres had died in the [xxviii]interval. The letter of Torres was first
printed in Burney’s Voyages, from a copy obtained and
translated by Dalrymple, who suggested the name of Torres Strait for
the principal discovery of that navigator. The Spanish Government
jealously concealed the knowledge acquired by their great explorers,
and left their noble deeds in oblivion. It was left to Englishmen to
immortalise the names of Quiros and Torres, whose achievements were so
long forgotten by their own countrymen.


The actual results of the voyages of Quiros and Torres were the
discovery of thirteen coral islands in the Pacific, of the Duff and
Banks groups, of the New Hebrides, of the eastern end and southern
coast of New Guinea, and of Torres Strait, with its innumerable
islands: not a barren record.


Quiros came to Madrid to urge the Spanish Government to give him
command of another expedition for the completion of his discoveries. He
had before him a dreary seven years of memorialising Councils, of
obstruction and delays. It wore him out; but he was led to believe that
he had succeeded. A timely death saved him from the anguish of finding
that he had been deceived. He was worried into his grave by Councils
and Committees. But before he died he believed that he had at length
overcome the obstruction, and his last hours were cheered by the hope
of final success.


We gather the character of Quiros from his narratives. He was a man
of a humane and generous disposition, averse to violence and bloodshed.
He was a zealous Catholic, striving to maintain religious feelings and
to enforce morality among his people. Brave and resolute himself, full
of zeal and enthusiasm, he failed in the management of men. He was
often weak and vacillating, and had not the force of will necessary to
control the turbulent and to cheer the half-hearted. The Chief Pilot,
[xxix]Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, during the voyage,
caused a mutinous feeling on board the Capitana, persuading the
crew to go straight to Manilla. Quiros merely sent this Chief Pilot on
board the Almiranta under arrest. Torres strongly importuned his
chief to punish such insubordination, but he would not. It was the same
with another mutinous officer, Diego de Prado y Tobar. He was merely
sent on board the Almiranta. To this weakness Torres attributes
the slackness and want of zeal, if not something worse, when the
Capitana parted company. Juan de Iturbe, the Accountant, in his
letter now in the Biblioteca Nacional (J. 2), merely says that
the Chief Pilot went over to the ship of Torres because he was
disgusted with Quiros. We have the evidence of Torres himself that this
was not the reason. Iturbe was another disaffected officer, and
disloyal to his chief. There was not a single instance of capital
punishment during the expedition, and not a single death, with the
exception of the Father Commissary, who died of old age. Quiros was a
thorough seaman, and the best Pilot of his time. He was not a
self-seeker, but was devoted to a great idea, and persistently strove
to realise it with unswerving resolution, until death ended his
career.


Quiros was very unlike his countryman Magellan. He rather reminds us
of the great Genoese. Like Columbus, he was a visionary, full of dreams
and religious aspirations. Like Columbus, he was devoted to one idea,
which he followed with unchanging fidelity to the day of his death.
Like Columbus, he was gentle in dealing with those who opposed him, and
often weak. One dream of Quiros was that in his Southern Continent
there should be justice to the converted natives, and that the evil
deeds perpetrated in Mexico and Peru should not be repeated.20


It only remains to record the story of the Quiros [xxx]Memorials, when we shall see the navigator,
prematurely old, striving for the means of renewing his efforts:
struggling against Councils and Committees while life lasted.


Quiros landed at Acapulco, was very coldly received by the officials
at Mexico, and reached Madrid on the 9th of October, 1607. He was quite
destitute. He only had two maravedis, which he gave to a beggar. But
his faithful young Secretary remained true to him. During the first
eleven days, he had not money to buy ink or paper. He wrote his first
Memorial on the flyleaves of a pamphlet. He got the money for printing
it by selling his clothes. To print the second, he sold his bedding;
for the third, he pawned the royal banner under which he had taken
possession of Espiritu Santo. After seventeen months of extreme penury,
the King granted him 500 ducats.


Quiros tells us that he sent in fifty memorials in fifty months. Of
these, eight have been preserved and printed by Zaragoza. The first was
written in 1607.21 He describes the events of the voyage, and
makes excuses for altering course when he had reached 26° S.; and
for having parted company with Torres. He explains his view that the
Antarctic continent runs from Espiritu Santo S.E. to Magellan Strait, a
land of vast extent: “a new world.” He says that he gave
the name of “Austrialia del Espiritu Santo” from His
Majesty’s title of Austria. He says that the tonnage of his ships
was 150 and 120, and that they carried one hundred and thirty men,
besides six friars. The cost of the expedition was 184,000 ducats. He
concludes by saying that he had no pay, and that he owes 2,500 dollars
without one quarto to pay it.


The second existing Memorial is the eighth that he sent in. It is
given in Purchas, and was reproduced by [xxxi]Dalrymple.
It forms the first document in the Appendix.22 The eighth
Memorial was printed at Seville in 1610. Purchas obtained a copy, which
he reprinted in his Pilgrimes. Hessel Gerritsz printed a Dutch
version, in 1612, in his Detectio Freti Hudsoni, reprinted by
Müller at Amsterdam, in 1878, and two French translations appeared
in 1617.


The third existing Memorial is also given in Purchas and Dalrymple.
It forms the second document in the Appendix.23


The fourth is translated for the first time, and forms the third
document in the Appendix.24


The fifth existing Memorial was the sixteenth he had written. It
contains proposals for colonising the new continent; and here Quiros
compares himself to Columbus, Da Gama, and Magellan.25


The sixth existing Memorial refers to a royal order received from
the Secretary, Gabriel de Hoa, instructing the Viceroys to despatch
Quiros on a new voyage. He submits detailed estimates. He proposes to
take one hundred and fifty persons, and mentions the names of three
Captains who are willing to accompany him. One of them is Lorenzo
Ferrer Maldonado, a cosmographer and writer who is best known for his
account of the imaginary Strait of Anian, published in 1588. Quiros
also gives the names of eighteen Franciscan friars who are ready to go.
He refers to his extreme poverty, and asks for his debts to be
paid.26


The seventh extant Memorial is, according to Quiros, the fiftieth
that he wrote. It is much the longest, covering 108 pages. It begins by
recapitulating the contents of his eighth and sixteenth Memorials. It
contains an interesting [xxxii]report by Hernando de
los Rios, the Procurator of the Philippines, of a voyage to New Guinea
by a Portuguese named Miguel Roxo de Brito; also an extract from a
letter received by Quiros from his second in command, Torres, dated
June 15th, 1607; and a report by Ruy Gonzalez de Sequiera, the Governor
of the Moluccas. Quiros repeats his proposals, and again dwells on the
importance of the intended discoveries.


The eighth and last extant Memorial is only a further
recapitulation. He says he has been sending in memorials constantly for
fifty months.


The Memorials are tedious, and necessarily full of repetitions. I
have only thought it advisable to give three of them in the Appendix,
as specimens.


The fourth document in the Appendix is a letter from Fernando de
Castro, who had married the widow of Mendaña. He prayed that no
concession might be made to Quiros, as he, Castro, had inherited the
claims of Mendaña on the Solomon Islands.


The two letters from Diego de Prado y Tovar,27 the
malignant enemy of Quiros, follow. This man had made the voyage with
Torres, and wrote from Goa, on his way home. He forwarded four valuable
and very interesting maps, the originals of which are now at Simancas.
They are from the surveys of Torres, who had probably died previous to
the date of Prado’s letters. One is a plan of the Bay of St.
Philip and St. James; the other three are plans of bays in New Guinea.
They are coloured, with long descriptive titles.28 Reduced
copies, in colour, were published in the Boletin of the Madrid
Geographical [xxxiii]Society, in 1878,29 with the
long titles printed separately. I have had these maps reproduced for
the present work. The abuse of Quiros by this insubordinate officer can
be taken for what it is worth.


Another detractor of his commander was the disloyal Accountant, Juan
de Iturbe. He wrote a long letter from Mexico, dated March 25th,
1607,30 which was referred to the Council of the Indies
and retained for reference. He gives a fairly truthful account of the
events connected with the return of the Capitana, while trying
inferentially to throw blame on Quiros. He ridiculed the ceremonies at
Espiritu Santo, and the creation of an order of knighthood by Quiros; and
while representing the importance of the discoveries, he added that
Quiros was not a fit man to command a new expedition. I have not
thought it necessary to insert the letter of Iturbe, as it contains no
new information.


The next two documents in the Appendix speak for themselves. One is
a Minute of the Council of the Indies on the demands of Quiros, and on
the most politic way of treating him. The other is an order to check
him in the printing and dissemination of his Memorials, which were to
be considered confidential. We know that two at least had been
published at Seville, and had fallen into the hands of Purchas and
Hessel Gerritsz.


The last document in the Appendix is the Memorial on the discovery
of the Antarctic continent and the conversion of its inhabitants, by a
Chilian lawyer named Juan Luis Arias. It is bound up in a volume in the
British Museum, with other documents, chiefly memorials, relating to
the [xxxiv]Church of Spain.31 The text
was reprinted at Edinburgh in the last century, and translated by
Dalrymple in 1773. Its chief interest lies in the statement that Juan
Fernandez led an expedition from Chile which discovered the Southern
Continent, landed on it, and had intercourse with the inhabitants.
Dalrymple and Burney treat this fabrication seriously, and conjecture
that the discovered land might have been New Zealand. I have discussed
the career of Juan Fernandez in a footnote to the Memorial of Arias in
the Appendix.32


We get a glimpse of the view taken by leading Spanish statesmen
under Philip III, of the Memorials and aspirations of Quiros, from the
Minutes of a sitting of the Council of State in July, 1609.33 The Cardinal-Archbishop of Toledo,34 the Constable of Castille,35 the Duke of
Infantado,36 the Count of Lemos,37 and other
grandees, were present.


The letter from Juan de Iturbe, as well as the Memorials of Quiros,
were before them. The Count of Lemos wrote a Minute strongly against
the employment of Quiros. The feeling was that further expenditure on
such voyages was undesirable, and that it would be wiser to spend money
in completing the exploration of Peru and Mexico. They [xxxv]looked upon Quiros as a very discontented
and dangerous man, who might sell his knowledge and services to the
English. The best course would be, they thought, to keep him quiet in
Madrid by promises. He might be employed to draw maps and charts. If he
continued to insist upon going to Peru, a letter of recommendation
might be given to him for the Viceroy. But it was further suggested
that the letter of Iturbe should also be sent to the Viceroy, with a
contra-despacho, leaving the matter to his discretion, with
orders to entertain Quiros and his proposals, but not to despatch his
business.


This treachery was the final conclusion when Quiros started. Worn
out by delays and obstruction, worried almost to death by Councils and
Committees, he gladly accepted the promise to give him command of an
expedition. Ignorant of the contra-despacho, he put his trust in
the honour of the new Viceroy of Peru, a great man, Don Francisco de
Borja, Prince of Esquilache,38 with whom he proceeded on the
voyage to Peru, accompanied by his wife and two children. He thought
that at length, after years of wearisome solicitation, his grand ideas
were to be realised. Fortunately for the brave enthusiast, he was saved
from the anguish of being undeceived by a timely death at Panama on his
way out. He died at the age of fifty, quite worn out and driven to his
grave by Councils and Committees, with their futile talk, needless
delays, and endless obstruction. His faithful Secretary, Belmonte
Bermudez, who had edited the Memorials for him, stood by him to the
last.39 [xxxvi]


The ideas of Quiros respecting an Antarctic continent were, no
doubt, fixed in his mind by seeing the coast-lines delineated by the
map-makers of his time. It, therefore, becomes very interesting to
trace this southern coast-line on the principal maps from the time of
Ortelius down to the last map that showed it before Captain
Cook’s second voyage finally disproved its existence. Mr. Basil
Soulsby has kindly prepared a note on this subject, which follows the
Introduction.


The voyage of Quiros was the first event in the story of Antarctic
enterprise. Its object was the discovery of the Southern Continent and
the annexation of the South Pole. It was the dream of an enthusiast. It
was a failure, but not altogether a barren failure. Others of another
nation were to follow up his idea. He fell, worried to death by
Committees. But he opened the glorious record of Antarctic discovery.
Captain Cook made known the Southern Continent imagined by Quiros, and
actually seen by Torres. Captain Cook first crossed the Antarctic
circle, and searched all round it for the supposed coast-lines of
Quiros. Great communities were to arise in the Southern Continent, in
Australia and New Zealand, but not of Spanish race. The achievements of
the peoples of the Iberian peninsula were of vast importance to the
world; but they came to an end with the voyage of Quiros. The mantle of
discovery fell on other shoulders. James Ross followed Cook in
realising the dream of Quiros; and now we recognise Robert Falcon Scott
as the greatest and most successful of Antarctic discoverers.
[xxxvii]








1 Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales hecho por
el General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, publicada por Don Justo
Zaragoza (3 vols. Madrid, 1876.)


2 One in the
early part of the second voyage of Mendaña, where he compares
the importance and influence of small things to stars of unequal sizes
(see p. 5); and other passages, though written in prose are really in
verse, in the Spanish. Such is the passage describing the reappearance
of the Almiranta after being out of sight (p. 192); the
description of a visit made by natives to the Spanish ships (p. 210);
and, again, when the Almiranta stood out to sea (p. 212). The
description of Quiros on a bed of sickness at the mercy of his Pilots
is really in verse in the Spanish (p. 280); and the reasons given by
Quiros for not punishing mutineers may be those of the leader of the
expedition, but the words are certainly those of his poetical
Secretary.


3 See p.
262.


4 See pp. 200
and 418.


5 See pp. 254
and 383.


6 I have
given an account of Suarez de Figueroa and of his works in a footnote
to my translation of the Spanish account of the capture of Sir Richard
Hawkins, also taken from the Hechos del Marques de
Cañete.


7 Quiros was
devoted to the Franciscans, and had several in his fleet. Torquemada
was Provincial of the Order in Mexico. At a later date, two historians
of the Order of St. Francis in Peru gave accounts of the voyage,
quoting from Torquemada, and without any other original sources of
information. One was Fray Antonio Daza, who wrote Cronica
General de la Orden de San Francisco. The other is a folio with
double columns: Cronica de la religiosissima provincia de
la Orden de San Francisco de la regular observancia compuesta por el
R.P. Fray Diego de Cordova, Salinas (1651). This work is very rare.
There is no copy in the British Museum. There was one in the Library at
Lima. Cordova gives a brief account of the voyage of Quiros, copying
from Torquemada. Neither of these Franciscan historians, writing in
Peru many years afterwards, are of any authority on the voyage of
Quiros beyond what they derive from Torquemada. Daza, however, gives
the Act of Possession at Espiritu Santo, which is not quoted in full by
Torquemada (see p. 444). Antonio de Ulloa, in his Resumen,
quotes from Cordova respecting an island discovered in 28° S. by
Quiros, but the quotation is not correct. It is referred to by Mr.
Major in his Early Voyages to Australia, p. lxxii. Mr. Major had
never seen the work of Cordova.


8 See Antonio
(Nic.), Bibliotheca Hispana vetus et nova, sive
Hispanicorum scriptorum.


9 Diego de
Prado y Tobar (see p. 513).


10 These
particulars are gathered from the information given and recorded, when
Quiros and his family sailed for Peru in 1615. “Informaciones presentados por el Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros
para paser a las Indias con su mujer y hijos, en la casa de
contratacion de Sevilla, 24 Marzo, 1615” (Archivo de Indias), referred to by Zaragoza, vol. iii, p. 79
(n). Marriage and ages of wife and children are given.


11 Don Luis
de Velasco, Viceroy of Peru from 1596 to 1604, was the son of a
distinguished father of the same names, of the family of the Constables
of Castille. The father was the second Viceroy of Mexico. He sent an
expedition to Florida, and another to the Philippines under Miguel
Lopez de Legaspé. The elder Don Luis died at Mexico, where his
son was born in 1555. The younger Don Luis de Velasco was Governor of
Cempoala, and proceeding to Spain, was appointed by Philip II
Ambassador at Florence. In 1590 he became Viceroy of Mexico, and in
1595 Viceroy of Peru. In January, 1604, he returned to Mexico, and
lived there privately for three years. He was appointed Viceroy of
Mexico a second time in 1607, and was created Marquis of Salinas. In
1611 he became President of the Council of the Indies, serving in that
post until his death in 1616.


12
Arca de Noe, por El Capitan de navio Cesario
Fernandez Duro (Madrid, 1881), p. 560. Lucas de Quiros drew a
map of the western side of South America, from Cartagena to
Magellan’s Strait, under the auspices of the Prince of
Esquilache, Viceroy of Peru. Lucas is called on it “Cosmógrafo del Peru.” The map is drawn on
parchment. See also J. de la Espada, Relacion
Geografica, p. cxl.


13 Don Gaspar
de Zuñiga y Azevedo, Count of Monterey, had been Viceroy of
Mexico from 1595 to 1603, and was transferred to Peru to succeed Don
Luis de Velasco. He arrived at Lima in very bad health.


14 He had
been Pilot of the ship which brought the Count of Monterey from
Acapulco to Callao.


15 Juan de
Iturbe says 40°, for which there is no other authority. But Arias,
in his Memorial (see p. 528), says that Quiros was advised by Torres
and his other companions to go as far as 40° S. Quiros and Torres
give 30° as the limit. It was the proposal of Quiros himself, not
in any instructions given to him. There were no such instructions.


16 Royal
Geographical Society’s Journal, Aug. 1902, vol. xx, p.
207.


17 La
Encarnacion, p. 487 (Luna-puesta, p. 192; Anegada, p. 329), is one of
the coral islands of the Dangerous or Low Archipelago, probably
Ducie Island.


San Juan Bautista, pp. 193, 487 (Sin Puerto, p.
330; San Valerio, p. 456), is Henderson Island.


Santelmo, pp. 195, 487, Marutea, or Lord
Hood Island.


Las Cuatro Coronadas, pp. 195, 487 (Las Virgenes,
p. 456), Actæon group.


San Miguel, pp. 196,487, Aburaa Island.


La Conversion de San Pablo, pp. 204, 487,
Anaa or Chain Island.


La Decena, pp. 204, 487 (Santa Polonia, p. 456), is
Niau or Greig Island.


La Sagittaria, pp. 204, 487, Mahatea or
Aurora Island.


La Fugitiva, pp. 205, 487, Matahiva or
Lazareff Island.


San Bernardo, pp. 207, 425, 457 (Island of Fish, p.
342).


Peregrino, pp. 217, 487 (Gente Hermosa, p. 431;
Matanza, p. 459), “Genta hermosa” on
modern charts.


18 This
latitude is only given in the Memorial of Arias. See p. 525.


19 See p.
469. There was also a general map of the discoveries of Torres, which
is lost.


20 See his
extraordinary Will at p. 291.


21 Zaragoza,
vol. ii, p. 191 (23 pages).


22 See p.
477.


23 See p.
487.


24 See p.
504.


25 Zaragoza,
vol. ii, p. 242.


26
Ibid., vol. iii, p. 268.


27 These
letters were published by Zaragoza (vol. ii, p. 187), and also in the
Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid for 1878 (tom. iv,
p. 62). Lord Stanley of Alderley gave a translation of one of them in
his Philippine Islands, p. 412 (Hakluyt Soc., 1868).


28 See p.
469.


29 Tom.
iv, Jan. 1878. The maps were reproduced, without colour, in
Collingridge’s Discovery of Australia (1895).


30 In the
Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid (J. 2).


31
Papeles tocantes à la Iglesia Española (British
Museum, 4745, f. 11).


32 See pp.
526 to 528 and footnotes.


33
Zaragoza, vol. ii, p. 259.


34 Dr. Don
Bernardo de Sandoval y Roxas, a grandson of the second Count of Lerma,
was then Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal and Inquisitor-General. He died
in 1618.


35 Don
Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Duke of Frias, Marquis of Berlangas, and
Count of Haro, was hereditary Constable of Castille. He died at Madrid
in 1613.


36 Don
Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Duke of Infantado and Marquis of Santillana.
He died in 1624.


37 Don
Pedro Fernandez de Castro, seventh Count of Lemos, was Ambassador at
Rome in 1600, President of the Council of the Indies, and afterwards
Viceroy of Naples. He married his cousin, a daughter of the Duke of
Lerma. He was the patron of Cervantes. His son was Viceroy of Peru
1667–72.


38 He was
a grandson of Francisco de Borja, Duke of Gandia, and the third General
of the Jesuits who was canonized. He was Prince of Esquilache by right
of his wife, and his age was thirty-two when he went out as Viceroy of
Peru in 1615. He reached Lima in December.


39 Luis de
Belmonte Bermudez then went to Mexico, and he appears to have returned
to Seville in 1616. There he wrote El Cisma de Jordan. In 1618
he settled at Madrid. Then appeared his Aurora de Cristo and
Hispalica. In the Comedias Escojidas (4to, Madrid,
1682–1704) there are eleven plays of Belmonte, including the
Renegade of Valladolid, and God the Best Guardian.
Ticknor mentions them as a singular mixture of what is sacred and what
is profane (Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, vol. ii, p.
300).






[Contents]



Comparative List of Maps of the New Hebrides, etc.,
1570–1904.






With British Museum press-marks.


1.—1570. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum.
In Abraham Ortelius’s Atlas.—The Terra Australis, with
Beach provincia aurifera, extends right across the world, and from the
Tropic of Capricorn to the S. Pole. New Guinea appears as an island.
The Molucca Islands are shown. [Maps. 46. c. 2.]


2.—1578. Antwerp. Universi Orbis seu Terreni
Globi in plano effigies. In G. de Jode’s
“Speculum Orbis Terrarum,”
1578.—New Guinea forms one end of the Terra Australis, in which
Terra del Fuego appears in the centre, and which stretches across the
whole Circulus Antarcticus. [Maps. 31. c. 5.]


3.—1587. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum.
In Abraham Ortelius’s Atlas. 1592 edition.—The Terra
Australis. The Solomon Islands, discovered in 1568, appear with this
name for the first time. [Maps. 46. d. 2.]


4.—1587. Duisburg. Orbis Terrae Compendiosa
Descriptio. By Rumold Mercator. In G. Mercator’s Atlas,
1589.—The Terra Australis, but without the Solomon Islands. Java
Minor appears to the S.E. of Beach province. [Maps. 34. c. 2.]


5.—1589. Antwerp. Totius Orbis cogniti
universalis Descriptio. In C. de Jode’s “Speculum
Orbis Terrarum.” 1593.—New Guinea an island. Otherwise as
in 2. [Maps. 24. c. 7.]


6.—1590. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Typus De
Integro multis in locis emendatus. Auctore Petro.
Plancio.—Terra Australis Magellanica, with Beach provincia
aurifera, extends across the Antarctic Circle. “Nova Guinea nuper inventa quez an sit insula an pars continentis
australis incertum est.” Insulae
Salomonis alone of Quiros’ islands are shown. [920.
(266.)]


7.—1612. Antwerp. In A. Ortelius’ Atlas, Latin edition.
Same as No. 3. [Maps. 46. d. 12.]


8.—1628. London. A New & Accurate Mappe of the World. By
R. Vaughan. (From “The World encompassed by Sir Francis
Drake”).—“This South part of the world contayning
almost the third part of the globe is yet unknowne, certaine sea coasts
excepted, which rather show there is a land then discry eyther land
people or comodities,” appears on “The Southerne Unknowne
Land,” across the Antarctic Circle. New Guinee is shown. [920.
(46.)] [xxxviii]


9.—1630. Amsterdam. Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis
Geographica ac Hydrographica Tabula. By Henricus Hondius. In H.
Hexham’s English edition of G. Mercator’s Atlas.
1636.—The Terra Australis, with the Beach province, is defined in
very faint outline. The Ladrones appear, also Baixos de S. Barth, I. d.
S. Petro, J. Vesinos, Barbudos, I. de Paxaros. The Solomon Islands are
not given. [Maps. 34. d. 8.]


10.—1641. Amsterdam. Same as No. 9. In J. Jansson’s
Atlas. 1653. [Maps. 88. e. 1.]


11.—1662. Amsterdam. Nova et accuratissima
totius Terrarum Orbis Tabula. Joannes Blaeu.—The large Terra
Australis has disappeared. Hollandia Nova is outlined, but N. Guinea is
only partially outlined.


Zelandia Nova has a western coast-line only. Antonii Van Diemans
Landt is partly outlined. The words Australia Incognita occur on the
circle of the Southern Polar Region. [Maps. 64. e. 1.]


12.—1660. London. A New Map of the Terraqueous Globe according
to the latest discoveries and most general divisions of it into
continents and oceans. In Edw. Well’s “A New Sett of
Maps.”—“New Zeland supposed to be part of ye Southern
unknown Continent.” 35° S.


“New Holland esteemed to be part of ye Southern unknown
continent,” mixed up with New Guinea, touching the Equator, and
all only partly outlined.


The smaller islands are not named. [Maps. 87. d. 3.]


13.—1667. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N.
Sanson’s (d’Abbéville) Atlas.—New Guinea
appears as an island. The Beach Province is only partially outlined.
Terre Magellanique Australe Incogneue is outlined right across the
Southern Hemisphere, as in No. 1. Nearly all the islands in the New
Hebrides mentioned by Quiros are shown. [Maps. 88. d. 3.]


14.—1668. Paris. Carte Universelle de tout le
Monde. Par H. Jaillot.—Terra Australis, showing Beach
provincia aurifera, extends right across the Antarctic Circle. Petan
Island and Java Minor are to the E. of Beach. Nova Guinea jam recens
detecta ab I. Lamero, is partly shown in outline. [920. (61.)]


15.—1674. Rome. Mappa Mondo. By Gio.
Lhuilier. In G. G. de Rossi’s Mercurio Geografico.—Terra di
Quir, N. coast, is shown in outline, S. of Solomon Islands, 10° to
20° S. Nova Guinea appears as an island. Terra Magellanica embraces
the Arctic Circle. Nova Olanda is shown, but without the E. coast. The
smaller islands are not given. New Zealand appears in outline. [Maps.
64. d. 10.]


16.—1680.—Oxford. Orbis Terrarum nova et
accuratissima Tabula. Auctore Joanne à Loon. In Moses
Pitt’s “The English Atlas,” vol. i. 1680.—New
Zealand, E. coast, shown in outline. The islands mainly as in No. 13.
N. Guinea and Hollandia Nova are shown in outline on W. coast. Van
Diemen’s Land shown in detail. The Terra Australis does not
extend across the Antarctic Circle. [Maps. 85. e. 3.] [xxxix]


17.—1690. Amsterdam. Nova Orbis Tabula in
Lucem edita a F. de Wit. In F. de Wit’s Atlas.—The
small islands are as in No. 9. N. Guinea and Hollandia Nova join, and
the western coast is outlined. Zelandia Nova is outlined also on the W.
coast. Australia Incognita is printed round the circle of the S. Pole.
[Maps. 86. d. 11.]


18.—1690. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Nova et
Accuratissima Tabula. Auctore Nicolao Visscher. In N.
Visscher’s Atlas Minor. Tom. 1.—Same as No. 17. [Maps. 89.
e. 3.]


19.—1696. Paris. Mappe-Monde. By N.
Sanson. In H. Jaillot’s “Nouveau
Atlas.”—As in 15. Carpentaria, N.W. coast, appears
below Nouvelle Guinée, between 10° and 20° S. [Maps. 84.
e. 1.]


20.—1700. Paris. Mappe monde. Par Guillaume
Delisle. In G. De L’Isle’s Atlas.
1715.—Nouvelle Guinée and
Nouvelle Hollande are joined, and are outlined
on the W. coast, as in Nle. Zelande. Terre de
Diemen is outlined on the S.E. coast.


The following routes, in dotted lines, are shown:—


    

  • Ferdinand Magellan, 1520.
    • 

  • Juan Gaetan, 1542.
    • 

  • Mendaña and Gallego, 1568.
    • 

  • Mendaña and Quiros, 1595.
    • 

  • An English Pilot, reported by Robert Dudley, c. 1600.
    • 

  • Olivier du Nord, 1600.
    • 

  • Le Maire and Cornelius Schouten, 1616.
    • 

  • Pelsart, 1629.
    • 

  • Abel Tasman, 1642.
    • 

  • William Dampier, 1686.
    • 



“Isle découverte par Drak”
occurs in lat. 66° S., long. 75°, above the S. Polar region.
Terre que la flote de Mendaña crut être la
Nle. Guinée occurs in lat. 6° S., long. 188°.
[Maps. 86 d. 1.]


21.—1705. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N. de
Fer’s “Atlas
Curieux.”—N. Guinée
and Nouvelle Hollande are connected, and shown
on W. coast. Nouv. Zeelande, W. coast, appears in outline. The smaller
islands are not shown. [Maps. 1. c. 46.]


22.—1710. London. A New and Correct Map of the World. By C.
Price.—New Guinea and New Holland are not connected, but the E.
coast is not shown. Diemen’s Land is given, due S. of N. Holland,
between 39° and 45°. The smaller islands are as in No. 9.
[Maps. 63. f. 2.]


23.—1720. Paris. Mappemonde. Par Guillaume De
L’Isle.—In G. De L’Isle’s Atlas,
1732.—Mainly as in No. 20. Mendaña’s “New
Guinea” appears as the Solomon Islands. “Les Marquises de Mendoce” are shown. [Maps. 91. e.
3.]


24.—1720. Amsterdam. Diversa Orbis Terræ
... in Planum Orthographica Projectio. By Peter Schenck. In J.
B. Homann’s Atlas. 1740.—Hollandia
Nova nearly complete. To E. of Carpentaria comes Quiro Regio,
between 10° and 20° S. Most of Quiros’ smaller islands
are shown. Zelandia Nova, and Antoni van Diemen’s Land are partly
shown. Baye S. Philippe and St. Jacques occur both in Quiro Regio and
in Zelandia Nova. The continent of Terra Australis, across the S. Pole,
now disappears. [Maps 87. e. 12.] [xl]


25.—1730. Augsburg. Diversi Globi Terr-Aquei
... in planum delineati Orthographici Prospectus. In M.
Seutter’s Atlas Novus.—Same as No. 15, with various route
tracks added. Regio habitata detecta per
Mendaña, occurs between 10° and 20° N.
Terra quam vidit Mendaña occurs on the
Equator, 260° Long. Baye de S. Philippe et S.
Jaques occurs in Zeelandia Nova, 40° S. The smaller islands
are shown. [Maps. 89. e. 4.]


26.—1740. Amsterdam. Hémisphère
Meridional. Par G. Delisle.—Terres Australes, Nouvelle
Hollande, W. coast shown in outline. Terre
Australe du St. Esprit (R. Jordan, Port de la Vraie Croix, R. S.
Sauveur, G. de S. Jaque et S. Philippe), shown in outline, E. of
Carpentarie. Routes of Quiros and Gallego, Le Maire and Schouten, etc.,
shown. Cape de la Circoncision, Jan. 1, 1739, between 50° and
68° S. [960. (1.)]


27.—1752. London. A New and Accurate Map of all the Known
World.—In Emman. Bowen’s “Complete
Atlas.”—New Guinea, New Holland, and Van Diemen’s
Land are shown as one continent, New Zeeland, W. coast, in outline.
“Land and Is. discovered by Quiros,” between 10° and
20° S. but not named. [Maps. 89. d. 2.]


28.—1752. Paris. Mappemonde.—In
Robert de Vaugondy’s Atlas Universel. 1757.—Terres et isles vues par Quiros en 1605, shown without
names. New Guinea continent as in No. 27. Terre
découverte par les Vaisseaux de la Compagnie des Indes en
Janvier 1739, shown between 50° and 60° S. 30° Long.
[Maps. 69. e. 1.]


29.—1753. Paris. Nouvelle Mappe-Monde. Par
Guill. De la Haye.—T. du St. Esprit, is shown, 160°
Long. [920. (83).]


30.—1755. Paris. Mappemonde.—In
J. Palairet’s “Atlas
Méthodique.”—Same as No. 28. [Maps 68. e.
2.]


31.—1761. Paris. Hémisphère
Occidental ou du Nouveau Monde. Hémisphère Oriental ou de
l’Ancien Monde. Par le Sr. D’Anville.—Nouvelle
Guinea and Nouvelle Hollande are one. The
E. coast is not defined. Terre du St. Esprit, Terre de
Quiros, appear due E. of Nouvelle
Hollande, between 10° and 20° S. Nouvelle Zeelande and Terre de
Diemen are partly outlined. [920. (272.)]


32.—1773. London. Map of the World, after D’Anville. By
T. Kitchen.—Tierra del Spiritu Santo, Land of Quiros, is shown.
New Zealand, with two islands, appears in detail; New Holland, with New
South Wales, and Van Diemen’s Land, also appears with a complete
coast-line, for the first time. [Maps. 86. d. 5.]


33.—1776. London. Chart of Discoveries made in the South
Pacific Ocean in H.M. ship Resolution, under ... Captain Cook.
1774. By W. Palmer.—Tierra del Espiritu Santo, and the rest of
the New Hebrides, are shown in very complete detail. [981. (4.)]


34.—1786. Paris. Hémisphère
Occidentale, etc. (see No. 31. 1761.) Revu par M. Barbié du Bocage.—Terre de
Kerguelen appears 50° S. The map is an improvement on 1773,
but Nouvelle Guinée is not shown complete, and Terre de Diemen
is still part of Australia. [Maps. 86. d. 2.] [xli]


35.—1790. London. New World or Western
Hemisphere.—Eastern Hemisphere or Old World. In W. Faden’s
General Atlas.—Shows Cook’s Track, 1769–78.
Furneaux’s Track, 1774. Van Diemen’s Land is part of Terra
Australis. The smaller islands are clear and more correct. [Maps. 2. e.
1.]


36.—1798. London. Chart of the Pacific Ocean. By A.
Arrowsmith.—New Holland (S. coast excepted) in outline. Van
Diemen’s Land shown as an island. New Guinea only partly shown,
and in outline. [980. (10.)]


37.—1799. London. Map of the World, after d’Anville, by
T. Kitchen.—Tierra del Spiritu Santo now appears as part of the
New Hebrides. Otherwise as in No. 32. 1773. [Maps. 89. e. 6.]


38.—1799. London. Chart containing the greater part of the
South Sea, etc. By Laurie and Whittle.—New Zeeland, in two
islands. Tierra (Austral) del Spiritu Santo, in New Hebrides. Route of
Mendaña in 1567 shown. Below the Society Islands, “Islands
seen by Quiros.” Between 25° and 30° S. “Santelmo
the southernmost island of Quiros according to Ulloa.” [981.
(2.)]


39.—1799. London. Western (Eastern) Hemisphere. In
“Cary’s New Universal Atlas,” 1808.—New
Holland, with New South Wales, is shown complete, except Northernmost
point. New Guinea is not complete, and in outline. The islands are as
in Laurie and Whittle. [Maps. 92. f. 17.]


40.—1824. St. Pétersbourg. Carte
Générale de l’Océan Pacifique.
Hémisphère Austral. In Krusenstern’s
“Atlas de l’Océan
Pacifique.”—Australia appears so-called for the
first time. The islands, Nlles. Hebrides, etc., are shown with the
dates of discovery. [Maps. 7. e. 11.]


41.—1827. Bruxelles. Carte d’Assemblage
de l’Océanie. In “Ph.
Vandermaelen’s Atlas Universel.”—Nouvelle Hollande and N.
Guinée are shown in complete outline. New Zealand in
three islands. The smaller islands are now as before. [Maps. 68. e.
1.]


42.—1827. Gotha. Australien. No. 50 in
Ad. Stieler’s “Hand-Atlas.”—Neu
Holland and Neu Süd Wales appear as
parts of “Austral-Land.” Neue
Hebriden and the other groups of islands are shown. [Maps. 85.
d. 10.]


43.—1835. London. The World, on Mercator’s Projection.
In J. Arrowsmith’s London Atlas.—“New Holland or
Australia,” without any inland towns. First use of the name of
Australia for New Holland in a general Atlas. New South Wales still
extends to the Gulf of Carpentaria. The Solomon Islands, New Hebrides,
and the other islands are now completely shown. New Zealand, without
inland towns, in three islands. Terra Australis or Australia occurs in
the Atlas to Capt. Matthew Flinders’s “Voyage to Terra
Australis, 1801–1803.” 2 vols. London, 1814 [455. c.
13, 14. and Tab. 437. a.] In vol. i. pp. vii–x, he mentions
Torres’s discovery of Australia. In J. Arrowsmith’s Map of
the Pacific Ocean, 1832, the dates of discovery are given to most of
the islands. [Maps. 86. d. 7.] [xlii]


44.—1866. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty
Islands. Admiralty Chart.—This is the best modern map of
Quiros’s islands. The Atlases between 1836 and 1865 do not show
much change or much detail. [Sec. xv. (1380.)]


45.—1886. New Hebrides Islands. Banks Group. Surveyed by
H.M.S. Dart. Admiralty Chart.—Gaua (Santa Maria) and the
other islands are shown on a large scale. [Sec. xv. (174.)]


46.—1892. London. New Hebrides Islands. Malo Island to Efate
Island. Admiralty Chart.—This is on a much larger scale, and
gives the islands in full detail, surveyed by H.M.S. Dart,
1890–91. [Sec. xv. (1570.)]


47.—1896. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty
Islands. Admiralty Chart.—This is a new edition of No. 44. The
islands are shown in much more exact detail, and with more
information.


48.—1904. London. British New Guinea and the Solomon, Santa
Cruz, and New Hebrides Islands. In Edward Stanford’s London
Atlas. 3rd edition. 1904.—This is a very excellent and clear map;
scale, 1:4,089,064. 64.537 English miles to 1 inch. [xliii]






[Contents]



Bibliography,


With British Museum Press-marks.






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—— A Voyage round the World ... 1766–69.
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Coleccion de Documentos.—Ineditos para la
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See Fernandez de Navarrete (Martin).


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Cordova (Diego de) Fray.—Cronica
de la religiosissima provincia de la Orden de San Francisco.
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Daça (Antonio) Fray.—Quarte Parte de la Chronica General de San Francisco y su
Apostolica orden, etc. [Being a continuation of M. da
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Dalrymple (Alexander).—An Account of the Discoveries
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—— An Historical Collection of the several Voyages and
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—— 35 Charts, 1769–98. [460. g. 6.—435. k.
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Daza (Antonio), Fray.


See Daça.


Duro (Cesario Fernandez).


See Fernandez Duro (Cesario).


Ercilla y Zuñiga (Alonso de).—La
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Fernandez de Navarrete (Martin).—Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de
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Fernandez de Queiros (Pedro).—


See Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).


Fernandez Duro (Cesario).—Disquisiciones náuticas. (lib. 6: Arca de Noe.) 6
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Figueroa (Christoval Suarez de).


See Suarez de Figueroa. [xlv]


Gerritszoon (Hessel).


See Hudson (Henry), the navigator.


Gil Blas.


See Le Sage (Alain René).


Hudson (Henry) the Navigator.—Descriptio ac Delineatio Geographica Detectionis Freti ... recens
investigati ab. H. Hudsono ... Item Narratio ... Australia
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the editions of 1612 and 1613. Augmented with a new English translation
by F. J. Millard ... and an Essay on the origin and design of this
collection by S. Muller. Amsterdam, 1878. 4o. [10460.
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Jiménez de la Espada (Marcos).—Relaciones geográficas de Indias. [Not in the
British Museum Catalogue.]


Juan y Santacilla (Jorge) and Ulloa (Antonio de)
Admiral.—Noticias secretas de America ...
escritas ... segun las instrucciones del ... Secretario de Estado y
presentadas en informe secreto a S. M. C. ... Fernando VI., por J. Juan
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La Espada (Marcos Jiménez de).—


See Jiménez de La Espada (Marcos).


Le Sage (Alain René).—Histoire
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—— Avec des notes historiques et
littéraires par M. le Comte François de Neufchateau. L.
P. 3 tom. (Collection des Classiques François.)
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Mac Kenna (Benjamin Vicuña).


See Vicuña Mac Kenna (Benjamin).


Major (Richard Henry), of the British
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Australia. A collection of documents, and extracts from early MSS.
Maps,... from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the time of
Capt. Cook. Edited with an Introduction by R. H. Major. pp. cxix. 200.
13. 5 Maps. Index. (Ser. 1, 25). Hakluyt Society: London, 1859.
8o. [Ac. 6172/23.]


Moresby (John), Admiral.—New Guinea &
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—— The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia,
Japan and China, at the close of the sixteenth century.... Translated
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de Torres, describing his Voyage through the Torres Straits, by the
Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley [Lord Stanley of Alderley]. pp. xxiv. 431. 2
Illus. Index. (Ser. 1. 39.) Hakluyt Society: London, 1868.
8o. [Ac. 6172/60.]


Navarrete (Martin Fernandez de).


See Fernandez de Navarrete (M.)


Pacheco (Joaquin Francisco).—Coleccion
de Documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y
colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en América y
Occeania [sic], sacados, en su mayor parte, del Real Archivo de
Indias, bajo la direccion de ... J. F. Pacheco, etc. (Segunda
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136–138. Colonial Booksellers’ Agency: London,
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Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).


See also Hudson (Henry), the Navigator.


Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).—Historia
del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales hecho por el General
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. Publicada por Don Justo Zaragoza.
(Biblioteca Hispana-Ultramarina.) 3 vols. M. G. Hernandez:
Madrid, 1876–82. 8o.) [9771. ee. 17.]


—— Begin. Señor. El
Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, etc. [The original
petition of P. F. de Quiros to Philip III of Spain concerning the
discovery of Australia.] ff. 2. [Seville, 1610.] fol. [G.
7240.]


—— Relation Herrn. P. Fernandes de
Quir.... Von dem new erfundnem vierten Theil der Welt, so bissher in
Mappis der Land [t]afflen Terra Australis incognita genannt, und
desselben Länder.... In Spanischer Sprach ... getruckt, jetzo aber
... ins Teutsch gebracht. pp. 9. C. Dabertzhofer:
Augspurg, 1611. 4o. [1295. b. 18.]


—— Account of a Memorial presented to His Majesty
[Philip III, King of Spain] by ... P. Fernandez de Quir, concerning the
population and discovery of the fourth part of the world, Australia the
unknown, its great riches and fertility ... printed ... anno 1610. From
the Spanish [“Relacion de un Memorial.”] With an
introductory notice by W. A. Duncan. Spanish and English, pp.
38. Thomas Richards: Sydney, 1874. 8o. [10492. bbb.
1.]


—— The Copie of a Petition presented to the King of
Spaine by Capt. P. F. de Quir, touching the discouerie of the fourth
part of the world, called Terra Australis Incognita. [From the Spanish.
Another Petition in Spanish, giving an account of his discoveries.] In
“Purchas (Samuel), Purchas his Pilgrimes,” pt. 4. 1625.
fol. [679. h. 14.]


—— Voyage. Memorial presented to Philip II of
Spain.—Relation of a Memorial presented ... to His Majesty about
the settling ... of ... Australia Incognita. (In Dalrymple
(Alexander).—“An Historical Collection,” etc.)
1770, etc. 4o. [566. h. 9. (2.)]


—— Fernand de Quiros to Polynesia and Australasia. (In
“Callander (John) Terra Australis cognita.”) vol. 2. 1766,
etc. 8o. [566 c. 2.] [xlvii]


Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).—Voyage de
Quiros. (In “Charton (Edouard)), Voyageurs
anciens et modernes. tom. 4. 1854, etc. 8o.
[10027. g. 2.]


—— MS. in Private Library of the King of Spain. Another
copy in Library of the Ministry of Marine, Madrid.


—— Informaciones presentados por el
Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros para paser a las Indias con su mujer
y hijos, en la casa de contratacion de Sevilla, 24 Marzo, 1615.
(Archivo de Indias.)


—— Narratio ... Regi Hispaniæ
facta super tractu ... cui Australiæ incognitæ nomen est,
recens detecto. (In Hudson (H.)) Descriptio ...
geographica detectionis freti ... sive transitus ad Occasum. 1612.
4o. [1045. e. 15. (1.)]


—— [Another copy, with an additional title-page.]
Exemplar Libelli supplicis, potentissimo Hispaniarum
Regi exhibiti, a Capitaneo Petro Fernandez de Quir: super detectione
quintæ Orbis terrarum partis, cui Autraliæ [sic]
Incognitæ nomen est, etc. [G. 7165. (2.)]


—— [Another edition.] In
Orbis.—Recentes Novi Orbis Historiæ. 1612.
8o. [1061. a. 4.]


—— [Another edition.] In Bry (J. T. de) and (J. I. de)
[Indiæ Orientalis. Part. x.] Indiæ Orientalis pars. x. 1613. fol. [986. h. 20.
(7.)]


—— [Another edition.] In Hudson
(Henry).—Descriptio ac Delineatio Geographica
detectionis Freti, etc. 1613. 4o. [1045. e.
15. (4.)]


—— [Another edition.] In Bry (J. T. de) and (J.
I.
de).—[India Orientalis. Part x. 2nd edition.] India Orientalis
pars x. 1633. fol. [215. c. 13. (4.)]


—— De Terra Austriale Incognita. [Another edition.] In
Bry (T. de.) (America, Part 13.) Decima tertia pars
Historiæ Americanæ, etc. 1634. fol. [566. 1.
9. (2.)]


—— Terra Australis Incognita, or
a new Southerne Discoverie, containing a fifth part of the World,
lately found out by Ferdinand de Quir. pp. 27. John Hodgetts:
London, 1617. 4o. [T. 809. (8.)—C. 32. g.
33.—C. 13 a. 11. (1.)]


—— [Another edition.] pp. 31. W. Bray: London,
[1723.] 8o. [B. 513. (1.)—112. a. 67.—G.
15929.]


—— Verhael van seker Memorial ...
aengaende de bevolckinghe ende ontdeckinghe van ’t vierde deel
des Werelts, ghenaemt Australia incognita, etc. [Amsterdam,
1612.] 4o. [1045. e. 15. (2.)]


—— [Another copy.] In
“Samoyedes.”—Beschryvinghe van der Samoyeden
Landt. 1612. 4o. [10055. b. 34.]


—— [Another edition.] In L’Hermite
(J.)—Journal van de Nassausche Vloot. J. P.
Wachter: Amstelredam, 1643. 4o. [1061. g.
42.]


—— Copie de la Requeste presentee au Roy
d’Espagne par le Capitaine Pierre Ferdinand de Quir, sur la
descouverte de la cinquiesme partie du monde, appellee la terre
Australle, incogneuë, et des grandes richesses et fertilité
d’icelle. pp. 16. Paris, 1617. 8o.
[10491. aa. 13.]


—— Relation einer wunderbarlichen
Supplication, Ihr. Königl. Magest. in Spanien, von ... P.
Fernandes de Quir ... belangendt die Entdeckung dess ffünfften
Thiels der Welt, Terra Australis incognita genandt.... In
Hulsius (L.) [Collection of Voyages & Travels.] Thl. 12. [1598,
etc.] 4o. [10028. d. 37.]


—— —— [Another edition.] See Bry (J.
T. de) & (J. I. de). [Indiæ Orientalis. Pt. 10. German.]
Zehenden Theil der Orientalischen Indien,
etc.) 1613. fol. [10003. e. 13.]


—— —— [Another edition.] See Bry (T.
de). [America. Pt. 13. German.] Dreyzehenden Theil
Americæ, etc. 1628. fol. [10003. e. 33. (2.)]
[xlviii]


Spain.—Primera (—quarenta y ocho)
parte de Comedias escogidas de los mejores de España. (Catalogo
de Comedias, 1681.) 48 pt. [MS. notes by L. Tieck.]
Madrid, 1652–1704. 4o. 11725, b. c.
d.—11726. h. MS. notes by J. R. Chorley.]


Suarez de Figueroa (Christoval).—Hechos
de Don G. Hurtado de Mendoza, quarto Marques de Cañete.
[With a prefatory notice by G. Caravajal de Ulloa.] pp. xiv. 324.
Emprenta Real: Madrid, 1613. 4o. [1199. h.
18.—278. f. 29.]


—— [Another edition.] Introduction by D. Barros Arana.
pp. viii. 126. 1864. In “Coleccion de
Historiadores de Chile.” Tom. 5. Imprenta del Ferrocarril:
Santiago, 1861, etc. 4o. [9772. e.
19.]


Torquemada (Fray Juan de)
Franciscan.—Ia(—IIIa.) Parte de los
veynte y un libros rituales y Monarchia Indiana con el origen y guerras
de los Indios Occidentales de sus poblaçones descubrimento,
conquista, conversion y otras cosas maravillosas de la mesma tierra. 3
pt. Matthias Claviso: Sevilla, 1615. fol. [601. k.
16.]


—— [Another edition. Edited by A. Gonzales-Barcia.] 3
pt. Nicolas Rodriguez: Madrid, 1723. fol. [146 e.
11–13.—G. 6452–54.]


Ulloa (Antonio de) Admiral.—Noticias
secretas.


See Juan y Santacilla (Jorge) and Ulloa (A. de),
Admiral.


Ulloa (Antonio de), Admiral.—Relacion historica [by A. de Ulloa] del
viage a la América meridional, etc. (Appendix to
Tom. iv. Resumen histórico ... de los Incas y
demas Soberanos del Peru.) [With plates and maps.] 5 tom.
Antonio Marin: Madrid, 1748. 4o. [687. k.
10–14.—983. g. 19, 20.—215. a. 6–9, and 144. e.
14.]


—— [French translation by E. Mauvillon.] Illd. 2 tom.
Arkstee & Merkus: Amsterdam, 1752. 4o. [211. c.
7, 8.]


Vicuña MacKenna (Benjamin).—History of Juan
Fernandez. Santiago, 1883. [Not in the British Museum
Catalogue.] [1]












NARRATIVE

OF THE

Second Voyage

OF THE

Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña,

BY

THE CHIEF PILOT,

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS.1

[3]





1 Historia del descubrimiento de las Regiones Austriales.




[Contents]



Second Voyage of Alvaro de Mendaña.


Second Voyage of Alvaro de Mendaña.


Chapter I.




How the second voyage to the Isles of Solomon was
commenced by the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, in whose company
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros went as Pilot and Captain. Recounts the
departure from Callao.








Many years
having passed in silence since the first voyage of Alvaro
Mendaña, God was served that in the city of Kings, residence of
Viceroys of Peru, the enterprise should be proclaimed which His Majesty
had ordered the Adelantado1 Alvaro Mendaña to
undertake to the Isles of Solomon. He hoisted his flag, his Captain
being his brother-in-law, Lorenzo Barreto; and he sent another Captain,
named Lope de Vega, to the valleys of Truxillo and Saña, with
orders to recruit men and collect provisions. The Adelantado met with
some difficulties and obstacles in fitting out the expedition, which
[4]Dom Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of
Cañete, and then Viceroy of Peru, helped him to
overcome.2 Thus four vessels were got ready with as much
despatch as possible, and the Adelantado went from Lima to Callao, with
his wife Doña Isabel Barreto, and all the people he had to take
from thence. With the diligence he exercised, he persuaded and induced
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to come with him as Captain and Chief Pilot.
The Pilot de Quiros had raised several points with the Adelantado in
the conversations they had together respecting the conduct of the
voyage, both in going and returning; but all were settled, and he ended
by resolving to join the expedition.


The disorders which took place in this expedition were [5]numerous;
and in order that this history may be clear, it is necessary to say
something of them, as it seems to me that they were the cause of the
unfortunate ending of the enterprise.


The stars of the eighth heaven are unequal in dimensions, for some
appear to our vision great, and others so small that they are scarcely
visible. There are those who say that if one of these should be wanting
in heaven there would be equivalent loss on earth. I mean that the most
minute circumstance that has ceased to do harm may have its effect on
the course of events.


The Master of the Camp3 embarked, and the first thing he
did was to interfere with the Boatswain in matters pertaining to his
office, using words to him which oblige [6]little and offend much. The
Boatswain excused himself and the Master of the Camp, wishing to be
avenged, certain persons in the accounts department prevented him. At
the same time the Chief Pilot was talking to Doña Isabel, who
said: “The Master of the Camp is severe. If that is the way in
which he asserts his position, he may have a prosperous end, though I
am very far from thinking so.” The Master of the Camp returning,
she said that it seemed to her that the Adelantado would not be pleased
to have his people treated with the contumely he showed to them, and
still more when the occasion was so slight. The Master of the Camp
replied with great impertinence: “Oh look! what have we
here?” The Chief Pilot, with good reason, showed much
indignation. The Master of the Camp then said, in a loud voice:
“Know me! Understand that I am the Master of the Camp, and if we
sail together in one ship, and I ordered the ship to be run on some
rock, what would you do?” The Chief Pilot answered: “When
that time comes I shall do what seems to me to be best; and, in this
fleet, I do not recognise any other head but the Adelantado, who has
delivered the charge of this ship to me, whose Captain I am; and when
he comes he will state what my duties are to be. Believe me that if you
want to be lord of all that is about to be discovered, rather than be
under the orders of one who takes so much upon himself, and shows so
little discretion, I would give up the voyage.” Two soldiers, who
were present at this colloquy, came to the Chief Pilot and said that
their persons were at his service, having so much need for him during
the voyage. The Pilot valued their good will, but answered that he did
not come to form parties. I leave the rest that passed on this
occasion.


The Adelantado came on board, and, as he said that he would apply a
suitable remedy to what had occurred, the Chief Pilot remained. On
Friday, the 9th of April, of the [7]year of our Saviour Jesus Christ
1595, orders were given to weigh the anchors and make sail from the
port of Callao of the city of the Kings of Peru, which has a latitude
of 12° 20′,4 shaping a course for the valleys
of Santa Truxillo, and Saña, on the coast of the same
province.








1 An
office corresponding to the President or Governor of a province.
Præfectus. “Adelante,” in front; more advanced
than others.


2 Here
Suarez de Figueroa inserts the following speech, made
by the Marquis of Cañete to Mendaña.


On one of the many occasions when Alvaro de
Mendaña (then fitting out) had interviews with the Viceroy to
communicate some particulars and to kiss his hand for the many
kindnesses and favours he had received from him, his Excellency said:
“My Lord the Adelantado, I may well wish you God speed on
commencing this business with as vigorous a set of men as can be found
in the world. Prodigious are the deeds of the Spaniards at various
times and in various places, and especially when led by valorous
generals who know how to overcome difficulties; who have met dangers
with prudence; who under adverse circumstances have maintained a
cheerful countenance and kept up the spirits of their followers with
encouraging words and promises; who rewarded them; who cherished them;
who succoured them; and who, ruling by kindness, took advantage of
every opportunity with wisdom. There are so many glorious leaders of
our nation who have acted thus, that might be named, that I undoubtedly
should tire my tongue in enumerating them and my memory in bringing
them to mind. On the other side their valiant followers have always
been, on these occasions, loyal and obedient, and full of courtesy and
virtue both in word and deed. If in the present age these generalities
suffer from some exceptions, it is not the fault of the men. Various
times bring forth misfortunes. A few years soon pass in the harvest of
valour, and few good things are known of the leaders. This is
especially the case in maritime expeditions where the inconveniences
and difficulties are innumerable, while the remedies that can be
applied to them are few and of little efficacy. Certain ancient
mariners make a notable clamour, in whose eyes our ancestors were so
excellent that they hold them in great veneration. But they all made
furrows in the eastern sea; very little was done by them on the western
side, which scarcely puts limits to the imagination. On that side some
navigators have been eminent. In the first rank is Columbus, who, being
despised by various sovereigns, made his discovery finally for the
Catholic ones, Isabella and Ferdinand, and showed America, the
foundation on which has been built so many and such important edifices,
alike spiritual as temporal. He was succeeded by the wonderful Cortes,
with his extensions of empire and his marvellous deeds. In the part
where we are now was the famous Francisco Pizarro, conqueror of so many
provinces. Then came Magellan, who nearly went round the world, and
came to an end which was less fortunate than his spirit deserved. Next
Gama sought remote regions, and opened to the nation the commerce of
the east. Valiant (it need not be denied) were the audacious
enterprises of Drake, Cavendish, and Hawkins, emulous of the fame of
Magellan. Traversing the strait which bears Magellan’s name, they
came to disturb the seas which for many previous years had been secure
and peaceful. But this notwithstanding, it appears to me that I now
behold in you a discoverer not less distinguished and famous than
those. It has been so in all countries, in times past, that important
affairs have been entrusted to him who, either by reason of his genius,
or the dignity of his person, or the purity of his life, or his grace
and authority, had acquired the universal fame of a true umpire of
peace and war, justly committing to his prudence the preservation and
prosperity of the state. It is certain that all these qualifications
are combined in your person. Your actions prove it, and confirm the
choice made by His Majesty for so great a service to God and to him. I
hold that there can be no doubt that your established government will
be glorious and triumphant, and that the people in your company will
remain under it; so that, almost from this time thanks may be given to
you for your great industry and valour.”


3
Equivalent to Colonel. He was an old soldier named Pedro Merino
Manrique. The name is given by Suarez de Figueroa.


4 12°
3′ 45″ S. Callao Castle; 12° 2′ 34″ S.
Lima.






[Contents]



Chapter II.




Of what happened to the fleet until it reached the
port of Payta, and what ports it touched at.








Having made sail, there was so little wind that the
ship could not get out of the port. A boat was sent on shore, but
presently returned with a report that the beach was full of armed men,
who prevented any landing. The night passed, and when the day came the
galeot went on, and our other vessel made for Callao. She had been at
the ports of the coast, visiting the ships she met, and taking what was
wanted out of them. After those on board had behaved like corsairs,
they arrived at the port of Santa, where they found a ship on her way
from Panama to Lima, laden with merchandize and negroes. They took the
vessel, placing a guard to prevent them from going until the Adelantado
should arrive, to whom they gave the advice to take her as she was, for
his better despatch, sending her value to the owners when God should
provide it. The Adelantado would not do this, nor consent that it
should be done. The Vicar, zealous for the service of God, reprehended
the Captain with sharp speeches, and told him that he was
excommunicated, charging him to pay for what he had taken. Having done
this he was absolved, and the business was closed. Here a soldier was
punished, the reason being kept secret. [8]


Making sail, they anchored in the port of Cherrepe, which is that
for the town of Santiago de Miraflores, where the Captain, Lope de
Vega, had enlisted a good company of married people. Here the
Adelantado married this Captain to his sister-in-law, Mariana de
Castro, giving him the title of Admiral.


There was at anchor in this port a new and strong ship with a cargo
of flour, sugar, and other things, bound to Panama. The officers of the
Almiranta having made friends with those on board the other
ship, they were persuaded, by means of efficacious reasoning, to let
the General take her, and receive their vessel instead, which, owing to
age and bad construction, they might well do, because thus the King
would be better served. But the Adelantado showed great annoyance at
these intrigues, and replied that his ship was very good for the
service on which it was to be employed. Those who intended evil felt
the good intention, and, in order to gain their end, they secretly made
seven gimlet-holes in the ship, in order to oblige—as they did
oblige—the soldiers to say that they would not go in a ship so
unseaworthy if they could not take the other. In consequence of this,
the Pilot and Master presented a petition to the Adelantado, setting
forth that his ship was making a great deal of water, and was unsuited
for so long and risky a voyage as she was intended to make; and begging
him to take the remedy that was at hand. The Adelantado, seeing the
determination of all, and compelled by necessity, referred the matter
to the Master of the Camp, before whom information was taken which
proved what was wanted, and if more was wanted, more could be proved.
So the General ordered the Master of the Camp to take the ship; and
that the carpenters should make an estimate of the excess of value over
that of the vessels to be exchanged for it. They reported that the
difference amounted to 6600 dols. [9]


Presently, the Master of the Camp sent a guard on board the ship,
and began to unload her. There was a priest on board, who owned half
the cargo. He protested vigorously against the injustice and robbery,
when he saw the loss that he would sustain. He made strong protests and
claims on the ship, in his own name and in those of other interested
parties. He sought the ship, stating that his remedy was there. He came
and went to the Capitana with his complaints, but got no
redress. It was said that a soldier gave him a push, and threatened to
throw him overboard. The priest felt all this very deeply, and loudly
declared that when he had to pray to our Lord, in his sacrifices, he
would ask that the ship might never reach safety if she was unloaded.
The good priest caused great sorrow to the compassionate, both on
account of the force with which he was treated and the loss of his
property; and the grief was doubled at the enterprise being one that
was undertaken by their own masters, to whom he earnestly, but vainly,
complained of his loss. At last the ship was unloaded, when the
Adelantado satisfied the priest respecting his share, which somewhat
quieted him. The Adelantado also undertook to pay the difference before
he came from the Solomon Islands to Peru, mortgaging to the creditors
all his ships. The Adelantado felt and complained much of this
proceeding, which had been forced upon him, and he threatened those who
he believed to be the cause of it.


As the effects are seen in all things, and even in the justice of
God are never wanting, it was understood that usually in that port
there was much merchandize, collected in certain warehouses, from all
those valleys, to be embarked for Lima, Panama, and other places. They
embarked some of these goods, with the owner, his wife and children.
Many things were left, and nothing was said about them, for the shadows
of things are sufficient to [10]see them by; and expeditions without
a royal purse cannot, it would seem, be set forth without some mischief
being done.


The Master of the Camp, because it was his ordinary and first
thought not to keep the peace, had a certain slight difference with the
Admiral, which, although trifling, appears to have been the beginning
of disorders. For if such exist, however small they be, when the Devil
stirs them they revive. The Adelantado was very desirous of entering
respectable men only; and so, for reasons that moved him, he put
certain men and women on shore. I well believed that he might have
turned them all out, and proceeded alone on his voyage. Here, for a
slight cause, he turned out a sergeant. Who was the instigator the
reader will pardon me for leaving it to be understood, for I am not a
friend of telling, though it should be a bad affair.


These things being settled, the Adelantado ordered the Chief Pilot
to make five charts for the navigation, one for himself and four for
each of the Pilots. He was not to show more land on them than the coast
of Peru from Arica to Payta, and two points north and south, on one
side or the other, the one in 7° and the other in 12°, and
1,500 leagues to the west of Lima, which, he said, was the extreme
distance in longitude of the islands of which he was going in search,
whose longitude was 1,450 leagues. The other 50° was to be added so
as the better to arrive with some margin, and no more land was to be
delineated lest some ship should steer to or desert to it.


The Admiral embarked on board the new ship, and the provisions were
distributed, but they were not in such quantity nor so good as was
necessary. The defects were made up by what the soldiers and other
people bought, and by other means.


It only remained to arrange for the water supply, but [11]the
supply was scanty and the port was bad. The Corregidor of the district,
Dom Bartolomé de Villavicencio, arrived, and the goodwill he
showed is admitted by the Admiral in his report. But as he saw, when he
came, the overwork that was being exacted, he went to his house, taking
with him all the Indians and horses that were helping us, so as to
oblige us to depart. This was the reason that induced the Adelantado to
make sail, and pursue his course with only the water that the Chief
Pilot had on board. Recognising such a serious defect, the Pilot
represented that it was a terrible thing to start with half the jars
empty, knowing that we had to enter the largest of the gulfs, and that
it must be well considered, lest we should have to leave the land
without taking the full supply of water needed for so long and doubtful
a voyage. The Adelantado answered that the soldiers asked for it to be
obtained in the ports where it was found to be very expensive, and that
if a ration of half a gallon ought to be given, a pint might be served
out. To this the Chief Pilot replied that it was his duty to see to
everything, and not to allow himself to be conquered by the
importunities of people who did not know what they were asking. The
Adelantado answered to this that he was convinced, and that he would
settle the matter with them; which he did with some good and some bad
reasons. This done, they made sail, arriving at the port of Payta to
take in water. [12]






[Contents]



Chapter III.




Of what passed in the port of Payta, and how the fleet
set sail and commenced the voyage.








In each port there was disorder, and as this is one of
the best ports on the coast of Peru, the best quarrel was reserved for
it. The anger of the Master of the Camp, who excused no one, fell upon
the Vicar respecting certain proceedings in his department. There were
words between them; and there would have been acts as well if the
Adelantado had not been present to prevent them. But they remained
angry and unfriendly. Bickerings also commenced between the Master of
the Camp and the Captain Don Lorenzo, respecting luggage which some of
the soldiers had with them.


The Master of the Camp gave a blow with a stick to a person of
consideration. He said that he did not know about that, but that the
party would know very well how much a stick weighed. There was some
disturbance; the Master of the Camp drew his sword (at which he was
always ready) and struck another soldier, who was annoyed at the blow
given to his companion. He fled, but was taken, and incontinently was
to be punished. Doña Isabel came out to plead for him. The
Master of the Camp showed himself to be so compliant that he threw down
the stick and went on board; but this was not that he might not give
the Adelantado a faculty against the prisoner. The Chief Pilot would
have interceded, but the Adelantado did not wish to hear him, saying
that the man had put his hand in his beard, which was a sort of mutiny.
The Chief Pilot prayed that nevertheless the Adelantado would hear the
case, and dismiss it; or, if he did not wish to do that, that he would
judge the matter officially; for that the man had been brought by
force, and that it did [13]not seem just to take away his honour. At
last, yielding to these prayers, the Adelantado set the prisoner free.
The Master of the Camp had gone on shore, and presently he sent for his
clothes. But as the Adelantado showed a wish that he should stay, the
Admiral and Captain Don Lorenzo persuaded him to return to the
ship.


It appeared to the Chief Pilot that it was very uncertain what would
be the end, when the beginning was so disordered. He, therefore,
requested the Adelantado that he might be left behind; and for this
course he gave many reasons which did not appear to be bad. The
Adelantado threw his arms round the Pilot’s neck, declaring that
only an angel could conduct things as he said, but that all should be
put in good order, and that a remedy should be found. The Chief Pilot
still insisted upon his dismissal, saying that where the
General’s person was, who so well understood the art of
navigating, he might well be excused. The Adelantado was much grieved
on hearing this, and with his sagacity, he showed himself so kind and
friendly, and used such honeyed words, that they induced the Pilot to
remain. He went on board and, as he passed the ship, the sailors said:
“Ah! Sir Chief Pilot, what goings and comings are these? We are
informed of what you think of doing, for no one wants to remain in this
ship though it cost all their lives.” Jumping on shore, the
Admiral, the Lieutenant of Payta, and other persons of the fleet, came
to the Pilot, and he gave his reasons to all.


At this time the Master of the Camp came up and said, in a loud
voice: “Well, Sir! the Devil walks loose among us, to see if he
can injure this good work. Let us go whence we came, and let him show
himself for what he is. For, though he works with diligence, we will
advance forward such a Christian undertaking, and in this voyage we
will truly serve God and the King.” The Chief Pilot gave him this
answer: “Sir Master of the Camp! in all [14]things
there should be moderation and fair dealing, but your Honour was very
hasty in raising the stick, drawing your sword, and abusing the seamen
whose services are so necessary. As I know the mischief that is done by
such conduct, I wish to see the remedy, so as to comply with all my
obligations.” The Master of the Camp, more gentle when he was on
shore, answered that a Camp Master could not be so moderate. The Chief
Pilot said that he must be both careful and moderate; that as yet they
were in Peru, and that the seamen had to bring them to the islands, and
to guard the ship when they had arrived; and that if they were
aggrieved, as men, there would be serious trouble; that they had to
bring the news and return with succour, and speak well of the land, or
evil though it was good, for revenge. The Camp Master was not quieted
with this argument, but was wedded to his own idea, and answered that
men did not do what they were told at sea; that he had to make them
stir quickly; and that all he had done was necessary that the fleet
might not be disorganised, and that each man to his own office seemed
good, and was in order. With this, and many other things that were said
at the time, the incident was closed.


The two embarked, not very friendly, and the Adelantado engaged a
man here, who gave him 2,000 dols. for the place of Sergeant Major; and
with this he left off recruiting. He embarked 1,800 jars of water, and
gave instructions for the order that was to be maintained, and for the
navigation that was to be carried out.


They carried in the fleet 378 persons by the list, of whom 280 were
capable of bearing arms; 200 arquebuses and other weapons, offensive
and defensive, respecting which testimony was given before the
Lieutenant of Payta to send to the King our Lord, as was done.


The Capitana was named San Jeronimo, and there went
[15]in her the Adelantado, his wife, his sister-in-law
and her brothers, the chief Officers, and two priests.


The Almiranta was named Santa Isabel, under the
Admiral Lope de Vega, with two Captains, and a priest.


The galeot was named San Felipe, under Captain Felipe Corzo,
with his officers and men.


The frigate was named Santa Catalina, under Captain Alonso de
Leyva.






[Contents]



Chapter IV.




The Island of Magdalena.








Having made sail, the fleet shaped a S.W. course,
displaying the royal standard and the flags, playing clarions, and
feasting on such an auspicious day as this was considered to be. The
winds were from the S. and S.S.E., which are the winds of Peru, until
we reached a latitude of 9° 30′, and from that point the
course was W.S.W. as far as 14°. From thence the course was W.N.W.
to 21°. The sun was taken at noon, and having made the computation,
the result was 10° 50′. At 5 in the afternoon, an island was
sighted 10 leagues distant, being N.W. by N.1 The
Adelantado gave it the name of Magdalena, as it was the eve of that
day. He thought it was the land that he sought, for which reason he was
very joyful in every one’s sight, in that he had come in a short
time with a fair wind, the victuals good, and the people amicable,
healthy, and cheerful. During the voyage there had been fifteen
marriages, scarcely a day passing without some one wanting to be
married next day. It seemed as if all would run in couples with the
good fortune, [16]with high hopes, many stories, and none for the
good of the natives.


The Adelantado said to the Vicar and Chaplain that they were to
chant the “Te Deum laudamus” with all the
people on their knees, and that they should give thanks to God for the
mercy of sighting land. This was done with great devotion.


On the following day, with doubt whether that island was inhabited,
the ships were steered to the south of it, and very near the coast.
From a point under a peaked hill towards the eastern end, there came
out seventy small canoes, not all the same size, made of one piece of
wood, with outriggers of cane on each side, after the manner of the
gunwales of galleys, which reach to the water on which they press to
prevent the canoe from capsizing, and all their paddles rowing. The
least number they had in a canoe was three, the greatest ten, some
swimming, and others hanging on—altogether, four hundred natives,
almost white, and of very graceful shape, well-formed, robust, good
legs and feet, hands with long fingers; good eyes, mouth, and teeth,
and the same with the other features. Their skin was clear, showing
them to be a strong and healthy race, and indeed robust. They all came
naked, without any part covered; their faces and bodies in patterns of
a blue colour, painted with fish and other patterns. Their hair was
like that of women, very long and loose, some had it twisted, and they
themselves gave it turns. Many of them were ruddy. They had beautiful
youths who, for a people barbarous and naked, it was certainly pleasant
to see; and they had much cause to praise their Creator.


Among them there was a boy, who appeared to be about ten years of
age.2 He came rowing in a canoe with [17]two
others. His eyes were fixed on the ship, and his countenance was like
that of an angel, with an aspect and spirit that promised much, of a
good colour, not fair but white; his locks like that of a lady who
valued them much. He was all that has been said, so that I never in my
life felt such pain as when I thought that so fair a creature should be
left to go to perdition.3


The natives came with much speed and fury, rowing their canoes,
pointing with their fingers to their port and land, speaking loudly,
and often using the words atalut and analut. They came to
our ships, and when they arrived they gave us cocoa-nuts, a kind of
food rolled up in leaves, good plantains, and large canes4
full of water. They looked at the ships, the people, and the women who
had come out on the galley to see them, at whom they looked, and
laughed at the sight. They got one to put his hand on the ship, and,
with coaxing, they got him to come on board. The Adelantado dressed him
in a shirt and put a hat upon his head, which, when the others saw,
they laughed and looked, crying out to the rest. On this about forty
came on board, beside whom the Spaniards seemed of small stature. Among
them there was one taller than the rest by a head and shoulders, and
taller than our best men, though we had one very tall. They began to
walk about the ship with great boldness, taking hold of whatever was
near them, and many of them tried the arms of the soldiers, touched
them in several parts with their fingers, looked at their beards and
faces, with other monkey tricks. As they saw that our men were dressed
in various colours, they were confused; so the soldiers bared their
breasts, let down their stockings, and tucked up their sleeves to
satisfy them. When they were shown this, they quieted down, and were
much pleased. [18]


The Adelantado and some of the soldiers gave them shirts, hats, and
other trifling things, which they presently put round their necks,
dancing and singing in their fashion, and loudly called to the others
to look at what they had been given. Their conduct annoyed the
Adelantado, who made signs to them to go; but they not only would not
leave the ship, but became more free in taking things they saw. Some
cut slices from our bacon and meat with knives made of cane, and wanted
to take other things. At last the Adelantado ordered a gun to be fired,
and when they felt and heard it, with great terror, they all jumped
into the water and swam to their canoes, only one remaining in the
ship. He was clinging on to the main channels, and they could not make
him let go, until some one wounded him on the hand with a sword, which
was shown to the others, and they took him into a canoe. At this time
they fastened a rope to the ship’s bowsprit, and, by rowing,
tried to tow her on shore, thinking they could thus take her.


When the native was wounded, they all became warlike, and were
marshalled by one who carried a parasol of palm leaves. Among them was
one old man with a long and well-ordered beard, who cast fierce looks
from his eyes, put both hands into his beard, raised his moustaches,
stood up, and cried out, looking in many directions. They played on
shells, and striking with their paddles in the canoes they showed their
hostility: some taking up the lances which they brought, tied down;
others with stones in slings, not having other arms. With good will,
they began to hurl stones, and wounded a soldier; but first they had
come near the ship, and those with lances threatened to throw them. The
soldiers pointed their arquebuses, but, as it had been raining, the
powder would not ignite. It was a sight to behold, how the natives came
on with noise and shouts; and how some, when they saw weapons pointed
at them, [19]jumped from the canoes into the water, or got
behind the others. At last, the old man who made the menaces was shot
in the forehead, and fell dead, with seven or eight others, while some
were wounded. They fled from our ships, and presently three natives
came in a canoe, calling out. One held up a green branch, and something
white in his hand, which appeared to be a sign of peace. They seemed to
be asking us to come to their port; but this was not done, and they
departed, leaving some cocoa-nuts.


This island has a circumference of about 10 leagues, so far as we
could see. It is clear and open towards the sea, lofty and wooded in
the ravines, which is where the natives live. The port is on the south
side. It is in latitude 10° S., and a thousand leagues from Lima.
It is thickly inhabited; for, besides those who came in the canoes, the
beaches and rocks were covered with people. The Adelantado did not know
the place, and, being undeceived, he said it was not one of the islands
he came in search of, but a new discovery.








1
Magdalena is in 10° 25′ S. and 138° 28′ W.


2 Suarez
de Figueroa says it was a girl.


3 Suarez
de Figueroa quotes all this word for word, and here says that he is
quoting from the papers of the Chief Pilot.


4 Joints
of bamboos in which they carry water.






[Contents]



Chapter V.




How three other islands were sighted, their names, and
how they came to a port in that of Santa Cristina.








At a short distance from this island three other
islands were sighted, for which a course was shaped. The first, to
which the Adelantado gave the name of San Pedro, was 10 leagues W.N.W.
from Magdalena. It was not ascertained whether it was inhabited,
because it was not visited. It is about 4 leagues in circumference,
with much forest, but apparently not very high. At the east end there
is a rock at a short distance from the coast.


There is another island called Dominica, with a circumference
[20]of some 15 leagues, bearing N.W. from San Pedro,
distant 5 leagues. The island is beautiful to look upon, and runs N.E.
to S.W. It has fine plains and mountains, is thickly inhabited, with
many groves of trees.


To the south of Dominica there is another island to which the name
of Santa Cristina was given. It seemed to be about 11 leagues in
circumference, and is a little over a league from Dominica, with a
clear and deep channel between them. The Adelantado named all four
islands together “Las Marquesas de Mendoza,” in memory of
the Marquis of Cañete; because by this, and in making sail with
his ships from any port, he wished to show how grateful he was for the
assistance given by that Viceroy in the despatch of the expedition.


While tacking off and on, and seeking a port in the island of
Dominica, many canoes full of natives came out, who seemed to be of a
browner colour, and crying out, showed the same good will as the
others. In one canoe there came an old man, carrying a green branch and
something white. At this moment the ship was put about, and, thinking
that she was going away, the old man began to renew his shouts, make
signs with his hair, and pointing downwards with his hair and fingers.
The Adelantado wanted to return, but he could not do so because the
wind freshened, and no sheltered port for anchoring could be seen:
though the frigate, which stood close into the shore, reported having
seen many more people than were visible from the ship, and that a
native had come on board, who with great ease had lifted a calf by one
ear.


On the following day the General sent the Camp Master in the boat
with twenty soldiers, to seek for a port or a watering place on the
island of Santa Cristina. Many natives came out in canoes, and
surrounded them. Our people, wishing to make themselves safe, killed
some of them. One, to save himself, jumped into the sea with a
[21]child in his arms. Clasped together, they were
sent to the bottom by a shot from an arquebus that one of the soldiers
fired off. He said afterwards, with great sorrow, that the Devil had to
take those who were ordained to be taken. The Chief Pilot said to him
that he regretted that he had not fired in the air, but the soldier
said that he acted as he did lest he should lose his reputation as a
good marksman. The Chief Pilot asked him what it would serve him to
enter into hell with the fame of being a good shot? The Camp Master
returned without having found either a port or a watering place.


At the same time four very daring natives had gone on board the
ship, and while no one was looking, one of them took a small dog, which
was the gift of the Camp Master. Then, with a shout they all jumped
overboard with great courage, and swam to their canoes.


The next day, which was St. James’s day, the General again
sent the Camp Master, with twenty soldiers, to the island of Santa
Cristina to find a watering place and a port. He effected a landing
with the men in good order, and surrounded a village while the
inhabitants stood looking on. The Camp Master called to them, and about
three hundred came. Our people then drew a line, telling the natives by
signs that they were not to go beyond it. On asking for water they
brought some in cocoa nuts, and the women brought other kinds of fruit.
The soldiers said that many of these women were very pretty, and that
they were ready to come near in friendly intercourse, and to give their
presents with their hands. The Camp Master sent the natives for water
with the jars, but they made signs that our people should carry them;
running off with four jars, for which reason we opened fire on
them.


The General, having seen the port into which the Camp Master had
gone, ordered the ship to be taken into it and anchored. But the wind
died away under the land, and [22]the ship was taken by a wave to
within a lance’s length of a rock, with 50 fathoms close to it.
There was great consternation at the obvious danger. Sail was made, and
God was served that a breeze should spring up, and the ship stood off.
Then there came another report that the port was bad, full of sunken
rocks, and that it was impossible to get out again if a ship had once
entered. The Adelantado was much annoyed to hear the complaints of the
hard work, and was moved to continue the voyage, saying that the water
they had on board would be sufficient for the voyage to his islands.
The Chief Pilot reminded him of the uncertainties of the sea, to which
he answered: “If we cannot find a port, what are we to do?”
The Chief Pilot replied that we must return to Magdalena, which we had
already seen, and where the frigate had anchored, and that for a little
more work it was needful to secure more necessaries. Meanwhile, the
Camp Master had been coasting along the island; and very near the port
that had been entered he found another, which he reported, and there
the fleet anchored.






[Contents]



Chapter VI.




How the Adelantado landed on the island of Santa
Cristina, and what took place with the natives.








On the day after the arrival, which was the 28th of
July, the Adelantado went on shore, with his wife and the greater part
of the crew, to hear the first mass said by the Vicar. The natives
knelt down in silence and attention, imitating all they saw the
Christians do. A very beautiful native sat near Doña Isabel,
with such red hair that Doña Isabel wished to cut off a few
locks; but seeing that the native did not like it she desisted, not
wishing to make her angry. [23]


The General, in the name of His Majesty, took possession of all the
four islands, walked through the village, sowed maize in presence of
the natives; and, having had such intercourse as was possible with
them, he went on board. The Camp Master remained on shore with all the
soldiers, who in a short time began to quarrel among themselves. Then
the natives threw many stones and lances, wounding one soldier in the
foot, without doing any other harm. They then fled to the mountains
with their women and children, our people following them, until they
were all in the woods. Being fired at, the natives reached the summits
of three high hills, where they entrenched themselves. In the mornings
and afternoons they all, with one accord, made a resounding noise,
which echoed through the ravines, and was replied to by shouts. They
wished to do us harm, hurling stones and lances, but their efforts were
in vain.


The Camp Master placed guards in three positions to secure the
village and the beach, where the women were resting and the sailors
getting wood and water for the ships. What I have to say is, that some
of these natives, being strong and courageous, used arrows, while there
were not wanting others who seemed more cautious. They were very
diligent to attack; but seeing how little harm they did, and how much
hurt they received from the arquebuses, they tried to establish peace
and friendship. For when the soldiers went to their work, they came out
to them lovingly, offering them bunches of plantains and other fruits.
It seemed that they felt the want of their houses, for they asked, by
signs, when the Spaniards would go. Some came to the guards with food,
which they gave to the soldiers. One native especially, of good
presence, was taught to make the sign of the cross, and to say
“Jesus Maria,” and the rest. They were in conversation with
their comrades, for each one had a comrade, whom they [24]sought
out and sat with, when they came; and by signs they asked each other
the names of the sky, the earth, the sea, the sun, the moon and stars,
and everything else within their vision. All were well content with
what they said, calling each other friends and comrades. As this
friendship was not without payment, there was a certain man who
joyfully said to the General, that he had his dog well fed by the
natives, by a forage he had made in the preceding night, when his
company had the guard.


On another day eleven natives came in two canoes, and two of them
stood up with some strings of cocoa nuts in their hands, and shouted
while they showed them. Orders were given not to answer, and for the
soldiers to be ready with their arquebuses. When the natives found that
they were not answered, they came close to the ship, when a volley was
fired. Two were killed. The soldiers shot three more, and throwing down
what they had, the rest rowed away and fled. They were chased in a
boat, but the natives got on shore and fled. Jumping on shore, only
three were seen to run to the top of some high hills. Those in the boat
took the canoes, with three dead bodies in them, for the rest had
fallen into the sea. The cruelty of the Spaniards was such that there
were not wanting those who said that the bullet wounds, so fierce and
ugly, would frighten the other natives, and that the swords, making
wide wounds, would have the same effect. In order that the natives
might see, it was ordered that the bodies should be taken on shore,
that the Camp Master might hang them up where they would be seen by the
natives. It was said that this was done in order that the natives, if
they came with false intent in their canoes, might know what the
Spaniards could do. But it seemed to me that four armed ships had
little to fear from unarmed natives in canoes. The Camp Master hung up
the three natives in a place best adapted for the intended [25]object.
A certain person came to see them, who gave one of the bodies a
lance-thrust, and praised what had been done. At night the natives took
the bodies away.


An evil example gives rise to licence, and reason conquers him who
knows it. A certain person had an arquebus in his hut, and a friend of
his loaded it, and pointed it to fire at the natives. The other took it
out of his hands, and asked him what he was going to do with so much
diligence. He replied, that his diligence was to kill, because he liked
to kill. “It is not right,” replied his friend, “that
you should show such readiness to cause the death of men. What harm
have these natives done to you that you should treat them with such
cruelty? It is not valorous to show yourself a lion amongst lambs, nor
to kill when it takes your fancy. If you do not know what a foul and
sinful thing it is to murder a body which contains a soul, it is high
time that you learned, and though it has weight it is not
profitable.”


The native who was friendly to the Chaplain came to the guard, and
being seen by the General they embarked very joyfully, the native
crying out, “Friend! Friend!” The Adelantado received him
very cordially, offering him conserves and wine, but he would neither
eat nor drink. He began to look at the sheep, and seemed to give them a
name; he gazed at the ship and the rigging, counted the masts and
sails, went below and noted everything with care, more so than is usual
with a native. They told him to say “Jesus Maria,” and to
make the sign of the cross, which he did with great amusement, showed
good will in all things, and presently he asked for persons to take him
back to the shore. Such was the intelligence of this native that when
he understood that the ships would depart, he showed regret, and wanted
to go with us.


The Adelantado wanted to colonise these four islands, to make his
business with them, and to leave thirty men, [26]some of
them married. But the soldiers complained of this, and seeing their
ill-will he gave up the idea.


It may be held as certain that two hundred natives were killed in
these islands, for the impious and inconsiderate soldiers dropped one
or two or three. Their evil deeds are not things to do, nor to praise,
nor to allow, nor to maintain, nor to refrain from punishing if the
occasion permits.






[Contents]



Chapter VII.




In which an account is given of the port, island, and
inhabitants; of their customs, and other things.








This island of Santa Cristina is very populous, and
lofty in the centre. It has its ravines and valleys, where the natives
live. The port was named “Madre de Dios.” Praise to her! It
is in the western part, in latitude 9° 30′, sheltered from
all winds, only excepting the west, which never was found to blow. Its
shape is that of a horse-shoe, with a narrow mouth, and at the entrance
it has a clear bottom of sand, with a depth of 30 fathoms, in the
middle 24, and 12 near the beach. The marks by which it is known are a
hill to the south, rising from the sea, having a peak terminating in
three others on its summit; to the north a concave rock; within the
port five wooded ravines, all coming down to the sea, and a hill which
divides the little beaches of sand, having a stream of excellent water
falling from a height of a man’s stature and a half, the
thickness of a fist, where the barrels can be filled. Near it there is
a stream of equally good water, flowing near a village which the
natives have there. So that waterfall, stream, and village are all on
the shore, which is on the north side of the hill. On the south side of
it there are houses scattered among the trees. To the east there are
[27]high rocky hills, with some ravines whence the
stream descends.


Some of the natives of these islands did not appear to be as white
as those of Magdalena. They have the same form of speech, the same arms
and canoes, with which they communicate. Their village is built on two
sides of a square, one north and south, the other east to west, with
the surroundings well paved. The rest is a space with very tall and
thick trees. The houses appear to be for the community, after the
manner of slave quarters, and open to wind and water, the floor being
raised above that of the street. It appeared that many people were
lodged in each house, for there were many bed-places, and these low.
Some houses had low doors, and others had all the front open. They are
of wood, interwoven with very large canes having joints of more than 5
palmos1 in length, and of the thickness of a
man’s arm. The roof is of the leaves from the trees in the open
space.


The Chief Pilot did not see anything of the women, because he did
not land at the time that they came; but all who saw them reported that
they had beautiful legs and hands, fine eyes, fair countenances, small
waists, and graceful forms, and some of them prettier than the ladies
of Lima, who are famed for their beauty. Respecting their complexion,
if it cannot be called white, it is nearly white. They go with a
certain covering from the breasts downwards.


Apart from the village there was an oracle surrounded by palisades,
with the entrance on the west side. Within there was a house, almost in
the middle, in which there were some wooden figures badly carved; and
here were offerings of food and a pig, which the soldiers took.
[28]Wanting to take other things, the natives
interfered, saying they must not take anything, showing that they
respected that house and the figures.


Outside the village they had some very long and well-made canoes of
a single tree, with the form of a keel, bow, and stern, and with boards
well fastened with ropes made from cocoa fibre. In each one there is
room for thirty or forty natives as rowers; and they gave us to
understand, when they were asked, that they went in these large canoes
to other lands. They work with adzes, which they make of thick
fish-bones and shells. They sharpen them with large pebbles, which they
have for the purpose.


The temperature, health, vigour, and corpulence of these people tell
what the climate must be under which they live. One suffers cold at
night, but the sun does not cause much molestation by day. There were
some showers, not heavy; dew was never felt, but very great dryness, so
much so that wet things, when left out all night on the ground, were
found quite dry in the morning. But we could not tell whether this was
so all the year round.


They saw pigs, and fowls of Castille, and the fishery is certain
wherever there is sea.


The trees which have been mentioned as being in the open space
before the village yield a fruit which reaches to the size of a
boy’s head. Its colour, when it is ripe, is a clear green, and
when unripe it is very green. The rind has crossed scales like a
pineapple, its shape not quite round, being rather more narrow at the
end than near the stem. From the stem grows a leaf-stalk reaching to
the middle of the fruit, with a covering sheath. It has no core nor
pips, nor anything uneatable except the skin, and that is thin. All the
rest is a mass of pulp when ripe, not so much when green. They feed
much upon it in all sorts of ways, and it is so wholesome that they
call it white food. It is a good fruit and of much substance. The
leaves of [29]the tree are large, and much serrated, like those
of the papay.2


They found many caves full of a kind of sour dough, which the Chief
Pilot tasted. There is another fruit covered on the outside with
prickles like a chestnut, but each as big as six of Castille, with
nearly the same taste. Its shape is like a heart, flattened. They eat
many, roast and boiled, and leave them on the trees to ripen.


There are nuts the size of those of Castille, and appear to be
almost the same in taste. The outside is very hard and without joint,
and its kernel is not attached to the rind, so that it comes out easily
and entire when opened. It is an oily fruit. They ate and took away
many of them.


They saw calabashes of Castille sown on the beach, and some red
flowers pleasant to look on, but without smell. As our people did not
go inland, and all the natives retreated into the woods, as has been
said, this is all that can be related. The soldiers said that all the
trees appeared to bear fruit.


Our men were very well received by the natives, but it was not
understood why they gave us a welcome, or what was their intention. For
we did not understand them; and to this may be attributed the evil
things that happened, which might have been avoided if there had been
some one to make us understand each other. [30]








1 A
palmo is 8 inches, being a quarter of a vara, which is
32.9 inches.


2 The
earliest description of the bread fruit.






[Contents]



Chapter VII.




How the Adelantado departed from this island, and how
the murmuring began among the soldiers by reason of faults and of not
finding the land.








While the Adelantado was at this island he ordered the
galeot to be repaired, for one day, before anchoring, she was in great
danger from having fouled the bowsprit of the Capitana. He also
ordered wood and water to be got on board, the people to be embarked,
and the ships to be got ready. On the 5th of August he raised three
crosses, each one in its place, and another was cut on a tree, with the
day and year. He then weighed, and made sail in search of the islands
of his first discovery. A course was shaped W.S.W., with the wind E.
varying to S.E. In this way, sometimes altering course to N.W. and due
west, they sailed for about 400 leagues.


After three or four days, the Adelantado said that on that day they
would see the land of which they were in search, news which greatly
rejoiced the people. But, looking in all directions, they neither saw
land on that day nor on many days afterwards; and for this reason the
soldiers began to say things, and to conspire because the voyage was so
prolonged. There was scarcity of food and water, for at the news of the
proximity of land the people had indulged themselves freely. Now they
began to show slackness and suspicion. It is no cause for surprise that
in such enterprises those who have to bear the blame and the
responsibility should be the chief workers as well as the chief
sufferers.


On Sunday, the 20th of August, having covered the said 400 leagues,
the dawn found us close to four small and low islands, with sandy
beaches, and many palm and other trees. Together they appeared to be 8
leagues in circumference, [31]more or less. They are in a square,
very close to each other. From S.W. to N.E., and towards E. there are
banks of sand, where there are no means of entrance, and a point was
found in the reef which goes more to S.W. The General gave the name of
“San Bernardo” to these islands, as it was that
saint’s day. He wanted to find a port among these islands, but
desisted at the request of the Vicar. It was not known whether they
were inhabited, although the people in the galeot said they had seen
canoes, but this was believed to be a mistake. The islands are in
10° 20′ S., and in longitude 400 leagues from Lima.


Passing these four islands the wind came from S.E., which always
blows, sometimes with light showers, and thick dense cloud-masses were
not wanting. These masses were of various colours, and, strangely
enough, they formed themselves into various figures, and in
contemplating them they remained for a long space of time. Sometimes
they were so fixed that they were not dissipated during the whole day.
As they were in an unknown direction, it was thought that they were
indications of land. We continued to steer a westerly course, sometimes
N.W. and S.W., always in latitudes in accordance with the will and
instructions of the General, which were not to go higher than 12°
or lower than 8°. Generally we were in 10° to 11°.


On Tuesday, the 29th of August, we sighted a low round island
covered with trees, and surrounded by a reef which rose above the
water. It was about a league in circumference, and in latitude 10°
40′ S., distant from Lima 1,535 leagues. As it was by itself, it
was named “Solitaria.” The Adelantado ordered the two small
vessels to go in shore and seek for a port, so as to get wood, of which
the Almiranta was much in need, and to see if water could be
procured, of which there was also much scarcity. They anchored in 10
fathoms, and with loud cries told the General to stand off, as the
bottom was full of great rocks. [32]They were going and coming with
the sounding line sometimes finding 10 fathoms, at others 100 fathoms.
There was no bottom in places, and to see the vessel among such rocks
aroused alarm. There was no want of haste to get her away into the open
sea. All round this island there are a great number of rocks, and the
channel between these rocks is to the south.


At this time the soldiers, being influenced by their privations, and
wearied from the disappointment of their hopes, formed both public and
private assemblies to murmur and talk, which was a dissolution of
discipline, and an indication of what would happen afterwards.


The Camp Master (as has been said) was somewhat violent, and he had
quarrels with many people in the ship. In fine, experience and time
taught me what should be said, and I saw what should be done with
regard to his evil behaviour and menaces. In general we said as
follows: “We do not come here to lose but to gain. The Camp
Master orders things for the King’s service, as the King desires
he should order them, and we all have to obey. Do your duty, and leave
the things that do not belong to it. Avoid insults and threats to the
stick, for we will not suffer it. With so small a company so many heads
may be dispensed with. Our General is enough, for we are not going
where the usages of Flanders or of Italy are needed; nor are we naked
Indians, and for us death-dealing soldiers are not necessary; but we
are courageous and well-intentioned persons. Above all, we must watch
the General and the Camp Master, that each one may do his part, and
carefully and in detail give an account of what he may succeed in
hearing; while they conceal things in such a manner that, when asked
about them, they know nothing.” For unjust eyes have been turned
upon those who are far from any fault, and these, when they wish to
defend themselves, it would be necessary to have [33]angels
for their sureties, for there is no place for a fair hearing.


There was little reason, and so life was passed, many saying that
there was an end of it, for that we should never find the land; that
there was no necessity for so much rule, death being certain. Others
said that the Isles of Solomon had fled away, or that the Adelantado
had forgotten the place where they were to be found, or that the sea
had risen and covered them. Others said that, to call himself a Marquis
and advance his own relations, he had taken them, with 400 pounds of
biscuit, to perish in that great gulf, to go to the bottom and fish for
those wonderful pearls he had talked about. They put forward their
arguments and said one thing and another: that we had navigated for so
many days in 10°, and the islands we seek are said to be in the
same latitude, and yet they are not to be found. Either we have passed
them, or they do not exist, for by this road we shall go round the
world, or at least we shall come at last to Great Tartary. Neither the
Chief Pilot, nor the other Pilots, nor the Adelantado, know where they
are taking us to, nor where we are at present. They could easily give
or take away rewards to whom they chose, and follow their own
likings.


The Pilots of the other ships said that they took their vessels on
rocks and over the land, because the place where they were painted had
been rubbed off for many days, owing to the great and little height
they had navigated; and they said other things which were for the
soldiers. Also, there were those who said that in hard times and long
voyages the soldiers know their true friends.


The Chief Pilot, against whom there were suspicions that he would
never find the sought-for land, knowing that they had passed far beyond
the longitude given by the Adelantado, and yet that he was the
authority to whom [34]they all turned, spoke to the General with a
view to consoling the soldiers, who were so afflicted. He answered,
that they had also said to him that all would be lost. The Chief Pilot,
for satisfaction on his part, said many things in a loud voice, and
concluded by saying: “Hear me, and do not answer to what is said.
Hold yourselves in the belief that my words merit, for consider that I
did not come to navigate in order that I myself might perish.”
The Captain, Don Lorenzo, then came forward with some remarks very far
from the mark, to whom the Chief Pilot answered: “Those who do
not understand the affair, why should they speak to others?”
After these discourses there were those who complained, saying among
themselves: “This business is very different from what it was
supposed to be. Here there is neither honour nor life, as we are all
companions who live in this house without doors, and without tokens of
friendship.” But there did not want those who said: “What
hospitals have been founded or served by those that desire to please
God and obtain their desires? Take what is given us with joyful faces,
for this is the best way; and this being so, what is wanting will be
that which need not concern us.”






[Contents]



Chapter VIII.




How an island was discovered, that of the volcano was
examined, and the loss of the Almiranta.








These complaints caused much suffering to the
Adelantado, making him avoid both public and private sins, which he did
as much as was in his power, and giving an example in order to obtain
peace for all. With the beads in his hand, and without loss of a day,
he ordered the “Salve” to be raised before the image of Our
Lady of Solitude, which the Chief Pilot had brought for his own
[35]devotions. He also caused the vespers of Holy Days
to be solemnly observed, banners to be displayed, and streamers to be
hoisted, while warlike instruments were played. To practice the
soldiers this was done every afternoon, others assisting as much as
they could, although it should entail additional work.


In this state was the Capitana when the Almiranta
asked the Adelantado for a boat-load of wood, saying that, for want of
fuel, they had burnt boxes, and were using the upper works of the ship.
This was granted, and on another day the Admiral came on board the
Capitana to greet the Adelantado, as was customary. He then told
the General of his necessities, and begged that they would not part
company, and with this promise they were rejoiced. He sought for
succour as regards water, saying that he only had nine jars left. The
Admiral showed much despondency, saying that the defects of his ship
were numerous, but that he was determined to die with his people,
because for that he had come. The Adelantado did what he could to cheer
him, and ordered him to make sail, saying that the islands could not be
far off. The Master represented that, owing to there being little
ballast, the ship was very crank, and for this reason she would not
bear much sail; that there were one hundred and eighty persons on
board, and that he hoped he would at least give them twenty jars of
water. The Adelantado, although at that time he had more than four
hundred jars full, would not give one, for the report seemed to him
false.


With these and other misfortunes they sailed on until the 7th of
September, when, with a rather fresh S.E. breeze, the ship only had a
foresail on her without a bonnet,1 steering west. There was
seen ahead a mass of dark smoke, for which reason the Chief Pilot
ordered the galeot [36]and frigate to go on, keeping in sight of
each other, and see what land or reefs there were, and to report by
burning two lights, and two others in reply or in warning. But they
were to return before nightfall.


With this anxious doubt they continued to navigate with the care
that such a night made necessary. At 9 the Almiranta was seen,
and at 11, on the port side, there was a great and thick mass of cloud,
which covered the horizon in that direction. The sailors, and all who
turned their eyes upon it, were doubtful whether it was land. The fog
raised its curtain, which was in the form of a dense shower, and land
was clearly seen, less than a league distant. It was announced in the
customary way, in a loud voice, and all hands came out to see. The
galeot made many signals to the other ships, and, though the night was
dark, they could be seen at a great distance. The two ships answered,
but no signal was seen from the other. The night was passed praying to
God to send the day. When it came, a point was seen rather dark and
rounded, being covered with trees, looking very beautiful; but, looking
round for the Almiranta, she was nowhere to be seen; on which
every one was sad and anxious, showing the feeling that it was natural
they should have. It was Mariana de Castro, the Admiral’s wife,
who felt it most, for she blamed herself, and wept continually. The
General, though he wished to do so, could not dissimulate, for all saw
that his thoughts were bitter. What may be said is, that he was always
apprehensive of the loss of this ship, for many reasons which might be
given, some of which were spoken at Saña, now at a distance of
1,085 leagues. Next day, at dawn, they were repeated by a native woman,
who mourned for the loss of a soldier, a friend of hers, who was in the
ship.


When the daylight appeared, they beheld a single pointed mountain
rising out of the sea like a sugar-loaf, [37]all cut out, and to the
S.E. another small hill. It seemed to be distant about three leagues,
being eight from the island, and it has no port, nor any place where
one could jump on to the slope. It is quite bare, there being no trees
nor anything green. There are some crevices, two especially on the west
side, and out of them as well as from the summit of the mountain, a
great quantity of sparks and fire came out with much noise. It may be
said with truth that ten volcanoes together do not send forth such
flames as this one does by itself. When it was first sighted it was not
seen to send out flames. It had a very well-formed peak; but, a few
days after we anchored at the island, it threw off its crown with a
great trembling, insomuch that, being 10 leagues distant from it where
we were anchored, we heard it, and it moved the ship. From that time
forward, every now and then, there were mighty thunderings within the
mountain at the time that the flames burst forth; and when they
finished, there was so much and such dense smoke, that it seemed to
cover the whole concave of the first heaven.2


The Adelantado gave orders to the frigate to sail round the volcano,
which was to the west, to see if perchance the Almiranta was on
the other side of it, and was becalmed under the land, and then to
proceed in the direction of the island. He also ordered the soldiers to
be confessed, and, to set an example, he himself confessed in public.
The Vicar also persuaded them, for they were about to visit an unknown
land, where enemies and dangers would not be wanting. [38]








1 Piece of
canvas laced to the foot of the mainsail and foresail.


2 This is
the island of Tinakula, an active volcano rising 3,000 feet above the
sea in a most perfectly shaped cone, to the north of the island of
Santa Cruz. The volcano is still in full activity. It is in lat.
10° 24´ S., long. 165° 45´ W.






[Contents]



Chapter IX.




How a great number of canoes came out to the ships
from the land; gives an account of them and of the natives, and of the
rest that took place until they went into port.








Being near this island, there came out from it a large
canoe with a sail, and behind it a fleet of fifty smaller canoes, the
people in them calling to the ships with shouts and waving of hands,
our men, though doubtfully, calling in return. They arrived. The
natives in them were of a black colour; some of them tawny, with
frizzled hair; many of them having it white, red, and of other colours.
It certainly must have been dyed, and half of it removed from the head
in some, and there were other differences. They were all naked. Their
teeth were dyed red. Part of their bodies was covered with woven stuff,
and all were painted with lines blacker than their own colour, and they
had lines on their faces and bodies. They had many turns of a black
reed round their arms, and many strings of very small beads of bone and
fish’s teeth round their necks, and many plates of
mother-of-pearl, small and great, hanging from various parts. The
canoes were small, and some came fastened together, two and two, with
frames rather high, as counterpoises, like those of the former islands.
Their arms were bows, with arrows having very sharp points of toasted
wood, and others with bone harpoon-shaped points. Some were feathered,
with the point anointed, and carried in quivers. The ointment appeared
to be from a herb. Although they do little harm, they carry stones,
clubs of heavy wood, which are their swords, and darts of stout wood,
with three rows of harpoons, in length more than a
palmo1 to the points. They carried [39]from a
shoulder-belt a kind of bag, well worked, and full of biscuits, made
from a certain root, which they were all eating as they came along, and
readily gave away some of it. When the Adelantado saw their colour, he
took them for the people he was in search of, and said: “This is
such and such an island or land.” He spoke to them in the
language he had learnt during his first voyage, but they never
understood him, nor did he understand them.


They went on to look at the ships, and all went chattering round
them; but they would not come on board, though we tried to persuade
them. On the contrary, after consulting, they took their arms quickly,
apparently incited by a tall and lean old native who was in the front,
and without more ado they drew their bows ready to shoot. The old man
addressed them, the word was passed from one to the other, and for some
time there was indecision; but, finally, their resolution was formed,
and, giving a shout, they shot off all their bows, and sent many arrows
into the sails and on other parts of the ship, without doing any other
harm. Seeing this, orders were given to the soldiers, who were ready,
to fire their arquebuses. Some were killed, many others were wounded,
and they all fled in great terror. They were followed in the boat by
four arquebusiers, and overtaken. Two jumped into the water to save
their lives, who were spared, and the rest, jumping out on the beach,
hid themselves among the trees.


We stood off and on, seeking for a port, which all so much desired,
with the patience taught by the severe work they had gone through,
understanding that a landing would bring us certain refreshment. The
frigate came back without having seen the Almiranta, which
aroused our grief and fear afresh, and all three vessels anchored at
the mouth of a bay, under the shelter of some rocks. The bottom was
dangerous, and with the rising tide the galeot got adrift at about 10
in the evening. Seeing the danger of [40]driving on the rocks, the
General came out to give courage to the men, and raise the anchors. The
noise and hurry was great, the danger being imminent, and the night
time made it appear greater than it was. The negligence of the soldiers
was reprehensible, and there were not wanting those who cried out:
“The services which merit approval from the King are neither
these cares nor want of care. Let the brave Peruvians go below, and let
those who get the credit do the work. This ship must be looked after
among them, for it is for their credit, and to save their own
lives.” They did not want to work, and had no shame; but, without
their help, God was served by our getting up the anchors. Having made
sail, the ship got out into the open sea, though not without some
difficulty, for the waves came on board and made her heel over.


At dawn the Adelantado went on board the galeot to seek for a port;
and the Chief Pilot found one, though small. The volcano bore N.W. The
port was sheltered to the S.E., and had 12 fathoms of depth, a village,
a river, fuel and timber, and fresh air. The Adelantado came back
without having found a port, and the ships entered the bay. As it was
late they anchored under a point. The Sergeant landed with twelve
arquebusiers to secure a position. The natives of the village came out,
and shot off arrows with such force, that our men were obliged to take
refuge in a hut. Two volleys were fired from the ship, which put the
natives to flight, and the boat was sent for the men. All that night
the ships were at sea, and the next day the Adelantado found a harbour
sheltered from all winds, where he anchored in 15 fathoms, and near the
shore, where there were villages and a river. All night the noise of
music and dancing was heard, striking drums and tambourines of hollow
wood, at which the natives passed their time. [41]








1 8.346
inches.






[Contents]



Chapter X.




How the natives came to see the ships; how they found
another better port; of the guazabra that the natives gave; and
what happened until the settlement was formed.








Having anchored in the place already mentioned, many
natives came to see the ships and our people. Most of them had red
flowers in their hair and in their nostrils, and some of them were
persuaded by our people to come on board the ships, leaving their arms
in the canoes. Among them there came a man of fine presence and
tawny-coloured skin, with plumes on his head of blue, yellow, and red,
and in his hand a bow, with arrows pointed with carved bone. On either
side of him were two natives, with more authority than the rest. We
understood this man to be a personage, both because he appeared to be
greater than the others, and because of the respect with which he was
treated. Presently he came forward, and asked by signs who was our
chief. The Adelantado received him with much love, and, taking him by
the hand, let him know who he was. He said that his name was Malope,
and the Adelantado said that his was Mendaña. Malope understood,
and said that henceforward his name should be Mendaña, and that
Mendaña’s name should be Malope. When this exchange of
names had been effected, he showed that he put great value on it, and
when anyone called him Malope he said no, that his name was Mendaña; and
pointing with his finger to the Adelantado, he said that was
Malope.


He also said that he was called Jauriqui: that name appearing
to mean chief or captain. The Adelantado dressed him in a shirt, and
gave him a few trifles of little value. To other natives the soldiers
gave feathers, little bells, glass beads, bits of cloth and cotton, and
even playing-cards, all which they put round their necks. They taught
[42]the natives to say “friends,” and to
make a cross with two fingers, embracing them in token of peace, all
which they did learn and constantly practised. They showed them
looking-glasses, and with razors they shaved their heads and chins, and
with scissors they cut their finger and toe-nails, at all which they
rejoiced and were astonished; but they begged hard for the razors and
scissors. They also found out what was under the men’s clothes,
and, being undeceived, they played monkey tricks, such as those used by
the natives of the first islands.


This continued for four days, and they came and went, and brought
what food they had. One day Malope came, for he was the one whose
visits were most frequent, and who showed most friendship, the ships
being anchored near his village. The natives assembled with fifty
canoes, in which they had their arms concealed, all waiting for Malope,
who was on board the Capitana. They all fled because they saw a
soldier take up an arquebus, and made for the shore, our people
following them. On the beach there was another crowd of people, who
received them with joy, and they had a great consultation. The soldiers
were disappointed at such signs of peace, and would have preferred that
they should have given occasion to break the peace and make war.


On that same afternoon the natives took all they possessed in the
nearest houses, and retreated to the village of Malope. On the
following night there were great fires on the other side of the bay,
lasting nearly until morning, which seemed to be a signal for war; and
this was confirmed when canoes were seen going in great haste from one
village to another, as if they were warning or giving notice of
something.


Next morning a boat was sent from the galeot to take in water at an
adjacent stream. While they were thus employed, some concealed natives
shouted and fired off [43]arrows, which wounded three of our men. They
followed down to the boat, where they were repulsed by the
arquebusiers. The wounded were attended to, and the Adelantado at once
ordered the Camp Master to land with thirty men, and to do all the harm
they could with fire and sword. The natives stood their ground, when
five were killed, and the rest fled. Our people retreated, and,
embarking, came back to the ships, having cut down palm trees and burnt
some huts and canoes. They brought away three pigs, which they
killed.


On the same day the Adelantado sent the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in the
frigate, with twenty soldiers and seamen, to seek for the
Almiranta, with instructions to examine all the coast that was
in sight, and to return to the place where they anchored on the first
night of seeing the land. Thence he was to steer W. and N.W., which was
the direction the Almiranta might have taken, beyond the route
taken by the Capitana, and he was to see whether anything could
be found in that direction.


He also ordered the Camp Master to rise early, and go quickly with
forty soldiers to some huts which were near a hill, to punish the
natives for having hit our men with arrows, in order that, by means of
the chastisement inflicted on them, it might have the effect of
preventing greater evils. He arrived without alarming the natives,
occupied the paths, surrounded the houses, and set them on fire. Seven
natives who were inside, seeing the fire and the people, defended
themselves like brave men, and attacked our soldiers without regard for
their own lives. Six were killed, and the other escaped by running, but
was badly wounded. The Camp Master came back to the ship with seven
wounded men and five dead pigs.


In the afternoon Malope came to the beach, for the houses and canoes
that had been burnt belonged to him. In a loud voice, he cried to the
Adelantado by the name of [44]Malope, saying: “Malope!
Malope!” and beating on his own breast, saying:
“Mendaña, Mendaña!” In this way he made his
complaint, showing the harm they had done him by pointing with his
finger. He also made signs that his people had not shot arrows at our
men, but that the aggressors came from the other side of the bay. He
strung his bow, intending that we should all go against them, and that
his people would help us in taking vengeance. The Adelantado called him
with the intention of explaining matters; but he did not come. He went
away, returning on another day, and friendship was restored.


On the day of St. Matthew, Apostle and Evangelist, they made sail
from this port, steering for another which was better and more
convenient, at a distance of half a league, and in the same bay. While
altering our berth, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, came back with the news
that in sailing round the island he had found another bay not less good
than the one in which we were, and with more people and canoes; also,
that further on he saw two fair-sized islands, near the large island,
which were thickly peopled. To the S.E., at a distance of 8 leagues, he
saw another island; 9 or 10 leagues to E.N.E. from where we hove to for
the night when we first sighted land, he came on three islands, one 7
leagues round and the two others very small. They were all inhabited by
brown people of a clear colour, covered with palm trees; and many reefs
ran out to W.N.W., with openings and channels, of which no end was
seen.1 No sign whatever was seen of the ship of which
they were in search.


We anchored in the second port, and the natives passed the whole
night in shouting, as if they were bull-fighting or having games, and
very clearly we heard the word [45]“amigo,” and
presently shouts. In this and making fires the night was passed. When
morning dawned, a troop of about five hundred natives came to the
beach, all with their weapons in their hands, menacing and hurling
arrows, darts, and stones at the ships in hostile fashion. Seeing that
their missiles did not reach, some of them advanced into the water up
to their breasts, while others began to swim; in short, all were equal
in willingness, diligence, and noise. They came so near that, grappling
with the buoys of the ships, they went on shore with them. Seeing their
audacity, the Adelantado ordered Captain Lorenzo, his brother-in-law,
to take fifteen soldiers in the boat, and to skirmish with them. Those
with shields protected the arquebusiers and rowers, so that only two
were hit, but there would have been more if it had not been for the
shields, which were passed from place to place. The natives fought in
very scattered formation and by rushes, but showed themselves to be
valorous, so that it was understood that we had met with a people who
knew well how to defend their homes. But this only lasted during the
time that our arms did not do the harm that they did and saw. As soon
as they were undeceived by the death of two or three, and several
wounded, they retreated from the beach, and, abandoning their
aggressive attitude, took the road to their homes, carrying the dead
and wounded, creeping with the speed that we gave them into the woods.
They carried the wounded in their arms, and helped others to walk,
leaving the trail of their own blood where they went.


The Captain, Don Lorenzo, although he had no orders to land,
followed the natives with his men, and the Camp Master, who was
watching everything from the ship, shouted that the men were being
placed in risk, and that if he was in another place he would punish one
who assumed a licence that had not been given to him. Doña
[46]Isabel felt this very much, and wished it to be
understood that, being her brother, for him there was no limit of
licence in things military. The Camp Master landed with thirty
soldiers, and went in pursuit of the natives, but as he would not wait,
he had nothing to report.


It may be looked upon as certain that the Camp Master had said to
the Captain, Don Lorenzo, that if he would not obey he was not fit to
be a Captain; that he must pull up and know his duty, and that there
were not wanting those who would teach him. When this came to the
knowledge of Doña Isabel, she said things which were very deeply
felt by the Camp Master; who did not come back, but went alone to pass
the night at one of the villages of the natives which was near, and all
that night silence was well kept.








1 Nupani,
Nukapu, and several other small reef islands north of Santa Cruz.






[Contents]



Chapter XI.




How they began to treat of a settlement, and what
passed in forming it, and the complaints of the soldiers.








The following day, the Camp Master being on shore, he
proposed to the soldiers to clear a place which was close to a large
stream, and to found a settlement. The soldiers were not pleased with
the place, which appeared to be unhealthy, and for this reason some of
the married men went on board to inform the Adelantado of the
determination of the Camp Master, and to ask leave to go on shore and
settle in one of the native villages, where the houses were ready built
and the place already used. Others represented that there was no better
place than the one selected, and that if the natives had not settled
there, it was a token of their bad disposition. If not, they could do
what seemed best. [47]


The Adelantado agreed to this, and went on shore. As the unmarried
men were of the same opinion as the Camp Master, they at once got out
axes, wood knives, and spades, and began to cut down trees with smooth
trunks, lofty and tufted, but with very diverse leaves. The Adelantado
was not at all pleased at the decision, for it was his intention to
form the settlement on a bare point near the entrance of the bay, where
he went with the Camp Master and the soldiers. All came with the
opinion that the land was like Andalusia, that the natives had many
farms, and for a settlement that the place was as good as it was
agreeable.


The soldiers cut down the trees with good will, brought poles with
which they built huts, and branches of palms to roof them. Their former
work and troubles, and the gift they had left behind, were forgotten,
as well as the small store they then had. They did not remember their
country, nor that they had left the province of Peru, so rich and
extensive, where there is no man who is poor in hopes. They would
overcome all the difficulties of which they were told, and which were
before their eyes, for their God and their King. The spirit and valour
of Spaniards could do all, for neither labour nor ill fortune could
daunt them, nor could dangers, however terrible and fearful they might
be. So they built their houses and set up their tents, each one doing
the best he could, as a beginning of what they would have to perform in
parts where they would live and end with honour and fame. The Devil was
able to work so well with some of them, that they kept in mind the
delights of Lima; and this sufficed to rob the rest of their lofty
thoughts, and thus to abate that constancy which it is necessary to
preserve and maintain in such affairs.


The Adelantado did not disembark, but gave his orders for the good
government of his people from the ship. But [48]the
soldiers, to whom a limit to what they are permitted to do seldom or
ever seems good, began to complain of an order which the Adelantado had
given. It had reference to the good treatment of the natives, their
houses and property. Those were not wanting who said that they did not
want to have a division but a moderate profit, that it was sufficient
that they had been brought to that coast, and that all belonged to
them. In other ways they noted and reminded themselves of what they had
spent and left behind, and of what they had suffered, and of their
hopes. Hence complaints arose, and too surely they began to lose their
love and loyalty point by point.






[Contents]



Chapter XII.




In which a particular account is given of this bay,
the natives, the port, the villages and food, with what else was
seen.








This bay, to which the Adelantado gave the name of
“Graciosa,” for so it is, has a circuit of 40½
leagues. It runs N.N.E. and S.S.W., and is at the western end of the
island, on its north side, and south of the volcano. Its mouth is half
a league wide, and there is a reef on the east side, but the entrance
is very open. The bay is formed by an island to the westward, which is
very fertile and well peopled, both on the shore and inland. We called
it our garden, “Huerta.”1 It is
separated from the large island by a short space, full of rocks and
reefs, with some small channels, so that only boats and canoes can
pass. The port is at the bottom of the bay, where there is a very
copious stream of clear and excellent water, which, at the distance of
a musket shot, runs under some rocks and so enters the sea. The
settlement was formed on the banks [49]of this stream and of the sea.
To the east of the stream, at the distance of an arquebus shot, there
is a moderate-sized river. The port is in 10° 20′ S., and
1,850 leagues from Lima. There are breezes from the S.E., which do
little harm. The bottom is mud, with 40, 30, and 20 fathoms, and
anchorage close to the shore. In all this bay there is no place for a
ship to anchor except in the port, and in the first, which we left
because it was small. Over all the rest there is foul ground owing to
rocks. There is another spring on a beach of clean sand, of excellent
water, and a river and stream, which flow near the houses of Malope,
and there enter the sea.


In this country there are many pigs, which they roast whole over
stones. There are fowls like those of Castille, many of them white.
They fly up into the trees and breed there; also partridges, like those
of Castille, or of another kind very like them.


There are large wild pigeons, grey, with white necks, small doves,
herons, black and white, ducks, swallows, and other birds which I do
not know. Of reptiles I only saw some black lizards, and ants, but no
mosquitos: a new thing in such a low latitude.


There are many kinds of fish. The natives fish with three-pronged
poles which they have, large, and many of them. The line appears to be
of fibre, with floats of light wood, and sinkers of stone.


They have many plantains, of seven or eight kinds. Some are reddish,
and as broad as the width of a hand; others of the same colour, but
very small and tender, even when ripe. Some have the rind green, and
the pulp not so green. There are others very large, twisted with one
turn, which are of a delicious taste and smell. Each bunch has many
plantains.


There are great numbers of cocoa-nut trees and very large sweet
canes. There are also almonds with three [50]sides, and the pulp of
each one contains as much as four almonds of Castille, the taste being
delicious. There are some very beautiful pines of the size of a
man’s head, with the kernels the size of a Spanish almond. The
trees on which they grow have few leaves, and those they have are
large. There is another kind of very good nuts, which grow in very
large and long bunches on small trees with round leaves, and each one,
with its rind, will be of the size and shape of a date. There is also
the large fruit which we praised much at the first islands, and the
nuts and chestnuts like the others. There is another fruit which they
called a pippin. It grows on a tall and large tree, and another kind
which is not so good, the way of growing being like that of pears. As
we did not go all over the land, nor were there all the year round, it
is not known what other fruits there may be.


There are three or four kinds of roots, all in abundance, which form
their bread, and they eat them roast or boiled. One of them has a sweet
taste, the other two prick a little when eaten. A soldier ate one raw,
from which a great nausea resulted, but he was none the worse. Of these
roots the natives make a great quantity of biscuits, dried either in
the sun or by fire. They keep them in baskets of palm leaves. This food
is sustaining. It has the drawback of being rather heating, but much is
eaten of it, and of the roots roasted and boiled, and in pots.


There is plenty of fibre, which throughout the east is used as
cord.


There are large and red amaranths, greens, and a sort of calabash,
plenty of sweet basil with a very strong smell, and several kinds of
red flowers beautiful to look at, which the natives are very fond of.
They have no smell. They train them on small trees, and have them in
small pots near their houses.


There is plenty of ginger, which grows without being [51]sown.
There is also a great quantity of a tall branching shrub called indigo,
from which the indigo dye is made. There are aloe trees, much
demajagua,2 from which they make their cords and nets, as
well as from the cocoa-nuts, though not so much.


There are shells like the curious ones that are brought from China,
and pearl oyster-shells, some large and others small.


In our settlement, on the banks of the stream, there was a tree
which the natives wound in the trunk, and there comes out a liquor of a
sweet smell, which is very like turpentine, and with this, or another
mixed with it, they fill their calabashes. The natives make bags and
purses of palm very well worked, and large sheets or mats which serve
as sails for their canoes. They weave a fabric—I do not know from
what it is woven—on some small looms they make, which serve for
mantles, with which the women are clothed.


I have already said that the natives are black and tawny, and they
are like the people we have among ourselves of those colours. They make
great use of a root which is also used in the East Indies, called
betel, and in the Philippines buhio. It is a cordate-shaped leaf
of the size of a hand, more or less, its smell, taste, and colour like
a clove. They put lime with it, apparently got from shells, and fruit
the size of acorns, which grows on wild palms. They spit out the first
chewing, and keep the pulp that is left. It is well spoken of as
wholesome, and strengthening to the stomach, as well as good for the
teeth.


Their villages consist of twenty houses, more or less, and they
build them round, of boards one over the other, on a single frame of
stout wood. They have two lofts, to which they ascend by ladders, with
roofs of interlaced [52]palms, like hen lofts in Castille. They are
all open, half the height of a man, and surrounded by a wall of loose
stones, with an opening instead of a door. The eaves do not reach to
the boards of the roof, and serve as a shelter. In each village there
is a long house, used as an oracle, with human figures in half relief,
badly carved, and another long house, which appeared to be for the
community. In the centre of them there were barbacoas of cane.
There are ten or twelve of these villages on the sea shore, and in each
one or two wells, curiously lined with stones, with steps such as are
in use among us, by which they go down, and the opening has its
covering of boards. On the shore there are some yards encircled by
stones where, when the sea rises, they fish with a certain contrivance,
having a pole worked like a pump-handle.


They have some large and beautiful canoes, with which they navigate
to a distance, for the small ones only serve to go for short distances
from their homes. They are flat-bottomed, made of a single tree from
stem to stern. They have their hatchway in the middle, out of which
they take the water which comes in by the mast. They fix a frame of
crossed sticks, very securely fastened with cords, from which comes an
outrigger with a cross plank, which steadies the canoe, and prevents it
from capsizing. In this way one such vessel will serve for thirty or
more men with their things. The sail is large, and made of matting,
wide above and narrow below. The canoes are good sailers and weatherly.
Our frigate succeeded in getting one, and hoisted her up, under the
bowsprit.


They have their cultivated patches, and fruit gardens well ordered.
The soil is black, spongy, and loose. The parts that are sown are first
well cleared. The temperature is the same as that of other lands in the
same latitude. There was some thunder and lightning, and many showers,
but not much wind. [53]


The Adelantado gave the name of Santa Cruz
to the island. It appeared to have a circumference of 100 leagues. All
the part which I saw runs almost east and west. It is well covered with
trees. The land is not very high, though there are hills, ravines, and
some beds of reeds. It is clear of rocks, and those that do exist are
close to the land. It is well peopled all along the sea shore; but I
cannot give an account of the interior, as I never explored it.








1 In lat.
10° 40′ S., long. 165° 45′ 30″ W.


2 Not a
Spanish word.






[Contents]



Chapter XIII.




How the trouble among the soldiers began with a paper
and signatures; what the Adelantado said on the subject to certain
soldiers; of some complaints that were made, and some disgraceful
things that occurred.








As has been said, the Adelantado did not land because
no house had been built for him. So that he was in the ship, while the
Camp Master was on shore and had charge of the ordering of things
there. Our people began to seek for food, and whenever a leader with
twelve or fifteen soldiers went to the villages of the natives (which
were numerous and near our settlement), or to their cultivated patches,
they always came back with from six to twelve pigs, many cocoa nuts and
plantains, and everything else that the island supplies. They found the
natives submissive and inclined to peace; for though it is true that at
first they took to flight, afterwards they remained quietly in their
houses, with their wives and children. They themselves brought supplies
to near the camp. They were not allowed to enter, lest they should see
how small were our numbers. The same was done by them as regards the
ship, and their solicitude seemed to show that they were friends.
[54]


Malope also conducted himself in the same way, and from the goodwill
that was shown by all, it seemed to us that the friendship with them
was firmly established. It arrived at such a pitch that the Captain Don
Lorenzo was able to make an agreement with the natives that they would
come to help us to build the houses, praying that their own might be
left to them, and showing much feeling when they were pulled down. One
day, when they came the Vicar went out to them, and many with him. He
made a cross with two poles, ordering all present to show reverence to
it. Presently the natives did the same, and went with it to their
village in procession.


Things being in this condition, there began to arise among the
soldiers opinions very different from those of the Adelantado. They
said that the land was wretched and very poor, that there was nothing
in all the country, and that the position of the settlement was bad.
They were dissatisfied with everything. What yesterday appeared very
good to them now seemed very bad; guided by their fancies, and
forgetful of the obligations of those who follow the banner of their
King. At last a document was prepared with several signatures, in which
the Adelantado was asked to take them away from that place and find a
better one for them, or to take them to the islands he had talked
about. The Adelantado had notice of the paper and signatures, through
the gossip and the post which the Devil always has ready to carry
tales. He fell ill at the trouble of seeing such a bad beginning to
what he had hoped would have a good end. Seeing, however, into what
disorder things were falling, he went on shore. Meeting one of those
who had signed the paper, he said: “Is your worship a ringleader
of the party? Do you not know that it is little less than mutiny to
sign that paper?” The man replied, with the paper in his hand:
“Here is what we want, and if anything else has been said it is a
[55]lie.” A soldier put forth another argument,
and the Adelantado said: “Silence, for you have cause to hold
your tongues.” He then went on board again, and ordered the Pilot
of the galeot to go on shore, where he was received by certain of the
soldiers. It is reported that he said to them that they should leave
that land, and that in less than thirty days he would take them to a
better one.


In the midst of these troubles our church was built, for which there
was a charitable promise in the future of 10,000 ducats; and each day
the priest said mass in it.


They had to seek for food, and they cut much fibre to make ropes,
collecting all they could get from the natives. Meanwhile the signing
of the paper proceeded, and it was considered certain that there would
be eighty signatures. Those who asked men to sign did not forget to
make the most of the island, and to remind them of their hardships and
hard work. Some of the men answered that there was the need to work
everywhere, and that the work in that land was of a kind which was
quite suitable to them.


The deaths of the natives took place in the following way. One of
them, being in friendship with us, a soldier shot him in the neck, of
which wound he presently died. The other, being in conversation, four
soldiers called him apart, and killed him with stabs. These things were
done with the object of inducing the natives to make war upon us, and
thus produce a scarcity of provisions, so as to make it the desire of
all to leave the island. Also it was thought that the natives
attacking, the camp would have to be strengthened, the Adelantado would
be applied to for the artillery, and he being disarmed they would
remain strong. It was said that they wanted to kill some of us, I know
not who, but certain persons were followed, with the object of taking
their offices and giving them to friends of the disaffected. It was
also said that it was intended to give [56]a false alarm at night,
and, when those who were loyal to the Adelantado came out of their
houses, to set upon them.


It was made public that, one night, a troop of armed malcontents
came to enter a house where some loyal men were watching, and after
they had pointed arquebuses at their breasts, they turned back and went
into a tent. There they tried the beds, and, not finding the owners in
them, who from fear had fled into the woods, they only terrified their
wives. At another place they tried the place in a bed by driving a
sword into it, and not feeling anything they went away. This was
related by the people themselves. But as the stories wanted evidence,
nothing was done. I say myself that a soldier said to me that others
had asked him whether he wished to return to Peru; that he had answered
in the affirmative, and seeing what his wishes were, they asked him to
sign the paper they showed him, to be presented to the Adelantado. As
soon as he had signed they said to him: “Now that you have signed
you must have your weapons ready, and if you see the Adelantado and the
Camp Master opposed, take the side of the Camp Master, and act like a
good soldier. Point with your arquebus and fire. You are not told to
kill unless,” etc. The same thing was said on another occasion:
“It is a pity, for at night I am disturbed lest they should not
kill as many men as they want to kill.”


Among the various proposals of the malcontents there was one that
they should make gimlet holes in the ships, because it was not
desirable that news should be taken to Peru, for the islands would not
be found, even if search was made for them they would not be
discovered, and thus either all would go or none. To this a
well-intentioned person answered that the coming had been for the good
of the people of those parts, and that if the King was not informed, so
that succour might be sent, the service could [57]not be
performed. This honourable answer so enraged the other that he raised
his arm in anger, and said that “they would not be converted, a
flock of sheep, and as they have been until now, so they will continue
to be henceforward; but we are not going to die here when we can be
saved.” The other, continuing the conversation, said: “I
should be fortunate if the Lord granted that I should be the means of
one soul being saved; how much more when there are so many here to be
saved.” This plan of returning to Peru was so fixed in their
minds, that they did not even like the Chief Pilot to go out to sea on
the important business of his calling; saying, that if he went with the
sailors he would not come back again. This had such an effect on the
mind of the Adelantado, that he had all the sails unbent, and put them
under guard. This was not the only false testimony that was borne; for
another lie was told of another person. It was a small thing to take
life, so long as they could gain their ends. But it was seen by
experience that attempts against truth and innocence profit little,
because the author of them is soon discredited. I can well say that the
harm they intended me has been pardoned. A friend said to one of them:
“Is your worship one of those who wish to leave this land?”
The reply was: “What can we do here?” The other answered:
“What we came to do! and if all others went away, I should remain
to do my duty; and the friend who should deny this ought to be
answered, without further ado, with a dagger in his blood.”


This confused time was good for each one to declare his good will if
he had it. Discontented and vacillating soldiers, when they saw no
firmness, felt that the door was open for them to try the minds of
others, and find out who was resolved and who was not. One said in
public: “the Camp Master is my cock; all are afraid of him. What
he orders is obeyed. Now things are ripening. Before [58]long we
shall see something, and before long we shall have liberty.” It
was also said that the clothes of Doña Isabel were intended to
last two years. Another said that he might think himself fortunate who
could take his wife by the hand. Another said: “Such and such
could stay, but we intend to go, let it give pain to whom it might
pain, for in my kingdom I may rule.” Such like nonsense would
lead to death. It was also said: “We carry such a one as pilot,
who is not known to the world. He will take us to the deserts of Chile,
and with that we shall be contented, and we will go to Potosi.”
In short, each word that was said was mutinous and insubordinate. Well
was this tower of confusion built up over the ashes of vindictiveness,
vanity, and disordered ambition and avarice, the pests of such an
enterprise. This it is to want understanding and prudence. Will it not
bring ruin? Further on we shall see.






[Contents]



Chapter XIV.




How the Adelantado went on shore, and what happened,
and what he said to the Camp Master; and the transaction between the
Vicar and the Chief Pilot.








Seeing that there was so much disorder, the Adelantado
determined to go on shore, where he met several soldiers with swords in
their hands. He asked them why they carried them so, and one replied
that it was because there was war. The Camp Master came to the
Adelantado, and said: “It is well that your Lordship has come. It
seems to me that these bellicose men go and come with complaints, and
refer me to your Lordship; and if your Lordship does not apply a
remedy, all those will be found some morning hanging from a
tree”; and he pointed with his finger. To this the Adelantado
answered with great [59]patience, and showing much sorrow. The Camp
Master replied: “They are rascals who would not dare to take a
crumb from a cat. Apart from your Lordship, whom I hold to be above my
head (this with his hat in his hand), I do not care for any of them,
from the smallest to the biggest, and I look upon them as the dirt
under my feet, and none of them merits notice except myself, for I am a
gentleman. All who are here, except your Lordship, want to go away and
leave this land, but I must obey and serve your Lordship; God knows
that if it had not been for me the honour of your Lordship would have
been in the dust; and last night they would have killed all those who
were in two of the houses if I had not prevented them. One is the house
of such an one, and as to the other I will keep silence.” They
told me that he said more. I am not any longer informed about it. They
can do what they like. On this day a soldier took the liberty to
address the General. The Camp Master was present, and he quarrelled
with the man. The Adelantado, seeing this, and considering the
liberties that had been taken on other days, said: “Now they lose
respect for me.” The man was respectable, and was on the side and
held the views of his chief, and would have stood by him, and for the
honour of the King. But the Adelantado took him by the arm, and said:
“This is not the time!”


The General paid several visits to the camp, to see if his presence
would smooth matters. One day he met the Camp Master, and said to him:
“For all that is happening the fault is your worship’s, for
you give the soldiers wings, and they suffer misrepresentation.”
The Camp Master answered: “The false statements are on board the
ship, and I show no favour to the soldiers, but I make them respect
your Lordship and obey you as governor.”


On another occasion the Camp Master took the hand of the Adelantado,
and complained of what Doña Isabel had [60]said of
him. The Adelantado was more annoyed this time than on others. The Camp
Master went away, and the Adelantado went to the corps du garde.
He laid down on a chest, and showed much feeling. They had to help him
to raise his feet on to it. Presently, the Chief Pilot and some others
came, saying that he should not be troubled, and that all were his
servants and would follow him. Having rested a little, he went on
board, and repeated what he had said to the Camp Master. With arms in
his hand the General came for me, and told me, that the Camp Master had
said also what a thing it was not to have come provided, as was
reasonable, and they had deceived him in not having brought two hundred
axes and three hundred wood knives; for they had come to a land where
neither God nor the King would be served by their arrival, and if this
people were taken to another part it would be a great advantage. These
things about the Camp Master I relate partly from the reports of
others, for I do not myself remember them all very well.


The next time the Adelantado went on shore was to arrange and mark
out with the Camp Master a site for a stockade to be used as a fort.
Touching this, and the ground for sowing, and other matters relating to
the administration of the settlement, he had to give his attention and
to hear much folly. There were questions of entails, titles,
relationships, and ownerships; such demands, replies and settlements;
such wasting of time and breaking of heads. In fine, they did not trust
each other. On this day two arquebusiers left the camp, and the ball of
one of them went whizzing over the Chief Pilot, who was on board the
Capitana. The other ball passed over the frigate, and I know not
at what birds they were aiming.


On the following night the Chief Pilot was keeping watch, and at
dawn Don Diego Barreto came in a canoe to speak to his brother-in-law.
Having spoken to him, he [61]said to me that things had come to
such a pass in the camp that it did not promise less than his death,
and the deaths of his brothers and brother-in-law, with all those who
remained true to their duty. At this time the Camp Master was saying on
shore, “Arm! Arm!” The Chief Pilot ordered that the
Constable should fire off a piece that was pointed at the village,
sending the ball in the air, to terrify the natives, or at least to let
them understand that we did not sleep without a dog. The noise of all
ceased, and that of one voice sounded, saying that the General should
send them powder and cord. We were deaf for the time, but at dawn we
sent them what they asked for; asking at the same time the cause of the
disturbance. The answer was that the branches of trees rubbed against
the posts in one part of the camp, and, thinking it was the natives,
they had sounded to arms.


On the same day the Vicar went on shore to say Mass, according to
his custom; for he also still lived on board, there being no house for
him in the camp. When he returned in the afternoon, he said to the
Chief Pilot: “Those people will go without fail.” The Chief
Pilot asked where they would go. The Vicar replied, “I only know
what I say;” and the Pilot said: “What sailors have they to
take them? Will they kill us, or use force?” The Vicar said Yes;
that all were determined to do so. He asked the Chief Pilot to procure
that the soldiers should be appeased, for if they should go the natives
will be the losers. He shrugged his shoulders, saying that with very
good will he would spend four years there, teaching the natives. The
Pilot answered: “A month has not even passed since we arrived.
How can there be so little firmness in honourable men?”
[62]






[Contents]



Chapter XV.




How the Chief Pilot asked leave to go, in the name of
the General, to speak to the soldiers on shore, and what passed between
them.








The next day, being a Friday, the Chief Pilot, seeing
the determination of the men in the camp, from what the Vicar had said,
and the illness and low spirits of the Adelantado, asked permission to
go on shore and speak to the soldiers in his name. The Adelantado
answered: “I know not whether those people will listen to
anything in my favour and that of the land, being so determined, and
having declared that they would have their own way.” The Pilot
went to him a second time, and at last he consented. So the Chief Pilot
went on shore, and the first person he met, with a scornful gesture,
and his head turned derisively, said: “Are you ordered to go with
a report to Peru? Now is the time to take my letters.” Then a
soldier, who was a friend to the Adelantado, came to the Pilot, and
said: “Things look very bad; I know not what will happen.”
Another said: “Though I wish to see you proceeding with the
enterprise, I am very sorry to see you here, because of the menaces
with which you will be received.”


On going further into the camp, many soldiers came to him. Some were
saying: “Where have you brought us to? What place is this whence
no man goes, and to which no man will return? Even if notice was sent,
people would only come to take gold, silver, pearls, or other things of
value, and these are not here. The Adelantado is not to send notice,
nor will all of us, or any of us, consent to it.”


Others said: “We did not come to sow: for that purpose there
is plenty of land in Peru; that is not the way to follow the service of
God or of the King. We have [63]obligations to our own people, not to
these savages. These are not the islands the Adelantado told us of, nor
will we remain here. Embark us and take us to seek those other islands,
or take us to Peru or some part where there are Christians.”
Resolute words of people without a master! Of these and other like
things one and the other talked, in the direction whither their desires
guided them, or rather drove them, without attending to whether the
things they wanted were profitable or harmful. For mutineers have their
wills so unrestrained that they have no bridle to check them, though
the words spoken to them may be words of truth.


The Chief Pilot enquired for the reasons which made them think that
the land was bad, to which they answered that it yielded next to
nothing. On this he asked them what they had left in Peru, and what
they had brought from there? and what they sought for to pass this
life, unless it was money to buy a house and sustenance: a thing which
few succeed in doing until late, most men passing their lives in hopes;
that the present is good for working, without knowing what may come
after, or what may be discovered. They said that when that time came
twenty years would have passed away, and they would be old. The Pilot
said to them that according to that, they ought to know how to find
cities, vineyards, and gardens; to enter a house ready furnished, with
the tables spread, and to make the owners give up their property and go
into servitude; or they should know how to find mountains, valleys, and
plains of emeralds, rubies, and diamonds, ready to be loaded and taken
away. It should be remembered that all the provinces in the world had
their beginnings; that Seville, Rome, and Venice, and the other cities
of the world, were once forests or bare plains; and that it had cost
the inhabitants what great things cost to create them, that their
successors might enjoy the fruits of their labours, [64]as they
do now enjoy them. “What I understand is that you want others to
have worked that you may rest, without remembering that all have to
work, though the first workers may have made the beginnings.”


But they looked upon the Chief Pilot with suspicion, and they gave
for a reason that it was he who was to go with the news, and he
therefore favoured the settlement of this land that he might remain in
the other. He asked them what riches they had seen him take that they
thought this of him; that he it was who risked most, having to go for
their good to discover routes over unknown seas; besides the labour he
had to go through, to look out for a rock at night, and to complete
calculations.


He further addressed them as follows:—“Gentlemen, who is
it that deceives you and makes you discontented? What is the bad
conception which makes you think that you can all leave this place with
the ease that you promise yourselves? Tell me who they are, for I will
explain to you the impossibilities there are in going from here to
Peru, or any other part whatsoever.” One of them answered:
“Let that be how it may, for I would rather die at sea than where
I am, and between the two we are in irons.” The Pilot said to
this man: “Know you not that we follow our General, who is in the
place of the King, and that we are bound to desire what he desires for
the King’s service; and to want any other thing is to want to go
contrary to the royal service.” They all answered: “Here we
are not going against the royal service.” To this the Pilot
replied: “What is it to go against the will of your General; to
refuse to improve the land which he has settled in the royal name; and
what is it to disobey, incite, and menace those who do not agree with
you?” They answered: “We only desire that notice be not
sent to Peru, and that, as we are a small body of men, we may be taken
from here and taken to the islands of which we [65]are in
search, or to some better place.” The Pilot replied: “The
Adelantado is the person whose duty it is to see that all goes well. It
should be left to him, who now wishes a second time to search for the
Admiral at the island of San Cristobal, which he was instructed
to search for. If it should be found all will be well, and if not, a
Christian view of things should be taken. The Adelantado’s person
and that of his wife were in the same place where they all were, and
all would share the dangers together. If the Almiranta was
found, all must approve. Moreover, it was not the Chief Pilot who had
to go, but the Adelantado, who was well prepared.” The Pilot
added that their leader was ill, and that it was not reasonable to
expect that his person should be exposed to new risks. But when he
should wish to go, there should be none to contradict, being such
honourable men whose faith could be trusted in this and more.


At this time others had come to give their opinions, but as the
music was loud and so much out of tune, it did not sound well.


Continuing the discussion, the Chief Pilot, whose services in having
navigated the fleet and discovered four islands whence they could take
a new departure with a fair wind and short voyage, were nearly
forgotten, now said: “You should all remember that if God had not
given us the island on which we now are, we should all have perished;
and as He gave it, we ought to be willing to remain here for a time.
Now it may be seen that the same wind which brought us detains us here;
the wind that was fair is now contrary, and a return to Peru is
impossible without seeking a very high latitude. The ships have many
defects, and we cannot careen them, we have no cables, and the rigging
is rotten. As for provisions, we have nothing left but a little flour,
and the jars for water are diminished in number, as many of them have
been broken; while the [66]barrels are out of order, there being no one
who can repair them. The route is long and unknown, and we do not know
what would be the duration of such a voyage. These things are certain,
and cannot be avoided, without the risk of your own lives and those of
your comrades.” He said further: “I desire that the wind
would change, but we must go west, being the only course with a fair
wind. We may be certain that we shall not be a longer time on the
voyage than we were in coming here, where we can have as much, in the
way of supplies, as we started with. Why should we have gone through so
much labor, wasting our property and running such great risks,
undertaking such an honorable enterprise, if we do not go through with
it?


“Remember well that the King has had and still has other
vassals, who have defended frontiers and maintained provinces against
warlike people of great power, and sometimes eating dogs and cats
rather than suffer dishonour; and all without expecting any reward such
as may be hoped for here. At present neither will supplies be wanting
in so fertile a soil, nor will an enemy cause serious danger; nor are
there other drawbacks which we are obliged to forget, but which others
will not forget. For we have an honourable opportunity which many
others would like to have without ever having it offered to them, which
we can perpetuate at the cost of much careful management. Why should we
avoid such a chance? We should show resolution, for there is time for
all things, and it is as well to reach the place we want in May as in
September. In short, where is it desired that we should be, if we are
to say that we only come to seek our own welfare; and even to procure
that we want the spirit, for very soon, and without more cause than our
own cowardice, we should be undone. We should be looked upon as the
enemies of God and the King, and of the honor of our [67]General
and our own, if we abandon such an enterprise and such a land.


“Enemies to God, because we abandon so easily, and without
sufficient cause, the work we came to do for the honour of God and the
salvation of souls. It is the great interest on which we have to turn
both our eyes, to rescue from the captivity of the Devil those whom he
looks upon as so secure; to turn the worship of the natives from him,
and turn it to God, to whom they owe it, and whose it is.


“Enemies of the King, for impeding his service, which may be
promoted in this place, without making other discoveries, incurring
fresh expenses, or risking other fleets. It may be that what was
intended will be achieved, for when the new world was discovered it was
not known at first how important it was, there being only a few small
islands of little or no value; yet, through the constancy of the
discoverers, there were afterwards found the great and rich provinces
of New Spain and Peru; while the return to Spain, for a long time
laborious and difficult, is now made easy through the mercy of God.


“Enemies to the honour of our General, because he has expended
his resources on the enterprise, leaving what he has left in Peru. Do
you wish, solely for your whim, to destroy such Christian aspirations,
which have endured so long?


“Enemies of our own honour, because, from this position where
we now are, there is no place to which we can go that will not be in
the dominions of our King, and whose Ministers will exact a very strict
account of whence we came, where we have left the General, and what
reason we had for abandoning a land which had been settled in the name
of the King: more especially such a land as this which is fertile, with
friendly and numerous inhabitants. In one way or another we cannot
escape from offending [68]our consciences, risking our lives, our
honour, and our liberty. For all to go it is not possible, although we
may wish it. To leave women and children, and helpless persons, would
not be just. Would you go to New Spain? The Adelantado has already
taken that route when he was in these parts before, but many died, and
all went through terrible hardships during a long voyage; moreover, it
is not always the season for such navigation. To go to the Philippines
also has its difficulties.” Thinking it all over, and doing his
best to combat their inconsiderate desire, the Chief Pilot concluded by
saying: “Why do you litigate without any grounds, saying that you
will embark presently? I will show, with the Adelantado, that what you
want to do this day is impossible.”


Some of them, opening their eyes, appeared to be convinced by these
arguments; but others were still obdurate. They preferred to trust to
the ship rather than to what the land offered, and the water could be
taken in 10,000 cocoa nuts, in joints of the canes, or even in the
canoes of the natives, covering and caulking them; and they proposed
other equally feasible contrivances. But the Chief Pilot said:
“This is only a waste of time. Is it not for the Adelantado to
decide what shall be done?” They said that “if the land
will yield much food, how is it that we get nothing to eat from
it?” “What certainty have you,” said the Pilot,
“that the provisions obtained here will not get bad.” They
answered that they were ready to risk that. As to water, they said that
they would fall in with other islands on the route whence they could
take in water; and that they would listen to reason, for they were
reasonable beings.


Finally, they went back to their old song that they wanted to go to
Manilla, which was a land of Christians. The Pilot said to them that
Manilla was also a land of heathens, and that there being Christians
was due to the [69]discoverers who settled there; and that in our
expedition a similar duty was required of us. In Manilla there are only
some soldiers stationed by the King to guard the estates of the
settlers; and it is better to remain here where we might become such as
they are in fame and honour, than go marching there with shouldered
arquebus. To this one of them answered that honour was where the Pope
and the King were, and not among Indians. The Pilot then said that it
was better to ask for what they wanted from their General, who was not
a man to close his ears to a just petition; and that they should
consider that their position was very offensive to the General, who
desired to do what the King had ordered. What word soever sounded ill
there would also follow as many more and as free. To this, one of the
soldiers said: “Leave off! leave off! and leave it for he who
wants to stay, for we intend to go, dislike it who may.” I was
without a sword, and he with seven or eight others, went for theirs,
and presently came back with heightened colour. Asking for the Camp
Master, they all bowed their heads, with their swords in their hands,
looking very fierce, not wanting much whispering, and secrets among
some who spoke within hearing. They said publicly that they came to
kill the Chief Pilot; and there was one who swore that they came
saying: “Come, let us kill him, for he is the cause of our being
in this land;” and others swore, and went so far with their
menaces as to say: “What shall they drink in his skull.”
Things did not look well. God knows what they intended.


He who had declared that they would go, spoke and said: “There
is no one who does not wish to go from this land; one who keeps most
apart was he who showed most willingness, but it does not
signify.” He said most on that side, and was most resolved, both
then and at other times; but as there were many people, there were as
many arguments, [70]and with loud voices. The Chief Pilot concluded
what he had to say by declaring that all he had put before them was in
the service of God and the King, and that he would sustain it to the
death, as he had proved.






[Contents]



Chapter XVI.




How the Camp Master came on board the ship; what
passed with the Adelantado, and between the Camp Master and the
soldiers on shore, where the Chief Pilot talked to the Camp Master.








This was the state of affairs when the Camp Master
came on board the ship to speak with the Adelantado, who, had he been
alone, would have strangled him and hung him on one of the masts. So
Doña Isabel, his wife, urged him (according to her own account),
saying to her husband: “Kill him or have him killed. What more do
you want? He has fallen into your hands, and if not I will kill him
with this knife.” The Adelantado was prudent, and did not do so.
He understood that the desire of the Camp Master was not to go so far
in offences of his own as it was said that he intended. The Camp Master
returned to the shore, and said to the soldiers: “Gentlemen! I
come from speaking to the General respecting his affairs and this
settlement; and he said that it had come to his knowledge that all of
you were afflicted and troubled, saying that this is not a good land,
and that you wanted to be taken to a better one. He says that you ask
for a paper, and that he will answer, which is reasonable, as he is our
General.” Presently he said: “This is not mutiny, but it is
when, without saying anything to their superiors, the soldiers suddenly
break out, killing and crying, ‘Down with the rascals!’
Your worships have a right to ask, and to go and seek the
Almiranta; for those on board were our comrades, [71]and it
is not just to leave them without making any search.


“But if I were not the Master of the Camp, I would do and say
more, for it is not understood that in my position I can give consent,
when the Adelantado has said that his friends were those who have most
declared themselves: a reason for giving all to understand that one
enjoys his friendship.


“No soldier, whatever his condition may be, can to-day speak a
word without its coming to the ear of my General; for I have to be
subordinate, though I may be his best friend. My General has given to
me his honour and the service of the King, and they are in that place I
have to serve. Each one watches another. I am watched because I favour
your party. I have not to lose my honour, nor is it ever to be supposed
that such evil and unjust things can ever enter the thoughts of a
person with my obligations, position, and experience. Nor is it
reasonable to think that such honourable soldiers as are in this camp
would wish to do by force what is suggested. Each one performs the duty
assigned to him, for we only came here to obey and serve the King, and
he who serves him not will be punished.”


The soldiers began to talk among themselves, saying they need not be
alarmed nor bear it in mind; and one of them said, referring to a
search for the Almiranta, that he would offer to go in search in
the name of the rest; that if he volunteered the thing would be safe,
as he was more confident than the others, not being altogether ignorant
of the art of navigation. Another said that the Adelantado is expert,
and could not be deceived; and said that it should be the Camp Master.
Another objected that he was not a sailor. He laughed, and said:
“Gentlemen, I do not understand those affairs, and can easily be
taken in.” He added: “Some one has to go, and some one has
[72]to be trusted in the business.” This ended
what was said in public. A witness swore that, the Chief Pilot being
there talking, one soldier said to another: “Let us choose this
traitor; we will kill him.”


The Chief Pilot took the Camp Master aside, and asked him to listen
for a moment; then looked round carefully, and in a short time
discussed many things that have already been referred to. Respecting
the navigation, the Pilot said that, when the time came, he would do
the work well in accordance with instructions of the Adelantado.


The Camp Master said that now he did not value his life, and that he
would say nothing unless he was asked to speak.


The Chief Pilot then took his leave, and went on board to report
what had happened to the General, adding that, in his opinion, it would
be well if the General would go on shore and speak to his people; that
he thought it would be easy to reduce them to obedience by his
presence, his will, and by putting before them the just reasons which
actuated him.


On the following day the General went on shore. As he jumped out, a
servant of his said, while he seized his arms: “There are going
to be black puddings.” Some soldiers coming towards the
Adelantado said to one another: “Our General comes with the
martingale. He also comes armed. What think you of the words his
servant spoke to him?” That day the Adelantado had arranged with
Don Lorenzo and three other soldiers that the Camp Master should be put
to death. This was very different from what I had understood that he
intended to do, but such things ought to be stated as, in my opinion,
will explain the change. A certain person told me that a bad third
person had said to the Adelantado that if he would have the Camp Master
stabbed (he did not say that he should be [73]killed), but that if he
should be killed—Let those of better understanding judge, for I
do not hold it to be right to sit in judgment on the living and the
dead.






[Contents]



Chapter XVII.




How the Chief Pilot went to seek for provisions, and
how Malope came to make peace, and the friendship that was
established.








On the following day the Chief Pilot asked permission
from the Adelantado to go in search of food. Having received it, he
went in the boat, with twenty men, to a village where he only saw one
man with a little boy. The rest had fled into the woods. On entering
and searching the houses, nothing to eat was found. The Pilot followed
a path which seemed to lead to the cultivated patches of the natives,
and some pigs were seen, which ran into the woods. The Chief Pilot then
heard the report of an arquebus, and presently another. On this he went
back to the beach, where he had left the boat in charge of four
arquebusiers. Arriving on the beach, he found Malope, who had come with
two canoes, and said: “Friends; let us all come and eat.”
These words, and some others, we had learnt. He then told us by signs
that we should embark, and come with him to a place where he had many
pigs and other food. He sent the other canoe in advance. The Chief
Pilot embarked, and told Malope to call the natives of that village.
They came back, and arranged, on their return, to have food collected.
Malope rowed his canoe, our boat followed, and, arriving at two other
villages, a similar arrangement was made. We then entered the village
of the warlike natives. They gave us a pig, and a few cocoa-nuts and
plantains. As this seemed little, the Chief Pilot asked for more. But
the natives took up arms, [74]and retired behind their houses and
the trunks of trees with their bows and arrows, shouting and apparently
calling to Malope. He seemed to be undecided, looking at one party and
then at the other. The Chief Pilot, who always kept Malope by his side,
drew his dagger and threatened Malope if he should attempt to go, or
should not tell the natives not to shoot off their arrows. If they did,
they would all be killed with the arquebuses. With an ignited cord he
got ready to fire them off. Malope went to the village, and induced
them to offer that, when the sun showed it to be three o’clock,
they would come with what they could get ready. Malope called them, and
they presently came, giving us many plantains and cocoa-nuts to eat.
They also invited us to come and shoot natives on the other side of the
bay, and to kill pigs. Having embarked, the boat followed the canoe,
but the Chief Pilot marched along the shore with sixteen men and three
native guides. Seeing some birds, the natives made signs that we should
shoot them with the arquebus. The Chief Pilot would not consent, though
some of the men urged it. His reason was that to shoot a ball at a
small object would have a doubtful result; and he did not wish the
natives to think that the result was uncertain; that they might not
lose their fear of the arquebus.


Malope landed, the boat and canoe remaining side by side. All being
on shore, they found the spring which has been mentioned. Malope sat
down by it, and made signs that we should drink. From there we went to
a village where the natives had ready for us a great heap of many
plantains, sweet canes, cocoa-nuts, almonds, roots, biscuits, mats, and
two pigs. Thus we went from village to village, and they gave fourteen
pigs and of other things as much as we could take. The natives were
always quiet, with the large canoes ready with their paddles, and
themselves sitting under the shadow of them. There were some who
[75]gave us plantains and roasted roots, open
cocoa-nuts, and water taken from the wells, doing all with as much good
will as if they had been well paid. Malope showed himself to be
contented, and said that we might come further, and he would get more
food for us. He took us to a higher part, and all the natives round
heard and respected him as Lord or great friend.


The Chief Pilot, by signs, told him to make the natives carry that
food, and at a word from him they had it all on their shoulders. It was
worth seeing when more than a hundred natives went along the shore in a
line. Having reached the boat, they put all they carried into it.
Malope told the Chief Pilot to embrace the General for him, and took
his leave. The Chief Pilot embarked, and went to the villages already
mentioned, receiving from the natives what they came out in their
canoes to give us.


The provisions that we brought were good, but to some it seemed too
small a supply. They said to the Chief Pilot that he should let them go
on shore; that they would take, burn, and kill; that the natives were
dogs, and that they did not come from Peru to be satisfied with
nothing. The Chief Pilot replied: “Does a boat laden with what
has cost no money, and given with good will by our friend Malope, seem
to you to be nothing?” They answered according to their
knowledge, and the Chief Pilot proceeded as appeared to be
necessary.


I have related this in such detail, because it is much to the
purpose in this narrative, as will be seen further on. Having arrived
at the ship, Doña Isabel told the Chief Pilot that the other day
the soldiers went from the camp to kill Malope. The Adelantado sent to
tell them of the friendship Malope had shown, and desiring that notice
should be given in the camp not to do him any harm, as he had done so
much good to us. The Adelantado appreciated what this native had done,
praising his good conduct. [76]He rose from his bed to see what had
been brought on board, which was very fairly distributed, and he said
to the Chief Pilot that he only wanted the same share as a
companion.






[Contents]



Chapter XVIII.




How the Adelantado went on shore with the Chief Pilot,
and ordered a squadron of soldiers who were going in search of food not
to kill Malope. It relates the death of the Camp Master, and other
cruelties.








When the night came, the Adelantado sent for the Chief
Pilot, and made him sit by his bedside, where he was lying ill. With
very great caution, he told him that he intended to go on shore the
next morning with four men in whom he had most confidence, all armed,
and that he would be accompanied by the royal standard, and would
proclaim the will of the King at the proper time; for that he had to go
and to do justice on the Camp Master, for reasons which moved him so to
act.


That night the Chief Pilot caused the usual careful watch to be
kept, and at dawn they asked for the boat from the camp, with loud
voices. On hearing them, Doña Isabel came from her bed, saying:
“Alas! alas! they have killed my brothers, and they ask for the
boat to come and kill us.” The Adelantado would not listen, and
as soon as it was day a squadron of thirty soldiers came out of the
camp. The Adelantado ordered them to be told not to go on before he had
spoken to them. Embarking with his people, he asked who was their
leader, who had sent them, and where they were going. The Lieutenant
answered that he was the leader, and that they were ordered by the Camp
Master to go to the village of Malope and seek for food. The Adelantado
warned them not to kill Malope, nor to do him any harm, nor take any of
his property, as he was [77]our friend, and that they should take
him with them. He knew quite well that they came for food, and, turning
to the Chief Pilot, the Adelantado told him to relate to the soldiers
all that had passed with Malope the day before. They heard it
laughing.


The Adelantado had with him the Captain of the galeot, who carried a
great wood-knife.1 On the shore the Captain, Don Lorenzo, his
brothers, and a few sailors, were waiting. Having landed, the
Adelantado joined those who were on the shore, and went to the fort
which the Camp Master was constructing in great haste. Before arriving,
there were not wanting those who asked what was it they were wanted to
do there, and one was cleaning his arquebus. The General arrived at the
camp when the Camp Master was having his breakfast. He came out just as
he was, without coat or hat, to receive the General, and when he found
himself among so many who were not his friends, he called for staff,
dagger and sword.


Those who had to do the deed were arriving. The Adelantado raised
his eyes to heaven, and, giving a sigh, put his hand to his sword,
saying: “Long live the King! Death to traitors!” Upon this,
without any delay, one Juan Antonio de la Roca took the Camp Master by
the collar, and gave him two stabs, one in the mouth and the other on
the breast. Then a Sergeant, with a Bohemian knife, gave him another in
the side. The Camp Master cried: “Oh, gentlemen!” He turned
to get his sword, but the Captain, with his wood-knife, nearly cut off
his right arm. He fell, saying: “Oh, leave me time to
confess.” One answered that “there was no time. You can
well feel contrition.” The wretched man was palpitating,
stretched on the ground, and crying, “Jesus Maria!” A good
woman came up, and helped him to die in peace. [78]One with
a kind heart did no more than draw out the sword, and the woman gave it
up. So the body was left, and the Adelantado approved the
slaughter.


This being done, it was presently ordered to be proclaimed that the
Camp Master was dead, and that all the rest were pardoned in the name
of his Majesty. The Camp Master having expired, the drummer, coveting
his clothes, left him naked.


The Camp Master was very zealous, a hard worker and good soldier,
and in all enterprises he was the first. He appeared to be about sixty
years of age, for his hair was quite white, and, though old, he was
vigorous, but very impetuous. He knew how to think much, but he could
not be silent, and I believe that for no other thing he was killed.


At this time Don Luis and the Chief Pilot were talking near the tent
of two friends of the Camp Master, and Don Luis seized one of them and
stabbed him. The soldier cried out: “For me? For me? What have I
done?” Don Luis left the dagger, and drew his sword; but the
Chief Pilot defended the man, saying: “What is this, that without
more ado men are to be killed thus?” A soldier came out of
another tent with his sword drawn, and said: “What is this? Like
the Camp Master?” Don Luis attacked him, and many others coming
up, the soldier retreated inside, saying: “What have I done? What
have I done?” Then the Captain, Don Lorenzo, came, and they
killed the soldier by some houses where he had fallen. The drummer
stripped them, and soldiers were stationed to guard the goods of
both.


Don Lorenzo and his brother came with a party of soldiers, but they
found the Chief Pilot at the door, who opposed their advance, saying he
would report them. Don Lorenzo told him to leave the door, crying
“Death to these traitors!” The Chief Pilot said that they
were friends. [79]“Kill them! kill them!” they replied,
“they deserve it more than the others.” The Chief Pilot
urged that they should mind what they were doing. Don Lorenzo answered
that only St. Peter, if he was there, could induce them to spare the
lives of such people. At the cries and noise of arms, the women came
out, alarmed and agitated. Some prayed for their husbands; others wrung
their hands and lamented. The men were like lunatics, going about with
their eyes seeking those they would kill, shouting, with drawn swords:
“Long live the King! Death to traitors!” It seemed that
this was a day for avenging injuries; but to me it seemed a day of
licence to lads who might go any length.


After the disturbances the Sergeant-Major came out of his tent, and
that he might be able to say that he had also fleshed his sword, he
gave a page of the Camp Master a cut on the head, and another to one of
his servants. He also tried to wound a black man who had served the
Camp Master, but he saved himself by his feet. The two who were wounded
went to seek protection from the General, who ordered the
Sergeant-Major to leave the boys alone.


One came out who was suspected; another, who cried for the King,
would have killed him if the Chief Pilot had not protected him. The cry
was that traitors came out with their arms; this one should have a
rope; dead and alive all need to have honour. They came out, they said,
to accompany the royal standard which Don Diego Barreto hoisted, and
cried out for the King, to which all answered, “Death to
traitors!”


The Captain of the wood-knife took the two heads which the General
had ordered to be put into nets, and each one was set on a pole near
the corps de garde.2 At this time
[80]the boat came from the ship in a great hurry, with
the Vicar holding a lance in his hand, and the sailors under arms,
crying out, “Long live the King! Death to traitors!” Coming
to where they found the Adelantado, they said: “We have all come
to serve his Majesty and to die with your Lordship,” and they
rallied round the royal standard. One of them asked the General whether
it was done, and when he replied in the affirmative, the man said it
was well done. On seeing the two heads he exclaimed: “A wall has
henceforward fallen from before me.”


At this time Doña Isabel and her sister came from the ship,
for the Captain with the wood-knife had been on board to announce the
victory to them, and to boast of having given a good stab to the Camp
Master, and of having cut off the two heads. He said: “Now you
are mistress and marchioness, and I am Captain, for the Camp Master is
dead. I say that it is terrible to fear wicked men with licence.”
When Doña Isabel landed, she went to the corps de
garde.


At this juncture a soldier came out of the camp, with plumes in his
hat, dissimulating, and asking carelessly what was the matter,
pretending that he did not know. This was the man who raised all the
questions, and to whom all turned their eyes. He was allowed to be
free, because the persons were few with whom he had treated. Many were
frightened, and they had themselves given the occasion for the
insecurity. Some commended themselves to their friends who had really
been true, and they freed them. The Adelantado ordered that all should
go to the church to hear Mass, which the Vicar said. When he had
finished he turned his face to the people, and told them not to be
scandalised at the deaths, for it was ordained. He recommended them to
be quiet and obedient to the General, reminding them that by that way
there was safety. They returned from the Mass in the same way they had
come, [81]with the standard, to the corps de garde.
The baggage of the dead men was opened, and their enemies made a
division of it. The Adelantado ordered the bodies to be buried, with
which this first tragedy ended. All were dismissed to assemble again in
the afternoon, with the consequence that will be described in the next
chapter.








1 Felipe
Corzo. He was an enemy of Quiros.


2 Outpost
guard, whence sentries were selected. A picket. Usually consisting of
twenty or thirty men.






[Contents]



Chapter XIX.




How the soldiers killed Malope; of the arrests that
were made in consequence of the murder, with the deaths of an Ensign
and of a murderer of Malope.








In the afternoon all assembled at the corps de
garde, and the Adelantado ordered the heads to be taken down and
the standard to be concealed; when one arrived who had gone with the
soldiers in the morning, and reported to the Adelantado. He said that
when the soldiers came to the house of Malope, he had regaled them and
given them what he had. The innocent man felt secure, when a soldier
raised his arquebus, pointed it at him, and fired. He fell to the
ground palpitating, when a certain person, to put him out of his pain,
came to him with a hatchet and cleft his skull, saying we had never
done a better thing. In this way they most unjustly killed Malope,
returning so much evil for so much good. It was the work rather of a
devil than of a man. He had kept the country at peace, and had given us
food. He was the means of inducing others to give, and his kindness had
been very great. They excused themselves by saying that Malope had
intended to commit treason. This seems to have been an invention to
give colour to the outrage they had committed. They gave up the
murderer, and he said, ordering his arms: “He is well dead. Is
there any one who wants to seek my death?” The Adelantado felt it
much, and so [82]did every one, not only the deed itself, but the
trouble it would lead to. The murderer was brought in a canoe, with his
hands tied behind him, and the Adelantado ordered both feet to be put
in the stocks.


Most of the soldiers came marching along the shore. The Adelantado
ordered those who were with him to conceal themselves in the corps
de garde, and as they entered, coming four and four, to seize them.
The Lieutenant of the Sergeant-Major entered, and four with him, who
were seized and put in irons. They looked about in all directions, and,
seeing the page of the Camp Master, they asked him with their eyes
about his master. The boy took hold of his throat with one hand,
meaning that his master was dead. The prisoners showed their sorrow. A
nephew of the Camp Master then came in, whom the General honoured much,
saying he knew what a good servant of the King he was; and the same
with Don Toribio de Bedeterra.


Presently the Ensign came with the rest of the soldiers, and Don
Lorenzo disarmed him, and delivered him to four arquebusiers with
irons, to be taken to a corps de garde at some distance. The
wife of the prisoner went crying among the houses and branches, well
aware of the danger of her husband, for she was weeping before he
came.


Don Lorenzo went to call the Chaplain, and the good father, as one
seeing a turbulent river, did not dare to pass it. He said: “Sir
Captain, what is it that you want with me? Remember that I am a priest.
Oh, for the sake of the one God, do not kill me!” “Come
with me,” said Don Lorenzo, “just for a little.”
“Here! here!” said the priest; “I cannot go any
further.” It was explained to him that it was to confess the
Ensign, and he was reassured. He presently was taken behind a tree,
where the prisoner was. He began to persuade him to confess, as they
were going to kill him. The prisoner said: “I to die?
wherefore?” [83]The priest undeceived him. Those who were
present relate that the Ensign then said: “Let it be then as God
wills;” and he knelt down at the feet of the confessor, whose
duty it was and who performed his office. A black servant of the
General had orders, and, with a knife, gave him a blow and then
another, by which his head was cut off, and put with the other two. The
body was covered with some branches, and soon afterwards thrown into
the sea, at which his wife wept bitterly.


The Ensign being finished with, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in the
hearing of the General, asked who should be taken out of the stocks
next. He ordered that it should be the Lieutenant of the
Sergeant-Major, but all entreated the Adelantado to spare his life,
which he did, taking him in his hands and receiving the oath. He then
retired, that he might not be asked by the next one who was ordered to
be taken out of the stocks, for the Sergeant-Major had him by one arm,
the Chief Pilot taking the other; but the prisoner, shaking them off,
exclaimed: “Here I am. If I deserve it, cut off my head.”
Doña Isabel and all the others entreated the Adelantado to spare
his life. He made him take the same oath as the other, and pardoned
him. Rising up, the prisoner cast his eyes on the head of the Camp
Master. With his hands over his face and weeping, he said, in a voice
so that we could all hear: “Ah, thou honoured old man! and have
you come to this at the end of so many years of service to the King?
This is the reward they have given you! a vile death, and your head and
grey hairs stuck on a pole.” There was a soldier by his side, who
said: “I cannot but mourn for the sad fate of the Camp Master,
whom we looked upon as a father.” The Adelantado heard them, and
ordered them to be silent. They said that he should give thanks for
having been delivered from the dangers in which he was, and that he
should be grateful to his sponsors for the good [84]intercession they made. He gave thanks to all, and
embraced his companion with many tears.


While this was passing, the murderer of Malope called to the Chief
Pilot, and told him of his condition. In the name of God, he entreated
the Pilot to be a good intercessor for him in his need, and for a
second time he asked him to pray to the Adelantado to pardon his crime.
He might be sure how well he would serve hereafter, and he wanted to
marry Pancha, the Adelantado’s servant (this was a native girl of
Peru, of bad character, carachanta,1 and the
rest), whom the Adelantado had in his service. The Chief Pilot
reassured him, saying that he might be certain that, without doing what
he had pointed out, he would be a good mediator, as he would presently
see. The Adelantado came to take him out of the stocks with his own
hands, that he might be judged. The Chief Pilot prayed that his life
might be spared, but the Adelantado said, almost in a rage: “How
am I to pay for the death of my friend Malope but with the death of
this man?” The Chief Pilot replied that he might show the heads
of the two who were executed to the natives, and make them think that
they were punished for the death of Malope; adding, that he must
remember we are few, and that the position of affairs made pardon
advisable. The Adelantado answered that he would consider that, and
would keep him a prisoner. The Chief Pilot gave thanks for the mercy,
and the prisoner was taken out of the stocks and sent on board the ship
in charge of four men.


This man did not care to eat, and drank salt water, turning his head
to the wall with shame because some said to him: “Why did you
kill that good native without cause?” Others told him he deserved
to be quartered for [85]having committed such a crime. At last it
seemed to him that it would be better to die than to live. He left off
caring for himself, and died very suddenly after a few days, having
first received the holy sacrament, a privilege not enjoyed by the
others. With this ended the tragedy of the islands where Solomon was
wanting.








1
Caracha is a cutaneous disease in Peruvian parlance;
caaranta, a person who has no eyebrows, also a Peruvianism.






[Contents]



Chapter XX.




Of the great mourning for Malope among the natives.
The great sickness that prevailed in the camp; with the deaths of the
Adelantado and the Chaplain, and the victories gained by the
natives.








Next morning, great cries of sorrow were heard in the
village and house of Malope, raised by a large assembly of people. The
Adelantado ordered that a party should presently go with the head of
the Ensign, and give it to the natives, telling them that, as the best
thing that could be done, this other life had been taken for the death
of Malope. But when the natives saw the boat coming to their village,
leaving their mournings, they all fled into the woods. Those in the
boat called to them to come back, holding up the head; but it was no
use, they all hid themselves. Seeing this, the head was left at the
door of the house, and the boat returned. At the petition of the Vicar,
the Adelantado ordered the other two heads to be taken down from the
poles, that they might be buried. The burial was neglected; and, as
they were left that night on the beach, they were found next morning
with all the flesh and skin gone, for the dogs had eaten them.


All this time the Adelantado became each day more unwell. He ordered
a house to be built for him in great haste, in which, having landed
with his family, he established himself. [86]


Now the punishment came down from Heaven which we deserved for our
treacheries, disorders, and cruelties, in the shape of sickness without
the means of curing it.


The Captain, Don Lorenzo, in whose charge all things were now placed
by land and sea, early one morning sent twenty soldiers and an officer
in the boat to seize some boys, with the object of teaching them our
language, as we could not understand theirs. The natives, who carefully
concealed themselves, defended the landing with such vigour that before
our men could get back the officer and seven men were wounded with
arrows. Enjoying the occasion, they followed up the repulse with many
shots of arrows and stones, and with great shouts. They came so near
the camp that Don Lorenzo had to issue forth with the banner displayed,
and all the rest of the men who were not sick, to defend the gate. As
the natives retired, they fired a volley of arrows which went home,
wounding six men and Don Lorenzo himself, who were brought in and
attended to. Upon this, Don Lorenzo sent a soldier in charge of a
party, to burn canoes and houses, and to do as much damage as possible,
the result being eight wounded soldiers. With these three victories,
all gained on the same day, the natives became so audacious that they
shot arrows into the camp at night, and threw stones with such effect
that they wounded two men, one of them dying. Owing to the sickness of
the Adelantado, and the number of wounded soldiers, we could only
defend and secure the camp, the attempts of our soldiers being confined
to getting “bledos,” which sometimes cost them
dear.


On the Vigil of St. Luke the Evangelist, the first of our companions
died, the Chaplain, Antonio de Serpa, for whose decease the Vicar
mourned deeply, and raised sad lamentation, turning up his eyes to
heaven, and saying: “Oh, my God! how great is the punishment that
You send for my sins. You leave me, O Lord, without a priest to
[87]whom to confess. O, Father Antonio de Serpa! Happy
are you to have died after having received the sacrament. Who would not
change places with you, and not remain in mine, in which I am so
abandoned, for I can confess all who are here, but have no one to
confess me.” He went about with his face hidden, and would not be
consoled He went to the church, and wept at the altar. The good Vicar
said that, in mourning for the dead, he opened the tomb where he was
buried.


On the following night, which was the 17th of October, there was a
total eclipse of the moon; when it rose in the east it was completely
eclipsed. The Adelantado was so weak that he gave orders about his
will, which he could scarcely sign. He left Doña Isabel Barreto,
his wife, as general heir, and nominated her as Governess, for his
Majesty had issued a special decree giving him power to name any person
he chose for his successor. He nominated his brother-in-law, Don
Lorenzo, to be Captain-General; and, ordering the Vicar to be called,
he complied with all the obligations required for his soul.


In this way the night passed, and the day arrived, which was that of
St. Luke. Seeing the end so near, the Vicar said that a person of good
life knew how much it imported to die well, so that there might be time
to make his peace with God. He said other things alike holy and pious,
which the Adelantado heard, showing not only attention but great
contrition, and making it to be well understood how submissive he was
to the will of God who created him. The Vicar had a crucifix brought,
in whose presence the Adelantado seemed to bend the knees in his heart.
Helping to say the Miserere mei and the Creed, at one
o’clock after noon our Adelantado passed from this life, with
which there ended his enterprise, so much and for so long a time
desired. He was a person zealous for the honour of God and the service
of the King, to whom the things ill done [88]did not appear good, nor
did those well done appear evil. He was very plain-spoken, not diffuse
in giving his reasons, and he himself said that he did not want
arguments but deeds. It seemed that he saw clearly those matters which
touched his conscience. It seemed to me that he might say with reason
that he knew more than he performed, yet he saw nothing that passed by
stealth. The Governess felt his death, as did others, though some
rejoiced at it.


In the afternoon, with as much pomp as the circumstances would
admit, we prepared for his sepulture. The body was placed in a coffin
covered with black cloth, and carried on the shoulders of eight persons
of the highest rank. The soldiers stood with their arquebuses reversed,
in accordance with usage at the funerals of Generals. The procession
went with two banners displayed, and from two drums covered with
mourning cloth came slow and muffled sounds, while the fife expressed
the like sentiments. Arrived at the church, the Vicar performed the
service, and we then returned to the Governess to condole with her on
her misfortune.






[Contents]



Chapter XXI.




How the Vicar delivered some admonitions to the
soldiers, and the examples he gave.








After the two deaths already described, the Vicar
reflected how serious the sickness was, and that one, two, or three
died every day, and began to perambulate the camp, crying with a loud
voice: “Is there one who wants to confess? Put yourselves well
with God, and attend to the welfare of your souls, for a punishment has
come upon us, from which none can escape, how numerous soever we may
be. The natives will triumph over us, and will remain, [89]enjoying
our clothes and arms and all we possess in this place, where God holds
us prisoners, to chastise us according to our deserts. Think that if
God punishes a whole kingdom for one sin, how will He punish here where
they are so many. There are men here who have not confessed for three,
five, seven, nine, fourteen and thirty years, and one who has only
confessed once in his life. There are men here who have caused the
deaths of two and three other men; there is a man who does not know
whether he is a Moor or a Christian; others have committed sins so foul
and so serious that, being such, I will not name them. Remember how God
conferred with David, and told him out of three punishments to choose
one. We have among us sickness, war, famine and discord, and we are far
from any remedy. Reflect that we have God incensed against us, and that
the naked and bloody sword of His justice, with which He goes forth to
kill, is ready to put an end to us. Fully justified is His judgment.
The punishment is not so great nor so rigorous as we deserve. Confess
yourselves! clean your souls, and with the repentance, appease the
anger of God, Who wishes not the death of a sinner, but rather that he
should turn from his wickedness and live. Open your eyes, and see what
a terrible chastisement is this.”


The good priest went about day after day performing his office,
giving the sacrament to the sick, burying the dead, and seeking the
means of inducing those who did not wish to confess to yield. At other
times, with the same anxious spirit, he said that the mercy of Christ
was much greater than our sins, how ugly and heinous soever they might
be; and that one single drop of the blood which was shed in the Passion
was sufficient for the sins of infinite worlds. None of those who were
there, be their sins what they may, should lose hope; rather, with the
faith and constancy of Christians, they should put their trust in God,
[90]Who knows how to pardon sinners. In order further
to console and encourage them all by examples, he told the two
following anecdotes:—


In a town in Peru there was a Franciscan friar in his convent, of
pure life, at whose feet a soldier, who was his neighbour and known to
him, knelt down to confess; and as he knelt, he put his eyes on a
crucifix, and said in his heart: “O Lord, have mercy on this
soul!” On the instant, the image came down from the cross, came
half the distance, and said: “Doubt not! confess and be absolved.
It was for thee, and other sinners like thee, that I came to the
world.”


The other story was that, in the Indies, there was a man rich in
goods, but poor in virtue, who sinned, and had old and well-grown roots
in many vices. He was a man who sometimes came to the camp with dagger
and lance, closed teeth, and eyes raised to heaven, saying: “O
God! come down here, to this place, and come with me to see who is the
bravest;” and he said other things, showing as little fear or
reverence for God as this. This man, being out one night, and passing a
room of his, praying with some beads, heard a voice which said:
“Oh! such an one, wherefore do you not recite with devotion on
that rosary?” Astonished and full of fear, he struck a light, and
looked into the room, but saw no one. Continuing to search, he found an
image of Our Lady, painted on paper. Raising it from the ground, he put
it on the wall, and, kneeling down, he held it with one hand, while he
recited on his rosary. While thus employed, two negroes came to him,
put out the light, stripped him naked, and flogged him until he was
nearly dead. At this juncture he saw the room brilliantly lighted, and
a voice said: “Go! go! and leave this soul which is not thine,
for My Son has granted it to Me through His mercy and My
prayers.” In a moment, the negroes left him, and the light
disappeared. The patient went away as [91]well as he could, and
laid down on his bed. He sent for a friar, who asked what had happened
that he should send for him in the middle of the night. He related what
had happened, showed him the wounds and bruises, and begged urgently to
be confessed, saying that it was thirty-eight years since he had
confessed. The confessor heard and consoled him, saying that much worse
sins were pardoned by God with a free hand. His confession lasted for
seventeen days, and he was absolved with a small penance. A fever came
upon him, and wasted him so, that on the day when he finished his
confession he died like a saint.


With these stories, and in many other ways, as Christian as these,
the Vicar secured the salvation of the souls which could be brought
into the right way; and the better to fulfil the duties of his office,
he came on shore to live in the house of one of the men who had
died.






[Contents]



Chapter XXII.




In which is related what more passed with the
natives.








Knowing the time, the natives came in pursuit of their
vengeance, and sought out our people every day, carrying shields,
thinking to defend themselves against the arquebus, as the shields
protected us from their arrows. They were very careful to take warning,
and so, with this animosity, they shot arrows from among the trees and
branches, aiming at the face and legs, which were, they saw,
unprotected. It was the soldiers’ fault, because they took up the
arrows and drove their points against the shields and other protected
parts, to show the natives that they did no harm. But it only showed
the natives that they must aim at the eyes or legs; so they understood
the secret, and always shot at those two places. The General, Don
Lorenzo, [92]seeing that they came to seek us in camp, ordered
a soldier, with twelve others under him, to go to the village of Malope
and do harm there, assuming that it was his people who made the
attacks. They burnt the village and returned, the inhabitants having
fled into the woods.


While this was going on, the natives nearest to the camp were
shouting and saying: “See what they are doing to the village of
Malope, and the disposition that these people are showing.” We
called to them from the camp with a flag of peace (they also use the
same). After a time some of them came, and the General came out to
speak with them, taking the Chief Pilot with him, and six arquebusiers
in attendance to be ready for anything that might occur. But the
natives, when they saw the arquebusiers, began to go back, at the same
time making signs that they were not to come. The General ordered them
to stop, and using endearing terms, he said that we were friends,
asking why they did not bring in food as they used to do. They
complained, saying by signs that if we were friends, why did we kill
them, there being peace? They said “Malope! Malope! why friends
pu” (the name they gave to an arquebus); meaning that if
we were friends of Malope, why had we killed him with an arquebus, and
were now burning his village, pointing with a finger. The General
replied that those who had done the harm were now dead, and a head had
been sent to the village as a punishment for what had been done. They
asked for the Jauriqui,1 their name for the
Adelantado, and were told that he was in the camp. Don Lorenzo asked
them to bring food; and they did so, coming on the following and
subsequent days. These natives appeared to me to be well ordered and
easy to be brought into habits of peace; and they kept faith entirely.
In my opinion we waged war upon them, while they gave their property to
[93]us. All the time that peace was broken with them,
we were in great need for want of their helps, and the soldiers could
not go out to seek for food. This want was supplied by the flour that
had been brought from Peru, which was the life of the expedition.








1
Tauriqui of Mendaña’s first voyage.






[Contents]



Chapter XXIII.




In which it is related what happened until the death
of the General, Don Lorenzo Barreto.








Don Lorenzo, with his infirmity, did what he could for
the sustenance and welfare of the camp, and for a third time sent the
frigate, with the Captain of artillery, to search for the
Almiranta, giving him instructions as to the course he was to
pursue. The Captain went, and worked diligently, but did not find her.
He shaped a course to one of the three islets already mentioned,
surrounded by reefs. Here he captured eight youths, four grown up, and
all of tawny colour, well made, with fine eyes, and good presence. He
also collected some pearl shells, which he found in a village, and with
them he returned to the ship.


The General sent Don Diego de Vera, as leader, with some soldiers
who were most healthy, to seek for natives, to be held as hostages, so
as to induce the rest not to try to do us harm. They brought in three
women and six children, and their husbands often came to see them, with
many others. They came to pray for their liberation, with many
caresses, and to content them we gave them up.


There was a movement to seek permission from the Governess to leave
that land; and those who worked it ordered the soldiers to sign a
document which the Vicar gave them, so that it should be submitted in
the name of all. One answered that they should not be ordered to
[94]sign, for that the Adelantado had killed the Camp
Master and two soldiers for signing a paper. He was assured that if he
signed there would now be no penalty, as the time was different.


The Vicar drew up a petition in which he gave the reasons, which he
said were sufficient, for abandoning the settlement. The Governess and
the General ordered that information should be taken, of which, when
the magistrate asked for a copy (as he said) they ordered him to pass
on: as all the people on shore had signed the paper, they took all the
seamen as witnesses. As the Chief Pilot had shown how much the desire
to form a settlement would cost, I say that one day a friend of his
came to him on board, and, I know not whether it was out of charity or
envy, told him to hold his tongue, for if not he would be killed or
left alone on that island. His persistence reached such a point that he
offered to sow, and maintain the seamen; but the suspicion and hatred
they conceived of such a proceeding was such that they never wished to
let him go on the excursions they made by sea. Thus they attacked the
intention of coming there, after leaving the chances of being able to
do much in Peru, to employ themselves on discoveries of such
importance.


This seems to me to free the land from much that our sailors say
about it, that it was the worst that was known: giving as a reason the
numerous deaths and the sickness.


It is quite clear that to change of temperature, diet, and customs,
to work and go about in the sun, to get wet without changing, to settle
in woods in winter, to sleep on the ground with damp and other things
inimical to health, with men who are not made of stone, will bring on
sickness; while the want of medical men who understand what is wrong,
and of remedies that should be applied, nor the presence of any one to
give them, are the open doors of death. Besides, there are positions
more healthy than [95]others in populous cities and towns; so that
I understand that only a small part is exposed to the above evils. Even
here those who remained on the sea never fell ill. If the land was as
unhealthy as was represented, the sick, with so much against them,
would not have survived so long. Many lived for weeks and months, and
none died suddenly, as happens at Nombre de Dios, Puerto Bello, Panama,
Cabo Verde, San Tomé, and other unhealthy places, where, with
all needful remedies, the sick succumb in a short time, even in a few
hours.


The sick continued to die, and it was a sad thing to see them in the
clutches of disease, stretched out, some delirious, others nearly so;
some wanting to go on board, hoping to find health there, others
wanting to go from the ship to the camp, hoping to find it on shore.
The General supplied their wants so far as was possible, and the
Governess did what she could, other persons helping out of charity; but
all that could be done was little, seeing that the needs were great. At
this time the Vicar fell ill, and as the land did not seem a good place
to him, he returned to the ship.


The General who, as has already been mentioned, was wounded in the
leg, found it necessary to take to his bed, where he got worse every
minute. The camp was now in such a condition that it did not contain
fifteen healthy soldiers, and these were all lads who could endure
fevers better, though in fifteen days the fever does not run its
course. The Chief Pilot went to visit Don Lorenzo, to inquire after his
health, but he replied in much affliction: “Ah! Chief Pilot! I
shall die without confession;” and presently he said: “Ah,
death! in what a condition you take me.” With his eyes fixed on
the crucifix, he exclaimed: “I am a sinner. O, Lord! pardon
me.”


The Chief Pilot, knowing his great need, consoled him by saying that
he would go and ask the Vicar to come as [96]he was. He went on board
and entreated the Vicar, for the love of God, to come and confess Don
Lorenzo, because he was dying fast. The Vicar replied that he was dying
too; that if he would bring Don Lorenzo on board he would confess him.
The Chief Pilot answered that Don Lorenzo was passing away; that even
to turn him in his bed it was necessary to have a line hung from the
roof, and that only with this, and the help of two men, could he be
turned. He was young, and the Vicar knew that he ought not to allow
him, nor any other person who sought confession, to die without it.
“Your worship wishes to kill me,” replied the Vicar;
“can you not see that I am unable to stand on my feet? So little
do you care for my health. Let them carry me where they please, though
I may die.” So he was put in the boat, trembling and wrapped in a
blanket. He was carried to the side of Don Lorenzo in his bed, whom he
confessed, as well as all others who wished to confess. A soldier,
seeing how ill the Vicar was, said very sorrowfully: “Ah, Sir!
what is this that I see? What have we come to?” They returned to
the ship. That night Don Lorenzo was much worse, and at break of day,
the 2nd of November, he died. May God pardon him! He was mourned for,
and buried in the same way as his brother-in-law, the Adelantado. Among
the rest a soldier died, who received death with such a cheerful
countenance that in the words he spoke, and what he did, he seemed to
be a pilgrim on the road to heaven. [97]






[Contents]



Chapter XXIV.




In which the unhappy condition of our people is
related, the death of the Vicar, and the embarkation of all hands.








Our condition, as above related, had reached such a
point that, if only ten determined natives had come, they could have
killed us all, and destroyed the settlement. At last the sick, pressed
by the evils they suffered, which were great, went on board the ship,
and the Governess with them, leaving the flag on shore with the few
soldiers who still retained some health, to provide wood and water. On
Monday, the 7th of November, the flag and the rest of the people were
embarked, and so an end was given to this promising enterprise. I never
expected anything else, and it must be left in the claws of him who
held it before,1 until God permits others to come forward who
are more desirous of the welfare of those lost ones, that with a finger
they may show the way to that salvation for which they were
created.


The settlement remained a spectacle for sentiment and reflection on
the disastrous and brief course of events which took place in it. It
was a noteworthy thing to see the dogs running along the beach and
barking, as if they were asking why the people went away and left them
behind. The smallest dog rushed into the sea, and came swimming to the
ship, and for such fidelity was taken on board; and of him it may be
said that fortune favours the brave.


The Vicar made his will, and three soldiers kept watch with him
during the following night. He asked one of them to read to him the
“Symbol of the Faith,” by Fray Luis de Granada. When day
came, the Chief Pilot, seeing the little hope there was for his life,
and that he appeared [98]to be dying, said to him that the time was
short, and that he should look to what concerned his soul. He answered
that it was well, and that he did not grieve for anything. The Chief
Pilot said that his was the office of a friend, to tell him that he
must not deceive himself, for that he was near his end. “Why did
you not tell me so sooner,” said the Vicar, and the Chief Pilot
answered that he never thought that the illness would bring him to his
present condition. The Vicar asked for a crucifix, and with it in his
hands he said: “Oh eternal Father who sent me; that which I
should do I understand not, and presently power of speech will be
gone.” Thus his death-agony came, and he gave his soul to the
Saviour and Creator.


This loss was what we deserved for our sins. Punishment and
castigation came that we might not deceive ourselves, but know that God
was enraged against us, for after so many bodily afflictions He now
took from us our spiritual gift. His death was much felt, though not by
all, for all do not know how to feel such losses. The Vicar, Juan
Rodriguez de Espinosa, was a very honourable priest, for whom, by
reason of his virtue and good parts, much love was due.


The Chief Pilot caused him to be buried in the sea; not being
willing that it should be on shore, lest the natives should disinter
and insult his remains.








1 Namely,
the Devil.






[Contents]



Chapter XXV.




How we made two more incursions, which were the last,
and what passed until we made sail.








Next day the wind was from the north, and, although
moderate, three cables parted, by which the ship was secured, leaving
only one slight cable which appeared to be too weak to hold a ship. Yet
it was so strong that [99]it saved the ship from going on shore, which
was very near.


Later, Luis Andrada was sent in charge of thirty men to seek for
provisions for the voyage. He went to the small island which we called
the garden, “Huerta,” and found five large canoes in a bay,
laden with the biscuit of that country, which the natives had there
concealed, and without any difficulty he collected them all and sent
them to the ship. He said that he killed one hundred and twenty pigs,
of which he brought some. He found the natives peaceful at first; but
afterwards they were hostile, because the ill-disposed soldiers
illtreated them. They made holes in the narrow paths, covered with
branches and earth, and in them they planted upright stakes, on which a
soldier hurt his foot. With what was obtained by this incursion, order
was taken for the sick, and the ship was supplied with the whole.


The leader came back, and soon afterwards the Chief Pilot went, with
twenty men, to the same island, following many canoes of the natives.
Leaving six men in the boat, he jumped on shore with the rest, and the
natives, threatening war, received them with arrows in their hands,
making the perneta, shouting and dancing round. The Pilot held
up a white flag as a sign of peace, but they danced and shouted all the
more. It was a narrow path, with trees on each side, and they began to
send arrows and stones from all directions. Two arquebus shots were
fired, and the village was entered; but nothing more was found but
biscuits in the houses, and roots tasting like oranges, and of the same
colour. The natives were followed to a hill, and, reaching the top, we
found ourselves on a fine plain, with great abundance of fruit
cultivation. The soldiers cut many large bunches of plantains, got a
quantity of cocoa nuts, and found a great supply of biscuit in a house.
Laden with these provisions, and keeping close to each [100]other, they all got into the boat without any
further mishap; and though there was an encounter with the natives,
none were either killed or wounded. For the Chief Pilot gave orders to
the soldiers not to fire to hit but to frighten.


Having done this, he ordered the boat to follow along the shore to a
place where he went to cut small palms. But when he arrived, the boat
was not to be seen, however much they tried to find her. All agreed
that the best plan would be to go back to the place where they first
landed. They marched until sunset, when they came to a place where some
rocks made a good shelter. For this reason, and having found a canoe
there, the Chief Pilot decided on passing the night, and sending a man
in the canoe to report their position to the ship, that those on board
might send to look for them. The Chief Pilot said that he was anxious
about the boat, and much more when he considered the insecure position
in which the best sailors were placed, without whom the rest could not
take the ship to any place where they would be saved; and thus there
would be no notice of the discovery that had been made, nor of the rest
that was surmised.


He asked what powder the soldiers had. They replied that they had
ten rounds. He said that was little, and that it would be better to go
on and look for some of the canoes. When taken, if the natives required
them, after all the powder was expended, they would defend themselves
with swords and shields. If anything had happened to the boat, the
natives would have seen, and would have hidden their canoes so that we
might not get away. This was agreed to. A soldier was given command of
the vanguard, and he, with some others, marched along the beach where
the trees grew very thick, no one having touched them since their
creation, with some great rocks. It was almost impossible to make a way
through this in the day-time; how much less on a dark night. Sometimes
the water was [101]up to their knees, and at others to their
middles. They went climbing and descending from trunks and rocks,
making their way either in the sea or through the woods. Altogether,
there were ten of them, two being ill and asking the others to go and
leave them, for that they could hold out no longer. The Chief Pilot,
who heard this, said that they must not be left behind, but must be
brought along, even if it became necessary to carry them. They pushed
on a little further, but it was past midnight when they heard two
arquebus shots, and presently two more. The companions in front pressed
onwards to ascertain the cause, and found that the boat had just
arrived. They had been detained by contrary winds, and had made the
round of the island. The party got into the boat and returned to the
ship, arriving at break of day, and finding all on board anxious, owing
to their long absence.


On this day the Governess proposed to the Pilots that they should
depart from that island in search of San Cristobal, to see if the
Almiranta was there, and to do what would be best for the
service of God and His Majesty; and that if she was not found, her
determination was to go to the city of Manilla in the Philippines, to
engage priests and people, and return to complete that discovery. On
this subject she asked, persuaded, and ordered each person present to
give his views in the form that appeared most convenient. The view and
opinion of all was that a W.S.W. course should be shaped so long as was
necessary to reach a latitude of 11°, and if neither the island nor
the Almiranta were found, then to proceed to the Philippines.
They all signed their names, and the Chief Pilot undertook to return in
company with the Governess, if she returned as she proposed.


The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that the ship being so
injured, both in hull and rigging, the sailors few, the men sick, and
it being necessary to give thirty of the [102]most healthy to
navigate the frigate and the galeot, it would be best to abandon those
two small vessels. For if this was done, the voyage of the
Capitana would be much more secure; for the two small vessels
were in bad order, their pilots were not satisfactory, and their
rigging, sails and people would all be serviceable on board the
Capitana. To this the Captain of the galeot said that it was
because the ships had not cost him any money that he wanted to abandon
them. The Chief Pilot replied that he had no other motive than
consideration for the good of all; that in Manilla, whither they
intended to go, they would find other and better vessels for less than
200 dols., and for such a small sum it was not worth while to risk so
much. The Captain of the galeot had on his side certain ill-conditioned
enemies of truth and reason, and these the Governess had for her
council of state of war and marine. Each one said a little, and so
things remained, nothing being done.


Presently they wanted to get rid of the trouble and charge of the
sick. It was ordered that they should be sent to the frigate. The Chief
Pilot protested, saying that it was unjust to send them where the
conveniences were much less, or to deprive them of the comfort they had
where they were in the ship, especially as all could be accommodated in
the large ship, safe from the sun, night air, and damp. They replied
that a sail could be set up to form a tent, underneath which they could
lie at their pleasure. The Chief Pilot answered that the navigation
would not always admit of tents being set up, and that the sick always
needed care. It was publicly ordered that they should remain, but
nevertheless a sergeant began to get them into the boat. One cried out,
and the Chief Pilot came and delivered them from men with so little
pity and so much folly. Finally, the Governess ordered that they should
stay, and so they remained.


In the afternoon the Chief Pilot went to visit the frigate
[103]and the galeot, leaving with them the necessary
supplies of flour and water. He gave them instructions respecting the
navigation they would have to work, and a chart to the Pilot of the
frigate, who neither had one nor knew how to use it. At night the
Captain, Don Diego de Vera, with some persons of his company, went on
shore to disinter the body of the Adelantado, to be taken on board the
frigate to Manilla; for on board the Capitana they would not
consent to receive it, owing to objections which are never wanting.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVI.




How the ship and the other two vessels departed from
the bay of Graciosa; the labours during the voyage; the loss of the
galeot; and gives an account of a hermit.








The distance from the bay of Graciosa to Manilla is
900 leagues. On the following day, the 18th of November of the same
year, the three vessels sailed in quest of the island of San Cristobal;
and the gear was in such a state that the falls carried away three
times in getting the boat in.


In one month forty-seven persons died. Nearly all the rest were ill
but joyful, as it seemed to them that their troubles were over. They
turned their eyes to the huts of the settlement, saying: “Ah!
there you remain, thou corner of Hell, that has cost us so much!
mourning for husbands, brothers, and friends,” they said; and
went on, overcome by their own feelings.


On this day and the next they steered W.S.W. Having taken the sun,
and made the calculations, the result was 11°. We looked to see if
land could be seen in any direction, but none was seen. On this same
day the Boatswain and four other seamen fell ill. The five or six
[104]who remained well said to the Chief Pilot that
the ship was unfit for sea, full of sick, in want of water and food;
and that they could not continue to plough the sea in her. The soldiers
joined with them, and there was no want of voices; nor was there wind,
and the mainstay was carried away. There was appearance of evil, which
lasted for a bit, owing to the opinions being different. Things being
put right, the Chief Pilot said to the Governess that they were in the
latitude of 11°, and that, in accordance with the agreement, she
must order what should be done. She replied, that as the island of San
Cristobal was not in sight, and the Almiranta could not be
found, she would shape a course for Manilla.


The Chief Pilot made his course N.W. with the wind S.E. to avoid New
Guinea, which was very near, and not to get among the islands. If it
had not been for the wretched condition of the ship, I should have
given orders to coast along that land, and find out what it was.


On this course we continued to sail until the 27th of the month,
when we were in 5°. On that day we saw a great trunk, a great mass
of reeds, with three almonds like those we had left, much straw and
snakes. The wind was S.W., with squalls and showers from that
direction. By these signs we understood that New Guinea was close on
board. We began to experience great waves coming from N.W. and N.N.W.,
which knocked the ship about, and it was worse when there were calms or
light winds: a sign that these winds come from the other side of the
line. This continued nearly as far as the Ladrone Islands. There were
also variables up to 5° N., where breezes sprang up from N.E. which
lasted all the voyage. If the sun should be near the zenith when it was
in Capricorn, I know not how it would be on crossing the equinoctial
line.


We sailed on until the 10th of December, when I found the latitude
half a degree from the line, a position in which [105]the
sky was clear, the air quiet, the sea smooth, but no land in sight; but
so cold at night that it was necessary to use blankets. Yet in the day
the sun was so hot, that even when it was near the horizon the heat
could hardly be borne.


The galeot had not been seen for several days, for she had parted
company; so, wishing to comply with her obligations to the
Capitana, the Governess ordered that her Captain should be
notified that, on pain of being declared a traitor, he should keep his
position, and not be more than half a league off. For it seemed that
the Capitana, from her general unseaworthiness, and having her
mainmast sprung, could never reach safety. Yet on that night the galeot
stood on another tack, and disappeared, without being any more
seen.


The ration that was served out consisted of half a pound of flour,
of which they made mashed-up paste with salt water, baked in the hot
ashes; half a quartillo1 of water full of powdered
cockroaches, which made it very nauseous and stinking. There was not
much good fellowship, owing to the great sickness and little conformity
of feeling. What were most evident were the ulcers coming out on feet
and legs, the sadness, groans, hunger, infirmities, and deaths, with
mourning for those whom it concerned. Scarcely a day passed without
throwing one or two overboard, and on some days there were three and
four. It came to this: that there was no little difficulty in carrying
the dead up from the between decks.


The sick became rabid from the effluvia of mud and filth that was in
the ship. Nothing was hidden. All the prayers were for water; some
begged for a single drop, showing their tongues, pointing with their
fingers, like the rich man and Lazarus. The women, with children at
their [106]breasts, prayed for water, while all complained
of a thousand things. Here could well be seen the good friend, he who
was a father or a son, the charity and patience that was shown. Here,
too, might be seen one who could accommodate himself to the times, and
who could be resigned. Many deaths without confession took place, and
other evils which to think of together were to feel above measure. The
Salve was recited in the afternoon, before the image of Our Lady
of Solitude, which was all the consolation in this pilgrimage.


There had come on this expedition a venerable old man and good
Christian, who in Lima was barchilon,2 and served
in the hospital of the natives. His name was Juan Leal, which he was
through all the events he was concerned with. This servant of God and
worthy man, in poor health, for he was convalescent, without rest,
which in good sooth it had been well if he had found, but he only
sought time to occupy himself night and day without ceasing—was
he who, in camp and on board, and in the present voyage, devoted
himself to the service of the sick with cheerful faith. He showed that
his bowels were full of charity, for all that was done for the sick
passed through his hands. He bled them, cupped them, made their beds,
helped them to a good death, prepared and accompanied their bodies to
sepulture, or got them out of danger; a man, in short, who did well in
word and deed, though deeply feeling the numerous miserable sights he
beheld. But there were ears to which his voices reached, and not
finding doors, they returned to their master, who afresh converted them
into more love and care to help, as he did help with his accustomed
piety. [107]








1 A
quarter of an azumbre, which is about half a gallon.


2 No such
word in Spanish, nor is it a Peruvianism.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVII.




Of the state in which the ship was as she continued
her voyage, and of the death of the hermit.








A list was made of the surviving sick, and each one
was given, besides his ordinary ration, a plate of fritters helped out
with honey and treacle, and in the afternoon a mug of water with a
little sugar to help as sustenance. Those who were a little stronger
had double rations to enable them to work at the pumps four times a
day, at which they suffered fearfully, for some hid themselves, others
sat down, and others stopped, saying they could not work. Night passed
without being able to give rest from the evil that was so near, for its
clamours and forced necessities were two things which it was not
possible to remedy.


The rigging and sails were so rotten that repairs were incessant,
and splicing and sewing was constantly needed. These were evils that
could not be amended. The main mast was sprung from the step, and the
step of the bowsprit, from not being morticed, hung on one side, taking
the bowsprit with it, which caused us great anxiety. The sprit sail
with all its gear fell into the sea, and none of it could be recovered.
The main stay carried away a second time, and it was necessary to make
another stay with part of the hemp cable, and the backstays of the
mainmast, which were unrove for the purpose. There was not a yard that
was not bent downwards owing to parted lifts, the topsail ties were
gone, and perhaps for three days at a time the sail was flapping in the
waist, because no one cared to hoist it with a rope that had been
spliced thirty-three times. We took down the topsails and mizen in
order to mend the courses, which at last were the only sails we used.
Of the hull of the ship it may be said with truth that only
[108]the beams kept the people above water, for they
were of that excellent wood of Guayaquil called
guatchapeli,1 which never seems to grow old.
The ship was so open in the dead wood that the water ran in and out of
the ship when we sailed on a bowline.


The sailors, from the hard work and their weakness, and from seeing
the ship in such a state, set no store by their lives; and one of them
said to the Chief Pilot that he was tired of being always tired, that
he would rather die once than many times, and that they might as well
shut their eyes and let the ship go to the bottom. They did not want to
work, saying that neither God nor the King required them to do what was
impossible. The men said they were without strength, and if one took
another in his arms he was unable to hold him up. If they should die,
who was there that could revive them? The Chief Pilot answered one of
them that if he should jump overboard, the Devil would have him body
and soul. Many others said that as he knew how to command, he should
give them nourishment from the jars of wine, oil, and vinegar which the
Governess had, or that it should be sold to them in exchange for their
work; that they would give receipts and pay at Manilla, or make a
return in kind. They said this was necessary for them in order to
recover strength to work the ship, and that if they all died she would
die also. When there was the greatest necessity for them, then they
would show her needs and remember what had passed. The Chief Pilot
submitted their prayer to the Governess several times during the
voyage, saying it was much worse to die than not to expend stores. She
said that there was more obligation to her than to the sailors who
talked of her favour, and if two were hanged the rest [109]would hold their tongues. The Chief Pilot
answered that he only referred to the matter in order to apply a remedy
to pressing needs, that the sailors were good men, that if he advocated
their cause it was not for any obligation he owed to them, but that the
ship might be taken where she herself wished, and that the obligation
to please her did not relieve him from the duty of his office, the pay
being equal to the debt. At last she served out two jars of oil; but
they were soon used up, when the complaints were renewed and continued
throughout the voyage.


The soldiers seeing so long a time before them (for no time is short
to those who suffer) also said a good deal: that they would gladly
exchange this life for a sentence of death in a prison, or for a place
on a bench in a Turkish galley, where they might die confessed, or live
in the hope of a victory or a ransom. Hope in God, whose power is
greater than all our necessities, said one, for that will prove an
armed voyage, and above poverty.


This death, which I hold to be a happy termination to a life of good
works when received with meekness, was doing service to the Lord in
calling, in good time, our dear Juan Leal, who went to his reward in
heaven for the merits of what he had done on earth. He died alone and
forsaken, like the rest. He was exemplary in his life and customs, he
valued the world and its affairs for what they were worth, he went
about dressed in sackcloth next to his skin, and reaching half down his
legs, with bare feet, and long hair and beard. He had passed many years
in this severe course of life, serving hospitals, after having
previously served for many years as a soldier in Chile. On the same night a
sick man fell overboard, it was not known how, crying out for help; but
he was left and was no more seen. [110]








1 The
brothers Ulloa, in their Noticias Secretas, spoke very highly of
the “guatchapeli” wood of Guayaquil (p. 58) for
ship-building, especially extolling its durability.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVIII.




How there was a proposal to elect a General; the reply
of the Chief Pilot to it; the advice given by a man to the Governess,
and the loss of the frigate.








The Chief Pilot took great care of the water, as there
was little left, and, by secret means, there were great wasters of it.
He was therefore present when it was served out. The Governess used it
very largely, requiring it to wash her clothes, for which purpose she
sent a jar to be filled. The Chief Pilot said that the position should
be considered, and that it did not seem just to use so much water, when
there was so little. At this she took great offence, and felt it so
much that she said very angrily: “Cannot I do what I please with
my own property?” The Chief Pilot answered: “It belongs to
all, and it will go to all. The cup is good for him that cannot wash,
and it is your duty to curtail your own allowance, that the soldiers
may not say that you wash your clothes with their life’s blood.
You should put a high value on the patience of those who are suffering,
for they might take by force what there is in the ship. Starving people
sometimes know how to help themselves.” Upon this the Governess
took the keys of the store room away from the steward, who was an
honest man, to whom the Chief Pilot had entrusted them, and gave them
to one of her own servants. There were not wanting those who said to
the Chief Pilot that he ought not to allow himself to be ruled by a
woman, and that if it was put to the vote, the majority would be for a
man. But the Chief Pilot answered that they should leave her to enjoy
her just title for the brief space that remained. When the time came
that he was forced to act, it would then appear more reasonable to say
what is now said without considering her.


One honest man1 was anxious to see less bickering in the
[111]ship, and more order and peace than prevailed
there. Knowing that some of the hungry and suffering people had
determined to force their way into the store room when it was opened,
and knowing what must happen from this project, whether fights or other
mischief, so that the little food that remained would be got by
blows—he said many things to the Governess touching her rule.
There were not wanting those who told her not to trust him, and knowing
this, he spoke thus to her: “Consider, Lady, that those who speak
to you are not saints, and well they show it in what they say, for they
seek their own benefit and the evil of others. Trust in the men in whom
your husband trusted, for have you not seen that in his necessities and
your own they have loyally done their duty, seeing your risk. Be
assured that here there is no one who desires to rise, nor who would
consent to it, nor any who do not owe to you a sole obedience in all
that is just.” She replied: “Here they come to me with
complaints that I do not wish to hear.” He answered: “Do
not listen to them nor believe them, and treat the men well. See with
what heavy loads they are laden. They might throw them off, and refuse
to carry them, or make some evil agreement, so as to agree afterwards.
Be sure that each one thinks that, although miseries overflow,
compensations are not wanting. To these your brethren be considerate.
Do not look upon them as a petty government of many heads without feet,
or of many feet without a head. Reflect well on what are new affairs.
These people wish for little, and here they suffer much. They owe
nothing, yet they owe much; and for what they owe to you they
dissimulate. If they had not come here, no one would owe anything, nor
would what is wanted now be wanted; and to you all is more than
owing.” At last this man asked her, “What ought he to do
who was warned that some wanted to kill others on board the
ship?” She answered that he should look out. [112]He
then said: “I know that it was you yourself and your brother who
plotted to kill me, and you sharpened the knives; but I did not believe
it easily, though I was told by a friend. Nor did I fail in caution,
though now I may. You see here how it has been made sure, and if you
should wish it, you can have assurance, though you may not believe who
it was that deceived you. I am not afraid of what I have told you and
excused, for there are very few women with such heads as Dido, Zenobia,
and Semiramis.”


With these troubles we went on steering the same course, N.N.W.,
until Tuesday, the 17th of December, when we were in 3° 30′
N. The men in the frigate were worn out by work at the pump, and it was
necessary to give them three more to help them at their labour. Sailors
were sent to check the water, which was coming in at many places. No
diligence availed, and she could not keep up with the Capitana.
The people were very sad, yet desirous to save the vessel because the
body of the Adelantado was on board. Knowing the danger, the Chief
Pilot said to the Governess several times, that it seemed right to
abandon the frigate, taking off the people, who would be safe, while
the ship would be better manned. As he could not prevail, he said to
Don Diego de Vera, Captain of the frigate: “You know how to
complain; how is it you do not know how to make things safe? Do you not
see that it will be the death of yourself and your companions? Come on
board this ship, for here you will be welcomed like brothers.” At
last the frigate was lost sight of at night, for which cause the Chief
Pilot eased off the sheets, and waited until the next day in the
afternoon. The soldiers began to make an outcry, saying it was no time
to delay the navigation, for that the frigate would not appear, that
she may have gone ahead, and that if not it was God for us all and each
for himself. The Chief Pilot answered that it would be an ill deed to
abandon that vessel full of [113]friends on the high sea, without
such a pilot as could take her to safety. If she parted company, she
could not be secure of reaching port. She was never more seen.








1 The
“honest man” is evidently the Chief Pilot himself.






[Contents]



Chapter XXIX.




How they came in sight of an island bearing north, and
of the great danger in which the ship was placed.








With the wind from the E. and N.E. the ship continued
her N.N.W. course, and on the following Saturday she came in sight of
an island, for which they steered cheerfully in hopes of a port and
provisions. But as it did not appear well to the Chief Pilot to go too
near an unknown land during the night, he ordered the ship to be
tacked. The sailors, accustomed to work, said they were not tired, and
that they were quite ready to go on. The Chief Pilot eased off the
foresheet, put the helm down, and the ship went round. This seemed to
be the inspiration of an angel, for if she had not been put about she
would certainly have been lost, as will be seen further on. Up to where
the ship was the sea was clear and unbroken, but further on it was not
known what the ship would strike against.


At dawn the ship stood in to where she was before night. A sailor was sent
to the mast-head, as was the custom morning and evening, and he
reported that to the N.E. there were some great reefs, the termination
of which he could not see. The ship had no after sails to enable her to
work to windward; and the water was breaking over the rocks. The ship
was so near them that there appeared to be no escape, and death seemed
ready to swallow us up. A certain person made a prayer and a promise,
in his heart, to St. Anthony of Padua; and it served the Lord that on
this day, which was that of His holy birth, the ship [114]came
out of the danger in which she was placed. At three in the afternoon
she doubled the reef, it may be said by a miracle.


Natives came in their canoes from the island under sail, others
paddling. As they were unable to cross the reef, they jumped on it, and
made signs with their hands. In the afternoon one single native in a
small canoe came round the end of the reef. He was at a distance to
windward, so that we could not see whether he had a beard, the position
being near the island of the “Barbados.” He seemed to be a
good-sized man and naked, with long, loose hair. He pointed in the
direction whence he had come, and breaking something white with his
hands he ate it, and had cocoa nuts for drink. He was called to, but
did not want to come.


It was evening, and, for that reason, a sailor went aloft to look
out. He reported two small islands and many rocks, by which the ship
was surrounded as in a yard. There was reason for despondency, as
whatever course was taken (to those who did not understand) seemed to
threaten danger. The ship was put on a course steering N.N.W.


This islet is in latitude 6°. It is nearly round, and about 30
leagues in circumference. It is not very high. It has many trees, and
at their sides there were flowers and cultivated patches. At 3 leagues
to the west there are four low islands, and many others near them, all
surrounded by reefs. The sea appeared to be more clear to the
southward. [115]






[Contents]



Chapter XXX.




How they came in sight of the Ladrone Islands, and
what happened there.








Continuing on a N.N.W. course, they were in 14° N.
latitude on Monday, the 1st of January. The wind was west, and the ship
was going free. On Wednesday, the 3rd of the same month, we came in
sight of two of the Ladrone islands, for which we were making. One was
called Guan, and the other Serpana. We passed between the two, which
lie N.E. and S.W., by a channel 10 leagues wide, keeping on the side of
Guan. A man who was handing the foresail fell overboard; and in the
whole ship there was only one line. It was thrown over where the man
had fallen alongside, who got hold of it and came up, thanks be to God!
Many canoes came out from Guan under sail, with a number of Ladrone
natives in them, who are stout men of a reasonable colour. They were
crying out “charume,” which means friends, and
“heoreque,” signifying “Give us iron,”
which is what they seek, being very fond of it. As so many came there
was a great press, and some canoes fouled each other and were
overturned, whose masters swimming, turned them over again with great
ease. They are built with two prows, so that they can turn the sail
without having to turn the canoe. They brought many cocoa nuts,
plantains, rice, water, and some large fish, giving all in exchange for
old iron. Those of the ship were delighted with these people and their
refreshing provisions. The exchange being completed, the natives went
away, all but two who were killed by an arquebus, owing to a matter of
a piece of cask hoop.1 [116]


The soldiers insisted much with the Chief Pilot that he should go
into port at this island and procure provisions. He was very willing;
but he gave it up because there was no gear for getting the boat into
the water. He said this to all; but they still insisted, saying they
could do it with their hands. The Chief Pilot replied: “And how
will you get it on board again?” They answered: “Why cannot
it be left here?” Then the Chief Pilot said: “It is not
well to lose the boat, having to navigate among so many islands of
which we go in search.” They were very persistent; but he turned
a deaf ear, and continued to shape a westerly course until Friday, the
12th, when, on taking the sun, he found the latitude to be 13°
N.








1 Here
Suarez de Figueroa introduces a fuller account of the Ladrone
Islanders, especially of their customs connected with the burial of the
dead, with an anecdote about an adventure between a Spanish soldier and
a native of Guan.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXI.




How, when they came in sight of the Philippine
Islands, the ship was in many dangers, and how she anchored in a good
harbour.








The Chief Pilot navigated only by information, and
without a chart, seeking for the cape of Espiritu Santo, the first land
of the Philippines. At daybreak land was sighted, being the peak of a
high mountain; and nothing else was then seen owing to a shower of rain
that came on. The land was welcomed with as much content as if we had
really reached a safe haven. Some said: “Soon we shall hear Mass
and seek God. There is no longer danger of death without confession,
for that is a land where Christians dwell.” Amidst these
anticipations and great rejoicing, there were others so weak that they
could not stand on their feet, and who were like skeletons ready to
die; and their refrain was that they no longer wished to bring to light
their propped-up bones. Presently they all applied for a double ration
of water, for the want of it caused the [117]greatest sufferings.
But the Chief Pilot said that he could not give more than the cup, for
there was very little left, and we should still be at sea some time
before we anchored.


Having come near the land, a bay was seen on the shore running north
and south. The people said that this was a port, and that we should
make for it, for God had shown us such signal mercy that He had guided
us there. This was also the view of the Chief Pilot; for there was a
soldier on board, who, some time before, had made this voyage and knew
the coast. We continued to coast along, looking out for signs that
would be satisfactory. The wind was strong from the N.E., and there was
mist over land, while the sun was obscured. It did not seem advisable
to the Chief Pilot to proceed further, nor to enter such a dangerous
place, in which, if once embayed, it would not be possible to get out,
the wind being contrary, there being few hands, and the whole furniture
of the ship being bad. For these reasons he ordered the ship to be put
about, intending to see if he could get the latitude by a star
observation, or the sun next day, so as to be sure where he was.


They began to persuade him to go in, and he told them that it would
be better to endure one day more of suffering than to lose their lives.
He then examined the soldier in great detail for his reasons for being
satisfied that that was the opening that we sought. His replies were as
far from the truth as he was near to a mistaken notion. After all this,
he and others gave their opinions to the Governess. They made their
complaints, and said that the Chief Pilot did not understand how to
take advantage of such a good chance. To all this he answered that no
one desired the salvation of the ship more than he did, whose duty it
was to seek a port on pain of loss of credit in case of failure; while
as regards their lives they were all equal. “God [118]has
been pleased to bring them there, and He would also take them to
Manilla;” adding that if others had the responsibility they would
not feel so certain about what they said.


The Governess also said that it appeared to be the opening, for that
everyone said so. The Chief Pilot answered that she should leave it to
him, for that he understood his duty; if not, she could appoint some
one else. He knew that for anyone to enter that opening and get the
ship into danger, he would not be without blame whoever he might be,
and there would be no escape. “And how,” he added,
“could the sick, and all the women and children they had on
board, be saved? Even if they were saved, how could they be fed and
taken on their way? And what certainty was there that there was peace
in that land? Even if there was, how much better was it to take such
measures as would make safety certain, than to make the voyage to
Manilla doubtful, it being still 300 leagues distant. Moreover, the
night was coming on, which made it necessary to stand away from the
land.” At last the ship was put about, and kept on that tack with
the care that was necessary during a night without moon.


At dawn we returned to seek the land, though it was not visible
owing to mist, in consequence of which great murmurs were raised
against the Chief Pilot. They said that they could only be drowned
once, and it would have been better to have taken the ship in when they
spoke before than to risk nothing. At last the land came in sight, in
the form of a cape a little to windward. They set the bonnet, and ran
in for the land, with the intention of coasting along it, the sounding
line in the arm, and the deep-sea lead in the hand, ready to anchor, or
decide upon what it was most desirable to do. The yard was hoisted up,
and the tie was carried away. The sail fell, and the people, who were
tired, did not care to apply a remedy. [119]At last, persuaded by
good reasons, and by the proximity of dangerous reefs, the yard was got
up again, and secured to the mast by stoppers. But these stoppers would
not hold; the yard fell again, and to hoist it once more required both
hands and tongue. The night before there had been a great swell, and
now it was the same, and as the ship, head to wind, laboured much, the
rigging almost all carried away, especially the running rigging
belonging to the foremast, and there was only one shroud left on each
side. The mast appeared so badly supported that the least thing would
make it go by the board; but it was a good spar, and held on. Firmness
is needful in all cases, for without it all else is worth little or
nothing.


As for the reefs in sight, they were said to be the
Catanduanes, where a ship is in great danger of foundering with
all on board; while if anyone escaped by swimming, the natives shoot
arrows into him like San Sebastian, which they know how to do very
well. Others said we were between those reefs and the island of
Manilla, in a part where it was impossible to get out. Others, that the
channel was astern, and that the fault was with the Chief Pilot. Others
declared that the ship would sink, that he should die who would die;
and other disconcerting opinions like these, sufficient to upset the
most collected.


The Governess, in her retreat, appeared to be making arrangements
with death. A book of devotions in her hand, her eyes turned to heaven,
making ejaculations, and as afflicted and tearful as the rest. The
Chief Pilot regretted that he could not do what he intended. Some
clamoured, others appeared sad, and all turned their eyes to the Chief
Pilot, with whom was the whole solution. They asked him what land that
was, and where they were, as if it was enough merely to see it in order
to know it without further ado. At last, at the end of all this and
[120]much more, the blame was put on the soldier who
professed to know that coast: for it was thought that some devil had
possessed him that day, to bring all to their deaths, if the
intervention of God did not save them.


The Chief Pilot said: “What is it that you want me to say to
you? I never saw the land in my life until now, nor am I a sorcerer. I
came in search of the Cape of Espiritu Santo. It ought to be here,
within two leagues, more or less. Can you not see that the land is
covered with clouds, and so is the sky, so that I am prevented from
making use of my instruments. Now we will coast along the land, and
when we find a port or anchoring ground, we will bring to; for by all
means we must keep the ship from grounding.” He then told two
sailors to set up two backstays to support the foremast, and another
strong lad to have the anchor ready to let go as soon as there was
bottom. But they turned their backs without answering, and made use of
bad language.


The ship and crew was in this state when it pleased the Lord to look
down with the eyes of clemency, and to be served by turning the bows of
the ship right into a bay. A breeze sprang up, and we ran in, with a
reef on either side. At this juncture three natives came to reconnoitre
us in a canoe, and placed themselves to windward of the ship without
saying anything. The only man on board who knew the language spoke to
them, and when they saw that we were Christians, they came on board,
and showed us the anchorage which we were then seeking. We anchored in
the middle of the bay, in 14 fathoms. One of these natives was an
interpreter. The other was the man that the English navigator, Thomas
Cavendish, took with him to point out to him the channels among these
islands. I asked them what land that was. They answered that it was the
Cape of Espiritu Santo, and that the bay and port were called
“Cobos;” also that the opening was
near, and that the ship [121]was on her right course. I asked
who was then governing Manilla. They replied that Don Luis Perez de las
Mariñas was Governor for the Spaniards. I asked this, because it
was reported in Peru that Japan was preparing an attack with a great
fleet. This news was given to people who seemed an hour before to be
sentenced to death, and now were to live. They could not conceal their
joy, and showed it by tears and thanks to God, Who knows how to show
these mercies when He pleases to the man who serves Him.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXII.




Of what happened during the time that the ship was in
the bay.








The natives went to their village, from which others
came, one with a wand of justice; and, on seeing it, and a cross on the
land, the crew believed the natives to be peaceful and Christian. They
brought fowls and pigs, at two or three reals a piece, together with
palm wine, by drinking which some of us talked various languages; also
many cocoa nuts, plantains, sweet canes, papays, roots, water in bamboo
joints, and fuel. They took in exchange reals, knives and glass beads,
which they value more than silver. During three days and nights the
galley fire was never put out, nor was there any cessation of kneading
and cooking, or of eating the boiled of one and the roast of another,
so that they were eating day and night.


With mouths sweetened and stomachs satisfied, they all remained as
contented as it is possible to imagine. The Chief Pilot said that this
was the present work, to enable them to arrive at the port they so much
desired. Some wanted to embrace him; others said that he had made them
happy; and he said to all that they should give thanks to God. He said
to the two sailors who would not hear [122]his orders:
“Does it seem to you that if you had had your own way you would
have given a good account of yourselves? Tell me whether you are better
off here, or where you importuned me to take you?”


The natives here are of a brown colour, not very tall, and their
bodies tattooed. They have no beards, nor any sign of them. Their hair
is black and long. Their loins are covered with cloth, and in the
villages they wore a tunic of the same material, with no colour, and
reaching down to their calves. They have large gold earrings, ivory
armlets, and similar ornaments on their legs, of gilded bronze, which
deceived some of our people. These natives are so selfish that without
silver or something they want in exchange, they will give nothing.


The sick, being so little accustomed to abundance of food, and
eating without moderation, did themselves serious harm; three or four
even died of it. The natives came morning and evening, bringing and
bartering their produce, so that in fourteen days provisions were
collected for the rest of the voyage.


The bay is open to the N.W., and when it blew hard from that quarter
there was a heavy sea. The ship rode by a small cable that looked like
a thread, so that it was a new mercy of God that strength was given to
it to hold the ship during two days and a night, while it strained
against its slender cable, with rocks and mangrove swamps to leeward.
The Chief Pilot, seeing the danger in which the ship was placed,
proposed to the Governess that the royal artillery and munitions should
be got out and stored in one of the villages, with her property, and
that of the women and children, or at least what was of most value;
while, as regards the ship, he would always be on board, with the
sailors, ready for anything that might happen. She replied that, for
the eight days they were going to stay, what danger could there be? He
then said [123]that he would not feel secure of the
ship’s safety for a single hour; and seeing the want of care of
the Governess, he repeated what he had said. As she would not consent,
he said he would make a protest for his own security, for she made
certain of her own freedom from blame by reason of the care he took. So
he drew up a brief protest, saying in it what, in his opinion, ought to
be done. When she had read it, a council was called and an act was
prepared, ordering that sail should presently be made for Manilla, and
that they should not remain in that port. The Chief Pilot said that he
gave his protest as a reply, for that the ship was not then fit to go
to sea, as first she must be refitted and victualled so far as was
necessary; also that the wind was then blowing into the mouth of the
bay, being the direction by which they must go; also that he must
protest afresh against his request not being complied with, for the
ship was not safe for a moment. They drew up another order, that within
an hour he should take the ship out and shape a course to Manilla, and
that his conduct was disrespectful and mutinous. All these and other
similar things happened there, and the Chief Pilot spoke to the
soldiers to this effect: “See you not that these concerted
replies of mine are to provide for your necessities? I know not what
steps to take in order to bring this lady to reason. It ought to be
understood that my obligation is to serve her and to endure her. But
see you not that this ship is only held by a cable that can be clasped
with two fingers?”


On this occasion the sailors signed a paper and gave it to the Chief
Pilot, asking him, who they looked upon as their commander, that he
would give them food, or an instalment of their pay; otherwise, that he
would dismiss them soon, that they might go to seek for other service;
for here they had sold what they had, and if they applied for rations,
or advances, or pay, they had nothing but excuses and evil answers. The
Chief Pilot showed the [124]paper to the Governess, and said
that their plan was for all to go or to seize the ship. The sailors
said that it was tyranny; that the King, being over all, paid, fed, and
gave liberty. The Governess to this replied by saying to the
Sergeant-Major: “Go to Manilla, and bring me a judge, with
soldiers and a frigate, so that they may come to me and punish these
people.” She spoke as she understood, and would work in this way
if she could, having shown her disposition. All complained and all
suffered. The Chief Pilot said: “I do not wish to say during this
expedition anything more, but rather to suffer a woman as Governess,
and her two brothers; and all this from my desire not to offend the
name of the King’s presence, for now I am in the hands of
Doña Isabel Barreto.”


The Chief Pilot, not neglecting his duties, had soundings taken in a
certain port round a cape, whither he presently took the ship and
anchored her. With reason, it may be said that to avoid one danger he
ran into another which was more certain, the one being quite as much by
chance as the other; for both ends of the lee foresheets carried away
outside the thimble; the wind was fresh, and the rocks quite close. But
at such moments temerity often brings safety, as on this occasion.
Sending a hawser on shore, the ship was brought into a safe port. Here
he ordered the natives to make a strong cable of fibres, and other
ropes, with which he both rigged the foremast and secured the ship.


In reply to the sailors, the Governess had ordered a proclamation to
be made that no one was to go on shore without leave on pain of death.
It happened that a married soldier went on shore without leave to get
some food, or with leave according to his own account, and for this he
was ordered to be arrested. A council was assembled, and presently an
order was given that the prisoner should be flogged. The
Sergeant-Major, who had [125]to carry out the order, was not
handy in rigging what was required, and at last told the Boatswain to
reeve a tackle and hoist up the yard. While this part of the comedy was
proceeding, an ensign came up the hatchway, followed by some
halberdiers as long and thin as himself. They came by authority of the
sentence, with the drum which was nearly passed its work, and the most
wonderful costumes, for there is no play without an interlude. The
Boatswain was one Marcos Marin, an Aragonese, a large man, now old and
very respectable. As he knew better how to understand things, and
complain of them, than to pronounce the Castilian language, it was a
wonderful thing to hear his honest liberties and well-founded
complaints, which he took even to the Adelantado himself. But he was
very careful, and highly intelligent in his office. As the
Sergeant-Major hurried him very much, and he had very little
inclination, he said: “Report, Sir Sergeant-Major, that we are
all chastised with so much hunger, sickness, and so many deaths during
the time we have been at sea, that it will be better to reflect on all
this rather than flog another.” The Sergeant-Major replied that
he must obey at once, for that the Governess had given the order. The
Boatswain answered: “The Lady will do equally well in giving us
to eat from the store she keeps for herself; and the jars of wine and
oil, given to those who need them, would be better than these
floggings. I have an order, but who orders me to do what is
right?” The Sergeant-Major was enraged, and the Boatswain,
without any hesitation, said: “We have good security—flog
here, hang there, many orders, and to die of hunger!”


On this there arose cries and complaints, and the wife of the
prisoner was praying for justice from God for the injury that they were
going to inflict on her husband. The Chief Pilot went to represent to
the Governess that it seemed to be an unjust thing that in return for
so many hardships [126]that the man had suffered, having lost four
children and expended his property, he should be left without anything,
and to die without honour. The Governess answered that he had disobeyed
her orders, and that it was proper he should suffer for it. The Chief
Pilot replied, saying that “they also broke the orders of God
with punishment in the life hereafter, and those of Holy Mother Church
with punishment of excommunication, and those of the King with the
punishment of a traitor, which is loss of life, honour, and property,
who hastily make the sword run with blood.” The Governess said
she had given the order to frighten the sailors. The Chief Pilot begged
that she would not do so at such cost, and that he would look after
them. With this the prisoner was set at liberty, and the solicitude of
the Sergeant-Major ceased.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXIII.




How the ship sailed from this bay, and of what
happened until she arrived at the entrance of that of Manilla.








The ship left this bay of Cobos, which is in 12°
10′ N. latitude, on Tuesday, the 29th of January, and in going
out we committed two bodies to the deep. By five in the afternoon we
were well clear of the entrance, and left the island of San Bernardino,
which is in the middle of the mouth, far astern. At night, near an
island called Capul, we encountered a strong cross sea, caused by
currents which are here very powerful, so that the ship was turned
right round, and there was cause for thankfulness that she was not
driven on shore. Next day several natives came out in barangais
from a port on the island of Luzon called Nivalon. They brought
quantities of fowls, pigs, wine and fruit; but the soldiers now had
scarcely anything to barter [127]with, and were able to buy little.
We kept the island in sight all day, and in the night we were among
many others, passing through places of which experienced pilots said
afterwards that they could not understand how it was that we had not
been lost among the numerous reefs which we never saw. The Lord was
served in protecting us.


On Thursday, the first of February, the Governess, at a place called
Galvan, sent her two brothers, with seven other men, in the boat, to
seek for food. This business came to such a point that the Captain, Don
Diego, ordered an arquebus to be fired at one of the sailors who went
up the mizen mast. The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that to no one
was it more important than to her that the expedition should end in
peace. This was a foolish affair, and so it was left. The boat did not
come back, although we waited for her all day. They went to Manilla,
which was 15 leagues distant, by a certain strait in the island, to
report our approach. On the next night, before dawn, the ship was so
embayed among islands that no way out was visible, without a boat and
without food, for the provisions taken in at the last port were
consumed. We saw many natives in canoes; but they all fled from us,
although we made signs to them. The reason was that, as this was not
the time when ships arrive from New Spain, they thought the ship was
English. For they remembered the ship of Thomas Cavendish, and the
warning of the Governor to act thus. There was no want of anxiety about
our condition, and much more that we could not see how to extricate the
ship. We proceeded as well as we could, for it was nearly calm, and at
last we saw a channel, so narrow that a stone might almost be thrown
across it. The wind freshened and we made for it, coming out between
the islands of Luzon and Caza, near a point which is called Azufre, in
the wide sea of a great bay called Bombon.


Where there is hunger there is discontent. The soldiers [128]stood menacingly round the hatchway, because the
Governess would not give the order for their rations to be served out.
The Chief Pilot, seeing this, asked the accountant to request the
Governess to be so kind as to order food to be served out to the
people. If she did not like to give it, the Chief Pilot would sign an
obligation to pay her at Manilla what the cost of the provisions would
be from that time; or, if that would not do, to give it her in specie.
If she refused, it might be that the store-room would be broken into.
For it was not just that, there being provision on board the ship, the
crew should die for want of it. The Governess sent for him and said:
“Sir Captain, have you spent 40,000 dols. as I have on this
expedition, or have these people undertaken it at their own charge? The
Adelantado is ill paid for the great things he expected.” The
Chief Pilot replied to this: “My Lady, I spent my property, and
each one spent what they had; many gave up their lives, and all
expended all they knew. As for the Adelantado, I was a better servant
to him than he was friend to me; but these passed memories do not
oblige me to look favourably on present faults which give much trouble,
as may well be known. These men have the same necessity to eat on one
day as they have on another, and as we all have; and until we bring
them to Manilla we are bound to give them to eat and drink. That which
belonged to the Adelantado, and that which belongs to your Ladyship,
must be used for the necessities of the voyage; and upon me falls the
duty of guarding it, disposing of it faithfully, measuring the
quantity, according to the time that this ship may spend with reference
to the small amount of sail she is able to carry.” The Governess
having been convinced, said that a calf might be killed that she had on
board.


While this business was being arranged, two boats came in sight,
each rowed by forty natives, twenty on each side. [129]


A signal was made to the one which came in front. She turned, but
did not care to wait. They ran into each other, and made fast to a line
which was thrown to them. They were asked whence they came and whither
they went. They replied that they were from Manilla, which was 20
leagues distant, speaking in the Castilian language, and that they were
on their way to Zebu, the first settlement that was formed by the
Spaniards in those parts, an island 100 leagues from Manilla. I asked
for a native as a guide, because the ship had to pass some reefs called
“Tuley” during the night. They gave one a wage of 3 dols.
for his trouble. The Chief Pilot bought from them two large baskets of
rice for two pair of shoes, which was divided among the people. The
Governess wanted to buy two more, but she could not agree about the
price; so, having given us the guide, they let go the line and
proceeded on their way. A careful watch was kept during the night, and
next morning we came in sight of the opening to the bay, which we kept
nearing by coasting along the land of the island of Fortun. The wind
was contrary for entering on the west side, for there was a breeze from
the north-east.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXIV.




Of what took place with the sailors on the arrival;
how four Spaniards came on board; and other things that happened until
the ship was anchored at Cavite.








There is an island called Marivelez, at the entrance
of the bay of Manilla, where there is usually a Spanish look-out man,
with native rowers and light boats, to go out and reconnoitre any ships
that are coming in, so as to give early intelligence to the Governor.
There is also a small rock called El Frayle, bearing north from
Marivelez. [130]These two islands form three channels, and to
enter the one between Marivelez and El Frayle I began to alter course.
As the only sails we had were the two courses, and the crew weary and
disinclined to work, while not unwilling to injure the ship so as to
revenge themselves, we made little or no way, and indeed began to lose
ground. We went on like this for three days, all tired and annoyed to
find that we did not sight the island, and were thus deprived of the
pleasure of reaching and resting at Manilla. All was sorrow, and
waiting for one tide after another, counting the hours for its flood,
that we might get inside; but as no order was kept, that hour did not
come. The sailors said to the Chief Pilot that he should run that ship
on shore, for that they had worked enough, and done more than they were
bound to do. The thing that ought to be was to see the land on both
sides, and the smoke of Manilla. When they gave any help, they did so
very slowly, as if it was done as a favour. There was now neither food
to eat nor water to drink. There was only a foul wind, and the
affliction expressed in consequence. The Governess said that she had
only got two sacks of flour and a little wine, and that she wanted it
all to say masses for the soul of the Adelantado.


The Chief Pilot showed much feeling against the sailors who wanted
to run the ship on shore, and told them to look and see that all that
coast was steep to, and with a heavy sea. “See you not,” he
said, “that we have no boat, and that the ship is full of sick
without food. If you would give notice at Manilla, there is nothing to
take you over the sea, and by land it would take several days. It is
not possible to sustain the people for one more day. Let it not be said
that you only want those to be saved who have health and know how to
swim. Reflect that we have brought the ship from such remote parts, by
a route never before navigated. The little that remains cannot appear
[131]much to those who have suffered so much with
such great courage. And how would you suffer where they look out for
us, at losing the reward your labours deserve? Reflect well that if the
ship arrived well furnished, full of healthy men, well fed and paid, in
that case there would be small thanks.” They answered that
“they were only sailors, and that when the ship was anchored they
would get no credit, but only the Chief Pilot who commanded
them.” To this he replied that the greatest reward for which he
hoped was to anchor the ship in a safe harbour, where all could enjoy
the good things they so much desired.


There were many very painful scenes such as this, when that merciful
Lord, who is always looking down upon us and brings succour and relief
in times of greatest necessity, like a father to his children though
prodigal, was served that we should come in sight of a boat, which
rapidly approached the ship with sail and oars. When it came near four
Spaniards could be seen in it, who seemed like 4,000 angels, and eight
natives were rowing them. This was the look-out man, who, as has been
said, is always stationed at Marivelez, named Alonzo de Albarran, with
the chief butler of the Governor and two soldiers. They came by the
Governor’s order, to condole with the Governess on her
misfortunes, and to bring a letter, which she presently showed to the
Chief Pilot, and which contained many and most honourable greetings.
The coming of the ship had become known from the brothers of the
Governess, who had come by land. The satisfaction of all on board was
such, and so warmly shown, at the sight of the four Spaniards, that it
cannot be described. The sailors gave their hands, and helped them into
the ship, where they were received only with embraces, for there was
nothing else to give them. And they, looking carefully from one to
another, and seeing them so sick, covered with boils, poverty-stricken,
with tattered clothes, and [132]surrounded by so much misery,
could only exclaim: “Thanks be to God! Thanks be to
God!”


The look-out man went down between decks to see the hospital and the
sick women, who, when they beheld him, cried out: “What do you
bring us to eat? Oh, give us food, for we are mad with hunger and
thirst.” With the hope of refreshment some were consoled, and the
look-out man came on deck again, much horrified at what he had seen.
Then, seeing two pigs on board the ship, he said: “Why do they
not kill those pigs?” They told him that they belonged to the
Governess, and he prayed hard to her to allow them to be killed, having
said: “What the Devil! Is this a time for courtesy with
pigs?” The Governess then ordered them to be killed, and a
soldier, who took careful note of such things, exclaimed: “O,
cruel avarice! which even with a gentle and pious woman turns her heart
into a stone, even in a business so necessary, cheap, and clear!”
God was served that all the good wine appeared too. The ship came to
Marivelez on the next tack, whence the Governess sent a soldier with
the reply to the letter she received from the Governor, which was sent
by the returning boat.


Soon afterwards another boat was seen, in which was the Chief
Magistrate of that part of the coast, with the brothers of Doña
Isabel. They brought much fresh bread, wine and fruit, presented by the
Governor. When it was being distributed there was seen, in respectable
persons, some things which were far from well ordered. For in such
necessitous times as were those, ordinary obligations are disregarded.
All got a share, some more than others, which they consumed during that
afternoon. One boy died from exhaustion, due to previous privations.
The long night passed with hope of day, when a large barge arrived
laden with fowls, calves, pigs, bread, wine, and vegetables brought by
Diego Diaz Marmolego, the land-owner [133]of that part, by
order of the Governor. They were also sent on board, and plentifully
distributed among all, with much liberality.


The ship was nearing the port, though obliged to make several tacks.
Presently, Pinao, Assistant Master of a royal ship, came in a skiff
full of sailors, all dressed in coloured silks, to help the few weak
men in the ship. The Captain of the port was on the beach, with the
banner flying, and all the soldiers drawn up with their arms. At the
point of letting go the anchor, all the artillery saluted, as well as
the arquebusiers round the standard. The ship replied as well as she
could, riding by one anchor secured to the slight cable, so celebrated
during the voyage. This was on the 11th of February, 1596, in the long
desired and long sought for port of Cavite, two leagues S.W. of the
city of Manilla, capital of the Philippines, in latitude 14°
30′ N. Fifty persons had died since the ship left Santa Cruz.


As soon as the ship was anchored, some men came on board, moved by
charity, with bread and meat, which now became plentiful. Presently the
sailors and other persons from the city came to see the ship, as a
sight both on account of her great need as that she came from Peru, as
it was said, to fetch the Queen of Sheba from the Isles of Solomon. All
came on board, and, having seen how little there was, they wondered
that she should ever have arrived in safety, and they praised God that
she should have been spared, to Whom be the honour and the glory, and
to Whom the success should be attributed and the thanks given, for His
are the great mercies shown during the voyage. It is to be noted that
if the people who died had not died, those who survived would not have
arrived with more than twenty jars of water and two sacks of flour.
Thus concluded, as they say, this unhappy voyage with safety.
[134]






[Contents]



Chapter XXXV.




What happened until the people went to Manilla.








This joyful day passed, and the night came, in which
there were not wanting some new, but not unusual, annoyances with the
Magistrate of the coast, to whom Doña Isabel had made complaints
in private. He showed himself to be a judge who sided with the first
comer without hearing the other side; for if he would have heard, he
would have known how much that lady owed to him who brought her where
she was, and how little, from any point of view, he owed her. But it is
very unusual for poor men to work without pay or thanks, and for others
to do evil to him to whom good is due. He took one sailor, and to
another he gave sharp words and threatened, saying that it was an old
custom for the people of Peru to be mettlesome, and that if they came
in that spirit they must not think that they were there in their
island, where they could do as they pleased; that those who failed to
pay would be punished, or would have to pay double, or with their
lives. He made other remarks, and was answered that all who came had
been and were good vassals of the King; and as for the rest, they were
as good as others. These altercations ended at last, but the long
desired night was passed with less content than had been anticipated.
For the satisfactions of this life come tardily, and endure little
longer than a sigh.


Next morning the Master of the Camp came to the ship by order of the
Governor, with an alderman sent by the Municipality, and a clergyman by
the officials of the Church, all to receive the Governess, and to
arrange for the sick to go to Manilla. The Governess was taken to the
royal residence at the port, and again there was a salute when she
disembarked. Having partaken of refreshments, [135]she
was received in a boat, and conducted to the city. She entered at
night, was received with an illumination, and well lodged.


The sick were carried out of the ship in men’s arms, and taken
to the hospital. The widows were received in the houses of the
principal residents, and afterwards they were all married to their
satisfaction. The convalescents and the rest of the soldiers were
lodged by rich inhabitants. The married were put in houses where they were
received, lodged, and tended, with much love and pleasure, by respected
citizens of Manilla. In a few days ten died, and four entered monastic
orders.


The frigate was never more seen. There was a report that she had
been found with all her sails set, and the crew dead and decomposed,
run upon a certain part of the coast. The galeot reached port at an
island called Mindanao, in 10°, having been lost among all those
islands. The people on board were reduced to such necessity that they
landed on a small islet called Camaniguin, to kill and eat a dog they
had seen on shore. Some natives, who met them by chance, guided them to
a port where there were some fathers of the Company of Jesus. The
fathers took them to a Governor in that district, who sent five of them
prisoners to Manilla, because their Captain quarrelled with them,
saying they wanted to mutiny. They were sent with a letter to
Dr Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of that Government,
which he showed to the Chief Pilot. It was as follows:—


“Here came into port a galeot with a Captain who was as
impertinent as the things he said. He was asked whence he came, and he
replied that he belonged to the expedition of the Adelantado Alvaro de
Mendaña, which was undertaken to make a voyage from Peru to the
Solomon Islands, consisting of four vessels. This galeot put in here,
and, as she carried a royal flag, I received her as was proper. If
[136]the others were here, this would be better
known. Against the soldiers there is no process. They said that,
because the Captain wished it, he parted company from the ship with his
galeot.”






[Contents]



Chapter XXXVI.




Which contains a discourse by the Chief Pilot,
explaining why they did not find the Solomon Islands.1








The reason why the Solomon Islands, of which the Chief
Pilot, Hernan Gallego, who discovered them, makes mention in his
narrative, and of which the Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, went
in search, are not the Islands of the Marquesas de Mendoza, nor those
of Santa Cruz which we discovered in this voyage: and why we pressed so
far in advance of the position where he said they were in conformity
with his instructions, may, as it seems to me, be conveniently
explained here, to satisfy the doubts which may be raised respecting
the cause of our not reaching them.


I find three reasons which might form impediments to our reaching
the Solomon Islands in the positions where we were.


The first is the belief that they had less longitude than was really
the case, for they would not seem so far to the people who had to go
for their settlement.


The second is some motive of private interest, leading to a
concealment of the true latitude, giving to it somewhat less or
more.


The third is ignorance, or the want of the instruments to calculate
certain distances, or an error in judgment while navigating: what
appears to be one thing being another; or a mistake in writing.
[137]


As for the first, if it was so that we were not given the true
longitude of the Solomon Islands, I say that we really did not reach
them, and that they are further to the west than the islands we
discovered. The reason is that, if what the Adelantado told me was
true, by whose order I prepared the navigating charts, and if what
appears in his instructions and in the narrative of Hernan Gallego is
true, the Solomon Islands are in latitude 7° to 12° S., 1,450
leagues from Lima. There cannot be an error, as we always continued to
navigate without reaching the position, and could not have passed them
when they were 400 leagues further to the west. It must, therefore, be
believed that they were not behind but in front of us.


As to the second reason, if it was interest, as many people said,
that induced Hernan Gallego, when the Adelantado asked him for the
route to these islands, not to give him the true position as regards
latitude, this may explain it. For when he was at Court to report to
his Majesty he had not negotiated for himself; and as the
Adelantado, when he undertook the discovery, did not understand the art
of navigation, he could be deceived. On the other hand, his
observations could not be kept so secret when they were taken by four
pilots, who must have known as well as the people who were with them;
nor did Hernan Gallego then know that he would have a disagreement with
the Adelantado. Nor do I believe that a man of such high character
would do such a thing. Moreover, if in this there was deceit, I say
that if the islands were in 7° at the least, or in 12° at the
most, and we seek them between 7° and 12°, they might well
remain behind us, on one of the two sides.


As for the third reason, if it was ignorance there is nothing more
to be said. It is very certain that navigating so much as they
navigated from east to west, they were on a course on which altitude is
not altered, nor is longitude fixed except by such estimation as each
one may make. In this there may be very great error, as well in him who
[138]makes the estimate as in the ship which, in such
a case, may have been understood to have gone over less ground than she
is supposed to have made good.


In proof of the greater distance between Peru and the Solomon
Islands, I may mention that Hernan Gallego says in his
narrative—and the Adelantado also told me the same—that
being among the Isles of St. Bartholome,2 in 8°
40′ N., in the position of the Barbudos, they saw a vessel flying
from them under a head sail. They sent the boat on shore; all the
natives fled to one of their villages, which our people entered, and
brought thence to the ships a chisel made of a nail, from which they
understood that Spaniards had been or were there.


What they suspected, respecting this circumstance, was that when the
Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, discovered the Philippine Islands,
a pilot named Lope Martin, returned to New Spain without orders, to
bring the news to the Viceroy, Luis de Velasco, who had sent that
expedition of discovery, by whom he was very well received and
dispatched with succour. He, or one of the people who went with him,
also took a letter which a certain friend of the Adelantado Legazpi
wrote from Mexico, in which it was said that as soon as it was received
Lope Martin should be hanged for having taken the leave which was not
given to him. This letter, I know not by what order, got into the hands
of Lope Martin. Besides this, between him and the others there were
encounters and some deaths, including that of the Captain. Arrived at
the Barbudos, Lope Martin went on shore with some of his friends.
Meanwhile the Boatswain, with the men of his party, conspired and made
sail, leaving them on the island. As the Adelantado, Alvaro de
Mendaña, arrived at the islands a little time after this event,
it was suspected that those who had been left there thought that
Mendaña [139]came in search with the object of punishing
them; and for that reason they fled in that vessel which they had
probably built, and went to New Guinea.


I say that if this is true, as the islands of the Barbudos are in
8°, 9°, or 10°, more or less, and 2,000 leagues or more
from Peru, and as Hernan Gallego, coming from the Solomon Islands,
which he says are 1,450 leagues from Lima, to seek the coast of New
Spain, navigating from N.E. to N., for so bear the islands from that
coast, he could not fall in with the Barbudos, being from the Solomon
Islands at least N.E., having come from a much greater longitude than
they really thought, or did not wish to say. Moreover, inhabited
islands are no small indication that New Guinea is near.


Hernan Gallego says, in these formal words, that “in 2° or
3° to the S.W. we found very clear signs of land, but never saw any
land whatever. Finally, we concluded that we had land to the west of
us, and that it was New Guinea; not in a higher latitude than 4°
S., for it was discovered by Iñigo Ortiz de Retes, and by no one else.
Bernardo de la Torre neither discovered nor saw it, nor is there such a
place as the Cape of the Cross.”3


I say, touching such signs as the palms seen in the sea, which
Hernan Gallego mentions, that I also saw many, which might make me
believe that New Guinea was near, being in the same latitude, and for
other reasons that I will give further on. Also, in a northerly
direction, I came upon the Barbudos in 6°, an island peopled by
good natives. Moreover, I came from the island of Santa Cruz, 1,850
leagues from Lima, and afterwards navigated another 40 leagues more to
the west, making 440 further than Hernan Gallego, according to his own
account. And as I navigated to the Philippines, which is more to the
west, I was more in the way of seeing the signs of the island I
[140]found than was Hernan Gallego. For he confesses
that he went 1,450 leagues from Lima, and took his way to New Spain,
which is N. to N.E. This proves that he could not have seen those
signs, nor the islands he sighted, without having gone over much more
longitude than he stated.


Hernan Gallego says further, in his report to the Licentiate Castro,
who was at that time President of the Audience in the city of the
Kings, who despatched the expedition:—“Being in 7° S.,
30 leagues from the island of Jesus,4 which was
the first we discovered as we saw the archipelago of islands, it was
never intended to prosecute discoveries further, but that we should
return to Peru, as is public and notorious. If we had gone on another
cock would have crowed, for we should have discovered another land,
different from this, and very near where we were. The goodness of the
land I do not wish to dilate upon, because your Lordship will hear that
from others.”


I quote this to show that Hernan Gallego was certain that he was
near New Guinea as he says. He could not have come to this conclusion
if he had not known that it was 2,000 and more leagues from Lima; for
in his position he could not have been deceived, because it was
discovered at a very short distance, as the Maluco Isles are from it.
Miguel Rojo de Brito, a native of Lisbon, went from Maluco to New
Guinea, and said that they were close to each other, as may be seen in
a chapter of his narrative which will be attached to this discourse.
Although I do not know the original intention of that expedition, I
suspect that they went in search of New Guinea, because it is explained
that Iñigo Ortiz de Retes was its discoverer, and not Bernardo
de la Torres. So that it may be looked upon as certain that it was from
a report of one of these, [141]or both, that they were deriving
the information respecting the object they sought. For Gallego says
that the Cape of the Cross has no existence, and that New Guinea is in
not more than 4° S., implying that one said it was in 4°, which
seemed most likely to be correct, and the other in more. He went in
search, but did not find it; coming by chance on the island of Jesus in
6° 45′, and presently came to the reefs of Candelaria, and
the Island of Santa Isabel, and always discovering by a higher latitude
and decreasing longitude. The reason for not sighting New Guinea was
the same as prevented us from reaching the Solomon Islands, namely, the
island of Santa Cruz. My conclusion is that New Guinea, the Solomon
Islands, and the Islands of Santa Cruz are all near each other, for a
reason I shall give presently.


Hernan Gallego says, further, that the Adelantado asked his opinion
respecting the return from those islands to Peru, across 1,700 leagues
of sea; that the port on this island of Cristobal was three leagues by
land from the most eastern point; that with a fresh breeze from S.E.
they navigated 20 leagues N.E. ¼ E., and 15 leagues N.E.
¼ N., and N.E. 25, and 18 N.N.E., and when there the latitude
was 7°, and 30 leagues from the island of Jesus to E.


He says that this island of Jesus was the first they discovered in
6° 45′ S., and that its distance from the city of Lima was
450 leagues. If this is as he says, that from this island of Jesus to
the port whence he had come the course runs N.-S., it follows that the
same number of leagues intervening between the island of Jesus and
Lima, also intervene between San Cristobal and Lima, both being almost
on the same meridian. It is clearly to be seen that there is
carelessness here, or that there was an error in his calculation, and
there no doubt was one throughout in trying to determine the true
longitude. For in so short a distance as there is from one point to the
other, there cannot have [142]been a mistake of 250 leagues.
Whence I infer that, in such a long route as that from Lima to the
Solomon Islands, the error would be much greater, the course being east
and west.


If his narrative is considered, other obscure and contradictory
points will be found. In one place he says that the natives told him
that those islands to the S.E. were extensive, and that he saw them.
Presently he says that a sailor climbed up a palm tree, and could not
see them. He says that at the Island of Guadalcanal he could not see
the end, and that the coast ran westward. Further on, he says that it
would take six months to go round it; and that the land he did not see
was reported to be very good, but that he certainly did not see it. He
reports that it was better to take a northern route in returning to
Peru, because it was difficult to find favourable winds further south.
Few pilots would give this reason, because the usual winds outside the
tropics, in the same latitude, are much the same on the north as on the
south side. And how much easier was it, being (as he says) certain that
there was no land to the S.E., to go to 11° S., where he would have
found the route to 30° or 40° on that side, than to run down
11° and go up 30° or more on the other side, and yet be further
from Peru.


It may seem strange that the Adelantado did not meet with the
islands that we have now discovered on his first voyage. I reply that,
when he began the voyage from Peru, he made a large curve W.S.W. to
18°, and another to W.N.W. to 6°, more or less, and followed
that parallel, as I have been told by one who was on board. This was
the reason that he did not come upon the islands in question, which are
in a higher latitude, leaving them to the south and passing to the
north of them.


There is further proof that the islands of Santa Cruz are near the
Solomon Islands. The natives are the same colour, they dye their hair
in the same way, called their [143]chief “Jauriqui,”
have the same arms, pigs and fowls, and many other things in common. It
may really be concluded that all the people of Santa Cruz and the
Solomon Islands came from the archipelago of the Philippines. The Santa
Cruz people dye their teeth red and black, and use the buyo, as
in the Philippines. In the Island of Luzon there are black men, who are
said to be the aborigines of the land. They are called Pogotes,
and are retired on the island of Maragondon and other islands. For the
Moors and other Indians occupy their lands, drive them away, and force
those that remain into corners of the land where they now are. It may
well be that, by reason of the invaders, the persecuted people have
gone away to seek other settlements, until they came to New Guinea as
the nearest place, and thence to the Solomon Islands and Santa Cruz.
The half-breeds, and differences of colour among them, proceed from
intercourse between them.


In conclusion, I may say that the Adelantado told me, as well as
certain pilots of that time, that Hernan Gallego, navigating on the
coast of Mexico, made the land one day, and that afterwards he sailed
over 700 leagues to reach the same place again. These, added to the
1,450 leagues which, he says, intervene between the Solomon Islands and
Lima, make more than the 2,000 leagues which I say intervene between
Lima and New Guinea, from which point the distance really ought to be
drawn. This being so, my suspicion is confirmed; and there may be seen,
as he says, the signs of the land of New Guinea, when he met with the
Barbudos, and he did not see the land when he said he did. For if he
had gone over the 1,450 leagues, as he said, it would take much more
than four months of navigation. There are a little over 700 leagues
from there to the coast of New Spain, navigating by the best-known
route, which is that by the north. So that there cannot have been so
great a mistake, if it was not from having intended to go by that
point, and have taken the said 700 [144]leagues more to the west.
This appears to explain what has been said until the contrary is
shown.








1 The
object of the voyage had been to reach the Solomon Islands, which
Alvaro de Mendaña had discovered in his first voyage. The
arguments of Quiros consist of a criticism of the report of Gallego,
the Chief Pilot of Mendaña’s first voyage.


2
Solomon Islands, vol. i, pp. 67, 68 (Hakluyt Society, 1901).


3
Solomon Islands, vol. i, p. 66.


4
Identified by Mr. Woodford as Nukufetan in the Ellice Group, in 7°
50′ S.—Solomon Islands, vol. i, p. 14 (n.),
1901.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXVII.




Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot,
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.








We were some time in the city of Manilla, which is the
capital of the government of the Philippine Islands. It is built on a
clear point running out into the sea, and by the mouth of a river. It
has a good fortress, and other houses well worthy of special note, on
which a long chapter might be written. But I must be excused, referring
the reader to a special book on the city, the Philippine Islands, and
the history of their conquest, which was written by Dr
Antonio de Morga.1


While I was in the city there arrived the new Governor, Don
Francisco Tello, who had been Treasurer of the Board of Trade at
Seville. There were great festivals for his reception, got up both by
the Spaniards and natives. It was a special sight to behold three
elephants which were brought into the square, of which the largest,
named Don Fernando, had been sent as a present from the King of
Cambodia to the late Governor when he asked for help. On each one there
was an Indian driver, dexterous in the method of governing the
elephant, both by words and by the use of an iron hooked instrument.
Placed in front with his goad, the driver made him run, march, go down
on his knees, raise himself, and other things well worth seeing. This
hook serves the same use as a bridle for a horse. They were performing
in front of the Governor, who was sitting at a window, to whom they put
their knees on the [145]ground three times, the feet stretched out
behind, as they are unable to double up. The performances of the
elephants were numerous, and, as a conclusion, they took Don Fernando
apart, and his Indians placed him facing the beams on which had been
fastened the castle of fire on the night before. Saying a word, and
touching his forehead with the goad, the elephant gave a blow, and took
the beam on his two tusks with great ease; and so he upset the whole: a
thing worth seeing.


A few days afterwards (according to what was said), when this
elephant was drinking at the river, there came to him a great and
well-fed crocodile, which had taken many natives in that river. He
seized the elephant by the trunk, and when the elephant felt it, he
raised up the crocodile just as easily as a fishing rod raises a light
fish, and let him fall on the ground without more ado. A crocodile,
such as this one, weighs as much as a fat bullock.


They say also that this elephant had a boil on his gum, of which the
native driver cured him, but the pain made him throw about his trunk so
as to hurt his driver. When the elephant was to be healed, the driver
said to him: “I am very angry, Don Fernando, for in return for
the good I did you, you tried to kill me. What do you think the King,
my Lord and yours, who sent you here, and gave me for your companion to
look after you, if he knew of it, would say. See how you can no longer
eat, and are getting thin, and you will soon die without any fault of
mine. Open your mouth, if you please, and presently I will cure you
like a friend, forgetting the harm you did me.” The elephant,
having taken two turns with his trunk round a shelf that was there,
opened his mouth, and was operated upon without moving, his groans
showing what pain he endured. And so he was cured.


Of another elephant they told me that, to avenge himself on a native
who had charge of him, he crushed him when [146]he
passed through a doorway, and killed him. The man’s wife said to
the elephant: “Don Pedro, you have killed my husband. Who is now
going to maintain me?” On which the elephant went to the market
place, and took a basket of rice which it gave to her, and when it saw
that she had eaten it all, it fetched another, and then another. Things
are said of these animals which seem incredible, and the wonderful
thing is that they understand everything, in whatever language it is
spoken, as I have myself seen. An elephant was surrounded by Spanish
soldiers, and one told him, without making any sign, to take a plantain
out of his pocket and eat it. The elephant promptly put his trunk into
the pocket, and when he found that no plantain was there, he took up a
little earth in his trunk, and threw it in the face of the soldier who
had deceived him.


When the festivities were over, our Governess married a young
cavalier named Don Fernando de Castro, a cousin of the Governor
Marinas, who, as was just, took possession of the property of his wife
as his own, and he was able to secure much in the city. With this help
the ship was victualled and furnished with all that was necessary. On
the day of St. Lawrence, we made sail to undertake the voyage to New
Spain. But, having started so late, we had to go through incredible
hardships and troubles. At last we arrived in the port of Acapulco on
the 11th of December of the year 1597, where the ship was visited, and
all received free leave to land. There I, Captain Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, took leave of the Governess, and of my other companions, and
embarked on board a passenger ship for Peru.


Ornament.


[147]








1 Edited
for the Hakluyt Society by Lord Stanley of Alderley in 1868.










NARRATIVE

OF

THE VOYAGE

OF THE

ADELANTADO

ALVARO DE MENDAÑA DE NEIRA

FOR THE

Discovery of the Islands of Solomon.1

WRITTEN BY

THE CHIEF PILOT,

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,

FOR

DR. ANTONIO DE MORGA, LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF THE
PHILIPPINES.

[149]





1
Contained in the Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas of
Antonio de Morga (1609); translated by Lord Stanley of Alderley for the
Hakluyt Society, 1868.




[Contents]



SECOND VOYAGE OF THE ADELANTADO ALVARO DE MENDAÑA, BY HIS CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS.


SECOND VOYAGE

OF THE

ADELANTADO ALVARO DE MENDAÑA,

BY

HIS CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS.






On Friday, the
9th of April, of the year 1595, the Commander-in-Chief, Alvaro de
Mendaña, set sail with his fleet to go and subject and people
the western islands of the South Sea, from the port of the Callao of
Lima, which is in 12½° S. latitude; passing by the valleys
of Santa, Truxillo and Saña, and collecting men and provisions,
he went to Paita, where he took in water, and made a list of four
hundred persons, more or less, with his four vessels, two large and two
small. He left this port (which is 5° higher than the said port),
steering W.S.W., making for the islands of his discovery: he took as
Master of the Camp Pedro Merino Manrique, and as Admiral his
brother-in-law, Lope de la Vega, and as Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros; and he sailed on this course to the altitude of 9½°,
from which point he sailed W. and to the point S.W. to 14°, where
he changed his course to W. and the point N.W.; and having reached, by
this course, fully 10° of latitude, on Friday, 21st of July,
[150]we sighted an island, to which the General gave
the name of Magdalena, and from a port in it there came forth about
seventy canoes, in each of which came three men, in some more in others
less. Others came swimming, and others on logs: they were more than
four hundred natives, white, and of very agreeable appearance, tall and
strong, large limbed, and so well made that they had greatly the
advantage over us; with handsome teeth, eyes and mouth, hands and feet,
and most beautiful flowing hair, and many of them very fair. Amongst
them were most beautiful youths; they were entirely naked, without
covering on any part, and all had their bodies, legs, and arms, and
hands, and some of them their faces, marked after the manner of the
Bisayas here: and indeed, for savage people, naked and of so little
reason, at sight of them there was much cause to praise God who created
them. Let this not be taken for exaggeration, for so it is. These
people called us to go to their port, and we called to them from our
flag-ship, and they went on board of her, a matter of forty of them;
and we appeared to be men of less than the usual stature by the side of
them; and amongst them there came one who was understood to be a palm
taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the fleet
men of more than regulation height. The General gave there to some of
them shirts and other things, which they received with much pleasure,
and danced after their fashion, and called to the others. The General
was put out of temper at the liberties they took, because they were
great thieves; and he ordered a cannon to be fired to frighten them;
when they heard it they took to swimming, and all seized their arms,
and sounding a conch, they threw a few stones, and threatened with
their lances, for they had no other arms. From the ship they fired at
them with arquebuses, and killed five or six, and they remained there.
As our fleet sailed on we discovered three other islands. This
[151]island may be 6 leagues round; we passed by it
on the S. side; this is high, precipitous towards the sea, with rocky
ravines, in which the natives dwell. There seemed to be many
inhabitants in it, for we saw them on the rocks and beach; so we went
on making for the other three islands. The first, to which was given
the name of San Pedro, will be 10 leagues from Magdalena, and runs with
it northward and to the point N.W.: it will have 3 leagues circuit. It
is an island beautiful to look at, with much wood and fair fields: we
did not know whether it was inhabited, for we did not come close to it.
To the S.E. of it, about 5 leagues off, is another, which the General
named Dominica; it is very fair to look at, and seemed thickly
inhabited: it may have about 15 leagues circumference; and to the S. of
this, and a matter of little more than a league off, is another island,
which may be 8 leagues round, which received the name of Santa
Christina; and our fleet passed through the channel between this and
the other island. For all that we saw of these islands is clear
sailing; and on the W. side of Sta. Christina a good port was found, in
which the fleet anchored. These natives did not come before me like the
others, but some very beautiful women were seen. I did not see them,
but persons who had an opinion in the matter affirmed to me that there
were as beautiful women as in Lima, but white, and not so tall; and in
Lima there are some very pretty. What was seen in the way of victuals
in that port was pigs and hens, sweet canes, very good plantains,
cocos, a fruit which grows on high trees; each is as large as a large
fir cone; it is very good to eat; much of it was eaten—green,
roasted and boiled, and when ripened it is indeed so sweet and good a
fruit to my way of thinking, that I know no other which has the
advantage of it; there is hardly anything in it to throw away, unless a
little husk. There was another fruit, like chestnuts in savour, but
much [152]larger than six chestnuts together: a good deal
of that was eaten, roast and boiled; and some nuts with a very hard
shell, which were very oily, and many of them were eaten; some suspect
that they brought on looseness. We also saw pumpkins of Castille sown
in the ground. There is a pretty waterfall close to the beach of very
good water; it comes out of a rock, at the height of two men; its
volume may be of the thickness of four or five fingers; and then, close
to it, a stream of water, and the vessels supplied themselves from it.
The natives went off to the mountains and rocks, in which they
fortified themselves, and tried to do mischief by rolling stones and
hurling them; but they never wounded any one, for the Master of the
Camp stopped their advance by placing outposts. The natives of this
island, on seeing a negro of ours, made signs towards the S., to say
that in that direction there were men like him, and that they went
there to fight, and that the others had arrows, and that these went in
large canoes, which they possess. As there was no interpreter, nor much
curiosity to learn more, the matter remained thus; but in my opinion,
this is not possible for natives so isolated, unless there is a chain
(of islands), because their boats and customs in other matters do not
show that these people had come there from any great distance.


This port is in 9½° S. latitude. The Commander-in-Chief
ordered three crosses to be set up in it, and on Saturday, 5th of
August, to weigh anchor and set sail, making for the W., to the S.W.,
or N.W., a matter of 400 leagues. Sunday, the 20th of August, we saw
four low islands, with sandy beaches, full of very many palms and
woods, and on the S.E. side, towards the N., a great sand-bank. All
four may have a circuit of 12 leagues. We did not know whether they
were inhabited, because we did not go close to them. This year all
seemed timid: I say this with rage. They are in 10¾°
latitude, and were named [153]after St. Bernard, having been
discovered on his day. Henceforward we began to meet with S.E. winds,
which appear to predominate here. With these we continued sailing to
the above-mentioned points, never rising above 11 or going below 10
leagues, until Tuesday, 29th of August, when we discovered a round
islet, which might be a league round, all surrounded by reefs. We tried
to land on it, and could not find where to do so, in order to get wood
and water for the Admiral’s ship, of which it had run very short;
it was given the name of Solitary Island; it is in 10⅔°, and
will be 1,535 leagues from Lima. From this place we went on navigating,
with the above-mentioned orders, and a variety of opinions were given:
some saying that we did not know where we were going, and other things
which did not fail to cause grief. It was God’s pleasure, that on
the eve of Our Lady in September, at midnight, we saw an island, which
might have a circuit of from 90 to 100 leagues, and it lies about
E.S.E. and W.N.W., and will be 1,800 leagues from Lima. The whole of it
was very full of woods, reaching to the highest ridges, and where it
was not cleared for the natives to sow, in all the rest not a span of
earth was to be seen. The ships came to anchor in the northern part of
the island in 10° latitude. To the N. of this port, about 7 leagues
off, is a volcano, with a very well-shaped hill, from the top of which
and from other parts issued much fire. The volcano is lofty, and may
have a circumference of 3 leagues; it is precipitous on the side of the
sea, and all bare, and without any part where a landing can be
effected; it rumbles within frequently and loudly like thunder. To the
N.E. of this volcano there are some small islets, which are inhabited,
and a great quantity of shoals; there is a distance of 7 or 8 leagues
to these islets, and the shoals run to the N.W.; and the person who
went to see said that they were numerous. Around the great island there
were some small [154]islands: all of them, and the great one
(when it was circumnavigated), were found to be inhabited; and within
sight of this great island, to the S.E. of it, there was seen another
island of no great size: this must be the link with others. After
putting into port in the great island of Santa Cruz, for this was the
name given it, the Commander-in-Chief ordered Captain Don Lorenzo,
brother of his wife, to go with the frigate to seek the Admiral’s
ship, which disappeared on the night in which we saw the island,
respecting which I make no favourable conjecture; it was sought for
this and two other times, and was not found, but only the shoals which
I have mentioned. What was seen in the way of victuals in this port
consisted of pigs, hens, plaintains, sweet canes, one, two, or three
kinds of roots like sweet potatoes, which they eat roast and boiled,
and make biscuit with it, buyos, two kinds of good almonds, and
two kinds of pine nuts, wood-pigeons, doves, ducks, grey and white
herons, swallows, pot-herbs, pumpkins of Castille, the fruit which I
mentioned in the first islands, and chestnuts and nuts. There is a very
strongly-scented sweet basil, and red flowers, which at this port they
keep in the gardens, and two other species of another sort, also red.
There is another fruit on high trees, like pippins for their good smell
and savour. There is a great quantity of ginger, which grows there
without its being cultivated, and much yerba chiquilite, with
which they make indigo. There are agave trees, and a great deal of
sagia, and many cocoa nuts. Marble was seen, and pearl shells, and
large snail shells, like those which are brought here from China. There
is a very copious spring, and five or six other rivers, though not very
large. The settlement was established close to this spring. The natives
attempted to defend themselves; and as the arquebus tells at a
distance, seeing the evil effects, they did not defend themselves much,
but, on the contrary, gave some of what they possessed. In [155]this
matter of going for provisions there were a few things happened, which
were not very good treatment of the natives, for they killed the native
who was our best friend, and the lord of that island; his name was
Malope; and two or three others, who were also friendly. Of the whole
island no more was seen than a matter of 3 leagues around the camp. The
people of this island are black: they have small canoes made of one
tree, in which they go about their villages, and other very large
canoes with which they go out to sea. On Sunday, the 8th of October,
the Commander-in-Chief ordered the Master of the Camp to be killed by
stabbing, and they killed Tomas de Ampuero in the same manner, and they
cut off the head of the Ensign, Juan de Buitrago, and he wished to put
to death two other friends of the Master of the Camp; but he left them
alone, because we entreated him to do so. The cause of this was public,
because they wished to go away from the country, and abandon it, and
there must have been other reasons, but I am unacquainted with them.
What I saw was much dissoluteness and shamelessness, and more than
enough improper conduct. On the 18th of October the Commander-in-Chief
died: on the 17th there had been a total eclipse of the moon. On the
2nd of November his brother-in-law, Don Lorenzo, who had succeeded as
Captain-General, died; and, seven or eight days before, the priest,
Antonio de Serpa; and on the 8th November the Vicar, Juan de Espinosa.
There was great sickness amongst our people, and as there was little
care for want of an apothecary and doctor, many of them died; and they
begged the lady Governor, Doña Ysabel Barreto, to take them out
of the country. One and all agreed to embark; and, trusting ourselves
to the mercy of God, we left this port on Saturday the 18th of the said
month, in a westerly direction to the S.W. point, making for the island
of St. Christopher; or, more exactly, in search of it, to see if it or
the Admiral’s [156]ship could be fallen in with, for so the
lady Governor commanded. We sailed two days and saw nothing; and at the
request of all the people, who cried out that we were taking them to
destruction, she ordered me to shape the course from this town to
Manilla, from a port in 10½°, from which I came steering to
N.W. to avoid meeting islands on the way, for we were ill-prepared to
go amongst them: with the crews so sick that there died whilst we were
sailing some fifty persons, and there in the island forty persons, a
little more or less. We made our course, short of provisions,
navigating 5° S. and as many in N. latitude. We met many
impediments and calms, and in fully 6° N. latitude saw an island,
which seemed to have a circumference of 25 leagues, thickly wooded, and
inhabited by very many people, like those of the Ladrones, for we saw
them in canoes which came out to us. From the S.E. to the N. and then
to S.W. it is surrounded by large reefs. On its western side, about 4
leagues off, there are some low islets; we found no place to anchor,
though we tried, for the galeot and frigate which sailed with our ship
had disappeared some days back. From this place we came by the said
course to latitude 13¾°, and in two days that we sailed W.
in this latitude we sighted Serpana and Guan in the Ladrones, and we
passed between the two and did not anchor, from not having ropes to
lower and recover the boat. This day was the 3rd of January of 1596,
and on the 14th of the said month we saw the cape of Espiritu Santo,
and on the 15th anchored in the bay of Cobos. We arrived there in such
a state that only the goodness of God could bring us thither, for human
strength and resources were not enough to reach to a tenth of the way.
There we arrived so dismantled, and the men so thin and worn out, that
it was the most pitiable sight that could be seen, with only nine or
ten pitchers of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship and crew were set
to rights as much as was [157]possible, and on Tuesday, the 2nd
of February, we left that port and bay, and on the 10th of the same
month we anchored in this port of Cabite.


Besides the desire which I have to serve your Honour, that which
moves me to leave this brief narrative with your Honour is, that an
account may remain (if perchance God should dispose of my life, or
anything else should arise, or I or she that I take with me should be
missing), and that it may give light, which may be a business of great
service to God and to the King our sovereign. May your Honour be
pleased to accept the goodwill to serve you which I retain; and if God
make me return to this port there will be an opportunity to set it
forth better; and at the same time will your Honour forgive my being so
short, for time is in fault for being so with me. I beg you to keep it
secret, for man does not know what time brings; for looking at it
rightly, it is fit that the first islands should remain concealed until
His Majesty be informed, and order whatever may be most for his
service: for as they are placed, taking a middle position between Peru,
New Spain, and this country, the English, on knowing it, might settle
in them, and do much mischief in this sea. And consider me as the
faithful servant of your Honour, whom may God preserve many years, with
much satisfaction and increase of dignity, etc.


Your servant,


Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros.


To the Dr. Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of His Majesty in
the Philippines.


Ornament.


[159]










NARRATIVE

OF

THE VOYAGE

OF

Pedro Fernandez de Quiros

IN 1606,

FOR THE

Discovery of the Austrial Regions.

[161]

[Contents]



Voyage of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.


Voyage of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.


Chapter I.




Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot,
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros; until he arrived at the court of the King of
Spain.








Having sailed
along the whole coast of New Spain, I arrived at the port of Payta on
the 3rd of May, 1598. Thence I wrote a letter to the Viceroy, Don Luis
de Velasco, and travelled by land to Lima, where I arrived on the 5th
of June, and was very well received by the said Viceroy. He desired to
be specially informed respecting all the particulars of our voyage and
discoveries, and I gave him the best account in my power. I also
offered that, if he would give me a vessel of 70 tons and 40 sailors, I
would return to discover those lands and many others which I suspect to
exist, and even felt certain that I should find in those seas.


But in the end he came to the conclusion that he could not give me
the necessary means without first consulting and receiving orders from
His Majesty. He thought it would be the best plan that I should proceed
in person to [162]the court of Spain, as the business was so
serious and important, and as no one could undertake it so well as
myself, who possessed such complete information. On his part, the
Viceroy would help me by giving me letters of introduction to the King
and to his councillors. Having received them, I embarked on board the
Capitana at the port of Callao, on the 17th of April, 1598,
under General Don Beltran de Castro y de la Cueva, arriving at Panama
after a voyage of twenty-two days. Thence I went by land to Puerto
Bello, where I embarked in a frigate, and in seven days arrived at
Cartagena. I found this place in great confusion, because a fleet of
twenty large ships had appeared before it, under the command of the
English Earl of Morlant (Cumberland), who had previously taken the city
of Puerto Rico. But most of this fear disappeared on the arrival of Don
Luis Fajardo, knight of the order of Calatrava, and General of the
fleet for guarding the Indies and the route to them.


From Cartagena I wrote to the Viceroy of Peru, in case I should die
on the voyage, giving him a more detailed account of the enterprise I
wished to undertake, and of what would be necessary when it should be
taken in hand. Don Luis de Fajardo, having returned from Puerto Bello
with the silver, I embarked on board his galleon, and we left Cartagena
on the 1st of November, 1598. After twenty-seven days we anchored at
Havanna, whence we sailed on the 16th of January in the following year,
convoying thirty ships. Having made a good start, we encountered such a
gale in 29° N. that we were in great danger of being lost. Many
ships disappeared, and others, including ourselves, were obliged to
return to Cartagena on Tuesday the 3rd of March. Thence I wrote to His
Majesty and to the Viceroy of Peru; but we had to winter at that port
all that year until, having sent the news to His Majesty and two
galleons having come for the silver, [163]the two Generals
embarked fifteen millions on board twenty vessels. They made sail on
the 4th of January and, after encountering several tempests, they
sighted Cape St. Vincent, where they captured two English ships. On the
25th of February, 1600, with salutes of artillery, and amidst the music
of instruments, we anchored at San Lucar.


There I embarked for Seville, where I entered the city so well
fitted for giving an account of myself, as may be understood from the
labours I had passed through, and the hardships I had suffered. Finding
myself free from them, and considering that the year was the holy one,
during which the great jubilee is celebrated at Rome, I determined to
go to Rome, and pass the summer in a visit to the holy city. With this
object I sold the little I possessed, bought the dress of a pilgrim,
and only with the help of a pilgrim’s staff I went on foot to
Cartagena of the east, encountering several adventures. When the
galleys of Italy arrived, I embarked in one of them, which coasted
along by Valencia and Barcelona. On the 5th of August we crossed the
bay of Narbonne; and soon afterwards landed at the port of Baya, which
is in the territory of Genoa. Thence, dressed as a pilgrim, and
accompanied by two others and a friar, we passed through all the finest
cities of Italy, where there was much to see and to notice.


Finally, having reached the great city of Rome, I had the good
fortune to be well received and listened to by the Lord Duke of
Sesa,1 who at that time held the office of Ambassador
from Spain at that court. To him I gave an [164]account of the lands that had been discovered,
and of my desire to return to them; and submitted that it would be
right for His Holiness to favour the enterprise. I addressed myself
chiefly to the importance of saving an infinity of souls, such as exist
in that new world. It seemed good to His Excellency, and he called
together a meeting in his house of the best pilots and mathematicians
to be found in Rome. Having made a detailed examination of my papers
and charts in his presence, they came to the conclusion that all I had
said was probable, and worthy to be put into execution.


The Lord Duke then arranged for me an interview with His Holiness
Clement VIII, which took place on the 28th of August, I having first
dined at the table of the poor. His Holiness heard me very attentively,
saw all the papers I showed him, and approved of my zeal and veracity.
He encouraged me to persevere in my laudable intentions, and conceded
many graces and indulgences for the time when I should begin the
voyage. He gave me letters to the Majesty of the King our Lord, to whom
also the Lord Duke of Sesa wrote letters of recommendation; and he also
gave me letters to other princes and councillors of the court of Spain,
with the means of proceeding thither. Having gained the holy jubilee,
and beheld many things which were worthy of note, including the
canonization of the glorious St. Raymond, I was still detained in Rome
much longer than I expected, for the completion of the letters and
indulgences already mentioned, and that His Holiness might show me
favour by giving me some rosaries that had been blessed, and a piece of
the wood of the Cross. About this there was great difficulty.


At length, these and others having been overcome, the day arrived
for my departure from Rome, which was the afternoon of Holy Wednesday
of the year 1602. Having visited the holy dwelling of Our Lady of
Loreto and passed [165]through the cities of Arimino,2
Forli, Ferrara, and Lodi, in which I found much to see and take note
of, and where I met with various and notable adventures, I entered the
city of Milan, which contains so many grand and admirable buildings,
that to treat of them briefly would be to do them injustice. I passed
by Pavia and Tortona, and went thence to sleep at the town of San
Estevan, the first place in the territory of Genoa. Then I entered
Genoa at so fortunate a time that on the second day I was able to
embark on board one of the six galleys of Prince Doria, who was sent
with his nephew to congratulate His Majesty on the birth of a princess.
We arrived at Barcelona, where I went to Montserrat, and, passing
through other cities of Spain, I entered Madrid on the octave of Corpus
Christi of the same year, 1602. The court not being there, having moved
to Valladolid, I went to the famous convent of the Escurial, where I
had notice that His Majesty then was, with whom I might speak, and kiss
his royal hands, and give him my memorial respecting my pretensions, on
Monday, the 17th of June of the said year.








1 Don
Antonio de Cardona y Cordova, sixth Duke of Sesa, was descended from
the Great Captain. He was son of Don Fernando de Cordova y Requesens,
second Duke of Soma, by Doña Beatriz de Figueroa. He became Duke
of Sesa by renunciation of his aunt, Francesca de Cordova, and
succeeded an elder brother as Duke of Soma. He was also Duke of Baena.
The Duke of Sesa died at Valladolid on January 6th, 1606.


2
Rimini.






[Contents]



Chapter II.




Of what happened to the Captain Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros at the court of Spain; negotiating for leave from His Majesty to
discover and settle the southern parts; how, and in what form, the
business was negotiated; and his voyage to Peru.








Having spoken to His Majesty, and placed my first
memorial in his hands, in which I declared my plan and its importance,
he heard me with his accustomed clemency and benignity, and replied
that he would order the matter to be seen to. Presently I went to speak
with Don Juan [166]Idiaquez, with the Father Confessor, with Don
Pedro Franqueza, and with other Members of the Council of State, and
important persons about the court, who might be able to help in
despatching my business. To these I gave the letters I brought from the
Viceroy of Peru and the Ambassador at Rome; and I showed to them the
letters of His Holiness, and the other papers and charts relating to my
discovery.


Some received me well, holding the affair to be serious and worthy
of support. Others thought little of it or of me, thinking that I
promised more than I could perform, and that for the performance of so
great a deed, a person of more parts and valour was needed. Some
answered me that sufficient lands had been discovered for His Majesty,
and that what signified was to people and settle them, rather than go
in search of those I said were new, which were so distant that they
would be difficult and costly to maintain, after they had been
conquered and settled. There were not wanting those who threw doubts on
the utility of such conquests. So that I was forced to be more
importunate to His Majesty, submitting new memorials every day,
representing the arguments in favour of the enterprise, and
endeavouring to satisfy those who opposed me. During this time I had
much trouble at court, and I made a long discourse on the life passed
by those who had business to prosecute there. I had different replies,
some sharp, and others gentle, like those from Don Pedro Franqueza and
others of the Council of State.


At last, on the last day of Easter, in the year 1603, I was sent for
by Don Pedro Franqueza, who told me that my business was despatched;
and he took me to the Chief Secretary, named Matienzo, and said that,
as he valued his regard, he was not to delay me on any point. So on
Saturday, the 5th of April, they delivered to me some orders of His
Majesty which contained my despatch, and [167]which had been passed
by the Council of State. Their tenor is as follows:—




Copy of the Order of His Majesty touching the
Principal Despatch.


To Don Luis de Velasco or the Count of Monterey, my relation, my
Viceroy and Captain General in my kingdoms and provinces of Peru, or
such other person as may be governing in my name, at the time of the
delivery of this order.


There has come here from Rome the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros,
a Portuguese; and the Duke of Sesa and of Baena, of my Council of State
and my Ambassador at that Court, wrote to me that in the holy year he
had news from Friar Diego de Soria, Prior at Manilla of the Order of
San Domingo, that there would be found at that court the said Captain
Quiros, who was a great pilot with much experience of the South Sea and
of the great gulf between the coasts of New Spain and Peru and Japan
and the Philippine Islands, having been Chief Pilot of the second
discovery made by the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña. The said
Father represented that it would be much for the service of God and for
mine to introduce him, that he might again return to discover these
unknown parts and islands. So the Duke sent for him to his house to ask
him concerning curious things relating to his art; and entertained him
there for near seventeen months, during which time he opened his mind,
and showed many papers he possessed, and drew up others which he
communicated to Father Clavio and other mathematicians and
distinguished geographers. All were persuaded, by the proofs and
reasonings he submitted to them, that there could not fail to be either
a continental land or a number of islands from the Strait of Magellan
to New Guinea and Java and the other islands of that great archipelago.
And they concluded that, enjoying the best part of the torrid and
temperate zones, where it has been seen, as well in the ancient
provinces of the world as in the new discoveries, that much and very
good and rich land exists which has a temperate and therefore a
habitable climate. They are, therefore, of opinion that it is very
desirable to lose no time in discovering that southern region, unknown
until now, which will be a great service to God.


Besides the interest and advantages that this discovery promises, it
will be easier to explore the southern region than it was to find the
Western Indies. When the said Captain returned from that long
navigation, including detentions in various parts, lasting for two
years, he offered to Don Luis de Velasco, my Viceroy of Peru and your
predecessor, to return in the same ship in which he had come, to that
discovery, if it should prove necessary, as far as New Guinea and the
Moluccas, and to return to Peru by way of the [168]Philippines, with a full account of all he had
discovered. But though it seemed well to the Viceroy he did not act,
but gave the Captain letters to me and to His Holiness, who has heard
and spoken with him. His Holiness was pleased with his proposals,
insomuch that he has conceded many spiritual gifts for those parts (if
I order the voyage to be undertaken), for the reasonings of the said
Captain satisfied him. The Duke has given me a good account of his
parts, good judgment, experience in his profession; and has assured me
that he is a worker, quiet, disinterested, of decent life, zealous for
the service of God and for my service. As regards the theory (according
to what the mathematicians at Rome affirm) they say that there are few
pilots who know as much as he does; that he is expert in making globes,
and charts for navigating; that he well understands the use of
instruments necessary for navigation, and that he showed them two of
his own invention, one by which to know, in navigating, the difference
made by the needle between the N.E. and N.W. points, and the other for
taking an altitude with more ease and accuracy. Both were commended by
the Fathers Clavio and Villalpando of the Company of Jesus, and by the
Doctors Toribio Perez and Masa, who have lectured publicly in
mathematics at Salamanca, as well as by distinguished geographers.
Captain Quiros had made an offer to the Duke that, I being served by
it, he would go from Spain by the Strait of Magellan and return by the
Eastern Indies, having gone round the world, using, by sea and land,
the instruments he had made, and that he would make quite clear the
true differences made by the needle in variation: a matter which up to
the present time is very obscure, and respecting which there are many
different opinions. The discovery of the truth will be of great
advantage to navigation, in giving a knowledge of the true latitude and
longitude of places, ports, and capes discovered, or which may be
discovered in various voyages.


In conformity with what has been reported, the said Captain Quiros
has related to me all that he has told to others respecting the
navigations and discoveries; proving his statements by writings and
maps of the islands he discovered, when he served as Chief Pilot under
the said Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, describing the diversity
of people shown by their different colours, yet appearing to be docile,
and the fertility of the islands which promised wealth. He prayed that,
taking into consideration his zeal, and that his ends and objects being
the service of God and my service, and the conversion of these people
to our holy faith, and the good that might accrue from the discoveries
(without reference to his interests), and besides all this the way in
which the navigation of these wide seas would be facilitated through
the great practice and experience he has of them, I would be served by
ordering that a ship, not very large, should be provided with crew,
provisions, munitions, and other things necessary for the [169]said
navigation and enterprise; and that matters should be arranged in a
manner that would enable him to accomplish what he wishes to undertake.
Having considered his proposal, with the attention that so serious a
matter requires, for the increase of the faith and the benefit of the
souls of those remote people, and placing the service of God before all
things, as is reasonable, after consulting my Council of State, I have
resolved:—


That the said Captain Quiros shall presently depart to make this
discovery, in the first fleet for Peru; and I ordain and command that
on his arrival you are to give him two very good ships with which he
will be satisfied, to fit them out and provide them with the number of
people necessary, well victualled, and supplied with munitions and arms
requisite for so long a voyage. The ships are also to be supplied with
things for bartering with natives, if they should reach places where
this can be done, in conformity with the general orders which you and
your predecessors have for similar discoveries, and with all that seems
most conducive to my service. The cost of the preparations, of the
people who will be embarked, of the provisions, munitions, clothing,
and other things necessary for the voyage, is to be defrayed from my
royal revenues, and from those which are most readily available. You
are to give orders that some bare-foot friars, of the Order of St.
Francis, exemplary and of good life, are taken; and you are to see that
the people who are embarked in the said ships are good and useful,
ordering them to obey and respect the said Captain during the voyage
out and home, as their leader and superior, whom I name for that
position from this time, obeying him in all things.


Take notice that it is my will that the said Captain Quiros is
presently to make this voyage and discovery without delay; and so I
charge and order you very positively to comply promptly with my orders,
without interposing doubts or difficulties, notwithstanding that this
order does not come through my Council of the Indies. The business
being peculiar, I have arranged and I shall be served by its coming
through the Council of State, and in this I must receive precise
service from you. By the first ship you are to report the arrival of
the said Captain Quiros in those my kingdoms, and how you have
furnished him with the said two ships, and provided him with all that
is necessary. For I shall look out, with much anxiety, for the news of
compliance with my orders. And to such of my officials or accountants
as have the duty of keeping the accounts respecting what is contained
in my royal letter, I order and command that they receive and pass the
expenditure which you sanction out of my royal revenues, with your
orders or letters of payment without seeking any other authority; for I
approve it, from this time as well and properly spent and paid, and
this shall be their authority. In Valladolid, 31st of March, 1603.




[170]


Copies of two other Royal Orders.




To Don Luis de Velasco, or the Count of Monterey, my
cousin, my Viceroy and Captain-General in my kingdoms and provinces of
Peru, or whomsoever shall be governing the said kingdoms in my name at
the time that this Order is presented. Although in another separate
letter I have caused to be written to you very specially the reasons
which have moved me to resolve to send the Captain Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, a Portuguese by nation, who will deliver this, to proceed with
two ships well supplied with men, victuals, munitions, and artillery,
to discover the southern islands and lands as far as New Guinea and
Java Major, in this I desire to repeat those orders, as I do very
particularly, that, without hindrance by difficulties or other causes,
you are to further my service by sending the said Captain Quiros, with
as much despatch as possible, with the said two ships, so that my
orders may be complied with quickly; and I trust to you that you will
do your part in providing the two ships, in obedience to my commands.
For besides that it is furthering my service, I take a particular
inclination and pleasure in the discovery that is to be undertaken, for
the increase, which is to be hoped from it, of our holy faith among
those remote people, for the glory of God and the public benefit, which
is the object I have before me. You are to advise me, by the first
opportunity, of what steps you have taken, for I shall await the news
with the desire for it that you should understand. From Valladolid, the
31st of March, 1603.






The King.


To whomsoever my Viceroys, Governors, Lieutenant-Governors,
Captains-General, Adelantados, and Admirals of my armies and fleets by
land and sea in the eastern and western Indies, the Philippine and
other islands, and coast of Africa, and to all my Ministers of Justice
and War, of whatsoever title, quality, nation or condition they may be,
to whom this my royal order may be presented. Forasmuch as I have
ordered the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, a Portuguese by nation,
to proceed to the city of Lima in Peru, and with two ships, well
supplied with men, victuals, and munitions of war, to proceed thence to
discover New Guinea, Java Major, and other southern lands and islands,
returning by that part of the world to these my kingdoms of Spain, to
deliver and account to me of what he had seen and discovered, and of
the observations he will have made by land and sea during his
navigation, in conformity with the orders he has received. I hereby
order and command you, that in whatever part of the said my kingdoms
and states the said Captain, or the officers and sailors who go with
him, may arrive with the said two ships or any one of them, or with any
other vessel, you shall receive, [171]protect, and succour the said
Captain and his people in my ports and lands, and provide them with
whatever is necessary to complete the said voyage without delay; and
you are to assist them to obtain whatever they may require, and he may
ask for, as he is my servant and Captain, going expressly to carry out
my orders; and you are not to interpose any impediments or
difficulties, but rather you are to extend to him favour and help, if
you desire or seek my approval. For this proceeds from my will, and is
very conformable to my royal service. At Valladolid, March 31st,
1603.




These orders were accompanied by many letters, which were given to
me at court by some great lords, for the Viceroy of Peru. Having
communicated the letters of His Holiness to the Royal Council of the
Indies, the Count of Lemos, who was President of that Council, and the
other members of it, desired that I should explain to them my objects
and intentions, and they ordered that I should bring them a map. I went
to give this account in a garden of the court, where the other members
assembled to hear me. Having listened to what I told them, they were
satisfied, and rather envious that my despatch should have been
arranged by the Council of State. But I was not yet contented, on
seeing that, in the orders that had been prepared, a special clause had
not been inserted that, in the event of my failure or death, I might
nominate another person to carry on and complete the discovery. So I
represented that an order should be given to me, with this provision;
and, after some trouble, I succeeded. The additional order is as
follows:—




The King.


To Don Luis de Velasco or the Count of Monterey, my cousin, my
Viceroy and Captain-General in my kingdoms and provinces of Peru, or
whomsoever may be governing in my name at the time that this order is
presented. The Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros who, by my order,
proceeds to make discoveries in the unknown parts of the south and
others (as is contained in more detail in the despatches which I have
ordered to be sent to you), has besought me, in order to make more sure
of the success of the [172]enterprise that, if he should fail
through sickness, accident, or death, that as great a success as is
expected from the said discovery for the service of God and of our Holy
Faith may not be lost, I shall be served by ordering that, in the said
event, you shall nominate a person equally able and sufficient for the
duty, in order that with the said despatches and papers and writings
that he may have left, concerning what he had seen and what he hoped to
discover, such a person may continue the said discovery. And as what he
asks is a testimony of his zeal in the service of God, in my service,
and in that of Christianity, I order and specially charge you that if
our Lord should be served by the failure of the said Captain Quiros, or
if he should not be able to go on the said voyage, with the papers and
memorial that he will leave to explain and throw light on his
intentions, you shall nominate the most suitable person you can find to
take his place and carry out this great undertaking. And to him who may
be selected you are to give all the assistance and help he needs, in
the form indicated in the previous orders; and this is my will, and is
conformable to my service. At Aranjuez, May 9th, 1603.




With this I set out on the road to Seville, and found the fleet for
New Spain ready to sail. I at once applied to the House of Commerce for
my despatch; and, though there were some difficulties to overcome, in
the night of the eve of St. John I went on board a brigantine, and
proceeded down the river of Seville. But when I reached the bay of
Cadiz I found that the fleet had already sailed, consisting of thirty
ships, and in the fleet was the Marquis of Montes Claros, going out as
Viceroy of New Spain. I had to do what I could, and in great haste. So
I took a passage in a frigate, commanded by Captain Diego Ramirez,
going to Tierra-firme under convoy of the fleet. After a good voyage we
sighted the island of Marigalanta on the 1st of August; and on the next
day, which was that of a Franciscan festival called
“Porciuncula,” we came into the port of Guadaloupe, when
the Viceroy and Vice-queen landed to hear Mass. At dinner-time the
persons of most consequence went on board again; but a great many
remained on shore, wandering about or washing clothes. They were
suddenly attacked by the natives of that island, [173]who
fell upon them with great shouting and flights of arrows. It seemed
certain that they would be captured, killed, or wounded, and, in
consequence, upwards of sixty persons were drowned, seven of whom were
Dominican friars. This caused great sorrow and perturbation throughout
the fleet, and was a prognostication of what was afterwards to happen.
For that night there rose a wind from the S.S.W., which was nearly
abeam; and as the ships were near the shore and close to each other,
they were all in great danger, especially the Capitana, for
another ship, named the Pandorga, came into collision with her,
and both were in danger of being lost. It was necessary for the Viceroy
and the Vice-queen, almost naked, to pass to another ship. They left
behind much property that was coming with them; and the ships were
ordered to be burnt, that they might not fall into the hands of
enemies. The other ships put to sea as well as they were able, and
proceeded on their voyage, and our frigate on hers, making for the
island called Curaçoa. The frigate’s voyage was so unlucky
that, on the vespers of St. Lawrence, she struck and went to pieces on
some rocks, which we afterwards learned were those off the island
called “Aves.” We found ourselves in great trouble, but by
the mercy of God most of the people were saved, being taken in the boat
to those rocks. With the same boat what was possible of the
ship’s gear was got on land, with which we set to work, until the
diligent Captain ordered the boat to be sawn in two, and a small vessel
to be built of the materials, which was launched in the end of August.
He said that he was determined to send her with all the passengers, and
me as their leader, to the port of Guayra, of the city of Caraccas, to
bring back provisions for those who remained, with some vessel in which
the whole party could escape from that dangerous prison into which God
had put them. I do not know whether it was worse for those who remained
behind, or for [174]those who went in the vessel. But by the favour
of God, having passed through great hardships, I arrived at Caraccas,
and gave an account of what had happened to the Governor, who supplied
me with what was necessary, and I returned with the refreshments to my
unhappy companions who, with penitence and prayers, besought God for my
return. They had been on an allowance of only two ounces of bread for
ten days. Having brought the relief and almost made another frigate, I
said to the Captain that it was only fair that I should continue my
voyage. So I took my leave, and embarked, with certain persons
returning to Caraccas, where I remained for eight months, waiting for a
passage. I noted and wrote in much detail the things I observed
concerning that island.1 By great good luck I found there
three children of a brother of mine, of whom I had not heard for many
years. It appeared that he had married there and died, leaving a widow
and these three children. It seemed to me right that I should take them
out of such a bad country, and bring them with me. I got leave from the
grandfather, for the widow was also dead, and I took the two
boys,2 leaving the little girl with her grandfather.


At last the time for my long desired departure arrived, and I
embarked for Cartagena in a frigate. There I presented to the Governor
the order of His Majesty, in which all his officers are instructed to
help me; but he made little account either of the order or of assisting
me. As soon as I could I again embarked for Puerto Bello, and
[175]arrived at Panama so poor that for the space of
eight days I had not one rial. I arrived, owing for the hire of the
mules and many other things. So I determined to apply to the Audience
of that city to present me with 200 dols. from the treasury, or I
should have to seek it at a loss from merchants, to be repaid at Lima.
But the judges made as little of me as of the royal orders which I
presented, saying that that was no place for advances from the public
funds. So I had to retire to my poor lodging, where I was sued by the
muleteer and other creditors.


In the middle of these troubles, on Monday, the 30th of August, the
most Holy Sacrament went forth from its house to the hospital, which
was built of old wood. Ascending to the upper story, as the weight of
the people was great, a large part of the building gave way, and we
fell, sixty of us, with the beds and patients, a height of more than
twenty feet. There were many accidents. A priest was killed on the
spot, and there were broken limbs. I escaped with what I got, which was
a severe blow on the left side, a wound on the right ankle, and a hand
cut open by a nail. My cure cost me four bleedings and two months and
a-half in bed, without possessing a single maravedi during the whole
time, and in a very expensive place. Only by a miracle I found anyone
to take pity on me in my necessity.


When barely convalescent, I was able to embark in a ship bound for
Peru, without a bit of bread or a jar of water. God favoured me with
such a good voyage that in twenty days we anchored at Payta, and I sent
a letter by the chasqui to the Count of Monterey, who had
arrived as Viceroy of that kingdom from New Spain. Embarking again, God
was served that in eighteen days I should arrive at the port of Callao,
where I disembarked on the 6th of March, 1605, with debts for the
passage and food, and with no money. I hired horses from one I had
known before, [176]and entered Lima by night. I went round without
being able to find any hostelry, until God led me to a potter who, for
that night and for three other nights, hospitably received me with
goodwill among his pots; so that I am able to say with good reason that
I arrived at Lima weighted down with so many old labours to make a
beginning with new ones, in the way that will be seen by what
follows.








1 He
forgets that Caraccas is on the main land.


2 One of
these nephews was no doubt the Lucas de Quiros who was appointed Royal
Ensign by his uncle on May 13th, 1606, at the bay of St. Philip and St.
James. Zaragoza mentions that, in 1616, Lucas de Quiros was acquiring a
certain reputation at Lima as a cosmographer (IV, Apuntes Biograficas, p. 139). He constructed a
map of the western side of South America, from Carthagena to
Magellan’s Strait, by order of the Viceroy, Prince of Esquilache,
on parchment (see Duro Arca de Noc, p. 560).






[Contents]



Chapter III.




Of what more happened in the city of the Kings and in
its port of Callao, to the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, until his
despatch took effect, and he embarked for the new discovery.








After I had arrived at the city of the Kings, three
days passed without being able to obtain admission to or audience with
the Viceroy, to explain to him my plans, and inform him respecting the
orders of His Majesty. I spoke with him for the first time on Friday,
the 11th of March, and, having seen the royal order, he appointed an
audience on the 25th of the same month, which he gave me. He had
ordered to be present two judges, two religious persons of the Company
of Jesus, the General of Callao, Don Lope de Ulloa, the Captain of the
Guard, and a secretary.


The Viceroy ordered me to read certain papers referring to the
business, and to explain everything. He had a general chart spread out
on a buffet, with which he satisfied himself when I answered the
questions they asked me. Although, in the course of the discussion, the
Viceroy said that it appeared more convenient to him to make the voyage
from Manilla, where the expedition could be fitted out at less cost
than would be incurred in the purchase of two ships at Lima, I answered
that the royal order [177]expressly commanded that the expedition
should start from Lima and not from the Philippines, and that the
contrary winds would be against all successful navigation. I added that
there was a want of sailors and soldiers at Manilla. There were those
at the audience to whom my remarks seemed to be just. Don Juan de
Villela, one of the judges, was strongly in favour of the expedition;
also the Father Francisco Coello, who had been “Alcalde” of
the Court of Justice and Assessor to the late Viceroy, Don Luis de
Velasco. They were present when I gave an account of my navigation and
my plans on the first occasion; so that they were witnesses brought by
God to prove the truths of which I treated. The Viceroy showed himself
to be satisfied with my arguments, and of the importance and grandeur
of the proposed discovery. Yet, owing to his bad health and many
occupations, and to the difficulties which always arise in business of
this kind that has to pass through many hands, the despatch could not
be proceeded with as quickly as was necessary, and as I desired. If the
day of St. Francis should pass, the best time of the year would be lost
for making sail and shaping a S.W. course. So that I was forced to
continue my memorials to the Viceroy, and to set forth all the details
I deemed necessary to arm, equip, and provision the ships for so long a
voyage. I found more opposers than helpers. Don Fernando de Castro,
husband of my former Governess, Doña Isabel Barreto, who, with
all her household, had come to live in Peru, opposed my undertaking as
trenching on the Solomon Islands, which he inherited through his wife,
who was the widow of their discoverer, the Adelantado Alvaro de
Mendaña. But the good cavalier was convinced by my pious
reasoning, and he said that, as he understood it, he would condemn the
soul who pretended to disturb me.


The Doctor Arias Ugarte, a Judge of the Royal Audience, [178]learning in what poverty and discomfort I lived,
invited me to his house and table: an offer such as a brother might
make, or one friend to another. Seeing that my wish differed from his,
he wanted to make me accept a great dish full of dollars, almost by
force. I gave him thanks, and said that it did not seem right for one
serving His Majesty in a great undertaking to be sustained by alms. At
length, after many memorials and much worry, I induced the Viceroy to
nominate commissaries whose duty it was to see that the most necessary
things were provided for my despatch. Those matters relating to the sea
were under the superintendence of the Admiral, Juan Colmanero de
Andrada, who was not well disposed towards me. This was the reason that
I had to return to the Viceroy with complaints and importunities, in
which he honoured and favoured me. One day he said to me that, by
virtue of the royal order I had shown him, he wished to name a person
to go in my company, who was to take my place and office in the event
of my death. I answered that I did not wish to take with me any one who
would know that he was to succeed me, for that was an arrangement
fraught with obvious danger. In the order His Majesty allowed that I
myself made the proposal, with the object that if I should die before I
reached Lima, or before I left the port, the enterprise should continue
in being. But at present I was strong and well; so I begged him to
suspend this business until it was seen what God ordained; and that he
would leave it in my charge; so that when it appeared necessary I could
select such a person as time had shown to merit the charge of so
serious an enterprise.


In this position the matter rested, and my despatch proceeded,
though with slow steps. As the time for starting approached, it was
represented that the pay should be in advance, and the persons who
raised the question claimed that it should be given on board the ships,
or with [179]good securities. I succeeded in satisfying them,
saying that, as His Majesty had entrusted to me and to them a business
of such importance, it was not just to proceed in all things with such
limitation.


Having settled this, I took steps for my people to receive the
jubilee which had been conceded by His Holiness, and that a special
festival should be held for them in the convent of St. Francis of the
port of Callao, where were the six friars who were to go in our ships.
The standards and banners were to be blessed, and we were to come forth
with all our people in procession, in the clothes of sackcloth which
almost all had made for the occasion. But the envy which is so powerful
put a stop to this laudable intention, and there were not wanting those
who opposed the blessing and raising of the standard, as if the
undertaking was not for the service of His Majesty. However, all the
people confessed and took the sacrament. The standards and banners were
embarked, rolled up on their staves; and I, with other persons of the
fleet, went to seek for the six friars. These, accompanied by many
others of their Order, and by their guardian and commissary, came forth
from their convent, and were lovingly embraced by many people, for
always at such partings many tears are shed. We all went on board
together, with the Admiral and other royal officers. When the
inspection was made, there was not a single man missing who had
received pay, and not counting those, there were twenty-two. One day
before, I had been to Lima to take leave of the Viceroy, having with me
the two captains of the other two ships. I asked him to pardon me for
having been so pressing, for it had been necessary to make a finish of
my despatch. The Viceroy answered that, on the contrary, he was much
pleased, and he embraced me, and afterwards the other two captains:
saying that, owing to his serious indisposition, he was unable to go to
the port to see us start, as he [180]desired, but that he would
write a letter to all the people of the expedition, which was to be
read publicly before making sail, as was done. Its tenor was as
follows:—




Letter of the Viceroy, Count of Monterey.


Illness will not allow me to honour and favour with my presence your
departure from the port, and the commencement of your navigation. As I
am unable to say to you what is desirable in words, I have decided to
do so by a letter.


I feel very sure that, in general, you have understood the lofty
aims for the service of God our Lord which has moved his royal Majesty
to undertake this discovery with great cost to his treasury; and what
mighty interests may result from the enterprise to the church of God,
by the saving of many souls, and to the crown of Spain by the increase
of its dominions. So I trust that you will keep the one and the other
object present to your minds, being the principal reasons which also
moved us to the undertaking.


I desire to charge you to maintain peace and obedience from
subordinates to their officers, and from all to the Captain Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros, who has been ordered by His Majesty to make this
voyage. And I charge you to keep in memory that he represents in his
person the Viceroy himself, as if I myself was on board, and as if I
gave the orders that he will give; showing that, in the discipline and
obedience that you must exercise on all occasions, you signally display
your loyalty as good vassals to His Majesty. He who falls away from
this shall be severely judged by the councillors of His Majesty, or the
royal ministers where the matter is reported, and especially by me in
cases that come before me. May God guide you and send you forth to do
His will. Given on December 20th, 1605.




As soon as the letter was read, the ships being ready, the various
banners were displayed from the mastheads and tops, and the royal
standard was hoisted, the yards were raised, and the anchors got up in
the name of the most holy Trinity. The sails were set, and the men on
their knees prayed for a good voyage to our Lady of Loreto, saying that
this fleet is dedicated to her name, and sails trusting in her favour
and protection. All the artillery, muskets, and arquebuses were fired
off. The ships passed near the other royal ships, which were saluting
with their pieces, with many people on their decks and [181]galleries, and many more in the town, on
balconies and roofs, and on the beach, watching attentively as we left
the port. It was the day of St. Thomas the Apostle, Wednesday, at three
in the afternoon, the 21st of December, 1605, the sun being in the last
degree of Sagittarius.


In this manner the three ships departed. The Capitana was
named San Pedro y San Pablo. She was bought from Sebastian de
Goite y Figueroa, and was well adapted for such service. The other
vessel, as Almiranta, was rather small, and was also purchased
for His Majesty in the port of Callao. The third was a launch, or
zabra, of small size, which had lately arrived from the
Galapagos Islands, to rescue the people who had been wrecked there. She
was very strong and a good sailer. In all three were embarked nearly
three hundred men, sailors and soldiers, with some small pieces of
artillery, arquebuses and muskets, provisions of all kinds for one
year, iron implements, fruits and animals of Peru for those who should
form a settlement, and the said six friars of the Order of St. Francis,
also four brothers of Juan de Dios to cure the sick. As Chief Pilot
there came one against my will, whom they made me receive, as he had
taken the Count of Monterey from New Spain. He did me much
injury.1 The second Pilot was called the Captain Pedro
Bernal Cermeño, to whom I delivered the charge and command of
the launch. [182]








1 His name
was Juan Ochoa de Bilboa.






[Contents]



Chapter IV.




How the Captain, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, having
left the port of Callao with his fleet, navigated from the coast of
Peru, and his instructions to the pilots, sailors and soldiers that
they might know how to govern themselves.








Commencing to leave the port of Callao, the prows of
the three ships were pointed in the direction of their destination. The
sun went down. The Almiranta asked for her name. She was given
the name of San Pedro, patron of the same ship, and of the
cause. They sailed with the wind S.S.E., so prevalent on that coast,
thence to E.S.E., and as we went on the wind passed from point to point
until it was due east, where it remained for many days, blowing gently.
It seems that the lofty cordillera of Peru, running north and south,
impedes the wind from blowing east until a good offing is gained, when
it is the ordinary wind.


The Captain, during the three first days, made entries in his
journal, but presently his health failed him. For he took such a
headache from Lima that he could suffer neither sun nor shade, and
could expose it neither bare nor covered. On this malady there came a
spasm which caused him much suffering, and, as was afterwards supposed,
he was cured by this reversed attack, though none of these changes
sufficed to finish him. For whom God wishes will live. The three eves
and days of Christmas, Circumcision, and Epiphany, were celebrated with
great festivity; and at the Conversion of St. Paul, the Captain, not
having been able to do so before, issued the following instructions to
the people of his ship, and to those of the other two ships of his
fleet, judging them to be very necessary. [183]




Instructions.


Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, Captain and Chief of the three vessels of
the fleet, of which he has command, to discover the unknown southern
regions for His Majesty.


As it is agreeable to the service of God our Lord, and to that of
the King of Spain, Philip, third of that name, whose is this fleet, and
whose vassal I am, and in whose name I go on this service; and as it is
conducive to good government that the Captains should have rules to
keep respecting the voyage that has to be made, and other work that has
to be done, if by chance, owing to a tempest or other legitimate cause,
they should part company from me, they should be given instructions and
notices that they may follow and carry out the orders with regard to
the charge with which they are entrusted. I, therefore, give to Luis
Vaez de Torres, Admiral of the ship called San Pedro, the orders
as follows:—


I specially charge the said Admiral that he is to maintain
Christian, political, and military discipline among the men of his
ship.


Further, I charge him to see that they do not curse nor blaspheme,
nor say or do other things evil against God our Lord, nor against the
most holy Mother, nor against angels, saints, or things divine or
sacred; and if perchance (which may God not permit) there are some so
wicked as to dare to utter such blasphemies, he is to punish them
severely and rigorously as their crimes deserve.


Further, I charge him not to consent to any playings with dice or
cards, either for small or great stakes; and if by chance there should
be any playing cards found in his ship, or dice (except for playing at
backgammon), he is to throw them overboard as a thing very prejudicial
to the objects of the voyage; and if the games at tables cause disputes
and trouble, they are also to be thrown overboard, so as to avoid all
occasion for mischief.


He is to take great care that every day, in the afternoon, all the
people go on their knees before an altar where there are images of
Christ and of the Virgin Mary, and that the Litany of Our Lady of
Loreto is recited, praying for her favour and for her intercession,
that God our Lord may guide us and show us the lands and people we
seek, and help us in all that undertaking on which we are employed, and
grant us that success which will be to His honour and glory and for the
good of so many of His creatures.


Further, I charge him that he forbids and by all means prevents any
one from taking God’s name in vain, the person so offending
forfeiting his ration for that day, and if he has already had it, for
the next day; and the same punishment is to be inflicted on such
persons as may give him to eat, even if they are his own mess-mates. If
the blasphemer repents his fault, he may be pardoned [184]the
first time, but for the second, third, or other times he may be put in
irons, or fined for the benefit of souls in purgatory; and this may not
be remitted. And that this may be known to all, a copy of this chapter
is to be nailed to the ship’s main mast.


Further, he is to be very vigilant in preventing free or
disrespectful words being spoken of the royal person or his service:
and those who so offend are to be punished promptly and with rigour,
always justifying what is inflicted for this or other offences.


Further, he is to take care and use much diligence in treating
kindly and lovingly all the people under his charge, and to honour and
maintain each one of his officers in the posts they occupy, and to
cause them to be respected and to respect each other. In short, he is
to acquire those methods and habits which are necessary to keep his
people contented and firm in their love, truthfulness, fidelity, and
loyalty, remembering how worthy of esteem that Captain is who, without
the use of knife or other rigour, governs his people in peace.


Further, he is to look after the Master of the Ship with vigilance,
who is to see that the provisions do not turn bad and are not wasted;
and that those respecting which there is a suspicion that they may turn
bad are used first.


The ration to be served out each day to each person on board,
whether receiving wages or not, is 1½ lbs. of biscuit, 1 lb. of
meat, 2 oz. of bacon, 1 oz. of pulses, half a gallon of water for
drinking, and sufficient for cooking. On fish days the ration is to be
one fish or (if it is large) part of one, 6 oz. of pulses, a measure of
oil, another of vinegar; biscuit and water as on meat days. If there is
no fish, 4 oz. of cheese is to be substituted. As regards extras, what
appears most convenient is to be done, always seeing that there is no
pretext for complaints, and considering that there is much time and a
long voyage before us.


He is to be very diligent, both by day and night, in following the
Capitana ship, which will shape a W.S.W. course until the
latitude of 30° is reached; and when that is reached and no land
has been seen, the course will be altered to N.W. until the latitude of
10° 15′; and if no land has yet been found, a course will be
followed on that parallel to the west, in search of the island of Santa
Cruz. There a port will be sought in the bay of Graciosa, in 10° of
latitude, and 1,850 leagues from the city of the Kings, to the south of
a great and lofty volcano, standing alone in the sea, about 8 leagues
from the said bay. The Captain who arrives first in this port, which is
at the head of the bay, between a spring of water and a moderate-sized
river, with bottom from 40 to 35 fathoms, is to anchor there, and wait
there three months for the other two ships. When together, a resolution
will be taken as to what further shall be done, in compliance with His
Majesty’s orders. If by chance the other ships do not arrive, the
Captain, [185]before he departs, is to raise a cross, and at
the foot of it, or of the nearest tree, he is to make a sign on the
trunk, to be understood by him who next arrives, and to bury a jar with
the mouth closed with tar, and containing a narrative of all that has
happened and of his intentions. Then he will steer S.W. as far as
20°, thence N.W. to 4°, and on that parallel he is to steer
west in search of New Guinea. After coasting all along that land, he is
to proceed to the city of Manilla, in the island of Luzon of the
Philippines, in 14° N., thence by the eastern Indies to Spain, to
give an account to His Majesty of all that has been discovered.


Further, he is to be diligent in taking the sun daily, and at night
the star Crucero, or at least whenever the weather admits of it,
that he may know his latitude and plot it on his chart, making
allowances for lee-way, caused by winds or currents, and for the
variation of the needle; and for greater accuracy, he shall take care
to correct it by the sun, or by a known star when on the meridian. He
is also to be careful to note the number of leagues made by the ship
each day, the winds and the changes, the showers, currents, flights of
birds, shoals of fishes, and signs of land, with its appearance when
sighted. Also, he is to note the islands, whether inhabited or
uninhabited, and place them on the chart in their latitude, longitude,
and form. If it is continental land, he is to do the same as regards
ports, capes, anchorages, and all other features; writing descriptions
of the positions of each feature, of the rivers and places where wood
and water can be obtained, as well as the rocks and reefs that are met
with. If the bottom is sand, it is to be denoted by dots of ink, if of
rocks by small crosses. Besides these details, the colour, shape,
features, and dress of the inhabitants are to be noted, their food,
arms, boats, behaviour, and government and religion; so that a full and
detailed account can be given to the King our Lord in his Council of
State, from whence the orders for the voyage were issued.


Every day he will come up to this Capitana, as is the custom,
to give his respects and wish for a good voyage; and to ask for the
word, which will be answered and given in the customary way.


He is to take care that, at sunrise and sunset, and oftener if it
seems desirable, two men go to the masthead to look out over all parts
of the horizon; and at night the sentries are to be doubled, one being
on the bowsprit. The rounds and over-rounds are to be gone by him in
person, and when he is not able, he is to delegate the duty to others
in whom he has confidence. In this he is to be punctual, and rigorous
in punishing those he finds not keeping a good look-out, or sleeping.
In taking in sail, when the weather is threatening, there must be no
negligence.


When the Capitana puts out a flag from the main topmast, it
is [186]a signal to the pilots for the ships to close.
The ships shall then come near the Capitana to receive
orders.


If the Capitana should alter course during the night, a gun
will be fired, if it is desired to give notice that land is sighted, or
that there are rocks, two guns will be fired. The other two ships will
do the same, and all three will repeat, to show that the signal is
understood.


If by day it is necessary to communicate, a flag is to be shown on
the main rigging, so that it may be seen by the other two ships, and
presently they will close, to learn what is wanted. If it is night, two
lights are to be shown, besides the stern lantern, as a signal that
help is needed, which presently will be given.


Great precautions are to be taken against fire. There is to be no
lighted candle nor other fire between decks, except within a lantern in
charge of a man to watch it. And this duty is not to be given to any
person unless he can be trusted.


Much care is to be taken that there is no waste in cord, powder, or
balls; and attention is to be given to all the royal stores that there
may be no fraud whatever in their expenditure.


If there is both wind and sea, and both suddenly cease, being night
time, heave to and sound, and keep a good look-out, as the cause may be
the interposition of land close to.


If there are puffs and flaws of wind besides the wind that fills the
sails, or the ship raises her head and stern as if she was being
pushed, it being night time, take soundings, for she may be very near
the land or rocks, where the sea breaks and sends back the surf.


If, the sky being clear, the sun, moon, and stars come out and are
higher than the horizon, it is a certain sign of land; at night heave
to and sound, at daytime look out for it.


If on the route there should be thick mists ahead which do not move
away, or a fixed line, or a damp fog, heave to and sound, keeping a
good look-out, for there is probably land near.


If certain flashes with little lights are seen ahead, accompanied by
thunder, or there are puffs of wind, it being night time, heave to and
sound, as they may be signs of small rocks or islets. If the lightning
is forked and the thunder loud, also heave to and sound, keeping a good
look-out.


If in spite of the wind that is blowing there come dry gusts from
another quarter, or with rain or hail, it is a sign of land being near;
it being night time, heave to, waiting for daylight to seek for it.


If the sea appears greasy, with leaves of trees, grass, herbs, wood,
branches, palm nuts, and other things which the waves carry from the
shores, and rivers send down when in flood, it is a sign of land being
near in the direction of the present course of the wind, or the
currents have brought them. In that case the [187]circumstances will indicate what it is best to
do, but land will be left behind towards the quarter whence the wind
comes.


If there are currents it is better when they are strong, or there
are shoals of small fishes which seem to swarm over the sea, or patches
of camarones, sea snakes, seals, turtles, much bad water, or
some land birds, take care, for the ship will be very near the
land.


If flocks of many sea birds are met with, such as boobies and
petrels, note should be taken of the direction in which they fly, and
whence they come in the morning; noticing whether they assemble early
and return late, for then they are far from the land; but if they
assemble late and return early, the land is near. If they are not seen
to assemble, and are heard to make a noise at night, and are still to
be seen at dawn, then either land is very near or the birds have slept
on the sea. It is to be noted that these birds almost always frequent
islets or rocks, because they are nearer their fishing grounds. For
this reason there should be vigilance to avoid shoals.


If the birds that may be met with are piqueros, ducks,
widgeons, gulls, estopegados, terns, sparrowhawks, flamingos or
siloricos, it is a sign that the land is very near; but if there
are only boobies so much care is not necessary, because these birds are
found far from land, and the same may be said of boatswain birds, which
fly where they please. Moreover, if all the birds, or part of them, fly
together, it is a sign of proximity to land; and it should be noted
whether some of these birds fly as if wounded, seeking land on one or
the other side.


If patches of brown water are seen on the sea, it is a sign that
there are rocks near the surface; if the patches are white, it is a
sign of a sandy bottom, with little depth; a black patch is a sign of
ooze and mud; and a green patch points to a bottom covered with weeds.
In short, if the sea is of any other colour than the ordinary one of
the ocean where there is great depth, namely, dark blue, it is
necessary to exercise care, and much more if at night the sea should be
heard to make sounds greater than is usual. All the above signs cause
an obligation to be very careful and to get soundings; but there are
two things which require more especial vigilance, and which have the
most importance for the security of the voyage. It is then the
principal thing to bear in mind that while all these signs point to
land or to rocks; that while the birds have wings and can sleep when
they like on the sea; while the fish are in their element; while the
winds, the thunder and lightning, and the clouds fly through the air,
it is only in God that we must put our confidence, for it is He alone
who knows, and who can guide and save the people and the ship.


After anchoring in any port, a careful look-out should be kept both
by day and night, for the natives are great swimmers and divers, and
might wedge up the rudder, cut the hawsers, or set fire [188]to
the ship. For this reason it is well, in places where there is cause
for suspicion, to have a guard in the boat at night over the buoys, or
at least to visit them many times.


Take care not to allow so many natives on board the ship as would be
able to overpower the crew; and even when they are few, great evil may
come to them as well as to us, from ignorance of our arms; whence may
arise a commencement of war, and a faithful peace may never then be
made.


In effecting a landing, it should always be by day, and never at
night. The landing-place should be level and clear of woods, or at
least as well situated in these respects as possible: sending dogs in
front to discover ambushes, with arms ready, marching together and in
order, and entering passes with caution. It should be kept in mind that
the natives usually get behind rocks or trees, or stretch themselves
flat on the ground even in level places, concealed only by the
grass.


Take notice that, if it is possible, chiefs or other natives who
appear to be of consequence, should be kept in the ship as hostages,
but well treated and given presents of things that they seem to like
most. The same course should be followed on shore, when the natives
seek intercourse and conversation with us. The barter should be
conducted by one of us, who should always give the natives to
understand that the things are of great value, as they really are for
them; and this because they do not value their own things much, and
ours but little.


Learn from the natives whether there are other islands or extensive
lands near, if they are inhabited, of what colour are the natives,
whether they eat human flesh, if they are friendly or carry on war.
Enquire whether they have gold in dust, or in small lumps, or in
ornaments; silver worked or to be worked; metals, all kinds of pearls,
spices and salt, and if they eat those commodities. If they have names
for them, write the names down. Ask in what parts these things are to
be found, and what those lands are called. Show pleasure at what they
give, and manage to let them know by signs what they ask.


Do not think little of the natives, for they are pilferers and
runners, and when they come for that, they know well how to do it; at
least, they try, whence follow evils from one side to another, which is
what ought to be avoided.


Do not follow the guidance of the natives except with great caution.
Never trust or believe in them on any occasion whether they show much
or little sign of friendship, because their custom is to watch on the
roads and to make pits covered with earth and grass. They are capable
of leading those they pretend to guide direct to their traps or
ambushes, or with evil intent to get them away from their boats or the
beach, and to lead them inland into the woods, and there do what evil
they can to them. They always [189]carry their canes open at
both ends, containing a lighted cord, that it may not be extinguished
when it rains.


Never allow our people to mix with the natives, nor leave them to
join company, owing to the danger that, on a given signal, three or
four may fall upon and carry off one of ours to meet the fate which
they may want to inflict on him.


On occasions when it is desirable to have an interview with the
natives, it should always be in a cleared space, with a good distance
between the two parties, and the Chief, or one named by him, standing
in the space, so as to concert with him what they desire or ask for. It
is always necessary to see that the back is safe without ceasing to
watch or even turning the face, but always the whole body. And, when
obliged, let it be back to back, with the shields in front, so as to
make all more strong and secure.


If it should be necessary to embark in retreat, either in presence
or absence of the enemy, half the arquebusiers and shield-bearers
should face the natives, that the other half may embark safely; and
those embarked are quickly to turn, making the same guard as the one
made by those on shore until all are embarked. For, if all embark in a
troop, there is danger from arrows, stones, darts, and lances, which
are the arms of the natives.


The natives never give up anything they have about them, or anything
in their houses, though it be gold, silver, pearls, or any other thing
of value, nor do they understand our covetousness. But before we gave
them our things we were very liberal, sowing with them and teaching
them to sow maize, beans, onions, cotton, and all the most profitable
seeds and vegetables. Whenever there is an opportunity, such seeds
should be sown even on desert islands. If the place is suitable,
rabbits, goats, and swine should be landed, for it is an advantage to
enrich those desert lands, remembering the possible needs of future
navigators.


Take care not to feed on the things which the natives present to be
eaten, because they know how to play tricks. For which reason do not
fill your hands, nor quit your arms, nor take your eyes off the
natives. Under all circumstances these precautions should be well
attended to. One or two of our people should always be on the watch,
especially in the direction where there is most cause for
suspicion.


Care should be taken to look out for poison put into the water or
food. Vegetables and fruits should not be eaten unless known before, or
unless they have been seen to be used as food by birds and monkeys.


In ports where natives come to give assistance, never ill-use them
nor detain them, unless it is to let them return with clothes or
presents, nor break the peace or the word that has been given to them,
nor cut down their fruit trees, nor injure their crops, nor destroy
their houses or canoes; for all such acts cost them very dear, owing to
the difficulty of repairing damages from want of [190]proper tools. For this cause they seek for
vengeance, and withdraw food supplies. In short, all is lost that was
intended to be obtained from them. If it seems necessary, they can be
made to understand the harm we can do them with our arquebuses, swords,
and other arms, but not to do it, refraining at the last.


For two reasons the natives may give false information respecting
the land, people, and products, the latter being what we enquire for
most and come to seek. The first that we may go, the second that we may
be deceived, in revenge for some wrong that has been done them. When it
is decided to follow up any of their notices by sea or land, the same
natives that have given the information should be made to accompany the
party, to secure this point.


The shouts and noises of the natives in their assemblies, and the
blowing and beating of their war instruments, need cause no alarm to
us, nor should the natives be despised. In forced attacks, arquebus
fire should be in the air, with or without ball; and by taking other
steps suited to the occasion, they will be made to fly or desist.


A very important notice is that, when seeking for wood, water, or
provisions, a boat should be sent with well-armed men to over-awe the
natives, even in places where it does not seem likely that there will
be a rupture with them. If they begin to offer opposition, and the
necessity is not very great, it will be as well to return to the ship,
and await a better opportunity. If the necessity is great, send a large
number of guards to protect the foraging party. Finally, avoid the
danger of offending the natives, or being offended by them. The
position should be as fathers to children, but they must be watched as
if they were known enemies. Our part is always to be in the right, with
open and honest intentions; then God will help us, as He helps all
those whose objects are good.


It is well known to all those persons who are engaged on this
discovery how His Holiness Clement VIII, at my humble petition, has
conceded that if our Lord should be served by removing us from this
world to another, at the hour of death, if unable to confess or to take
the sacrament, being contrite, we name the most holy name of Jesus,
either with our mouths or in our hearts, he gives us plenary indulgence
and remission of all our sins. I hold the brief for this grace in my
possession.


If any person should fall sick, he should presently confess and make
his will. If he should die, it is ordered that the master, with a
clerk, should make an inventory of his goods, and take charge of them,
in order to carry out the wishes of the deceased. If he dies intestate,
the same care is to be taken in making an inventory, and in taking care
of the goods.


All these things are to be complied with, without exceeding them,
unless time is very pressing. In that case, if it appears [191]necessary, counsel should be taken with the
Master and Pilot, officers, and other important persons, and with the
opinions of all of them, signed with their names, what is agreed upon
may be done, all being for the service of God and of His Majesty. Given
on board the ship San Pedro y San Pablo, by the leader of the
said discovery, in this Gulf of Loreto, navigating on a W.S.W. course,
in the latitude of 19°, on January 8th, 1606.








[Contents]



Chapter V.




Recounts the navigation that was made, and the signs
that were noted, until the first uninhabited island came in sight.








The fleet continued to steer W.S.W. in accordance with
the instructions, from the time that the ships made sail from Callao
until they reached the latitude of 16°, where they met with a heavy
and confused swell from the S.W. On the 10th of January the first birds
were seen, and on the 11th the first showers of rain, with the wind E.
and E.S.E. On the 12th the wind was south. On the 13th a number of
gulls were seen. On the 15th the wind was N. and N.W. On the 16th we
saw great flocks of birds. On the 17th we were in latitude 24°,
with the wind S.W. and W., blowing with some force and with a high sea.
At this change the Captain presently showed a flag from the maintop
mast to take opinions, the weather not allowing of any other way. The
pilots of the ships said, by shouting, that, being outside the tropics,
all winds might be met with, and by reaching higher latitudes, the
north wind would be met with, blowing with greater force. On the 18th
the wind went all round the compass, but was generally in the north. On
the 21st we had the wind from S. and S.W.


On the 22nd we were in latitude 26°, with a squall and showers
from the S.E., and with a great swell from the south. This brought out
the timidity of some, saying: “Whither are they taking us, in
this great gulf, in the [192]winter season?” Some said
they should get the boat into the sea. We were obliged, by the force of
winds and sea, to stand on a W.N.W. course until we reached 25°. On
the 24th, at night, we saw the first lightning, which was not very
bright. On the 25th we saw the first weeds; and on the 26th we saw
birds of several kinds flying together. On this day, at 11
o’clock, we discovered the first island in latitude 25°, and
reckoned it to be 800 leagues from Lima. It has a circumference of 5
leagues, many trees, and a beach of sand. Near the land the depth was
80 fathoms. I gave it the name of
“Luna-puesta.”1 It was now late, so I
determined to stand off and on during the night, waiting for the next
day to go to the island; but at dawn we were too leeward, and for this cause
and others we left it.








1 Leza
calls it “Anegada.” In the Memorial of 1609 the name
“La Encarnaçion” was given to the
first island.






[Contents]



Chapter VI.




Relates how the Almiranta disappeared and
joined company again, and how they sighted the second uninhabited
island.








We were steering to the west in some doubt, when we
saw some whales and many gulls. At dawn of this day the
Almiranta was not in sight. The Captain ordered the mast-head
men to look carefully round the horizon, and at 9 the ship was seen
coming to us under all sail. This caused us great pleasure, as her absence
had given anxiety, for to part company! now one sees what that means.
Having arrived, the Captain received a letter in which the Admiral said
that, during the previous night, the stern light of the Capitana
went out; and that, as he was unwell, he had not seen what happened,
and had not been able to carry out the orders exactly. [193]


Still steering on the same course, on the 29th of January, at dawn,
we sighted another island near, and presently stood towards it. The
launch to the S.W. found a port in a small bay, where she anchored in
27 fathoms, and almost on shore. The ships did the same. The people in
the launch told them by shouting that she was dragging her anchor; so
the ships stood out, and the launch got up her anchor and made
sail.


Three men were sent from the Almiranta in a dingey to land.
Fearing to remain they came back quickly, bringing certain fruits known
to some on board, which were too unripe to eat. They said that the
landing was very bad for a dingey, and would be much worse for larger
boats.


This island was supposed to be 870 leagues from Lima. It is 10
leagues round. It is massive, moderately high, open, having groves and
plains. It is steep, too, and its beaches are rocky. It is only
inhabited by birds. Its latitude is 24° 45′. It was named
“San Juan Bautista;”1 and as it
had no port where we could get wood and water, we continued our voyage
to the W.N.W.


This day the Admiral came on board to see the Captain about certain
matters; who, to put an end to discord, made the Admiral embrace the
Chief Pilot and make friends, for there was very little friendship
between them before.


On the following day, which was the penultimate of January, a great
number of birds were seen, and on the last day of that month there were
such squalls that it was necessary to strike the topmasts. [194]








1 Leza
calls it “San Puerto.” Torres gives the name of
“San Valerio.” The two islands are 75 leagues
apart.






[Contents]



Chapter VII.




Recounts how they came in sight of the third island
that was discovered, and a great storm.








Following the W.N.W. course, on the 3rd of February,
the Captain put out a flag on the topmast for the ships to close and
the pilots to report in what latitude they were, how many leagues from
Lima, the observations the ships had taken respecting lee-way, winds,
and the variation of the needle, also the bearing of the islands of Las
Marquesas de Mendoza. The ships closed, and the pilots said that, owing
to the clouds, they had not been able to take the sun for three days;
that they thought Las Marquesas de Mendoza bore N.N.E.; and that after
they had got the sun’s meridian altitude they could make a more
formal report.


While this was going on land was sighted to the west, which, being
concealed by clouds, was near; and as it was late, all sails were set.
Night came on, and, having gone a short distance, a dark and thick
cloud rose in the north-east in three parts, which soon became one, and
made its way towards the ships with such speed and fury that all began
to seek for remedies against the evils that menaced them. The ships,
trembling, received the force of the storm, and went over on their
sides. The sea rose, and all were horrified. The lightning in the air
seemed to rend the heavens and blind the sight. Three thunderbolts were
heard to fall; the thunder was awful, the pouring rain terrible, and
the squalls of wind so violent that it seemed as if the least damage
would be the fall of the masts. The launch being close to, her Pilot
shouted in a hoarse voice: “The Capitana ahoy! Alter
course—ahoy! Luff up!” All was confusion, hurry, and noise.
The night was [195]fearful, decision doubtful, and great the
anxiety to know whether the position of the ships was safe.


Our Father Commissary, with a cross in his hands, passed the whole
night conjuring the sea and winds. St. Elmo appeared, as the sailors
say, which they saluted with great devotion three times. In short, it
was a dark, confused, ugly, and long night which we passed, confiding,
after God, in the soundness of our ships and the stoutness of our
sailors. When the long-wished-for daylight came, we saw that our land
was an island surrounded by a reef. Neither port nor bottom could be
found, though sought for with care, as we were in want of water, and
for fuel we only had brushwood. Seeing that the island was so useless,
we left it for what it was; and, considering the night it had given us,
it would have been dear even if it had been a very good land instead of
a very bad one. This island was calculated to be 1,030 leagues from
Lima, 36 leagues round, in latitude 20° 30′. It was named St.
Elmo.






[Contents]



Chapter VIII.




Four other desert islands are sighted, and what else
happened.








Steering W.N.W., on the following day, we sighted an
island about 6 leagues off, and presently another, and then two more,
and at none of the four was there bottom or port. There are reefs and
shoals almost continuous. The distance from one to the other was four
or five leagues, and from the City of the Kings 1,050. Their latitude
is 20°, and they were named Las cuarto coronadas.1


The Captain, considering that on all these seven newly-discovered
islands neither a port nor water could be found, [196]and
finding that there were fewer water-jars than he ordered to be
embarked, he made some discourses with respect to the time and the
present state of affairs, and deemed it necessary to reduce, as he did
reduce, the allowance of water. Twelve or fifteen jars of water that
were consumed each day he reduced to three or four jars. He was present
when it was served out, saw the hatchway closed, and kept the keys.


Presently he ordered a brick oven to be built over one of the
hearths, in order to make sweet water from sea water, with a copper
instrument he had with him, by means of distillation. They got two or
three jars full every day, very good and wholesome. On the least
productive day there was a jar and a-half, and altogether fifty jars.
This invention, with certain improvements, promises, with little
expenditure of fuel, to turn out in fifteen hours eight, nine, and ten
jars of fresh water, and more if it is necessary.2


This was Ash Wednesday. Our Father Commissary gave ashes to every
person on board the ship. The course was W.N.W., and at a distance of
75 leagues from the four isles astern we sighted another small island
to the N.E., but could not approach owing to being to windward. We
judged its latitude to be 18° 30′. It received the name of
San Miguel. Owing to threatening weather and darkness, we were
hove to this night with all the ships. [197]








1 Torres
calls them “Las Virgenes.”


2 This is
a very early notice of the use of a method of obtaining fresh water by
condensing.






[Contents]



Chapter IX.




The first inhabited island is sighted; what happened
there with the natives.








Next day, which was the 10th of February, having a
look-out man at each mast-head, constantly watching all parts of the
horizon, the Almiranta fired a piece, and land ahead was
reported in all three ships. As all the other islands were desert, it
was expected that this one would be the same, so the report was
received with very moderate rejoicing. We presently steered towards it,
and soon a high and thick smoke was seen to rise between two palms.
Those in the launch presently shouted: “People, people on the
beach!” The news was as joyful as incredible to many, from having
been so long desired, fearing lest it should prove a mistake, until,
coming nearer, we clearly saw men, and the sight was hailed as if they
had been angels.1 [198]


Of this glory the Captain got a large share, for until now he had
been saying: “God shows us in this sea millions and millions of
natives.” The people were restless from sheer satisfaction, so
that they had not attended to the sails. The launch anchored near the
slope of the beach, and the two ships presently stood out to sea, as
there was no port for them. They got the boats out to search, but could
not find one, sounding until they came opposite to the place where the
natives stood in a row, with clubs and lances in their hands. Our
people who saw them thought it was war, but looked at them and spoke by
signs. They said our men should land, also by signs.


The place was dangerous, and little satisfaction could be got from
the natives; so our people in the boats determined to return to the
ships to avoid any collision. The waves did their office, and the
natives, when they saw the high ones, told the boats to keep away,
owing to the danger they ran. As it appeared to our people that these
demonstrations were all made out of kindness, two undressed and jumped
into the water. As soon as they landed the natives, putting down their
lances, all together at one time bowed their heads and arms, and
saluted three times. Apparently, the welcome and smiles were to receive
our men, and when one was knocked over by a wave, they picked him up,
embraced him, and kissed him on his [199]cheeks, which is a
way of showing friendship used also in France. When the people in the
boats saw the loyalty with which the natives received complete
strangers, not knowing their intentions, two others went on shore. One
of them was very white, and the natives, when they saw him, came and
felt his back, breast, and arms, showing much astonishment, and they
did the same with the other three. All four gave them what they had,
which the natives received with signs of love. The one who appeared to
be chief over the others gave to one of our people a palm branch as a
sign of friendship, and also did more. He crossed his arms, making very
friendly signs to our people that they should come to the village, to
which they pointed with their fingers, to give them to eat.


With this they took their leave, and our men embarked, to the sorrow
of the natives. Eight of them followed the boats, and to see them the
men laid on their oars and invited them to get in, but they were
afraid. The launch and the boats returned to where the ships were at
sunset. Presently, the Chief Pilot asked the Captain what was to be
done, who replied that they would beat to windward that night, and on
the following day return to the same point, or to another, and search
again for a port or anchorage, or for water, which was much needed. The
Chief Pilot went aloft, and said from the mast-head that he saw a bay
to leeward, much better than the bay of Cadiz.


All night we stood off and on, rather joyful at the thought of
finding this port, and at dawn we found ourselves 3 leagues to leeward
of the place where the natives had been seen; and looking out a first
and a second time, there was no sign of that bay, but only a narrow and
long reef almost covered by the water. There was one place where there
were some palm trees, for which reason the Captain sent both the boats,
well manned and armed with [200]jars, to seek for water. They
found the beach very difficult, most of it rocks, on which the waves
broke with great fury. But undaunted by this, our people jumped into
the water up to their waists, loaded with arquebuses, spades, and
crowbars, and the last, whose name was Belmonte,2 had such
difficulty that, if Ensign Rozo3 had not helped him with his
spear, which enabled him to get out, there would have been an end of
his career. Marching in good order, they entered a palm grove, where
they found, at the foot of a tree, a number of brown stones, and one in
the form of an altar, covered with branches. It was supposed that this
was a burial-place, or a place where the Devil spoke to and deceived
these miserable natives, without there being any one to obstruct him.
Our people, to sanctify the place, set up a cross,4 and gave
God thanks on their knees for being the first to hoist His royal
standard in an unknown place inhabited by heathens. In sorrow for their
evil condition, they spoke thus: “How long, O pious Lord, is the
darkness in which they live to last for these people?” They said
this with all due reverence; and, leaving the cross, they began to dig
for water, which they did not find, but were able to quench their
actual thirst with cocoa-nuts.


When they went down to embark they saw a shape, which appeared to be
that of a man, coming towards them at a short distance. They went to
see what it was, and found that it was an old woman, who appeared to be
a [201]hundred years of age: a tall and large woman,
with fine and long black hairs and only four or five grey ones, her
colour brown, face and body wrinkled, teeth few and decayed, and with
other faults caused by a long life. She came along, waving with soft
palm leaves. She carried some cuttle-fish dried in the sun, in a
basket, and a knife made from a mother-of-pearl shell, also a skein of
thread. A little speckled dog accompanied her, which ran away.


With this good capture the boat returned to the Captain, to show her
to him, who was highly delighted at seeing a human creature. He seated
her on a box, and gave her meat and soup from a pot, which she ate
without scruple; but she could not manage the hard biscuit. She showed
that she knew well how to drink wine. A mirror was put into her hand,
and she looked at the back, then at the front, and when she saw her
face she was much pleased. All noticed her good manners, and concluded
that, when young, she was not bad-looking. She looked at all the men
with attention, but she displayed the greatest pleasure in looking at
the boys. She looked at the goats as if she had seen them before. There
was a gold ring with an emerald on one of her fingers. She was asked
for it, but replied by signs that she could not give it without cutting
off her finger, and she seemed sorry for this. She was offered one of
brass, which she did not care for. Having given her things to dress
herself with and take away, we saw four canoes coming from the village
under sail, out of a lake which the island has in its centre, and they
anchored near the palm grove. The Captain presently ordered the old
woman to be landed, in order to reassure the natives. They no sooner
recognised her than they came to see her, and looked at her as if she
had been long absent. They came to our people with the confidence of
friends. There were seventy-two natives, and by signs they said that
they [202]were going, as they presently did go, to see the
cross. As well as they could our people tried to make them understand
its value, and that they should place themselves before it on their
knees. Finally, they did all that they were told.


When it was asked which of them was the chief, they pointed out a
robust, tall, and well-proportioned native, with a good
well-complexioned face, who appeared to be fifty years of age. He wore
on his head a tuft of black feathers, and towards the front some skeins
of golden hairs whose ends reached half way down his back. According to
their custom, it should be the hair of his wife. He also wore round his
neck a large plate of mother-of-pearl. He had a serious manner, and all
the others paid him great respect. He was asked whether he would like
to go on board the ship, and, having given us to understand that he
would, he was taken to the boats with some followers. One of the boats
having been swamped, they helped to raise her. The chief got into one
boat, and several natives into another, but when they had gone a short
distance they jumped overboard, apparently from fear, and began to
swim. The chief wanting to do the same, we detained him. He tried to do
so by main strength, which was great, and to take a knife from a
soldier, but failed. He made other attempts, but nothing availed him.
The boat arrived alongside, and four men took hold of him and tried to
make him go up; but it was labour in vain, for he would not stir. The
chief was stretched out at his whole length, fencing with his nervous
arms, and in this way he strove to get clear and escape by swimming.
Seeing he could not do this, he put one foot against the ship’s
side and sent the boat some distance. When we saw how much trouble he
was giving, he was fastened to a whip, to hoist him into the ship; and
when he found himself secured he got into such a fury that it shocked
our eyes. [203]


The Captain went down into the boat, and the first thing he did was
to take in his hand the palm branch the other had given him, and to
remove the cord which had caused the chief such anger. He showed that
he felt this release very much, both by his face and his hands; but not
for this did he consider himself in safety. With melancholy looks he
gazed at those who were in the boat, then at the ships, the sails and
masts, and at the land, pointing with his finger that he wanted to
return there. The Captain was sorry to find him so discontented. He
dressed him in a pair of breeches and shirt of yellow silk, put a hat
upon his head, a tin medal round his neck, gave him a case of knives,
embraced him, and ordered the boat to go on shore. This quieted
him.


A sergeant and some men had remained on shore, collecting
cocoa-nuts. Three, who were together, saw the natives collected in
order with their lances, and appearing to be determined to force them
into their canoes, as their chief had been forced to go to the ship.
Eight of our people got together, and pointed out to the natives that
they had remained as sureties, and that their chief was now coming on
shore in the boat. With this, and owing to two of us showing off by
fencing with their swords, the natives remained peaceable until their
chief landed, when they were astonished at his being clothed. He gave
them to understand what had happened, and they ran to receive him. One
of these was a well-made youth, and very handsome. He was supposed to
be the chief’s son, for he was the only one he embraced, and the
two together showed an expression of sentiment at which the others
helped.


These and other strange doings having been finished, in the order of
drilled soldiers, all carrying the chief in their midst, they marched
slowly to their canoes, and some of our men, who were looking on and
noting all this, went with them. The natives, who were now contented,
gave [204]them water to drink, and some fish they had
brought to eat. The chief, who had left his garland of plumes and
tresses on shore, gave it into the hands of the sergeant, to be given
to the Captain who had released and clothed him. This was the final act
of a man who knew and was grateful, though himself unknown, causing
confusion to some of the company who received much greater benefits,
and gave a bad return. The natives then departed, and our people, to
give them joy, fired their arquebuses into the air, and returned on
board.


To this island the name of the “Conversion of St. Paul”
was given. It is in latitude 18°, distant from Lima 1,180
leagues.5 Its circumference is 40 leagues, and in the centre
there is a large shallow lake. The people are corpulent, and of very
good shape and colour. Their hair is fine and loose, and they have
their parts covered. Their arms are thick and heavy lances of
palm-wood, about 30 palmos long, and clubs of the same wood. The
anchorage, where the launch found bottom, is on the east side near the
palm grove above referred to, near which is the village on the shores
of the lake.


As soon as the people had come on board, it seemed desirable to the
Captain that the ships should lie-to that night, in order to go next
day to where the natives were. The Chief Pilot said that as it was well
to windward, and not to waste the water, it would be better to stand
on, as we did, with the wind E. to N.E. Next day another island was
sighted to the N.E., and named “Decena.”6 We could
not go either to it or to other islands that were sighted later. The
first was named “Sagitaria,”7 the second
[205]“Fugitiva.”8 Afterwards,
in latitude 14°, the pilots were asked for their positions, who
gave them, some much more, others much less.








1 This
island is Anaa, or Chain Island, about 200 miles east of Tahiti, in the
same latitude. It was named “Conversion de San
Pablo” by Quiros. No name is given by Torres or in
Torquemada. Burney confused “Sagittaria” a small
atoll seen after leaving “Conversion de San Pablo”
with that island. Whenever he mentions “Sagittaria”
it should be “Conversion de San Pablo.” Burney says
that the “Sagittaria” of Quiros is generally
believed to be Tahiti (vol. ii, p. 277 n.). It was Captain
Wallis, the discoverer of Tahiti in 1767, who first thought that he had
identified that beautiful island with the
“Sagittaria” of Quiros: because the latitude is
about the same, and because a low isthmus is described. But Tahiti has
several good anchorages; the island of Quiros has none. Tahiti is very
lofty; the island of Quiros is flat. Tahiti has abundant supplies of
water; the island described by Quiros has none. Moreover, Quiros says
that his first inhabited island has a large shallow lake in its centre.
The Pilot Leza describes it as a ring of land encircling part of the
sea. Sir William Wharton, who identifies the island with Anaa, or Chain
Island, has pointed out that the passages describing the landing,
especially the one in Torquemada, are excellent accounts of the
difficulty of landing on the foreshore of a low reef island; but
Tahiti, though there is a barrier reef round it, has a smooth lagoon
within, with easy landing, and there are numerous openings in the reef.
The description of the march across what has been supposed to be an
isthmus, answers to the low land of an atoll, the water on the other
side being the lagoon.


The only low island near Tahiti is Tetaroa, which
is 20 miles from it. But another low island was not seen by Quiros,
after leaving “Conversion de San Pablo,” until the
second day. Starting from Tahiti, there is no such island; but, sailing
from Anaa and steering W.N.W. before the trade wind, there are such low
islands as are mentioned.


These considerations make it quite certain that
Quiros never sighted Tahiti, as Burney supposes.


2 Luis de
Belmonte Bermudez, the Secretary to Quiros and probable author of the
narrative.


3 It
should be Sojo.


4 Dr.
Bolton G. Corney found at Seville the journal of the frigate
Aquila, which was sent by the Viceroy of Peru on a voyage to
Tahiti, under the command of Don Tomas Gayangos in 1774. In
reconnoitring the island of Anaa, on November 2nd, 1774, a
well-proportioned cross was seen, set up on a sandy beach, on the
skirts of a wood. The Spaniards of 1774 named the island “Todos
Santos.”


5 The S.E.
end, 18° 30′ S. (Torres); N.W. point, 17°
40′ S. (Torquemada). Burney calculates the longitude
147° 7′ W.


6 Niau, or
Greig Island, of the chart. Torres calls it “Santa
Polonia.”


7 Makatea,
or Aurora Island, of the chart.


8
Matahiva, or Lazareff Island, of the chart. The present editor may be
excused for referring to Lazareff as the first coral island he ever
saw. He was a naval cadet on board H.M.S. Collingwood when, at
seven bells in the forenoon of Friday, August 8th, 1845, she sighted
the island. There was a border of white sand between the blue sea and
the dense cocoa-nut grove. He went to the main-topmast head for a view
of the interior lagoon over the cocoa-nut trees. At that very time he
was reading Burney’s account of the voyage of Quiros.






[Contents]



Chapter X.




Relates how the Captain received reports that there
was a plot to seize the ship, and of the discourses he made and
precautions he took in consequence.








The Captain already had seen that the Chief Pilot
altered the course, and it was intimated he wanted to mutiny with the
crew, and that if there was two days’ delay there would be no
remedy. One man there was who said that, with this object, it was
determined to stab the Captain and throw the body overboard. This and
other things were told to the Captain, which he did not believe, except
some things that came to him through base rumours, and that which he
himself saw, that appeared bad. He considered that a mutiny can only
begin between two or three, and that to corrupt the rest there must be
sounding of people, friendships, and much intercourse, and that such
things must be seen. It was observed that the Chief Pilot showed little
zeal in seeking for what was needed; that he wasted the water and
provisions among his particular friends, and others whose friendship he
obtained in that way, and who might well be innocent; that he showed
favour to all. The noise they made together in the ship, the quarrels
with the [206]officers, the consultations continually held by
day and night, were suspicious.


One day the Captain said to the whole crew that the Royal Majesty
despatched those ships at great expense, to see whether there was in
this unknown part of the earth the land which was supposed to exist.
With this object all might be quite sure that they would have to search
for it, ploughing all the ocean with long turns until it was found,
even if it cost all their lives. To the Chief Pilot he said that he
should know his duties, saying much respecting them. But this did not
lead him into better courses, and he sent to say that he wanted leave
to go on board the Almiranta with the Father Commissary. To this
the Captain answered that he might go presently; but he did not go, nor
did he refer to the matter again. There was not wanting one who said
that these invitations were misunderstood by the Captain, and added
that discoveries always cost the finders dear, and that the Captain
could not put down the discontents nor satisfy the others. For all
this, patience and vigilance were two very necessary things.


The Captain, seeing the low latitude they had reached without having
found the mother of those islands we had left behind, hearing the Chief
Pilot shout to the Captain of the launch that winter was near, and
other things that it was not well for the men to hear; that others said
that if the course had been S.S.W. the coast of the land of which we
were in search followed the same course; that now we should never reach
it, but should be engulfed by contrary winds, where it would be
impossible to live, and that in the end all would perish; that these
sayings were witnesses of the little love some had for the service, and
of the great love they had for themselves; and that they were far from
having the valorous minds which ought to animate the searchers for
unknown lands, to uphold the original motives and perform heroic deeds,
or at least make them merit a [207]good name—owing to
these shortcomings and many others, he said in public that they should
know how to value and enjoy having been chosen to the lot of searching
for and discovering the fourth part of the globe which is yet unknown,
and not show themselves ready to turn back and be tired without
occasion. And mark! what services are there without requiring that men
should be ready to suffer all the blows that may come? I ordered that
the course should be N.W. as far as latitude 10° 40′, so as
to reach the east of the Island of San Bernardo, which in the other
voyage I helped to discover, although we did not then arrive at it.






[Contents]



Chapter XI.




Relates how we came in sight of the Island of San
Bernardo, and what happened there.








We continued to navigate on the same course until the
19th of February. On that day we altered course to west, and on the
21st the Pilot of the Almiranta, Juan Bernardo de
Fuentidueña, said that on that very day we should see—as
we did see—the island we sought. We lay to under little sail for
the night. Next day we proceeded towards the island, the launch next
ahead, and anchored close to the land, and thence the crew shouted to
the other ships, which were coming up to anchor, that there was no port
for them.


The Captain then lowered the two boats, and sent an officer with the
boat’s crews to search for water, for the scarcity of it forced
them to be on an allowance of a cuartillo a day. They went on
shore, searched for water, but could find none, and returned on
board.


This island of San Bernardo is uninhabited, divided [208]into
four or five hummocks, and all the rest submerged. Its circumference
appeared to be 10 leagues. It is in latitude 10° 40′. The
anchorage is on the north side, and only available for small vessels.
Its distance from the city of the Kings was calculated to be 1,400
leagues. An old canoe, lying on her side, was found on the island.


There was a great number of fish inshore, and, owing to the water
being very shallow, they were killed with swords and poles. There were
great numbers of lobster and craw-fish, and other kinds of marine
animals. They found a great quantity of cocoa-nuts in a heap at the
foot of the palm trees, many large, and of different sizes. There were
a great quantity of sea birds of several kinds, and so importunate that
they seemed to want to attack the men. We took plenty of all these
things.


It seemed to the Captain that on an island where there are so many
trees there could not fail to be water. He wished to wait during that
night, so that on the following day they might return and make a more
thorough search for water, and at least they could get more fish. The
Chief Pilot said that the people were tired, and made other excuses and
said things, making them all legitimate daughters of our
necessities.


The Captain, finding himself very ill and overwhelmed by cares of
many kinds, and that there were some who, like moths, were eating
against the enterprise, and causing much discontent, and that they kept
in memory the great abundance of the court, the cold snows, the fresh
fruit, and other memories which cooled their wills and changed them in
other ways, and that up to the present time we had not found an island
with a port, nor water, and that it was not right to risk the little we
had in a business that was so important, the weather being doubtful and
the point in the direction of which we should find land uncertain: for
these and other reasons, which I leave out, it was decided that
[209]the best course would be to seek the island of
Santa Cruz, which was known to possess a port and water, and other
things necessary for the provisioning of a ship, intending to begin to
make discoveries from there, as if we were starting from Lima. In
prosecution of this decision we steered west.


That night there was a great disturbance on board the
Capitana. At the noise the Captain came out, and found some
tackling each other, others going to arm themselves, and the Chief
Pilot with a drawn sword, with which he had wounded a man. It was taken
out of his hands, without understanding who was the culprit or who was
the author of the disturbance. That which the Captain felt he kept to
himself, confessing that he was so weak that he was unable to say in a
loud voice a third word.






[Contents]



Chapter XII.




How they sighted the second inhabited island, and what
happened there.








With the wind in the east, they continued on a western
course until the 1st of March. That night, the launch being ahead, she
fired off a small piece, and a man shouted, “Land ahead!”
Presently we saw it, and a fire burning, at the sight of which there
was great content. When it became broad daylight we saw an island, and
steered towards it. When we came near, two canoes came out to
reconnoitre, but the people in them, though we called, would not wait.
The launch anchored very near the land, and presently a fleet of ten
small canoes, rowing fast and as if racing, came out towards the
Capitana. Having arrived, we saw on board them some tall men,
well made and handsome, and of a good colour. They all came
[210]singing to the sound of their paddles, one of
them leading, to whom the rest replied; and by signs they told us to
call to the Almiranta, that by rounding a certain point he would
follow the way outside; showing that it gave them sorrow to see that,
and that they remained joyful now that they saw her return. They also
gave us to understand, pointing with their fingers, that we should go
to their port. What their object was they knew. Many stood upright, and
with arms and hands, legs and feet, and with their paddles, they made
sounds with great dexterity, dances, and gestures. Their chief theme
was music, and to show themselves joyful and merry before our ships.
But in spite of our importunities, they never would come on board, nor
eat of anything we gave them, which they received on the points of
their lances and showed to all the others; and what fell into the sea
they dexterously recovered, by diving for it.


Five natives came in a canoe, the middle one vigorously bailing the
water out of the vessel. His red hair came down to the waist. He was
white as regards colour, beautifully shaped, the face aquiline and
handsome, rather freckled and rosy, the eyes black and gracious, the
forehead and eyebrows good, the nose, mouth, and lips well
proportioned, with the teeth well ordered and white. In fine, he was
sweet in his laughter and smiles, and his whole appearance was
cheerful. Being rich in so many parts and graces, he would be judged to
be very beautiful for a girl; but he was actually a youth of about
thirteen years. This was he who at first sight stole away the hearts of
all on board the ship; he was most looked at and called to, and he to
whom all offered their gifts, and to whom the Captain, with great
persuasion, desired to present a dress of silk, which he accepted, and
put on with much grace. It was pain to the Captain that the youth could
not be kept, to take as a proof of the greatness of God in those parts.
[211]


Many natives came to the launch, and, having fastened a cord to the
bowsprit, they tried to drag her on to the beach. Others, diving into
the water, fastened ropes to the cable and dragged for the anchor.
Others took up positions to conceal their tricks. The Captain of the
launch, seeing their diligence and how quickly they went to work, fired
off arquebuses to frighten them. But they, ignorant of the effects,
showed no fear at all, even seizing hold of naked swords with their
hands, until some were hurt, when there was a disturbance and talk
among themselves, and they rowed away in their canoes at a great rate.
At this time a very audacious old man came in one of their canoes to
the Capitana, with a very long and thick lance of palm wood,
well balanced; and he had on a sort of cloak or hood made of a leaf
dyed crimson, and a hat they had given him from the launch. He was a
tall, robust man, and very supple, and showed himself to be arrogant.
Wounded in feet and legs, they trembled violently. He made fierce faces
with his eyes and mouth. In a very loud voice he seemed to order us to
surrender. With his lance, brandishing it menacingly, he made as many
thrusts as he could. With the intention of making him quiet, two
muskets were fired off. The others cried out and threw up their arms,
but he made light of it. With great pride he showed more signs of his
anger; and, finding he could do nothing, he quickly passed both ships
and went to where the launch was, following all the other canoes.


At this time both the ships anchored, there being a land breeze, and
all the natives went on shore, and showed themselves ready for war. In
a short time the wind was abeam, and though light, it swung the ships
so as to bring them too near the shore, and they were in great danger.
The Captain ordered the cables to be slipped and sail to be made in
great haste, sending the boats to recover the anchors and cables. The
natives, it seemed, either for love or sorrow, on seeing [212]how
quickly we departed without carrying out our good or evil intentions,
not understanding the reasons any more than we understood theirs, many
of them came swimming and taking hold of the oars of one
of the boats, trying with all their force to take them from those who
were rowing. Such was the courage and audacity of the old man with the
cloak that, only with a stick, he attacked an Ensign standing on the
forecastle, who received the blow on his shield. He did not like to
return it, because it was the Captain’s order that no harm was to
be done to the natives either in person or property. But I suspect,
according to what happened afterwards, that there was less care about
this order than appeared.


The launch and boats collected where the ships had been. The Captain
sent for the Admiral, and told him that he had determined to send an
armed party on shore next day with the boats, and the launch as an
escort. The party, by good management, was to bring on board at least
four boys, one of them being the youth who has already been described,
and the others to be like him. It is to be noted that, the ships and
crews being placed in such manifest danger in so small an island, this
method or some other is necessary to get the wood and water of which we
are in want, and which should be sought for to the S. and S.W. These
instructions were repeated several times, and a strong desire was
expressed that the Admiral himself should be the leader of the
party.


We stood off and on during the night, very desirous that it should
come to an end, and when the day dawned the Admiral started with the
landing party. At the first place the landing was opposed by the
natives, and he was obliged to go further on. Here all the men jumped
into the sea, the waves dashing against them and rolling them over, and
they reached the shore after much buffeting and in great danger. One
boat was capsized, leaving the four rowers [213]underneath. Another wave righted her again, and
the men were saved. They were not sailors, so that the loss caused by
them was serious, in jars and other things for getting water and fuel,
and in a certain number of arquebuses.


On the beach there were a great number of natives, ranged in order
and armed; and all with one voice gave a pabori, which I
understand to be a kind of intoned shout or war cry, and they closed
with a noise very brief but terrible. They came against us, and it was
necessary to attack them with vigour owing to their being so close; and
the arquebuses, which are a terror to those who do not know them but
see their effects, terrified them, and they fled, carrying, as they had
brought, the king or chief in a litter on their shoulders, holding palm
leaves to shade him. Two or three were left behind, and set fire to the
dry grass at intervals. We understood that this was either a signal of
peace, or an imitation of the fire from our muskets.


The fugitives all fled to a village under a grove of palm trees,
near a lake which the island has in the middle. Most of them went in
canoes to the other side.


The Admiral formed his corps de garde, and a boy came to
them, as they said, so beautiful and with such golden hair, that to see
him was the same as to see a painted angel. With crossed hands he
offered them his person, either as a prisoner or to do what they liked
with him. The Admiral, seeing him so humble and so handsome, embraced
him and dressed him in breeches and shirt of silk, which the Captain
had given out of the store for barter, supplied with this object by His
Majesty. The boy, to show his pleasure, climbed up some very tall palm
trees with agility, and threw down cocoa-nuts for us, asking if we
wanted more. Many other natives, seeing that he was well treated, came
down and arrived where our people were. The Admiral, without moving,
called that, the better to secure them, the capture would be much
easier when they were close together. [214]But Satan, who does
not sleep at such important junctures, contrived that an
ill-conditioned recruit should enter one of their houses. The owner
opposed his entrance. Another of our men came up; but the native used
his club so well that he would have killed one if others had not come,
for he was lying senseless on the ground, while his companion ran away.
The native faced our people, and an ensign named Gallardo, who came up
first, fired a shot at him. When he felt that he was wounded and saw
the blood, he rushed upon Gallardo with great courage, who, to stop
him, ran him through with his sword. He fell dead on the ground who, as
a valiant defender of his house, did not deserve such a fate. Owing to
this death, and to others which followed, the Admiral lost the
opportunity he had desired and planned. And now, to follow the plan and
what depended upon it, he set forward to wrestle with fortune. When the
natives saw what had happened, they fled like the rest, and so our
people remained with all their trouble in vain; for so great a
misfortune suffices and exceeds what is wanted. One of our men said of
the dead that it was of little importance that we should have sent them
to the Devil to-day, as they would have to go to-morrow—a
sentiment very far from all reason, and especially when they had the
Faith of Christ at the doors of their souls.


The soldiers, divided into squadrons, marched into the interior. On
the path taken by Gallardo and some friends a noise was heard, and the
branches were seen to move. They all got ready their arms, and Gallardo
cocked his piece and pointed it, moving to see what it was. Coming
near, there rose up some children in haste and fear—two boys and
three girls, all pretty creatures, the oldest about ten years—and
with them a lady, graceful and sprightly, with neck, bosom, and waist
well formed, hair very red, long and loose. She was extremely beautiful
and pleasant to look upon, in colour very white; and, being so pretty,
it [215]was a great surprise to our people, more than to
her; for, with quick steps and smiling face, she came forward to
receive Gallardo, who gave her his new cloak, which he carried doubled
under his left arm; and presently, with great love, both arms extended,
she embraced him, and gave, according to their custom, the kiss of
peace on the cheek. The finding of this nest did not fail to be useful
to our people, as they told me afterwards, for the lady did not prove
to be prudish in going with them; so that—and I say
this—they left behind them a rich capture, which I shall always
feel to be the great loss of six souls.


Passing onwards, they saw behind some bushes an old man concealed,
who could scarcely open his eyes. Gallardo, seeing that he was so
afflicted, gave him a hand, and was surprised that he could grasp with
such strength, and that there should be such vigour in one who seemed
so weak.


Having seen what he could of the island, the Admiral went back to
the boats with his party, where he found the surf as furious as when he
landed. To such an extreme did they come on the sight of it, that many
wanted to remain on the island, where the sea urchins on the beach hurt
their feet. They embarked with difficulty and danger, and returned to
the ships. The Admiral excused himself from having an interview with
the Captain, whose regret need not be mentioned, owing to his annoyance
at the mismanagement.


In the houses of the natives a great quantity of soft and very fine
mats were found, and others larger and coarser; also tresses of very
golden hair, and delicate and finely woven bands, some black, others
red and grey; fine cords, strong and soft, which seemed of better flax
than ours, and many mother-o’-pearl shells, one as large as an
ordinary plate. Of these and other smaller shells they make, as was
seen and collected here, knives, saws, chisels, punches, gouges,
gimlets, and fish-hooks. Needles to sew their [216]clothes and sails are made of the bones of some
animal, also the adzes with which they dress timber. They found many
dried oysters strung together, and in some for eating there were small
pearls. Certain white hairs were seen, which appeared to be those of an
animal.


This island is very flat, and about 6 leagues long. In one part,
which is nearly submerged, is the water which the natives drink, which
seems to me to be only rain-water detained in the sand on its passage
to the sea. In this same part there are some collections of huts. The
land is divided among many owners, and is planted with certain roots,
which must form their bread. All the rest is a large and thick palm
grove, which is the chief sustenance of the natives. Of the wood and
leaves they build and roof their houses, which are of four
vertientes,1 curiously and cleanly worked,
each with a roof, open behind, and all the floors covered and lined
with mats, also made of palms; and of the more tender shoots they weave
fine cloths, with which the men cover their loins, and the women their
whole bodies.


Of these palms the natives also make their canoes, and some very
large vessels, twenty yards in length and two wide, more or less, in
which they navigate for great distances. They hold about fifty persons.
Their build is strange, there being two concave boats about a fathom
apart, with many battens and cords firmly securing them together. Of
these palms they make masts, and all their rigging, sails, rudders,
oars, paddles, utensils for baling, their lances and clubs. On these
palms grow the cocoa-nuts, which serve them for food and drink, grease
for their wounds, and cups to hold their water. It may almost be said
that these trees sustain the good people who are here, and will remain
in the wilderness until God takes pity on them. [217]


This island was calculated to be 1,600 leagues from Lima, in
latitude 10° 20′. The port where the vessels were anchored is
on the north side, very near the land, and in front of the village. It
appeared well to the Captain that it should receive the name of
“Peregrina.”2








1 The
sloping sides of a roof.


2 Torres
called it “Matanza.” In Torquemada the name
“Gente Hermoso” is given. The Memorial (1609) gives
“Peregrino.”






[Contents]



Chapter XIII.




What happened after leaving this island.








In latitude 10° 20′ we continued our course
to the westward, making for the Island of Santa Cruz, having met with
fine weather, some mists, and some changes of wind from W. to N.W.
until the 21st of March. This day being the equinox, the needles were
observed at sunrise and sunset, and it was found that the variation was
N. by E. ½ E.


In the night of the following day, being Holy Thursday, processions
were made in all three vessels, with much burning of wax and
discipline. All night the altars were standing, and men on their knees
put up continual prayer.


On the same night there was a great and total eclipse of the sun. It
seemed to begin at eight o’clock at night, and lasted two hours
and a-half.


Now that so many days had passed without reaching the Island of
Santa Cruz, where there was the hope of anchoring in the Bay of
Graciosa, and of quenching the terrible thirst they felt in the
water-springs, and because the execution of this desire was so long
delayed, the Captain, it was said, should make amends. Some of them
said that he merited exemplary punishment for having, solely for his
own profit and [218]advantage, taken them all to die in these great
gulfs of the ocean; that the supposed land was a dream; and that he had
deceived the Pope and the King with his stories. According to what
afterwards became known, worse things were said of him than if he had
been a Turk. The Captain replied to all this that it was not a new
thing to him, for in other voyages he had sailed with men who were
easily wearied. What such men wanted was good health, plenty to eat and
drink, little work, many complaints, much grumbling together, and as
little love as possible for the voyage, with much fear of the weather.
It was not to be desired that vile mothers should bring forth such
harmful and ugly monsters. Often it is found that officers do what they
like rather than what they are ordered to do. Some sell the stores in
their charge, others give them away to secure silence or to make
friends, in fear of enemies; and for many other objects all deceive
more or less. As the interested persons are witnesses of these truths,
they keep the secret well. So many are culpable in these or other ways,
that they force him who governs to make a faithful man of a thief, for
in any other way there would be internecine war.






[Contents]



Chapter XIV.




The assembly of Pilots; what happened at it, and the
arrest of the Chief Pilot.








On the 25th of March, being Easter eve, the Chief
Pilot said in public that he found the distance from Callao to be 2,220
leagues, and that he said so for what might happen in consequence. For
this reason, and because there was uneasiness and difference of opinion
respecting the voyage among some, the Captain ordered a flag to be
hoisted on the maintopmast, the signal for counsel; in order that the
[219]people, who were little satisfied with what they
heard the Chief Pilot say, might be appeased and quieted. The two other
vessels closed, and the Admiral, Luis Vaez Torres, Juan Bernardo de
Fuentidueña, and from the launch the Captain of her, Pedro
Bernal Cermeño, all three being pilots, came in their boats to
the Capitana. Being together, with the Chief Pilot and his
assistant, Gaspar Gonzalez, the former, without any apparent cause,
went up into the deck-house in a great state of agitation, a thing
which appeared to everyone very strange and very bad. The Captain
called him down, and, when he had come, the meeting was thus
addressed:—


“This meeting is convoked in order that each one may state in
public the number of leagues he believes we are from the port of
Callao, also the reason why we have not yet come to the island of Santa
Cruz, having navigated in order to reach it, and on the same parallel.
Take notice that it is large and not low, and that near it there is a
volcano so high that it may be seen at a distance of 40 leagues; also
that the distance of Santa Cruz from Lima is 1,850 leagues.” When
the Captain had said this, the Pilots showed their charts and notes. As
they were only by dead reckoning, there were great differences,
especially in the reckoning of the Chief Pilot, which was 2,300 more or
less, and in that of Captain Bernal. The Admiral said that he made it
2,000 leagues, and that there may be currents which detained the ships,
or that he may have over-rated his distances, or that Santa Cruz may be
further from Lima than is shown in the charts; and other explanations
which at present they could not make out. If we sailed on the same
parallel to the year’s end without seeing the sought-for island,
it would be understood that we had not passed by it. The Pilot, Juan
Bernardo de Fuentidueña, was of the same opinion; his position
and that of his assistant not being so far in advance as the others.
[220]


The Chief Pilot wishing, for reasons he gave, to make it believed
that his position was the right one, asked the Captain to look to the
north, where he would see very large and swollen waves, a certain sign
that we were much further to the east than was supposed. The Chief
Pilot also said that we had been sailing for ninety-four days. The
Captain replied that in the former voyage the island of Santa Cruz was
sighted after sixty-nine days, and though it was true that we had now
been sailing for a long time, there were many nights when the swell was
against the ship’s progress, and that on many others they had
been under very small sail; that there had been detentions of days at
the various islands in seeking for ports, and that during nearly all
the month of May, in which we were, there had been calms or light
winds, while there had not been wanting in other periods of the voyage
calm weather or changes of wind, or other causes for waste of time,
which reduced the real number of days’ runs to sixty-four, and
that for sixty-nine there wanted five still, to equalise the two
voyages. He himself had taken the sun in the island of Santa Cruz, and
he was certain that the latitude was 10° 20′, and that we
neither were behind nor in advance.


Presently the Chief Pilot showed on his chart the track he had drawn
upon it from Callao to 26°, which the ships reached, the course
being nearly W.S.W. It seemed that this was his chief mistake, for he
multiplied degrees on the W.S.W. course, which is the direction in
which he had to navigate, and he laid down the route by the course,
which is the same as by it and by the latitude; when it should have
been, for more accuracy, by the estimated leagues and the known
latitude. He did not calculate for errors in determining distances in a
route from east to west, and their two quarters, caused by the
variation of the needle, more or less leeway, winds and sails and other
things to be considered, and necessary calculations so as to be
[221]able to mark on the chart the position nearest
the truth. This was not the navigation that the Chief Pilot had been
accustomed to make. His experience was from Acapulco or Panama to
Callao, along the coast, and when out of sight of land, it is a short
distance off, and even if it is great, the land is extensive and well
known that he had to seek, which, if not seen on one day, will be on
the next; and if he does not make a landfall where he intended, he can
do so where the coast is known, and find the port he seeks.


Having made a calculation of all that has been said, and laid down
what was afterwards found when we came to the port of Acapulco, it was
established that there was an error of 600 leagues, as can be proved
when necessary. The Captain gave these and other reasons to all, and
some to the Chief Pilot, who became agitated, and again went up into
his deck-house. Thence he declared that he came to serve the King, and
not for pay, and that he had worked hard in fitting out the ships and
at other duties. To all this the Captain replied that all present were
aware that, without knowing him, nor owing him anything, nor wanting
him, but only to do him good he had been taken, but the Captain had
seen that, by his inefficiency, it became impossible that he could be
any use. Finally, the Chief Pilot showed himself to be ungrateful. The
Captain said to him that it was enough to know that it was incredible
how much he had said, and that it was not to be hoped from his mind
that his work would be well to the point. In fine, in the ship it was
said that there was one who did not wish that lands should be
discovered, nor that anything should be found; and the Captain, seeing
the state of affairs, and the obligation to all, said to the Admiral
that he was to take away the Chief Pilot as a prisoner. Presently it
was reported to the Captain that the ship was in a state of mutiny,
owing to what he had said in public. “Is there one that objects,
it being for the [222]royal service, that I turn the Chief Pilot
out of the ship?” One who spoke in his favour was ordered to hold
his tongue, being told that the day before he had said just the
contrary.


With the departure of the Chief Pilot all his friends were much
distressed; but the ship was without those licences and disturbances
which had been going on until now.


The Captain said to Pedro Bernal Cermeño that he wished him
to remain and assume the office of Chief Pilot, and he went to fetch
his clothes from the launch. But his people showed themselves so
discontented at his going that, his exhortations not sufficing, he was
forced to threaten them. Thus he apparently quieted them, and there
remained as Chief Pilot Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, an honest man and good
pilot.


The Captain caused a block to be placed at the yard-arm, and from
that time forward he lived with a caution necessary among such
villains. He said: “For what evil deeds that I have done do I go
sold in this ship, where are some to whom I have done such good deeds,
and desire to do more? The great mistake was not to have thought of
bringing irons, fetters, and chains from Lima, intending to oblige by
faithful treatment and to bring out the good.” While the Captain
was still in Madrid, he went to see a Friar, Andrés de San
Vincente, a Dominican; and he said that, navigating with the Chief
Pilot of Ternate to Malacca, the ship he was in was lost; on account of
which, and the fault that the passenger caused, and the exigency in
which they placed him, he said: “Oh, Captain Quiros, this is your
fault, because you did not chastise me for the occasion I gave you,
your piety not allowing you.”


There were not wanting in the ship those who were tired of her, and
they asked the Captain to let them play a little, and that the winnings
should be given for the souls in purgatory. [223]But
the Captain said to them many times that they would not risk to go on
with such new and good work if there was playing and swearing. As for
the alms offered from the results of betting, he would not want to take
a soul out of purgatory, and set it on the road to Heaven, if it left
his and the souls of others in hell; and it would be much better to
give, without playing, that which would be given by playing. For
passing the time there are very good books, and one who would teach to
read, write, and count to those who do not know how; also a
master-at-arms, black swords,1 practised soldiers to teach
recruits, and one who would teach them the art of fortification and
artillery, the spheres and navigation; and that these pursuits were
better than to play for money.








1 Probably
wooden swords for teaching the drill.






[Contents]



Chapter XV.




Relates how they came in sight of the third inhabited
island, and what happened there.








Still with a westerly course we proceeded, with much
anxiety arising from the confusion in determining the distance of our
ships from the port of Lima, and still more owing to the allowance
being so short that neither our thirst was quenched nor our hunger
satisfied. At last God sent us a good shower of rain, and plenty of
water was collected. The people derived much consolation from this
provision of Heaven, and at seeing soon after many snakes, fish found
in shallow water, turtles, wild fruit, cocoa-nuts, trunks of trees,
land birds, currants, and other signs of the approach of land. We
therefore navigated at night under small sail, keeping a good look-out,
the lanterns lighted, with the launch ahead, having orders to signal
[224]with lights if there were rocks or land. So we
continued until the 7th of April. On that day, at three in the
afternoon, a man at the mast-head of the Capitana cried out:
“I see land to the N.W., high and black.” The voice sounded
well to all; the sails were trimmed, and the bows turned to the land.
We lay-to that night, and in the morning we found ourselves on a bank,
where the least depth was 12 fathoms. There was a great excitement over
this, which lasted during the two hours that it took to cross over the
shoal, always sounding, and with the anchors ready and look-out men at
the mast-heads to report what they saw.


We arrived near the island, and saw some smoke rising on the north
side, which doubled our delight and gave us hopes of getting water,
which chiefly engaged our thoughts. Night closed in, and next day the
Captain ordered the Admiral, with the launch and a boat, to go and
reconnoitre the island, while the ships, at the position where they
were, found a port, where they anchored with incredible joy. The
Admiral returned in the afternoon, very well satisfied with the
appearance of the land, and it was settled that the next day we should
seek a better port, fuel, and water.


It was scarcely dawn when the Admiral left the ships with an armed
party in the launch and boats, and at a distance of 2 leagues found a
village on a small reef. The natives, in great haste, took their women
and children inland, and all that they could carry away, while 150 of
them took their arms. One came forward shouting—it was not
understood for what purpose,—a musket was fired off merely to
astonish them, and when they heard it they all dived into the water
except the first native. This man came near us, and by signs told us
not to fire, and that he would make his people put down their bows and
arrows; so this was done on both sides. He came to the boats, and gave
his hand to the Admiral in token of friendship, giving [225]him
to understand, by pointing to his head, that he was the lord of the
land, and that he was called Tumai, and by another
name—Jalique.


Presently another native came and looked at us with astonishment,
and we looked at him with no less care: owing to his colour being so
white, and so brown as regards beard and hair, that our people called
him “the Fleming.” His name was Olan.


The Admiral asked Tumai to order the natives not to shoot their
arrows, and to go away from there, that his men might land. At one word
from Tumai they all went away to the island, and he alone remained.
Then our people landed peacefully, before anything else forming a
corps de garde in one of the houses, placing sentinels in
appropriate places, and the rest lodged in the village.


By signs Tumai showed the Admiral his houses, and asked him not to
set them or the others on fire. He further said that he would assist
and give what his island contained. The Admiral showed him great
friendship; and, the better to impress him with it, he dressed him in
shot silk,1 which he seemed to value highly. Presently a boat
was sent to report to the Captain all that had taken place, and that
there was a very good watering-place near the village. The ships should
shift their berths to a port much nearer, and the launch anchored still
nearer the village, between the land and a rock.


When the ships were anchored, all the friars landed and went to the
village; and at the request of the Captain they performed the First
Mass of Our Lady of Loreto, with a commemoration of St. Peter. The
natives, while they were saying Mass, were present, very attentive on
their knees, beating their breasts, and doing everything they saw the
Christians do. It is certainly a great pity, when one comes
[226]to think of it, with what facility all the
people of those parts would receive the Faith if there was any one to
teach them; and yet what a great perdition there is of such a vast
number of souls as are condemned here! God will be best served if the
time is made to come very quickly that will bring the blessing of
blessings, of which these people are so ignorant, of others so
desired.


Next day, at the request of Tumai, the Admiral sent him to the ship
with a soldier, that he might tell the Captain that the Chief had come
to see him, and who he was. The Captain received him with a cheerful
countenance, and embraced him, and Tumai gave him the kiss of peace on
his cheek. They were seated in the gallery, and the table was got ready
that he might eat. But he declined to eat anything, though he was
pressed to do so.


The Commissary was present; and that Tumai might understand that he
was a person to be respected, the Captain kissed his hand, and told
Tumai that he should do the same, which he did.


The Captain asked Tumai whether he had seen ships or people like us.
He gave it to be understood that he had not, but that he had received
reports about them. He was asked about the volcano that had been seen
in the former voyage, and he said, by signs with fire, that it was five
days’ voyage to the west, and that in his language it was called
“Mami,” and that there the Island of Santa Cruz was near
and in sight, the native name of which was “Indeni.” The
Captain also told him of the death inflicted upon the Chief Malope
during the other voyage, and of the head which the Adelantado
Mendaña sent as payment, as may be read in the account of the
voyage.2 It was understood that this was the reason why he
and all his people showed themselves to be so alarmed when they saw
arquebuses, and explained their knowledge of ships and people like us.
[227]


The Captain further asked Tumai whether he knew of other lands far
or near, inhabited or uninhabited. For this he pointed to his island,
then to the sea, then to various points of the horizon; and having
explained by these signs, he began counting on his fingers as many as
sixty islands, and a very large land, which he called
“Manicolo.” The Captain wrote down the names, having the
compass before him, for noting the bearing of each island from the one
where they were, called “Taumaco,” to S.W., S.S.W., and
N.W. To explain which were small islands, Tumai made small circles, and
for larger ones larger circles; while for the large land he opened both
his arms and hands without making them meet. To explain which were the
distant islands, and which were nearer, he pointed to the sun, then
rested his head on his hand, shut his eyes, and with his fingers
counted the number of nights one had to sleep on the voyage. In a
similar way he explained which people were white, black, or mulattos;
which were mixed, which friendly, which hostile. He gave it to be
understood that in one island they ate human flesh, by biting his arm,
and indicated that he did not like such people. In this way and in
others it appeared that what he said was understood. He repeated it
many times until he was tired, and, pointing towards the S.W., W., and
other parts, he gave it to be well understood how many more lands there
were. He then showed a desire to return to his house, and the Captain,
the more to please him, gave him things brought for barter, and he
departed after embraces and other tokens of love.


Next day the Captain went to the village where our people were, and
in order to corroborate what Tumai had said, he assembled the natives
on the beach. Holding a paper in his hand, with the compass before him,
he began asking them all once and many times respecting the lands to
which Tumai had given names, and all agreed. They gave tidings of other
inhabited islands, and also of that [228]great land. Other
persons, on that day and at other times, put the same questions to the
natives, and always with the same result, so that it appeared that
these people were truthful. They were much astonished at seeing one
reading a paper, and, taking it in their hands, they looked at it in
front and behind.


One day the natives were seen eating certain pieces of meat, and
they were asked cautiously what it was. That they might be understood,
they showed a piece of raw hide with the hair on, and one put his hands
on his head, intending it to be understood, with other very
intelligible signs, that in those great lands there were cows and
buffalo; and when they were shown pearls on the button of a rosary,
they said they had them.


They liked much to see us place our guard. They showed themselves
well contented at the way they were treated. All they gave was eaten
without scruple, and all they were given was taken with good will. They
established great friendship with each of our people that they took a
fancy to, exchanging names, calling them comrades, and treating them as
if their acquaintance had been of long standing. It came to such a
point that some of our people went alone to their villages without
causing any offence, or any of our things being missed, such as our
clothes left in the streams where they were being washed, or pots and
copper kettles.


An agreement was made with Tumai about wood and water for the ships,
all which he sent with great good will—as much as we
needed—by natives in canoes. Some concealed themselves, others
went on board and asked for bells, which they esteemed very much, and
other things that were given them, with which they returned
contented.


Tumai was lord of this and other islands. His age was fifty; a man
with a good body and face, handsome eyes, well-formed nose, colour
rather brown, beard and hair [229]turning grey. He was grave and
sedate, prudent and wise in what he did, and what he promised he
performed. Once he wanted to go to a village, to see two women he had
there. He asked leave, and left one of his sons as a hostage.








1
“Tafetan tornasol.”


2 See pp.
81 and 85.






[Contents]



Chapter XVI.




Gives an account of this island, of the people, their
food and canoes, and of our departure from it.








The native name for this island is Taumaco. It
received the name of Nuestra Señora del Socorro in memory of the
succour found there.1 It is in latitude 10°
20′. Its circumference is 10 leagues, more or less. It is
moderately high and well wooded. For this reason, and its shape, the
view of it is pleasant. It runs east and west. Along its beaches there
are many palm groves, villages with few houses, and a quantity of
canoes. It is distant from Lima 1,6502 leagues. On
the east side there are three pointed rocks, which are only bare when
the wind is E. or N.E., and between them and the island is the port
where we anchored first. It has 25 fathoms of depth. The second
anchorage is on the south side of the island, west of a rock which is
under water, depth 18 fathoms, with bottom of rough coral, which chafes
cables, so that ours were buoyed. It is without shelter; and for this
reason, and the high seas that rise, we lay at single anchor, and in
some anxiety and danger.


The village of Tumai is on the south side, a little apart from the
island, and surrounded by water, so we called it Venice. They cannot
embark in or land from their canoes, [230]except when it is
high water. It has in front, at a distance of an arquebus-shot, a small
valley with fruit trees, crops, and a small stream of very clear and
wholesome water, whence was got that which was taken on board. The
houses are large and clean, framed with wood, the roof of sweet canes
covered with palm leaves, with two or three low doors, and the floors
covered with reeds. The beds are of matting, with stools somewhat
curved to put the heads on. There are larger houses, and in them
certain canoes with large and well-carved trunks, with decks of plank,
and very strongly fastened with beams and poles. These go down on one
side until they reach the water,3 acting as a counterpoise to
prop up, enabling them to carry more sail. The joinings of the vessel
are cemented together with a certain gum which is found here, that
burns like a candle when set on fire, and oils well. The inside has a
small cabin or retreat, in which all the provisions are kept when at
sea. The bows were ornamented with pearl shells, and close by were the
paddles, rigging, ropes, and large mat sails. Each canoe will hold
thirty or forty persons. There was also an open space with certain
poles, some of them dyed red, for which the natives have great respect,
cloths, matting, and cocoa-nuts being collected there. It was
understood to be a burying-place of some of their chief people, or a
place where the Devil speaks to them.


The island yields roots and fruits, such as yams, cocoa-nuts,
plantains, sweet canes, and some very large almonds, whose pips are
formed of leaves. They are sweet and very pleasant to eat. The nutmegs
are only used by the natives as a paste to dye their arrows. Other
fruits were seen and eaten, and a small pig. They do not eat the hens.
They killed ten or a dozen cocks, but they hid the hens. A small dog
was seen. We found a ball of artimonia, and it was [231]ascertained that they make them to fight with,
fastened to the ends of sticks, serving as maces.


The natives are tall as a rule, straight, vigorous, well-favoured,
of a clear mulatto colour more or less, others very close upon being
black. There may be some who have come from other islands by way of
contract, or as prisoners. Some of them work. They cover their parts
with cloths they weave at small looms. They use the buyo, food
also used in the Philippines, which is said to preserve the teeth and
strengthen the stomach. Their arms are bows and arrows. They seem to be
a people fond of fighting with natives of other islands; two of them
were wounded and bruised from this. They told our people that they
would go to help and to avenge the others who had been hit with arrows.
One gave us to understand that he was a surgeon.


Two leagues to the west there is another island, inhabited, and
apparently about the same size as Taumaco. It is called Temelflua. To
the N.E. of it, at a short distance, are two small islands, rather
rocky.


The ships being ready, the Admiral received orders to embark, taking
some natives with the objects already stated. The Admiral sent Tumai in
advance, the Captain having sent for him to take leave. Tumai and two
others were in a canoe talking with the Captain, who gave them a sash
and other things, when the boats arrived with our people and four
natives, who had been seized, so that Tumai might not see them. But
they saw Tumai, and cried out to him to help them. Tumai, seeing that
there was no remedy, was deaf to their cries, and for his own safety he
shoved off from the ship. The Captain fired a piece as a signal for the
launch to weigh. The two companions of Tumai then jumped into the
water, and swam on shore. Tumai remained without showing any fear. This
man was valorous, and his kindness was worthy to be celebrated and
[232]to eternize his name, and his sorrow mourned
for. Our people embarked with two natives in each ship, the anchors
were weighed, and sail was made at sunset on Tuesday, the 18th of
April, running great danger of striking on a rock.








1 Torres
and Torquemada give the native name. Leza calls the island
“Nuestra Señora de Loreto.” In the Memorial
the name is “Monterey,” after the Viceroy of
Peru.


2 Torres
gives 1940 leagues (169° 45′ E.). Latitude, 10° 10′
S.


3
Outriggers.






[Contents]



Chapter XVII.




Another inhabited island is sighted, and it is related
how three natives escaped from the ships, and other things that
happened.








The ships were pursuing their course, when a certain
person from the Almiranta shouted to the Captain that they
should go in search of the Island of Santa Cruz. The Captain answered
that the ships had to put their heads, as they were now put, to the
S.E., with the intention of following that and other courses, for they
now had sufficient wood and water to enable them to find what they were
seeking. God had given us a N.W. wind, one as well suited for that
intention as it sounds.


We stood on under little sail, for it was night, and the sea
unknown, when towards dawn one of the natives sprang into the sea. He
was a youth, but tall and vigorous, of good countenance and gentle
bearing, whom the Captain prized highly for the ship. The sailors
called as if he could understand them: “Come back to the ship; do
not drown yourself. See how the Devil deceives him! Why should you lose
so much good as surrounds you here?” But as his intention was
different, not caring for words so little understood, he went on
swimming to the island, which appeared to be about 3 leagues off.


We went on our way, and in the afternoon of the third day we saw an
island1 at a distance. We hove to for the night, and made
sail towards it at daybreak. When we were near the land, the other
native, also quite young [233]and not less gay and well
disposed, before he could be prevented, jumped overboard, and there
remained, as if he was a buoy. At the place where he was, not caring
for cries and menaces, with great effrontery, as if he was standing in
the water, he took off a shirt he had on, and with incredible speed
began swimming to the island, which he would soon reach, being near and
to leeward. The Admiral was advised of the flight of the natives, that
he might keep a closer watch over the two he had on board.


Only with the object of finding out whether the island was
inhabited, we coasted along it. Presently, on an extensive beach, we
saw natives running to join others who were looking at us. The Admiral
got into the dingey to see what sort of people they were. The natives
made signs, with great demonstrations of love, for us to come on shore.
Seeing we would not for all their pressing, they gave a mantle of fine
palm leaves and notice of other lands, and bade farewell with great
signs of regret. We left them in that solitude, gazing at our ships,
until we lost sight of them.


Our people were much pleased at the sight of the island, and still
more to see such fine-looking people: but suddenly one of the two
natives on board the Almiranta, a tall, robust, and strong man,
jumped into the sea, and soon was a long way off. They lowered the
dingey, but the Captain fired a piece off as a signal that they were
not to go after the fugitive, the boat being small and easily capsized.
The resolute swimmer went on towards the island with vigorous strokes,
being 2 leagues off and to windward. [234]








1 Torres
calls it “Chucupia.” The Memorial has
“Tucopia.” Quiros gives the latitude 12°
15′ S.; Torres, 12° 30′ S. Undoubtedly, the Tucopia of
modern charts, in 12° 15′ S. and 169° 50′ E.






[Contents]



Chapter XVIII.




Relates how, by reason of a strong wind from the N.W.,
the sea ran across the track of the ships, and how they sighted a high
island.








With great regret at the loss of the three best
natives, though the one that remained was more free (being the same the
Captain pointed out with his finger when they were seized), we
proceeded on a S.E. course, with a fresh N.W. breeze, until the
following day. The wind increased in force with thick weather, with
flights of birds, and the night approaching, so we struck the topmasts
and hove to until the 24th of April. On that day the sun was taken, and
it was found that we were in 14°, the ship having drifted 20
leagues. In the afternoon, the weather having cleared up, the Captain
ordered sail to be made, and when he was asked what the course was to
be, he answered: “Put the ships’ heads where they like, for
God will guide them as may be right;” and as it was S.W., he said
it might continue so. So on that course, with little sail, we steered
during the night. Before sunrise on the following day, a sailor of the
Capitana named Francisco Rodriguez went to the mast-head, and
cried in a cheerful voice: “Very high land ahead!” We all
wanted to see it, and all looked at it together with great contentment.
Much greater was their satisfaction when they came close, and saw
smoke, and natives calling to the launch to come nearer.


This island was calculated to be 1,700 leagues from Lima. It is 7 or
8 leagues in circumference, forms a round hill, abrupt near the sea,
the highest and best-formed I have seen. Its shape is that of a
sugar-loaf with the crown cut off. It is cut like a saddle, whence a
good stream of water falls into the sea. We saw crops growing,
plantains, palms, and other trees. The inhabitants appeared to be of a
good colour, and well made. The people were on the N.W. side,
[235]where, at a short distance from the shore, there
is a bare rock. The latitude of this land is 14°, and it was named
San Marcos,1 because it was discovered on that Saint’s
day.








1 Torres
calls it a very high volcano. Torquemada gives the name of
“Nuestra Señora de la Luz.” The Memorial has
“San Marcos.” It is the Pic de
l’Etoile of Bougainville. The volcano is now extinct.
Latitude, 14° 25′ S. “Merlav,” or
“Star Peak,” on modern charts.






[Contents]



Chapter XIX.




Tells how a great land was sighted, and other
islands.








From this Island of San Marcos we went on a S.W.
course, with men at the mast-head; and at 10 in the forenoon, at a
distance of 12 leagues to the S.E., a land of many mountains and plains
was sighted, the end of which could not be seen throughout the day. The
Captain gave it the name of “Margaritana.”


About 20 leagues to the west, an island was seen that looked so
beautiful that it was determined to go to it. About a third of the way
we saw another island, 3 leagues off. It is flat, with a hill that
looks like a rock in the distance. Two canoes under sail came from it,
from which we knew that it was inhabited. On account of its thick woods
and pleasant appearance, the name of “Verjel” was given to
it. There was little wind, and, on account of the necessary caution in
navigating among unknown islands, we hove to during the night.


The other day, being the 27th, we saw to the N. of where we were a
large island running N.E. and S.W., and the peaks of its numerous
mountains gave the Captain a strong desire to go and see it; but he
gave it up, owing to other things that occurred. Its latitude is
13°, and it was named “Las Lagrimas da San Pedro.”


To the N.W. another island was seen, with a circumference of 60
leagues. It has two high and sloping hills, one [236]at
each end. The rest is flat and of very pleasant appearance, alike from
its shape and its numerous trees. Its latitude is less than 14°. It
was named “Portales de Belen.”






[Contents]



Chapter XX.




Gives an account of what passed with some natives at
an island.








Next day we arrived near the island which I said was
to the westward of that of San Marcos, and in all directions we saw
columns of smoke rising, and at night many fires. In the centre it is
rather high, and thence its slopes extend in all directions towards the
sea, so that its form is a massive round, with only the part towards
the south a little broken with ravines. It is a land of many palm
trees, plantains, verdure, abundant water, and thickly inhabited. The
circumference is about 50 leagues, though some gave it 100 leagues, and
must support about 200,000 inhabitants. Its latitude is 14°
30′. Owing to its great beauty, it was given the name of
“Virgen Maria.”1


Four canoes with unarmed natives came to the Almiranta, and
made signs to offer to take him into port. Seeing that our people did
not wish it, they made presents of cocoa-nuts and other fruits. Having
received a good return, they went back to their island.


As the disposition of the natives seemed to be good, the Captain
sent a party in the launch and one boat, to examine the coast and find
a port. The party was under the command of Pedro Lopez de Sojo. They
found to the S. and S.E. clean bottom at 20 fathoms or less, where the
ships might well anchor if the weather to be expected was known. They
saw a great number of people on the island, who came out to see and
call to us. They followed the [237]boat without passing certain
boundaries, and by this we supposed that there were partitions of
property between people not on good terms. Among them there were two
colours. While they were looking at each other and talking by signs, a
man rushed down from some rocks behind. He was well made, of a clear
mulatto colour, the hairs of his beard and head brown and crisp, and
rather long. He was robust and vigorous. With a jump he got into the
boat, and, according to the signs he made, he appeared to ask:
“Where do you come from? What do you want? What do you
seek?” Assuming that these were the questions, one of our people
said “We come from the east, we are Christians, we seek you, and
we want you to be ours.” He showed himself to be so bold, that
our people understood that he wanted to make us believe that to him we
were a small affair. He presently was undeceived, for he was seized and
brought to the ship, where he came on board so fearlessly that we had
to confess he was no coward. The Captain embraced him, and asked about
other land by signs, of which he appeared to give extensive
information. He pointed to several places on the horizon, counted on
his fingers several times, and ended by saying, “Martin
Cortal.”2 It was very pleasant to hear him, to see how
lively he was, how vigorous, how agreeable among our people; having a
bright look for all, including those who importuned him with a desire
for information.


The night having come on, the launch arrived, and the Pilot of her
told the Captain that they were bringing a native prisoner, secured by
a hatchway chain. But he broke it; and, taking part of it and the
padlock with him on one foot, he jumped overboard. The Captain heard
[238]this with great regret, fearing that the man had
been drowned. To make sure of the other, he ordered him to be given his
supper and to be put in the stocks, but on a bed where he could sleep.
He also ordered that the ships should go in search of the one that had
escaped. Going in search at ten at night, the look-out man heard a
voice from the water, and made out the place where the native, being
tired out, was struggling with death. To the cries of the swimmer came
answer from the prisoner, in such doleful tones that it caused grief to
all to see the one and hear the other. The swimmer was got on board, to
the joy of himself and us, and to our surprise that he could have
sustained such a weight on his foot for four hours. The padlock and
chain were at once taken off, and he was given his supper, with wine to
drink, and then put in the stocks, that he might not try it on again.
There both remained all night, talking sadly and in confusion. At dawn,
the Captain, pretending that he quarreled with all for putting them in
the stocks, let them out. He then ordered the barber to shave off their
beards and hair, except one tuft on the side of their heads. He also
ordered their finger-nails and toe-nails to be cut with scissors, the
uses of which they admired. He caused them to be dressed in silk of
divers colours, gave them hats with plumes, tinsel, and other
ornaments, knives, and a mirror, into which they looked with
caution.


This done, the Captain had them put into the boat, and told Sojo to
take them on shore, coasting along to the end of the island, to see
what there was beyond. The natives came, and, the fear being passed,
they sang their happy and unhoped-for fate. Arrived at the beach, they
were told to jump out, which they could hardly believe. Finally, they
jumped overboard, where there were many natives; among them a woman
with a child in her arms, who received the two with great joy. It
appeared that she was [239]the wife of the first native, and
that he was a chief, for all respected and obeyed his orders. They
seemed to be contented, and gave each other many embraces, with gentle
murmurings. The Chief, pointing with his finger, seemed to be saying we
were a good people. Many came to where the boat was, and they showed
such confidence that, when one of our men asked the mother for her
baby, she gave it. Seeing that it was passed from one to another, to be
seen and embraced, the natives were well pleased. In fine, a good
understanding was established.


The swimmer ran away, and presently came back with a pig on his
shoulders, which he offered to us. The Chief gave us another, and a
bunch of curious plantains, their shape being like that of
moderate-sized egg-plants3 without points, the pulp orange
colour, sweet and tender. The other natives emulously presented
cocoa-nuts, sweet canes, and other fruits, and water in joints of cane
four palmos long and one thick. Pointing to the ships, they
seemed to say that they should anchor here, that they might give them
all they had in the island. Our people took their leave and went on to
the point, where they saw the coast of the island trending north, and
the other island of Belen at a distance of 4 leagues to the N.W.
Satisfied with their view, they returned to the ship. The
boatswain’s mate of the Almiranta was wounded in one cheek
by an arrow: certain natives, being envious of the friendship of the
others, or being enraged because, when they called to our people they
did not care to stop and speak with them, shot off arrows, and had an
answer from muskets. This wound healed quickly, by which we knew that
the arrows were not poisoned. More mischief would have been done if the
swimmer had not come running, shouting, and making signs for the boat
to keep away—a great proof of gratitude. [240]








1 Torres
has “Santa Maria.” It is the
“Gaua” of modern chart in the Banks Group.


2 Martin
Lope Cortal was Pilot of Lopez de Legazpi’s ship on the voyage
from Mexico to the Philippines, and he afterwards made a voyage to
Mexico without licence. He and some companions landed at islands called
Barbudos, and the ship left them there. That this native should have
used these words is extraordinary.


3
Egg-plant nightshade, Solanum melongena, L.






[Contents]



Chapter XXI.




Relates how they came in sight of two great and lofty
lands; how they went in search of one of them, and discovered a bay,
and a port in it.








This day one Melchor de los Reyes was looking out at
the mast-head, when, at three in the afternoon, he saw at a distance of
12 leagues to the S.W. and S., more or less, an extensive land. For
this, and because the eye could not turn to a point that was not all
land, the day was the most joyful and the most celebrated day of the
whole voyage. We went on towards the land, and next day found ourselves
near a coast running to the west. The name of Cardona1 was given
to this land in memory of the Duke of Sesa, who had taken so deep an
interest in the voyage, as well at Rome as at the Court of Spain, and
because the Captain felt very grateful.


When we set out for the said land there was seen, far away to the
S.E., a massive and very lofty chain of mountains, covered with thick
masses of white clouds in the middle and on the heights, while the
bases were clear. It seemed from aloft that the coasts of these two
lands approached to form one. The Captain gave the name of “La
Clementina” to this range of mountains. It seemed to be in about
17°.2


Having come to the land, an opening was seen in it, and, as it
appeared to be a port, the Captain sent an officer in a boat, with
soldiers and rowers, to examine it. In the afternoon he returned,
reporting that the opening formed a narrow island 6 leagues long,
running N. and S., rather high, [241]inhabited, and well wooded;
and where it is sheltered to the E. and N.E., there was bottom at 30
fathoms, and a strong current. The Captain gave it the name of
“San Raimundo.”


Coasting along this island to the W., there came out on the beach
many tawny men, very tall, with bows in their hands, calling loudly to
our people. As we would not approach, they threw a great bundle of
capons’ feathers into the sea, intending with this, and by
sending out boys, to induce us to come within shot. Then they shot off
their arrows, which we returned with muskets. Further on they saw many
natives of fine make and good colour, and away to S. and S.E. three and
four ranges of very high mountains, which seemed to join on to the
other ranges that had been seen to the S.E.


With such good news that the land was inhabited, we sailed onwards
on a westward course; and at a distance of 6 leagues, on the 1st of
May, we entered a great bay, where we passed the night. Next day, the
Captain sent the Admiral away in a boat to look for a port. Two canoes
came out to the ships, with men in them, having their bows ready. They
stopped for an interval and rowed for another. They spoke loudly, and
looked at us and at the shore, showing themselves to be troubled. Those
in the launch fired off a piece to astonish them, which it did, for
they took to flight, rowing as hard as they could.


The Admiral returned in the afternoon very well satisfied, and those
who accompanied him were equally pleased, and could not hold back the
joyful news that they had found a good port; for this is what we had
hitherto failed to find, though we had sought for one with anxious
wishes to succeed. Without a port, the discovery would be of little
importance. Next day, being the 3rd of May, the three vessels anchored
in the port with great joy, giving many thanks to God. [242]








1 The name
of the Duke of Sesa was Don Antonio de Cardona y Cordova. See pp. 163
and 168.


2
Cardona and La Clementina, looking like a range of
mountains and main land, were the islands of Pentecost, Aurora, and
Leper, overlapping each other.






[Contents]



Chapter XXII.




Relates the first sight of the natives of this bay,
and an encounter there was with them.








Next day natives were seen passing along the beach.
The Captain, with the boats, went to look at them, with the desire to
take some of them and send them back clothed and kindly treated, so
that in this and other ways friendship might be established. He did all
he could to induce them to get into the boats. They did the same to get
us to land. As we would not, they flung certain fruits into the water,
which were collected by us, and we went back to the ships.


The day after, the Captain ordered the Admiral to go on shore with a
party of soldiers, and try by all possible means to catch some natives,
so as to establish peace and friendship, based on the good work we
intended to do for them. The party ran the boat high up on the beach,
and quickly formed in a squadron, for the natives were coming, and it
was not known with what object. Being near, they made signs and spoke,
but were not understood. Our people called to them in return. Then the
natives drew a line on the ground, and seemed to say that we were not
to pass beyond it. I understand that there was no one who could make
himself intelligible; and it is a great evil, on such occasions, when
there is a want of zeal or of management. Natives were seen in the
woods, and to frighten them some muskets were fired into the air. A
soldier who had lost patience, or who had forgotten his orders, fired
low and killed a native. The others, with loud cries, fled. A Moor who
was the drummer, cut off the head and one foot of the dead, and hung
the body on the branch of a tree, without being seen to do it by those
on the beach. It then happened [243]that three native chiefs came
to where our people were, who, instead of showing them kindness and
bringing them on board, showed them their comrade without a head and
running blood, pretending that this cruelty was a means of making
peace. The chiefs, showing great sorrow, went back to where their
people were, and shortly afterwards sounded their instruments with
great force and noise, which was heard among the trees. Then from many
directions they began shooting arrows and darts, and throwing stones,
while our people fired on them, turning on one side or the other.


The Captain saw all this from the ship where he was, with great
regret to find peace turned into war. It appeared to him best to land
more men in the direction taken by a number of natives, who were trying
to surround our people. The supporting party got into such conflict
with the enemy that the Captain was obliged to fire two pieces. The
balls, tearing branches off the trees, passed over the natives; but
with this, and the resistance made by our soldiers, the enemy
retired.


At the same time, the natives who were on the beach moved forward,
brandishing their clubs, and with arrows fitted to their bows and darts
poised to throw, menacing with loud shouts. Then a tall old native
advanced, making a sound on a shell with great force. He seemed to be
the same chief who had spoken to our soldiers, and I believe he said
that they would defend their country against those who came to it,
killing their inhabitants. Eight of our musketeers were in ambush, and
one of them unfortunately, as he afterwards stated, killed this chief;
and presently the rest desisted. Three or four raised their dead on
their shoulders with great celerity, and went inland, leaving the
neighbouring villages deserted. Such was the end of the peace that the
Captain hoped for and sought for, as the means of discovering the
grandeur of the land, [244]and all that was contained in it;
and such was the intention that the Captain had, but which was but a
sound.






[Contents]



Chapter XXIII.




Relates the causes which led the Captain to create a
ministry of war, and the names of the officers.








The Lord having been served that the Captain should
find anchorage for his ships in so long sought-for, so good, and so
necessary a port, seeing the excellence of the land which surrounded
it, the necessity there was to take possession in the name of His
Majesty, feeling the contest in his mind that his desires should be
fulfilled, that there should be full security for celebrating the
divine offices, and that for this and the rest that had been done here
there was manifest risk, for the natives with their arms, from the
woods and the beaches, continually attacked, so that we could not seek
for wood, water, or provisions, or fell timber for the ship’s use
to make certain bulk-heads for storing and arranging the cargo; seeing,
also, how much it imported that the roads should be guarded by escorts,
and that there should be ambuscades to alarm the enemy and secure our
safety; knowing further that for the royal authority, the better
establishment of the work, the discipline of the people, the union of
all their wills, and for other hidden reasons, and for them altogether,
it was very necessary and obligatory to create a ministry of war and
marine, so that by land and sea there might be established such order
that what was desired might be the better secured; and that it may not
be a cost of His Majesty, and be the means of giving satisfaction, and
of making a foundation, and they themselves having petitioned for it,
he named— [245]







To act as Admiral
Pedro Bernal Cermeño.




Master of the Camp
Luis Vaez de Torres.




Royal Ensign
Lucas de Quiros.




Captain and
Sergeant-Major
Pedro Lopez de Sojo.





His Ensign
Pedro de Castro.





His Sergeant
Francisco Martin Toscano.





His Aide-de-Camp
Francisco Davila.




Captain of the crew of the
“Almiranta”
Alonso Alvarez de Castro.





His Ensign
Manuel Rodriguez Africano.





His Sergeant
Domingo Andres.




Captain of the Launch
Pedro Garcia da Lumbreras.





His Ensign
Francisco Gallardo.





His Sergeant
Antonio Gonzalez.




Captain of the Artillery
Andres Perez Coronado.




Constables of the three
Vessels
Francisco Ponce.





Lazaro de Olivera.





Antonio Balalan.




Chief Pilot
Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza.




Assistant Pilot
Francisco Fernandez.







These elections having been made, presently the Camp Master asked
the Captain to leave him to sleep on shore with the people. The Captain
never wished to consent, because they should not sleep on the ground,
and because he did not wish for further licence with the natives, and
to avoid danger, and for other reasons which they could understand.


The Master of the Camp, with the Sergeant-Major, officers, and
sailors, who were serving as soldiers, made such good progress on shore
that by Friday, the eve of Pentecost, they finished all that had been
arranged, without injury to any of our people.


On the same afternoon the Captain assembled the people of all the
vessels, and addressed them in the following manner:—


“His Majesty, the King, our Lord, was served by sending me, at
the cost of his royal treasury, without giving me instructions or
orders, nor other memoir whatever, of what I was to do in these parts,
nor did he restrict [246]my will as to what I was not to do;
therefore, in the name of the royal grandeur, I undertake what is best
for His Majesty’s better service, and greater honour. In fine,
all is left to my charge; and this mercy was so great, that it has made
me his perpetual vassal and slave, and put upon me new obligations and
cares to find how I can better serve and please His Majesty so long as
my life lasts. For this I am of a mind, and determined to make a
beginning of my honourable thought, some time planned and desired to be
put into execution; for the good work that it promises for God and for
the King, for the strengthening of your resolves, for giving firmness
and hope, which are the qualities needed to achieve great and famous
deeds, the more when the honour and the reward are to be seen and
palpable: which are two things so sought after and loved in this
present life, and the want of which causes what happens to be evil.


“The present subject to be announced to you, gentlemen, is
that of an Order, the title of which is to be the ‘Knights of the
Holy Ghost,’ with the constitutions and precepts to be kept and
professed, guided by such lofty and Christian ends as will be seen in
them when the Lord is served, as I shall be able to show. All is done
in confidence that His Holiness and His Majesty, each of those two
Lords as regards what concerns them, will be served in payment of my
continual labours and good desires, by confirming this Order, with
advantageous privileges, as long as the world endures: as well for the
good that it secures as for the merits of vassals so honourable and so
loyal, as is shown by the numerous services they perform, and will
continue to perform, in these parts.


“For all I have said and can say on this subject, I seek from
all the consent of their free wills, in the names of the Most Holy
Trinity, in the name of the Roman Pontiff, in the name of His Catholic
Majesty the King, Don Philip, [247]third of that name, King of
Spain, and my Lord; and I, the Captain Don Pedro Fernandez de Quiros,
give to each one of your mercies this cross, of a blue colour, which
presently you are to place on your breasts, being the insignia by which
the Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost are to be known; and for the
persons in whose charge, if I should fail, is to be placed the
discovery, pacification, and possession of all these parts that we are
discovering and may discover in the time to come.


“I pray heartily that the Knights may know and esteem the
value of this cross, gained with a determination to win much higher
honours; and they must bear in mind that, though it has not cost much
money, labour, sickness, nor time, that which it remains in their power
to pay in this very high enterprise is very great, for it is now known
that the enterprise holds a world for its heaven and its earth.


“Pray to God, gentlemen, that it may serve Him to show me
greater lands and other things; for greater are my desires that the
King our Lord may deign to grant to all still greater favours. Here I,
in his royal name, offer to raise you to higher offices and dignities.
I charge you all to be, as it were, members of one body; and I announce
to you that from this day forward your obligations will be greater, and
the rewards or punishments greater which are merited for good or for
bad deeds.”


All this was listened to with much pleasure and accepted with
satisfaction. The Captain asked them all to confess on Saturday, that
on Sunday, the day of Pentecost, they might earn the Holy Jubilee which
His Holiness had conceded to this expedition, and five other days in
each year. Presently the Father Commissary persuaded all, and with his
three priests he offered to confess, and all confessed. [248]






[Contents]



Chapter XXIV.




Describes the celebration of the feast of the eve and
the day of Pentecost, and the taking possession in the names of the
Catholic Church, and of His Majesty.








On that night all three vessels displayed many lights,
and they sent off many rockets and fire-wheels. All the artillery was
fired off; and when the natives heard the noise and the echoes
resounding over hills and valleys, they raised great shouts. We sounded
drums, rang the bells, had music and dancing, and had other forms of
rejoicing, in which the men showed great pleasure. The Captain said to
all: “Gentlemen, this is the eve of my long-desired day, for
which there should be no empty hand nor person for whom the appointed
good things are not welcome, and as much more as the part he takes may
deserve.”


It was not quite dawn when the Camp Master and ministers, taking
with them an armed party in the two boats, went on shore. They landed
near the launch with four small pieces to be used in a fort. Presently,
with joyous diligence a booth made of branches was set up on the beach,
surrounded by stakes, to serve as a fort in case of necessity. Within,
the monks arranged a clean and well-ordered altar under a canopy. This
was the first church, and was named by the Captain “Our Lady of
Loreto.” Everything having been arranged as well as the time
would allow, it was reported to the Captain, and presently he left the
ship with the rest of the people. All the three companies were drawn up
in good order on the beach. The officers and soldiers looked so active
and honourable, with the crosses on their breasts, that I believe, if
His Majesty could see them, with such sharpened resolves to finish what
they had commenced, and to begin much greater things, that he would
[249]estimate their value at what it was worth, and
increase his bounties.


The Royal Ensign came forth with the standard in his hands. The
banners, which were fluttering and brightening the whole scene,
received their tribute from discharges of muskets and arquebuses.
Presently the Captain came out and went down on his knees, saying:
“To God alone be the honour and the glory.” Then, putting
his hand on the ground, he kissed it, and said: “O Land! sought
for so long, intended to be found by many, and so desired by
me!”


Then the Admiral came out with a cross made of the orange wood of
the country, which the Captain had caused to be made. Our Father
Commissary, with his five monks, all bare-footed, kneeling on the
beach, received it in their arms, saying with great tenderness:
“I adore thee, O Holy Cross, for the Author of our life, made
flesh, died on thee for me, so great a sinner, and for the whole human
race.” Raising it and singing the “Lignum,”
with the people in procession, we arrived at the door of the church;
and there, on a pedestal which had been placed for the purpose, the
Captain planted our cross, and ordered that the people should come
round, and that the secretary should read, as in a loud voice he did
read, the following documents:—




Raising of the Cross.


Be witnesses the heavens and the earth, and the sea with all its
inhabitants, and those who are present, that I, the Captain Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros, in these parts which up to the present time have
been unknown, raise and plant in the name of Jesus Christ, Son of the
eternal Father, and of the Holy Virgin Mary, true God and man, this
sign of the Holy Cross, on which His most holy body was crucified, and
where He gave His life as a ransom for the whole human race.




In the same place, and at the same time, the six following
possessions were read, which our people heard with joy and gladness,
the eyes of many filling with tears. [250]




Possession in the name of the most Holy
Trinity.


In these parts of the South, until now unknown, where I am, and have
come with authority from the Supreme Roman Pontiff, Clement VIII., and
by order of the King, Don Philip III., King of Spain, despatched by his
Council of State, I, Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, in the name of
the most Holy Trinity, take possession of all the islands and lands
that I have newly discovered, and desire to discover, as far as the
South Pole.






Possession in the name of the Catholic
Church.


I take possession of all these, the said lands, in the name of Jesus
Christ, saviour of all men, how unknown soever they may be, and in the
name of His mother the most Holy Virgin Mother of Loreto, and in the
name of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the holy apostles and
disciples, and in the name of the universal Vicar of Christ, the Roman
Pontiff, and in the name of the whole Catholic Church, and of all those
pious, just, and holy things that have a right in such possession;
which I do with joy and to the end that to all the natives, in all the
said lands, the holy and sacred evangel may be preached zealously and
openly.






Possession in the name of St. Francis and his
Order.


I take possession of all the said lands in the name of my father,
St. Francis, and of all his religion and professors of it, and being
present, in the name of the Father Commissary, Friar Martin de Monilla,
Friar Mateo de Vascones, Friar Antonio Quintero, and Friar Juan de
Marlo, all four priests; and in the names of Fray Juan de Santa Maria
and Fray Francisco Lopez, both lay brethren, come here, all six, at my
request by order of His Holiness and of His Majesty, and of their
Commissary General and Provincial of the province of the Twelve
Apostles of Peru; from whose order I desire that all the workers sent
to tend this vineyard may come, and the labourers who have to show His
holy word and doctrine, and to gather in the fruits.






Possession in the name of John of God and his
Order.


I take possession of all the said lands in the name of John of God,
and of all the professed brothers of his Order, and, being present, in
the name of Lazaro de Santa Maria, who came here in compliance with a
brief of His Holiness, given to me for that end, that the same
Brotherhood might found, administer, and maintain by their professed
charity all the hospitals there may be in those parts, so necessary
that the natives may learn all our methods, and hold us in the love and
veneration which the sight of our curing the native sick, and giving
them other benefits, deserve.




[251]




Possession in the name of the Order of the Holy
Ghost.


I take possession of all these lands, by the right that His Holiness
and His Majesty granted, to make just divisions of the lands and of the
people on them; for all the Knights that are in these parts of the
Order of the Holy Ghost as discoverers, settlers, defenders, and
preservers, and no other, obliged without pay to serve in all the royal
and public employments, with every human and divine office as regards
the natives as their defenders, and with profession of all the rest
that is in their constitution.






Possession in the name of His Majesty.


Finally, I take possession of this bay, named the Bay of St. Philip
and St. James, and of its port named Santa Cruz, and of the site on
which is to be founded the city of New Jerusalem, in latitude 15°
10′, and of all the lands which I sighted and am going to sight,
and of all this region of the south as far as the Pole, which from this
time shall be called Australia del Espiritu Santo, with all its
dependencies and belongings; and this for ever, and so long as right
exists, in the name of the King, Don Philip, third of that name King of
Spain, and of the eastern and western Indies, my King and natural Lord,
whose is the cost and expense of this fleet, and from whose will and
power came its mission, with the government, spiritual and temporal, of
these lands and people, in whose royal name are displayed there his
three banners, and I hereby hoist his royal standard.




The reading being finished, all cried with loud voices: “Long
live the King of Spain, Don Philip III., our Lord!” Then we
entered the church to give due thanks to God.


They said three Masses, and the fourth, which was sung, was by our
Father Commissary. All the people took the sacrament very fervently.
This done, the three Ensigns, who now held the banners in their hands,
inclined them to the ground in front of the altar, the Royal Ensign
holding the royal standard. The Commissary blessed them with great
solemnity; and, at a certain signal that was given to the ships, whose
mast-head banners displayed the royal arms, and at the sides the two
columns and the plus ultra, with the streamers fluttering, fired
off all their guns with full charges; the soldiers discharged muskets
and arquebuses, and the gunners sent off rockets [252]and
fire-wheels. In the middle of all this noise, all shouted with almost
infinite joy, and many times: “Long live the Faith of
Christ!” And with this the celebration of the festival came to an
end.






[Contents]



Chapter XXV.




What passed between the Captain and the late Chief
Pilot, and certain persons who spoke for and against; and how freedom
was given to two slaves.








Presently the former Chief Pilot prayed the Captain,
with exaggerated supplication, to pardon him. The Captain enquired of
him for what he asked pardon: for if he referred to things that
affected him, he might be certain that, without having to ask for
pardon, he would be pardoned; but if the pardon was asked for things
connected with the royal service, he must tell him what was well known,
that his treatment was reasonable and just. The Chief Pilot replied to
this by swearing, with great demonstrations of innocence, that he had
neither offended the King nor the Captain in anything, nor had desired
to give offence. According to him, I am the person who ought to ask for
pardon.


Then a certain monk took the Captain aside, and said that the Chief
Pilot was very obliged and grateful, and that from this time forward he
would work marvels in all things; and that he was already doing so, as
the monk could witness. The Captain answered that he left that to God,
who knew the most secret intentions and could not be deceived; and that
for himself, he looked to have treated the Chief Pilot in quite a
different manner, having entrusted to him business which included good
things and likewise his honour; and that although it was very early,
his recent acts having shown that neither his word nor his [253]offers were to be trusted, the fact of his
having done so much good to anyone made it unprofitable that he should
remain under punishment.


Other persons had given evidence to the Captain against the Chief
Pilot, and to all he answered that before God he could justify his acts
in giving information, pardoning, or giving hope. When such means were
of no avail, he held the rod in his hands, giving such blows as the
culprit deserved; and that he had kept the Chief Pilot a prisoner,
considering that to be a punishment which would be sufficient.


Freedom given to two slaves.


The Captain asked an officer named Alonso Alvarez de Castro, and
Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, Pilot of the Almiranta,
that they would give—as they did give with very good will, by
reason of pious motives and of the honour of the festival of that
day—freedom to a slave which each of them possessed, for which
purpose they drew up letters. This being done, we went to dine under
the shade of great tufted trees near a clear running stream, the
corps de garde being alert and the sentries posted.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVI.




The election of a municipality and of magistrates,
names of the persons elected, and what else happened until the crews
embarked.








Having had his siesta, the Captain assembled the
Master of the Camp, Admiral, Royal Ensign, Sergeant-Major, and
Captains, and said to them that, possession having been taken of that
land, and the city having received the name of the New Jerusalem, with
their concurrence, he would elect a municipality and such officers as
is usual in a city [254]that was the capital of a province. As they
expressed their concurrence, it was agreed among all that the elections
should be made in the manner following:—







Magistrates
Don Diego Barrantes y Maldonado.





Luis de Belmonte Bermudez.





The Licentiate Alonzo Sanchez de
Aranda.





The Captain Manuel Noble.





Francisco de Medina.





Francisco de Mendoza y Sarmiento.





Francisco de Zandategui.





Antonio Francisco Camiña.





Juan Ortiz.





Alonso Perez de Medina.





Juan Gallardo de Los Reyes.





Pedro Carrasco.





Gil Gonzalez.




Secretary to the
Municipality
Santiago de Iriarte.




Justices of the Peace
Don Alonzo de Sotomayor.





Captain Rodrigo Mejia de la Chica.




Chief Constable
Captain Gaspar de Gaza.




Royal Officers:





Accountant
Don Juan de Iturbe.





Treasurer
Don Juan de la Peña.





Factor
Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña.





Registrar of Mines
Don Antonio de Chaves.





Store-keeper General
Don Diego de Prado y Tovar.1





Overseer
Don Juan de Espinosa y Zayas.1







As soon as the elections were completed, all the officials took the
oath, placing the right hand on a breviary, which the Father Commissary
held; swearing that they would be loyal to His Majesty, in whose name
the different offices had been given to them; and with this the
proceedings terminated.


Afterwards, the municipal officers formed in order, and accompanied
by the rest of the people, went to the church. Within was the Father
Commissary, who, pointing to the [255]upraised cross, said,
“Here, gentlemen, you have the Holy Cross, the semblance of that
which, by the mercy of God, secured all our remedy and all our
good;” but such were the tears he shed that he could not
proceed.


The Captain embarked, taking with him the same cross, the standard
and banners; and, on arriving on board, he ordered that block on the
yard-arm to be taken down, where it had been placed to punish crimes.
For the Captain could not believe that persons with such an honourable
destiny would do things the punishment of which would be the rope. The
Captain ordered the Master of the Camp to take an armed party, and
penetrate further into the interior than he had done before. They saw
more and better farms and villages than before, and at one village they
found the natives much occupied with their dances. When they saw us
they began a flight to the mountains, leaving strewn about as they
fled, bows, arrows, and darts. Our people found two roast pigs, and all
their other food, which they ate at their ease. They carried off twelve
live pigs, eight hens and chickens, and they saw a tree which
astonished them, for its trunk could not have been encircled by fifteen
or twenty men; so they returned to the ships.








1 Not in Leza’s
list.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVII.




Relates how they sowed some land; the entry into a
valley; capture of three boys, and what happened with the natives.








The Captain, on the last day of Easter, taking with
him such an escort as seemed necessary, went to an adjacent farm of the
natives and sowed a quantity of maize, cotton, onions, melons,
pumpkins, beans, pulse, and other seeds of our country; and returned to
the ships laden with many roots and fish caught on the beach.
[256]


Next day the Captain sent the Master of the Camp, with thirty
soldiers, to reconnoitre a certain height, where they found a large and
pleasant valley, with villages. When the inhabitants saw us coming,
many assembled together in arms. We caught there three boys, the oldest
being about seven years of age, and twenty pigs. With these we began a
retreat, and the natives, with vigour and bravery, attacked our
vanguard, centre, and rearguard, shooting many arrows. The chiefs came
out to the encounter, and by their charges forced us to lose the ground
we were gaining. Arrived at a certain pass, our people found the rocks
occupied by many natives, who were animated by the desire to do as much
harm as possible. Here was the hardest fight, their arrows and stones
hurled down from the heights, causing great danger to our men. When the
Captain heard the noise of the muskets and the shouting, he ordered
three guns to be fired off, to frighten the natives and encourage our
people; and the better to effect this at the port, those in the ships
and on the beach were sent to support the retreating party in great
haste. The forces having united, they came to the ships, saving the
spoils, and all well.


There was a certain person, who said in a loud voice: “Thirty
pigs would be better eating than three boys.” The Captain heard
this, and said, with much feeling, that he would rather have one of
those children than the whole world besides. He made a speech on the
subject, concluding with the following words: “I give the blame
to my sins, and to those alone. And how much better would it be for the
person who spoke such nonsense if he had given praises to God, who, in
a way so strange and unthought-of, saved these three souls—a
thing which we must believe to have been predestined?” For this
speech there was some ill-feeling on the part of the man who had
spoken, and more from his friends.


The natives, on the following day, having other ambuscades,
[257]came to attack our watering party, who armed
themselves in great haste. The natives shot off their arrows, and our
people fired their muskets. The natives then fled, shouting as they
went, leaving marks of the harm done them by the balls.


It seems that the natives, in their rage that they could not revenge
themselves on us, came to destroy the church. The Captain hurriedly
sent off an armed party in the two boats to prevent them. When the
natives saw this, they slowly retreated. Their object appeared to have
been to draw our men away, to lead them to where many other natives
were concealed; for we afterwards saw them go away, crossing the river
of Salvador.






[Contents]



Chapter XXVIII.




How the launch went to examine the mouth of the great
river, and what else happened with reference to excursions inland.








The Master of the Camp was sent to examine the mouth
of the river, which is in the middle of the bay, with the launch, a
boat, and a party of men. He tried the depth of the river mouth, and
found that there was no bottom, with the length of an oar and his own
arm. He went further up in the boat, and the view of the river gave
much pleasure to those who were with him, as well for its size and the
clearness of the water, as for its gentle current and the beauty of the
trees on its banks.


The launch passed further up, and our people landed on the bank and
went inland. They found a small village of four streets, and an open
space at the most elevated part. All round there were many farms,
surrounded by palings. Two spies were posted, who warned the natives,
and they all fled. Our people found in their houses several kinds of
[258]fish, roasted and wrapped in plantain leaves,
and a quantity of raw mussel-shells in baskets, as well as fruits and
flowers hung on poles. Near there was a burial-place. They also found a
flute, and certain small things worked out of pieces of marble and
jasper. As they heard drums and shells, and a great murmuring noise,
understanding that it came from a large number of people, they
retreated, followed by the natives, who did not dare to attack them.
Finally, they got to the launch in peace, and returned to the
ships.


On many other occasions our people went to fish and to seek for
things very necessary for the requirements of the ships, returning well
content with the excellence of the land. Encounters with the natives
were not wanting, and I believe they killed some natives, although they
denied it to me.






[Contents]



Chapter XXIX.




Describes the festival of Corpus Christi, and
the procession they made.








All the carpentering work was finished by the 20th of
May. On that day the Captain gave orders to the Master of the Camp to
go on shore with a hundred soldiers, and to collect things to adorn our
church of Loreto, and to make streets round it, so that on the next
day, which was that of Corpus Christi, we might there celebrate
its festival with all the force we could muster. In the night, the eve
of the festival was celebrated on board.


Before daybreak our people went on shore, and formed an escort for
our six monks, who got everything ready that was required. When all was
ready, the Captain was informed, who presently got into the boat,
leaving two men [259]on board each ship, and taking all the rest
with him. On reaching the shore, they all jumped out and went to the
church. Its door was to the north, bravely decorated with things of the
country, the roof and part of the body of the church being covered with
green branches; and there was a very curious altar under a canopy, with
a service of silver. For an altar-piece there was a painted Christ
crucified, on a great cloth, with four candles at the sides, and
incense-sticks burning.


Having said his prayers, the Captain went out to see the place. At
the commencement there were three high triumphal arches, enlaced with
palms, shoots, and flowers, while the ground was also strewn with
flowers. The streets were formed with many trees, those within forming
a cloister; and here were planted divers branches and herbs to look
like a garden. At two angles, under two other arches, were placed two
altars with their canopies, and the images of St. Peter and St. Paul;
while its author, the Brother of the Order of John of God, on his knees
at one side, was saying his prayers.


The day was clear and serene, and as the sun rose over the crowns of
the trees, its rays entering through the branches, the difference in
the fruits of each plant was shown in great profusion. Here, too, could
be heard the persistence with which the birds sang and chaunted; the
leaves and branches were seen to move gently, and the whole place was
agreeable, fresh, shady, with a gentle air moving, and the sea
smooth.


Presently returning to the church, two Masses were said. A third was
said by the Father Commissary, and the procession was then ordered in
the following manner:—A soldier went first, carrying in his hands
the heavy cross of orange wood. Next came a lay brother, with another
gilt cross from the sacristy, with the bag raised on a lance, and on
each side two acolytes, with candlesticks and red [260]cassocks, and all those in surplices. Then
followed the three companies in order, each one bearing its banner in
the centre, with its drums sounding a march. There was a very
picturesque sword-dance by eleven sailor lads, dressed in red and green
silk, with bells on their feet. They danced with much dexterity and
grace to the sound of a guitar, which was played by a respected old
sailor. This was followed by another dance by eight boys, all dressed
like Indians in shirts and breeches of silk, coloured brown, blue, and
grey, with garlands on their heads, and white palms in their hands.
Bands of bells were round their ankles, and they danced with very quiet
countenances, at the same time singing their canticles to the sound of
tambourines and flutes played by two musicians.


Then followed the royal standard, accompanied by the Master of the
Camp, the Sergeant-Major, and the Captains. Then six Magistrates, each
with a lighted torch in his hand. Then came the Father Commissary,
whose pall of yellow silk, six yards long, was borne by three royal
officers and three Magistrates. He carried in his hand a coffer of
crimson velvet, with gilded nails, which contained the most blessed
sacrament. Another lay brother incensed it. All the four priests
marched joyfully, singing the hymn “Pangelingua.”
The Captain carried the royal standard as far as the door, where he
delivered it to the Ensign, whose place was behind the pall, with the
two Justices of the Peace and the Chief Constable.


When the Lord now came forth from the door, all the bells rang, and
the people, who were looking on attentively, fell on their knees; the
Ensigns lowered the banners three times, the drummers beat the drums
for battle; the soldiers, who had the cords ready, fired off the
muskets and arquebuses; the constables fired off the guns which were on
shore for defending the port; and in the ships the artillery-men fired
off the bombards and pieces, and those placed in [261]the
launch and boats for the occasion. Once more, and once again, they were
discharged. When the smoke cleared away, there were seen amongst the
green branches so many plumes of feathers and sashes, so many pikes,
halberds, javelins, bright sword-blades, spears, lances, and on the
breasts so many crosses, and so much gold, and so many colours and
silken dresses, that many eyes could not contain what sprung from the
heart, and they shed tears of joy. With this the procession returned,
the church being guarded by four corps de garde. The dancers
kept dancing to keep up the festival, and remained within; and the
Captain at the door said to them: “All the dresses you wear you
can keep as your own, for they are from the royal treasury. I would
that they were of the best and richest brocade.”


As a finish a fourth Mass was said, that it might be heard by the
sentries who were posted to keep a look-out for any approach of the
natives, though they were far off on the beach and on the hills.


This done, the Captain ordered the bells to be rung in honour of
those, in Lima, who had said that they would come to that land when
they could have a passage.


The native who was taken from Taumaco, and was afterwards named
Pedro, went about dressed in silk with a cross on his breast, and bow
and arrows, so astonished and pleased at all he saw, and at his cross,
that he looked about and showed it, putting his hand on it, and named
it many times. It is a thing worthy of note that the cross elevated the
mind, even of a barbarian who did not know its significance.


Having given the souls such sweet and delicious food, friends and
comrades divided themselves off to the places dedicated to hearths and
pots, where, with tables spread under the shade of tall and spreading
trees, they gave themselves up to feeding their bodies. [262]


During the subsequent siesta there were dances, music, and pleasant
conversation; and he who said this was fortunate that day, as well as
those who saw it all, for it was the first festival celebrated in
honour of the most high Lord in these strange and unknown lands. As our
force was small, and the natives numerous, it was considered by some to
be an act of great audacity. I say that it was a great hit, and that it
was done in full faith.


There was one who said that this octave of Don Alonso de Ercilla
seemed to foretell it, which one sincerely devoted to the expedition,
by slight alterations, adapted to the present occasion as
follows:—


Araucana.1




Behold where are hidden the lands,


Scarce discerned by mortal ken,


Those are regions still unknown,


Never pressed by Christian men.


This will ever be their fate,


Want of knowledge keeps them there,


Wrapt within a fleecy cloud,


Until God shall lay them bare.




Version of the friend of Quiros.2




Behold how we have found these lands,


Now clearly seen by mortal ken,


Those are regions now made known,


Pressed by feet of Christian men.


Unknown no longer is their fate,


Now full knowledge points them there,


No longer hid in fleecy clouds,


God His secrets now lays bare.




The Captain sent some of the people on board again,
and marched inland with the rest to the sound of drums. [263]He
saw what he had sown already sprouting, the farms, houses, fruit
orchards; and having walked for a league, he returned as it was getting
late. When he came on board, he said that as these natives were at war
with us, and there was not a chance on our side, we would leave the
port next day to visit the lands to windward. The Admiral asked, in his
name and those of the crew, that another day might be allowed for the
people to catch fish. It happened that they fished in a certain place
whence they brought to the ship a quantity of pargos, which are
considered poisonous, like those in Havana and other ports. As many as
ate them were attacked by nausea, vomiting, and feverish
symptoms.3


This unexpected and sudden evil caused much grief to all, and there
were not wanting opinions, nor the conclusion of one who said, that to
get much it will cost something, and that the sweet is mixed with the
bitter.








1
“Araucana,” por Don Alonso de Ercilla. Canto
XXVII, octava 52.


2 The
“friend” is, of course, Belmonte Bermudez, the Secretary of
Quiros.


3 Captain
Cook relates that his people caught two reddish fish with hook and line
in Port Sandwich, Malicolo Island (one of the New Hebrides), on July
24th, 1774. The fish were about the size of a large bream. Most of the
officers, and some of the petty officers, dined on them the next day.
The following night, every one who had eaten of them was seized with
violent pains in the head and bones, attended with a scorching heat all
over the skin, and numbness in the joints. The pigs and dogs who had
partaken of the fish were also taken ill, and two died. It was a week
or ten days before all the officers recovered. In mentioning this, Cook
refers to the similar experience of Quiros and his crew, as described
by Dalrymple, vol. i, p. 140.—Cook’s Second Voyage,
vol. ii, p. 39.






[Contents]



Chapter XXX.




Gives some account of this bay, and of all that is
contained in it, and in its port.








This bay, to which the Captain gave the name of St.
Philip and St. James, because it was discovered on their day, is 1,700
leagues from Lima, from Acapulco 1,300, [264]from Manilla in the
Philippines 1,100 leagues. Its entrance is to the N.W. in 15° S.,
and the port is in 15° 10′ S. The bay has a circuit of 20
leagues, at the entrance 4 leagues across. The variation of the compass
is 7° N.E.


The land which forms the bay runs directly N. on the E. side, with
sloping heights and peopled valleys well covered with trees. This side
ends at the mouth of the bay with a height rising to a peak, and the
coast runs E. and then S.E., but we could not see how it ends.


The other land to the W. runs nearly N.W., and to the point is 11
leagues in length, consisting of a range of hills of moderate height,
which the sun bathes when it rises, and where there are patches without
trees, covered with dried-up grass. Here are ravines and streams, some
falling from the heights to the skirts of the hills, where many palm
groves and villages were seen. From the point on this side the coast
turns to the W.


The front of the bay, which is to the S., is 3 leagues long, and
forms a beach. In the middle there is a river which was judged to be
the size of the Guadalquivir at Seville. At its mouth the depth is 2
and more fathoms; so that boats and even frigates could enter. It
received the name of the “Jordan.” On its right is seen the
Southern Cross in the heavens, which makes the spot noteworthy.


To the eastward, at the corner of this bay, there is another
moderate-sized river called “Salvador,” into which the
boats entered at their pleasure to get water. The waters of both rivers
are sweet, pleasant, and fresh. The one is distant from the other a
league and a half, consisting of a beach of black gravel, with small
heavy stones, excellent for ballast for a ship.


Between the said two rivers is the port. The bottom is clean,
consisting of black sand, and here a great number of ships would have
room up to 40½ brazas. It is not known [265]whether there are worms. As the beach is not
bare nor driven up, and the herbs are green near the water, it was
assumed that it was not beaten by the seas; and as the trees are
straight and their branches unbroken, it was judged that there are no
great storms. The port was named “Vera Cruz,” because we
anchored there on that day.


In the whole bay we did not see a bank, rock, or reef; but it is so
deep that there is no anchorage except at the above port. It is better
to approach near the river Salvador, and there is another moderate port
which is distant 2 leagues from this on the N. to S. coast.


All the said beach is bordered by a dense mass of great trees, with
paths leading from them to the shore. It seemed to serve as a wall, the
better to carry on defensive or offensive operations against other
natives coming to make war. All the rest is a level plain, with hills
on either side. These on the W. side run southward, becoming more
elevated and more massive as their distance increases. As for the
plain, we have not seen where it ends. The earth is black, rich, and in
large particles. It is cleared of wild trees to make room for fruit
trees, crops, and gardens surrounded by railings. There are many houses
scattered about; and wherever a view could be obtained, many fires and
columns of smoke were discerned, witnesses of a large population.


The natives generally seen here are corpulent, not quite black nor
mulatto. Their hair is frizzled. They have good eyes. They cover their
parts with certain cloths they weave. They are clean, fond of
festivities and dancing to the sound of flute and drums made of a
hollow piece of wood. They use shells also for musical instruments, and
in their dances make great shouting at the advances, balances, and
retreats. They were not known to use the herb.1 [266]


Their arms are heavy wooden clubs, and bows of the same, arrows of
reed with wooden points, hardened in the fire, darts with pieces of
bone enclosed.


Their interments are covered. We saw some enclosed with their
oratories and figures, to which they make offerings. It is, to all
appearance, a people courageous and sociable, but without care for the
ills of their neighbours; for they saw some fighting with us without
coming to help them.


The houses are of wood, covered with palm leaves, with two sloping
sides to the roof, and with a certain kind of outhouse, where they keep
their food. All their things are kept very clean. They also have
flower-pots with small trees of an unknown kind. The leaves are very
soft, and of a yellow-reddish colour.


The bread they use is mainly of roots, whose young shoots climb on
poles, which are put near them for that purpose. The rind is grey, the
pulp murrey colour, yellow, or reddish; some much larger than others.
There are some a yard and a-half in thickness, also two kinds: one
almost round, and the size of two fists, more or less. Their taste
resembles the potatoes of Peru. The inside of the other root is white,
its form and size that of a cob of maize when stripped. All three kinds
have a pulp without fibres, loose, soft, and pleasant to the taste.
These roots are bread made without trouble, there being nothing to do
but to take them out of the earth, and eat them, roast or boiled. They
are very good cooked in pots. Our people ate a great deal; and, being
of a pleasant taste and satisfying, they left off the ship’s
biscuit for them. These roots last so long without getting bad, that on
reaching Acapulco those that were left were quite good.


Their meat consists of a great quantity of tame pigs, some reddish,
others black, white, or speckled. We saw tusks 1¼ palmos
in length, and a porker was killed weighing [267]200
lbs. The natives roast them on hearths, wrapped up in plantain leaves.
It is a clean way, which gives the meat a good colour, and none of the
substance is lost.


There are many fowls like those of Europe. They use capons. There
are many wild pigeons, doves, ducks, and birds like partridges, with
very fine plumage. One was found in a lasso, with which the natives
catch them. There are many swallows; we saw a macaw and flocks of
paroquets; and we heard, when on board at early dawn, a sweet harmony
from thousands of different birds, apparently buntings, blackbirds,
nightingales, and others. The mornings and afternoons were enjoyable
from the pleasant odours emitted from trees and many kinds of flowers,
together with the sweet basil. A bee was also seen, and harvest flies
were heard buzzing.


The fish are skate, sole, pollack, red mullet, shad, eels,
pargos, sardines, and others; for which natives fish with a
three-pronged dart, with thread of a fibrous plant, with nets in a bow
shape, and at night with a light. Our people fished with hooks and with
nets, for the most part. In swampy parts of the beach shrimps and
mussels were seen.


Their fruits are large, and they have many cocoa-nuts, so that they
were not understood to put much store by them. But from these palms
they make wine, vinegar, honey, and whey to give to the sick. They eat
the small palms raw and cooked. The cocoa-nuts, when green, serve as
cardos2 and for cream. Ripe, they are nourishment as
food and drink by land and sea. When old, they yield oil for lighting,
and a curative balsam. The shells are good for cups and bottles. The
fibres furnish tow for caulking a ship; and to make cables, ropes, and
ordinary string, the best for an arquebus. Of the leaves they make
[268]sails for their canoes, and fine mats, with
which they cover their houses, built with trunks of the trees, which
are straight and high. From the wood they get planks, also lances and
other weapons, and many things for ordinary use, all very durable. From
the grease they get the galagala, used instead of tar. In fine,
it is a tree without necessity for cultivation, and bearing all the
year round.


There are three kinds of plantains: one, the best I have seen,
pleasant to smell, tender and sweet.


There are many “obos,” which is a fruit nearly
the size and taste of a peach, on whose leaves may be reared
silk-worms, as is done in other parts.


There is a great abundance of a fruit which grows on tall trees,
with large serrated leaves. They are the size of ordinary melons, their
shape nearly round, the skin delicate, the surface crossed into four
parts, the pulp between yellow and white, with seven or eight pips.
When ripe it is very sweet; when green, it is eaten boiled or roasted.
It is much eaten, and is found wholesome. The natives use it as
ordinary food.


There are two kinds of almonds: one with as much kernel as four nuts
lengthways, the other in the shape of a triangle. Its kernel is larger
than three large ones of ours and of an excellent taste.


There is a kind of nut, hard outside, and the inside in one piece
without division, almost like a chestnut: the taste nearly the same as
the nuts of Europe.


Oranges grow without being planted. With some the rind is very
thick, with others delicate. The natives do not eat them. Some of our
people said there were lemons.


There are many, and very large, sweet canes: red and green, very
long, with jointed parts. Sugar might be made from them.


Many and large trees, bearing a kind of nut, grew on the
forest-covered slopes near the port. They brought these [269]nuts
on board as green as they were on the branches. Their leaves are not
all green on one side, and on the other they turn to yellowish grey.
Their length is a jeme,3 more or less, and in the
widest part three fingers. The nut contains two skins, between which
grows what they call mace like a small net. Its colour is orange. The
nut is rather large, and there are those who say that this is the best
kind. The natives make no use of it, and our people used to eat it
green, and put it into the pots, and used the mace for saffron.


On the beach a fruit was found like a pineapple. Pedro was asked if
it was eaten, and he replied that only the bark was eaten of the tree
which yielded that fruit.


There were other fruits, like figs, filberts, and
albaricoques, which were eaten. Others were seen, but it was not
known what fruits they were, nor what others grew in that land. To give
a complete account of them and of other things, it is necessary to be a
year in the country, and to travel over much ground.


As regards vegetables, I only knew of amaranth, purslane, and
calabashes.


The natives make from a black clay some very well-worked pots, large
and small, as well as pans and porringers in the shape of small boats.
It was supposed that they made some beverage, because in the pots and
in cavities were found certain sour fruits.


It appeared to us that we saw there quarries of good
marble;4 I say good, because several things were seen that
were made of it and of jasper. There were also seen ebony and large
mother-o’-pearl shells; also some moderate-sized looms. In one
house a heap of heavy black stones was seen, which afterwards proved to
be metal from whence [270]silver could be extracted, as will be seen
further on. Two of our people said they had seen the footprints of a
large animal.


The climate appeared to be very healthy, both from the vigour and
size of the natives, as because none of our men became ill all the time
we were there, nor felt any discomfort, nor tired from work. They had
not to keep from drinking while fasting, nor at unusual times, nor when
sweating, nor from being wet with salt water or fresh, nor from eating
whatever grew in the country, nor from being out in the evening under
the moon, nor the sun, which was not very burning at noon, and at
midnight we were glad of a blanket. The land is shown to be healthy,
from the natives living in houses on terraces, and having so much wood,
and because so many old people were seen. We heard few claps of
thunder, and had little rain. As the rivers flowed with clear water, it
was understood that the rains were over.


It is to be noted that we had not seen cactus nor sandy wastes, nor
were the trees thorny, while many of the wild trees yielded good fruit.
It is also to be noted that we did not see snow on the mountains, nor
were there any mosquitos or ants in the land, which are very harmful,
both in houses and fields. There were no poisonous lizards either in
the woods or the cultivated ground, nor alligators in the rivers. Fish
and flesh keep good for salting during two or more days. The land is so
pleasant, so covered with trees; there are so many kinds of birds,
that, owing to this and other good signs, the climate may be considered
to be clement, and that it preserves its natural order. Of what happens
in the mountains we cannot speak until we have been there.


As no very large canoes were seen, with so large a population, and
such fine trees, but only some small ones, and the mountain ranges
being so high to W. and E., and to [271]the S., and the river Jordan
being so large, with great trees torn up and brought down at its mouth,
we came to the conclusion that the land must be extensive, and yielding
abundantly; and that consequently the people were indolent, and have no
need to seek other lands.


I am able to say, with good reason, that a land more delightful,
healthy and fertile; a site better supplied with quarries, timber, clay
for tiles, bricks for founding a great city on the sea, with a port and
a good river on a plain, with level lands near the hills, ridges, and
ravines; nor better adapted to raise plants and all that Europe and the
Indies produce, could not be found. No port could be found more
agreeable, nor better supplied with all necessaries, without any
drawbacks; nor with such advantages for dockyards in which to build
ships, nor forests more abundant in suitable timber good for futtock
timbers, houses, compass timbers, beams, planks, masts and yards. Nor
is there any other land that could sustain so many strangers so
pleasantly, if what has been written is well considered. Nor does any
other land have what this land has close by, at hand, and in sight of
its port; for quite near there are seven islands, with coasts extending
for 200 leagues, apparently with the same advantages, and which have so
many, and such good signs, that they may be sought for and found
without shoals or other obstacles; while nearly half-way there are
other known islands, with inhabitants and ports where anchorages may be
found. I have never seen, anywhere where I have been, nor have heard of
such advantages.


I take the port of Acapulco as an example, being well known as such
a principal city of Mexico. I say that if it is good as an anchorage,
it is very bad owing to the frequency of fogs, and the want of a river
and of ballast; also, from being unhealthy most of the year, and
intolerable from the heat and the mosquitos, and other molesting
[272]insects for the rest; also for its inconvenient
site near stony and dry hills, and because provisions have to come from
a distance, and soon turn bad; and finally, because it is dear, and
ships have a bad time from the S.E.


If we look from the Strait of Magellan along its two coasts, on one
side to Cape Mendocino, on the other to Newfoundland, being 7,000 or
8,000 leagues of coast, it will be found that, out of the ports that I
have visited, that of San Juan de Ulloa does not merit the name of a
port, nor its town to be inhabited by people; that Panama and Puerto
Bello have little and bad accommodation; and that Payta, Callao,
Havanna, Carthagena (the two latter being famous), La Guayra and Santa
Martha, and many others, including those of Chile and Brazil, according
to what I have been told, are wanting in many necessary things. Not one
will be found which has all the advantages possessed by the port and
land of which I treat. Being in 15°, more good things may be
expected than from places in 20°, 30°, and 40°, if things
turn out as they promise. I also say that if there is nothing better
than what I have seen, it is sufficient for a principal place that may
be settled.


If we look round the coast of Spain, so good a port will not be
found; while its soil only produces thorns, ilexes, and broom, or at
best arbutus and myrtles, and other poor fruits; and he who grows them
for profit has nothing for his pains. April and May failing, the fruits
fail.5 [275]








1 He means
betel. See p. 51.


2
Thistles; teazel.


3 The
space between the end of the thumb and the end of the forefinger, both
stretched out.


4 Coral
cliffs.


5 Captain
Cook visited the Island of Espiritu Santo in August, 1774, and on the
25th entered the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, discovered by Quiros.
The wind being S., Cook was obliged to beat to windward. Next morning
he was 7 or 8 miles from the head of the bay, which is terminated by a
low beach, and behind that an extensive flat covered with trees, and
bounded on each side by a ridge of mountains. The latitude was 15°
5′ S. Steering to within 2 miles of the head of the bay, he sent
Mr. Cooper and Mr. Gilbert to sound and reconnoitre the coast. Mr.
Cooper reported that he had landed on the beach near a fine river. They
found 3 fathoms close to the beach, and 55 two cables’ lengths
off. At the ship there was no bottom with 170 fathoms. When the boat
returned, Captain Cook steered down the bay; and [273]during the night there were many fires on the
W. side. In the morning of the 27th the ship was off the N.W. point of
the bay, in latitude 14° 39′ 30″. The bay has 20
leagues of sea-coast—6 on the E. side, 2 at the head, and 12 on
the W. side. The two points which form the entrance bear S. 53° E.,
and N. 53° W., from each other distant 10 leagues. An uncommonly
luxuriant vegetation was everywhere to be seen. Captain Cook named the
E. point of the bay “Cape Quiros,” which is in 14°
56′ S., and longitude 167° 13′ E. He named the N.W.
point “Cape Cumberland.” It is in 14° 38′
45″ S., and 166° 49′ 30″ E.—Cook’s
Second Voyage, vol. ii, p. 89.


The Editor has to thank Dr. Bolton G. Corney for
the following very interesting account of his visit to the bay of San
Felipe y Santiago in 1876:—


“While on a voyage through the New Hebrides
in the barque Prospector, of 260 tons, in August, 1876, I
visited the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, now commonly known to
shipmasters and other habitués of the Western Pacific as
the ‘Big Bay.’


“The island itself is, for short, spoken of
as ‘Santo,’ not only by local white men, but also by many
of the natives of it and the neighbouring ones, many of whom have been
in Fiji or Queensland, and have picked up a little Fijian or English,
as the case may be.


“The Prospector was chartered by the
Government of Fiji to return 476 of these people to their homes, in
completion of contracts made with them a few years before, after
performing a term of labour on the cotton and maize or cocoa-nut
plantations of that group of islands, which, in 1874, became a British
Crown colony. I was in charge of these returning emigrants, both
medically and as representing the Government.


“We passed from Malikolo to
‘Santo’, and worked up under the lee of its
western side to Pusei and Tasimate, landing and recruiting emigrants as
we went, and bartering for yams, and taro, and pigs by way of
provisions. We rounded Cape Cumberland (the extreme N.W. point of the
island), and worked into the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, making one
long board to the E.N.E or N.E. by E. first, and then a long leg to the
S.S.W., or thereabouts, which brought us close in with the land on the
W. side of the bay. The land there was high and steep, and we had deep
water until quite close into the beach. We then went about and made
short tacks towards the fundus of the bay, where we had to lay
the barque quite close in to the shore before getting anchorage. The
water was blue and clear, and I do not recollect seeing any reefs or
patches. The anchorage we made for was known to our recruiting agents,
who called it the ‘river Jordan.’ I have a recollection of
hearing that we got 9 fathoms with the lead just before letting go. The
water was quite smooth, protected by the land at the head of the bay
from the prevailing trade-wind; and the barque lay at a few
boats’ lengths from the beach—about 300 yards W. from the
embouchure of the river.


“Our objects in calling there were (i) to
land certain natives of the place whom we had on board, with their
earnings; (ii) to recruit others if any suitable ones offered; and
(iii) to obtain wood and fill water.


“The beach, if my memory does not mislead me,
was of black sand, which is not an uncommon thing in islands of
volcanic origin, such as the New Hebrides: the distance from low
water-mark to the edge of the timber and undergrowth which fringed it
just above high-water [274]mark, was only a few
yards—perhaps 18 or 25—except near the mouth of the river,
where it was more shelving, and extended out into a sandy foreshore or
bank corresponding to the bar, the dry land being flat and of alluvial
formation.


“The river was about as large as the Thames
at Isleworth, and flowed into the bay through a wide and far-reaching
valley from S. to N. Its banks were low, and overgrown with reeds and
scrub, and more than usually free from the customary mangrove trees and
bushes. We did not explore it for far, because the friendly attitude of
the natives could not be depended on to last, if they should get us
into a ‘corner;’ but I pulled into the river in one of the
recruiting boats for a short distance, and selected a place at which we
filled our beakers and water-casks with water of good and fresh
quality. This was perhaps less than half a mile from the mouth: the
water was clear, and we could see the bottom in mid-stream; but the
tide was at the last of the ebb, as we had chosen that time for the
sake of getting the freshest water.


“The natives brought us some dead logs to the
beach, and others on bamboos to the vessel’s side, much of which
the sailors and officers bartered for in the belief that it was sandal
wood. It was in reality, I believe, the wood known in Fijian as
Sevna or Cevna, a kind of Pittosporum, which grows
near the sea and has a strong sandal-wood odour. We also obtained the
natives’ consent to our cutting some firewood, which was mostly
wild dawa (Nephilium pinnatum), and mulomulo
(Hiliuscus populnea), a littoral tree often used in Fiji to cut
boats’ knees from.


“We recruited four men to go with us to Fiji
for three years. They were all adults of about 20 to 24 years, tall,
black, and athletic young men, much above the average stature of New
Hebrideans anywhere north of Eromango; and the other people of the
locality appeared to me equally well-built, and some 5 ft. 10 in. or 5
ft. 11 in. in height. I cannot say whether they were the true
inhabitants of the place, as we saw no village nor huts: they may have
been mountaineers from the interior on an excursion to the coast, the
mountaineers in these islands being as a rule blacker, and I think
taller (with exceptions), than the coast people.


“They had no canoes—at least I saw
none—except two small catamarans; and the timber they took
alongside the ship was floated off by means of bamboos.


“It is doubtful whether mountaineers would
have possession of catamarans on the coast, or trust themselves to
bamboo rafts.


“The west shore of this bay rises steeply
from the water throughout most of its extent: but there are narrow
strips of low-lying flat land between the beach and the mountain side
at intervals, continuous with the small valleys, where creeks or
torrents, of which there are several, have deposited silt and boulders,
and rocky débris from the higher slopes. But, in so far
as I remember, they are all insignificant in extent, as the mountain
ridge which forms this large promontory and ends abruptly in Cape
Cumberland, rises, as already mentioned, steeply from the sea, which is
deep all along and around it, with only here and there even a fringing
shore reef. There is no barrier reef whatever, and consequently no
lagoon.


“As to size of the ‘Big Bay,’ I
should say that the distance from Cape Cumberland to the
‘Jordan’ is something like 30 miles. The head of the bay
runs from the river mouth in an easterly direction [275]for 3 or perhaps 4 miles, being mostly flat,
low-lying alluvium, and then sweeps round towards the N.E. and N.,
being more elevated and undulating, and ends in Cape Quiros. This land,
forming the eastern horn of the bay, does not project so far seaward as
the western promontory, and is neither so high nor so steep, nor so
heavily timbered as the latter, which is in fact a continuation of the
backbone of the island, as far out as Cape Cumberland. The eastern horn
extends northward perhaps 10 or 12 miles only.


“The depth or extent of the bay itself, from
its chord formed by an imaginary E. and W. line drawn through Cape
Quiros, seemed to me about a dozen miles, and it is of similar width.
It may, therefore, contain nearly 150 square miles in area.


“The anchorage is well protected from the
prevailing trade-wind, which blows from E.S.E., and is sheltered from
that point round by S. to N.W. It is not exposed either from E.N.E. to
E.S.E., but from N.W. to N. and N.E. it is unsafe.”






[Contents]



Chapter XXXI.




Gives an account of the departure from this port, and
of the return to it; also of what happened, at that time, with the
natives by reason of the three boys.








As it was arranged that the ships should leave the
port, understanding that the sickness was not very bad, they made sail
on the following day, the 28th of May. In the afternoon the sick were
so helpless that the Captain ordered the Pilots to keep the ships
within the mouth of the bay until the condition of the people was seen
next day. They were all in such a state that the Captain gave orders
for the ships to return to port, where, the wind being fair, they were
easily anchored. Then steps were taken to confess and take care of the
sick, and they all got well in a short time.


On the day after we anchored a number of natives were seen on the
beach, playing on their shells. To find out what it was about, the
Captain ordered the Master of the Camp to go with a party of men in the
two boats to learn what they wanted. When our people were near them,
they vainly shot off their arrows to the sound of their instruments.
[276]From the boats four musket-shots were fired in
the air, and they returned to the ships.


Soon afterwards the Captain ordered them to return to the shore,
taking the three boys, that the natives might see them, and be assured
that no harm had been done to them, the fear of which was supposed to
be the cause of all this disturbance. When they arrived, the boys
called to their fathers, who, though they heard them, did not know
their sons by the voices or by sight, because they were dressed in
silk. The boats came nearer, that they might get a better view; and,
when the boys were known, two natives waded into the water up to their
breasts, showing by this, and by their joy during all the time the
sweet discourse lasted, that they were the fathers of the boys.


The natives were given to understand that the muskets were fired
because they fired the arrows. To this they answered that it was not
them, but others of a different tribe; and that, as they were friends,
they should be given the three boys. They said they would bring fowls,
pigs, and fruit, and present them. They were told, by pointing to the
sun, that they were to return at noon. They went away, and the boats
went back to the ships. At the time arranged the natives sounded two
shells, and the boats went back with the three boys, whose fathers,
when they saw and spoke to them, did not show less joy than at the
first interview. They gave us a pig, and asked for the boys. They said
they would bring many on the next day, which accordingly they did,
sounding the shells.


The boats again went to the shore, taking a he- and a she-goat, to
leave there to breed; also taking the boys as a decoy to induce the
natives to come, so as to take them to the ships, and let them return.
They found two pigs on the beach; and, when they were delivered up, our
people gave the goats in exchange, which the natives looked at
cautiously, with much talking among themselves. [277]


The fathers begged for their sons; and, because we would not comply,
they said they would bring more pigs, and that we were to come back for
them when they gave the signal. In the afternoon the same signal was
made, and the boats returned to the shore. But they only saw the goats
tied up, and two natives near them, who said that they would go to seek
for others, as they did not want the goats. Thinking that this looked
bad, a careful observation was made, and many natives were seen among
the trees with bows and arrows. Understanding that this was a plan for
seizing some of our men, or for some other bad object, the muskets were
fired off, and the natives hastily fled with loud shouts. Our men
recovered the goats, and returned to the ships. Then the biggest boy,
who was afterwards named Pablo, said to the Captain, not only once, but
many times, with signs of great affliction,
“Teatali”; which was supposed to mean that he wanted
to go on shore. The Captain replied: “Silence, child! you know
not what you ask. Greater good awaits you than the sight and the
communion with heathen parents and friends.”


It is to be noted that a cross, which had been left on the banks of
the river Salvador, was found raised in its place, and that the natives
had put branches and flowers round it.


There was not wanting one who said to the Captain that, as he had
before him a land with so many rivers and ravines, he should make tests
to ascertain whether they contained the metal called gold, so
acceptable in the eyes of men. The Captain replied to this that he had
only come to discover lands and people; and that, as God had been
pleased to show him what he sought, it would be neither just nor
reasonable to risk the whole for a part; that, if it could be done,
understanding that this might have the colour of an excuse, he would
have done it without the interference of another; and that it will be
for the [278]settlers who may come to these lands to
undertake, with proper security, these and other cares. The man replied
to this that the time was now full for such work; that if it was not
known that there was gold and silver, there would not be the incentive
to come and settle. To put an end to the argument, the Captain answered
that the cause was that of God; and when the hour chosen by the Divine
Majesty arrived, there would be given for this his estate, overseers,
and workers, not only for gold, but for the saving of souls.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXII.




The causes which led the Captain to leave this port a
second time; and how, in returning to it, the Capitana parted
company with the other vessels; how a better view was obtained of the
plains that were seen before entering the bay, and of that great and
high range of mountains far away to the S.E., and how an island was
discovered.








The Captain, seeing that the natives of that bay
continued to be hostile, owing to the bad treatment they had received,
resolved to proceed to get a near view of that great and high chain of
mountains, desiring by the sight of them to reanimate all his
companions; because, if he should die, they would remain with the
ardour to continue the work until it was finished. He considered that,
failing his person, discord and danger would not be wanting, owing to
the pretensions of those who wished to be chief; also that, of
necessity, there should be agreement respecting the route that should
be followed. There did not fail to be diverse opinions whether it
should be to windward, leaving as a possibility what it was so much
desired that we should see. It also seemed to many who had a look-out
from the mast-head, that all those lands were joined one to the other.
To the Captain it seemed that what was desired to be seen was of
[279]great importance, and that it would be well to
keep that port to leeward.


To give effect to this desire, he left the bay with the three
vessels on Thursday, the 8th of June, in the afternoon, three days
after the conjunction of the moon, there being a light wind from the
E., which was the point from which the wind had blown most of the time
we had been there. Outside it veered to S.E., and blew with some force.
So that we were all that day working against it without being able to
make any progress. For this cause the Pilots cried from one ship to
another: “Where are we going?” The Captain had these and
other reasons submitted to them, and resolved to return to the port,
with the intention of wintering there, building a strong house, sowing
the land, getting a better knowledge of the season, and building a
brigantine to send, with the launch, to discover what was so much
desired, it being clear to all that this was very necessary; because
the place which seemed so important to the sight had as yet yielded but
a bad account.


All night we were beating on different tacks at the mouth of the
bay. At dawn the Almiranta was 3 leagues to windward, and at
three in the afternoon she and the launch were near the port. The
Captain asked the reason why these vessels, which were not so good on a
bowline as the Capitana, were so far ahead. He was told that
they had met with more favourable winds. Presently it was said that
there had been very little sail on the Capitana, and that she
had made very short tacks, and that this was the reason, and it seems a
good one, that she was so much behind. The force of the wind was
increasing, and the night was near, owing to which the Pilot ordered
that if they could not reach the port, they were to anchor wherever it was
possible. The night came on very dark. The Almiranta and the
launch appeared to have anchored. [280]They saw the lanterns
lighted, to give the Capitana leading marks, as she was also
going to anchor. Soundings were taken, and they found 30 fathoms, not
being an arquebus shot from the port. The wind came down in a gust over
the land. Sails were taken in, and the ship was only under a fore
course, falling off a little. The Chief Pilot, exaggerating very much
the importance of being unable to find bottom, together with the
darkness of the night, the strong wind, the numerous lights he saw
without being able to judge with certainty which were those of the two
ships, said to the Captain that he was unable to reach the port. The
Captain commended his zeal and vigilance.


There was one who said, and made it clearly to be understood, that
more diligence might easily have been shown to anchor or to remain
without leaving the bay; and that, with only the spritsail braced up,
she might have run for shelter under the cape to windward. It was also
said that they went to sleep. In the morning the Captain asked the
Pilot what was the position of the ship. He replied that she was to
leeward of the cape, and the Captain told him to make sail that she
might not make leeway. The Pilot answered that the sea was too high and
against them, and that the bows driving into the water would cause her
timbers to open, though he would do his best. I say that this was a
great misfortune, owing to the Captain being disabled by illness on
this and other occasions when the Pilots wasted time, obliging him to
believe what they said, to take what they gave, measured out as they
pleased. Finally, during this and the two following days, attempts were
made to enter the bay. The other vessels did not come out; the wind did
not go down; while, owing to the force of the wind the ship, having
little sail on, and her head E.N.E., lost ground to such an extent that
we found ourselves 20 leagues to leeward of the port, all looking at
[281]those high mountains with sorrow at not being
able to get near them.


The island of “Virgen Maria” was so hidden by mist that
we could never get a sight of it. We saw the other island of
“Belen,”1 and passed near another, 7
leagues long. It consists of a very high hill, almost like the first.
It received the name of “Pilar de Zaragoza.”2
Many growing crops, palms, and other trees, and columns of smoke were
seen on it. It was about 30 leagues to the N.W. of the bay; but no
soundings and no port. We diligently sought its shelter, but were
obliged to give it up owing to the wind and current; and on the next
day we found ourselves at sea, out of sight of land.








1 Probably
Vanua Lava.


2
Ureparopara, or islands to N.W.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXIII.




Gives the sorrowful discourses made by the Captain and
others, to mitigate the grief they felt at having lost the port, and to
settle what must be done with the consent of all.








Here it was represented to the Captain that if in Lima
they had given him his despatch on the day of St. Francis, so ordered
that he should go on with his plan, which was to steer for the
thirtieth degree towards the south, for this forty days or less seemed
sufficient. If by that route the sought-for land was found, it would be
the best time of the year for exploring its coasts and islands. If land
was not found on that parallel, there was still a month and a-half
before the sun took its turn, for them to navigate towards the W., or
with tacks to S.W. and N.W., to cross those seas until it was made
clear that the supposed lands do not exist; and he might make many
other researches, according to the position in which he found himself.
[282]


In short, I say that from the day of St. Francis to the end of May
there are eight months less those four days, and that to go from Lima
by the usual route to Manilla two months and a-half, or at most three
months, are sufficient. The other five months give plenty of time to
discover and see very extensive lands and many ports, or to go in May
to Manilla, which is before the S.W. winds begin, and in October or
November, which is the beginning of the N. winds; and by these breezes
to leave that city and go outside the two Javas to the S.S.W. in search
of lands, passing the Cape of Good Hope in January, February, or March,
the best months in the year for that, so as to reach Spain in July,
August, or September, which is the summer. To make such a grand voyage
as this twenty months are enough, or at the outside two years, and this
truth will be confessed by all who know how to navigate; and also how
great will be the regrets of him who knows that this time he is unable
to get from such labours those fruits for others which he so truthfully
expected. With his great loads of sorrow the Captain said in public
that all of us should be witnesses, because if he should die, it should
remain in the memory of the people that these two months and a-half of
summer that he was delayed at Callao had robbed him of the power of
following up so great an enterprise as was the present, while only half
an hour of time took it from his hands.


He considered the strong contrary winds, the very threatening
weather, the fact that their present position was unknown, that the
ship must need repairs, the necessity for going to a place where she
could be either got into harbour or careened on a coast, and that all
was ended there. He had very prominently in his mind that at the first
difficulty or danger there would be a want of resolution or of
management, or of the desire to apply a remedy; for which reason it
might with truth be said that he was [283]without pilots on
whom he could rely, and that from some other persons there was little
to be expected or hoped. Then there were his own infirmities; so that
altogether the case was one of evident danger.


Putting on one side the ordinances of God, His high and secret
decrees, and how limited was his understanding to enable him to decide
whether what happened was or was not in conformity with them, the
sorrowful Captain said discretion was of little use to arrange things,
nor the mind to undertake business, though it be easy, if there be any
one who has the will and power to take away all his just value or great
part of it. Sovereigns, he said, when they undertake great enterprises,
ought to distinguish, make clear, and strengthen their orders in such a
way that the persons to whom their execution is entrusted can have no
room for doubt, nor to contend, nor any one who can make excuses; and
not pledge men so that they find themselves in positions so confused
and difficult as had the Captain. For he could not tell what advice was
mature nor what was inexperienced, nor the choice he should make, nor
the resolution he should take which, if followed, might lead at least
to part of the remedy for the evils which were menaced in so important
a matter.


He arranged to go, as we were then steering to N.E. and N. as far as
10° 30′ S., the latitude of the island of Santa Cruz, which
being settled, the Captain made the following discourses.


In the first place the S.E. wind had the same force, and if with
such threatening weather he steered to the W. in search of the island
of Santa Cruz, it might remain at the E., and, without the danger in
which he would have to put the vessel, he would place himself still
more distant from help if he did not make the landfall.


Secondly, he knew, for he had already made the voyage to the
Philippines, there was the beginning of those furious [284]westerlies which last at least until the first
days of October, for which cause it was impossible to go there at that
season.


Thirdly, to undertake the voyage to Acapulco; the distance was very
long, and it would be necessary to cross the equator without knowing
which time would be the best; while there was very little water left
and no meat: for the Chief Pilot had buried the casks among the ballast
where the bilge-water sucked in, and for that reason it had all turned
bad.


He felt that he had many sick, and no medical man, nor the necessary
comforts to nourish them.


He knew that in the ship he had some few friends and all the rest
enemies; and those he had to help him and take part of his duties were
those who were soonest tired, and were least able to manage things, or
to treat of more than the security of their own persons, while they
disliked work.


He did not certainly know what had happened to the other two
vessels; so that he reflected that only the ship in which he was, was
available to bring the news of the discoveries and how much they
imported, and that the same news should be given by those who remained.
He made other very sorrowful discourses, and the following, which were
more consolatory.


The first was that many exploring ships and fleets, full of men and
riches, have been lost in known seas, without, in many cases, having
secured their objects, either in whole or part.


The second, that he had completed the discovery of such good peoples
and lands without knowing where they ended, with such a large bay and
good port within it, and had taken possession in the name of His
Majesty, without the loss of a single man; and that all this was a
beginning, with very great foundations, for the settling and completing
[285]the discovery of all that those lands contain;
and that so arduous an undertaking could not be finished in one voyage,
nor in three, even with very efficient help, and with men who would
work with the same love for the cause as the Captain felt.


The third, that as God had been served to guide them to those parts,
and to give them time for all that had been done, it was very just that
he should be consoled and in conformity with the will of the Lord of
times and seasons. He could understand that if another voyage should be
desired, that also it could be made, although it should be more in the
winter, and though men should contradict or favour, and other thousands
of opponents should bar the way. It would be well to agree to what had
happened, for causes which, at present, are not comprehended.


The fourth is that, in the other two vessels, there remained the
instructions that had been given, and it was understood that, if they
were safe, they would do all in their power to discover more lands, and
bring from them such news as might be hoped from God, and the Admiral,
and his Pilot, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, a person from whom
great things might be hoped; and also from the Captain of the ship,
Gaspar de Gaya, and from three very respectable monks; in fine, from
all the people connected with that ship, as likely to be useful.
Finally, he said that the present time ought to be cared for to ensure
the time to come, and that he who rules must entrust to some man all or
part of the business, present or absent, great or small; and if those
who are so trusted deceive those who put confidence in them, where can
there be a remedy except in heaven.


The Captain saw that it was indispensable to decide at once what
ought to be done; and, therefore, he called a meeting of all the
officers and other persons in the ship, telling them that they must
carefully consider all the [286]reasons he would put before them,
the present state of affairs, and what should be done. There were some
who, through the mouth of one as ignorant as themselves, said that they
should go to the Philippines. To this, others replied that as they had
money they wanted to go and get employment in the porcelain and silks
of China, where the work should pay them, or at least the Royal
Treasury. In the end all were of opinion that they should make for the
port of Acapulco, and they signed their names to this resolution on the
18th of June.


The Captain at once ordered the Pilots to shape a course N.E. by N.,
if the weather would allow it, and if in the southern part where we
were any islands should be found, we were to anchor there to build a
launch and come to a new resolution, in order that God and His Majesty
might be better served. In case no such island could be found, we were
to continue on the same course until the ship was in 13° 30′
N. latitude, the parallel of the island of Guan in the Ladrones, on the
route of ships going from Acapulco to the Philippines. There, with
reference to the feelings of the crew, the weather, the condition of
the ship, and the provisions, another final agreement was to be made,
and a resolution taken with reference to the route to be adopted for
reaching a friendly port.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXIV.




Relates how a quantity of water was collected from two
great showers of rain; how the ship crossed the equator; how an island
was discovered; how the last agreement was made at a meeting; and of
the courses and latitudes as far as a certain point.








With the wind S.E., which had now broken its fury,
they continued to navigate until the eve of St. John the Baptist. On
that day God was served by giving us a great shower [287]of
rain. With twenty-eight sheets stretched all over the ship, we
collected, from this and another rainfall, three hundred jars of water:
a relief for our necessities, and a great consolation for all the
people. With a few changes of wind and some calms, heading to the N.,
we reached the line on the 2nd of July. That night the needle was
marked, and it was found that the variation was to the N.E. by E., a
notable thing, for in the bay it was 7° almost on the same
meridian, and the distance so short.


With the wind S. and S.W. we continued to navigate until the 8th of
July. On that day we saw an island, about 6 leagues in circumference.
As until now we had not met with any island or rock whatever to impede
our road, we gave it the name of “Buen Viaje.” Its latitude
is 3° 30′ N. It was decided not to approach it nearer, as it
was not convenient, and for fear of rocks. In this part, in a higher
latitude, we had some rain, especially one shower, which filled all the
jars that were empty, and it was drunk without doing the least harm,
nor did it ever get bad. In short, after God, the rain showers saved
our lives.


On the 23rd of July the Captain ordered the Pilots to state the
latitude they were in, and the distance in leagues from the Philippines
and from the coast of New Spain, according to their calculations; also,
they were to declare definitely in which direction the ship’s
head was to be turned.


They gave 3° 10′ N. as the latitude, 780 leagues east of
Manilla, and 780 leagues S.W. of the coast of New Spain, adding that
the ship could not go to Manilla owing to contrary winds1
at that time; and it was, therefore, their opinion that the course
should be steered for the coast of New Spain and the port of
Acapulco.


It appeared to the Captain that the best service he [288]could do to His Majesty at present was to save
the ship, save time, save the expenses caused if they went to Manilla,
and the cost of the ship with all hands during a whole year; and being
so far to windward of the meridian of Japan, there was no wind that
could impede their reaching a higher latitude or to reach the coast. He
also considered that the ship was well supplied with water and biscuit,
and all the crew healthy, and that there were two natives of those
parts on board to give information; that if he should die at sea there
would be others to navigate the ship, so that His Majesty would be
informed of all that had been discovered and promised, and that he was
bound to choose the least of two evils; he ordered the Pilots to shape
a course for New Spain and the port of Acapulco, and to give an account
of the route they followed, and the latitude each day. He said to them
that he who suffered most and should be most useful, would be most
worthy of reward.


Considering the state of affairs owing to the delayed despatch at
the Court of Spain and in Callao, I say that, for its grandeur and
importance, and the facility with which the Captain is able to
demonstrate all his thoughts and wishes by his works, so many times
made known, it has been the greatest of the injuries done to a man who
has bought it by such continual labour and misery, and other very high
costs, wandering and finding in so long a journey very great
difficulties. For all these, and a thousand other reasons, the Captain
did not know whether to throw the blame on ignorance or malice, and
ended by attributing it to his many great sins. He, therefore,
confessed that he was not worthy to see the end of a work in which
those who lived righteously would be well employed, having all the
qualifications that so sacred an enterprise requires. [289]








1
Vendavales.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXV.




Relates how a great shoal of albacore fish
accompanied the ship for many days; the fishing of them; and the rest
that happened until they sighted the land of New Spain.








With the winds between E. and N.N.E. we navigated
until the 26th of July, when we were in 18° N. On this day we had
the sun at the zenith, and crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 1st of
August. Up to this position we had seen gulls and other birds almost
every day.


On the 5th we had the wind aft and ran before it, with an E. course,
for nearly three days, then more northerly as far as 25° N. This
day, which was that of St. Lawrence, they collected from a shower of
rain fifty jars full of water. Certain albacore and bonito, in a
large shoal, had hitherto followed the ship, and every day the men
fished with nets, fizgigs, and harpoons, catching ten, twenty, thirty,
even fifty, some of them weighing 3, 4, and 5 arrobas. We ate
them fresh, and salted them down, filling many jars. About 2,500
arrobas1 of fish supplied the place of meat, and
lasted until we reached the port of Acapulco, with some over.


The voyage was prolonged owing to scarcity of wind and calms, and it
was necessary to go as far N. as 38°; and we kept working to the E.
with wind S.S.E., not always steady.


On the 1st of September, at three o’clock in the afternoon,
there was a great trembling of the sea and of the ship—a notable
thing, and new to me. Then, with wind S. and S.W., we navigated until
the 26th of September. On that day, at three o’clock in the
morning, there was a great eclipse of the moon, which lasted three
hours. The variation [290]of the needle was here very slight. The
pilots were making for land, and all the people were tired of the long
voyage, with the allowance of water reduced to a quartilla, and
other hardships, caused by so many months at sea. They were most
anxious to see land, or signs of it, when a great weed was seen on the
sea, called “porra.” In that season the wind is
S.E., and the course E.N.E. The wind changed to N.E., and it has been
necessary to go further N.; but the Captain, knowing by that weed, and
many others of the same kind, that the land was near, ordered an E.S.E.
course to be steered. So they proceeded, meeting with signs that
consoled them: such as the sight of seals, leaves of trees, and birds
of the sea-shore sitting on a tree-trunk.


Much care was exercised with regard to the look-outs. At night there
were two men on the bowsprit, and in the daytime one at each masthead.
At last, on September 23rd, early in the morning, one Silvestre
Marselles reported with great joy: “I see land ahead. It is high,
bare, and dry.” Many went aloft to see, and confirmed the news.
The Pilots took the sun at noon, and found the latitude 34° N.
Presently, the Captain told four men to look out carefully, to see if
it was islands. All said it was mainland, but they were wrong: for on the
first night, with a very clear sky, we found ourselves between two
islands, the sight of which disgusted everybody, and caused the Captain
much sorrow. For, during that day and night much care was required, and
even more from not knowing who to trust, each day bringing its trials.
As a remedy, he stationed an overseer on the poop, but very soon he
went with all the rest, who had their own methods. In fine, it was
God’s pleasure that the channel should be clear. We sailed out of
it; and, coasting along the main-land, we passed the island of
“Cerros,” with the loss of some days from calms and light
winds. [291]


Will of the Captain.


“I desire much that in these regions which it has been the
will of God to show me, and in all those still hidden but, no doubt, as
well peopled as those I saw, there be designed and fabricated some
nests without brambles, nor other kinds of thorns, refuges and pleasant
abiding-places of pelicans, who first tear their flesh, open their
bosoms, and clearly show entrails and heart; and, not content with
that, they should give to these people dishes cooked in many ways in
the braziers of enlightened charity being the pots and pans of piety
and pity, and the table-service of all equity; and that for drink there
should be the sweat of their brows, if they prefer not giving the blood
of their veins; all this with pure and clear love, always without ever
a step backwards.


“I should not wish, in no way whatever, that among these new
and tender people there should come to settle and to live, or to enter
into grand palaces for their nests, any falcons, or sakers, or other
birds of prey, which, circling and dissimulating, spring suddenly on
their prey and grasp them with their cruel talons, and with their
fierce and sharp beaks tear them into two thousand pieces, without ever
being gorged, or picking the bones when there is no flesh left on them.
To give a relish to dishes of such impious wickedness, there is offered
certain salts; and they give for fruit certain honeyed excuses void of
all the law of reason and unworthy of all good memory, but very worthy
of due punishment. An example of this is in the Indies with their
islands. Ask all the natives respecting all that affects life, liberty,
honour, and estate (I leave the spiritual out of account), what there
is to say as compared with their state in those former times, and they
will say how things go now: and how they hope they will go, though not
by a post which goes in haste. [292]


“But I answer for them, and say in this wise, that the force,
injuries, injustices, and great evils that have been done, and are
done, are incredible, the methods infernal, the number not to be
counted: and that never have I seen their masters, nor others who enjoy
great part of the toil of the people, to lament the evil things they
have done and do, that they alone may take their ease in all comfort.
If perchance I have heard one grumble, cry, or quarrel, it is for me a
pretence, and nothing more. For they have not pardoned, nor pardon, nor
intend to pardon, for the least thing they want, much less excuse any
payment of money. It is money, I say, that they want, and more money,
though it be torn from men’s entrails. This I have seen, and how
much the loss comes in, so much the more money they want; and they do
not return that which they have taken by force, but rather seek anew
and with increased eagerness, dyed in unknown, dark, and strange
colours. I say they require from them always more, and never less,
though it should be in the deprivation of the glory and eternity of
their hell and that of their victims.


“They see this with eyes of the body and soul, those gentlemen
who have to be the judges in so pious a cause as is represented here;
for with theirs I discharge my conscience, announcing in all I have
written and shown with much facility that, if it is desired to mitigate
such diabolical avarice, it will be shown that there is plenty for all;
and that in this and other gentle and reasonable means there will not
be so many fishermen, huntsmen, owners, with such correspondence as I
have seen and well noted. They will do works so honourable and
beautiful as will make all others of the same kind look ugly. And more
also: for God and His Majesty will be served in all those regions, and
the natives will be made to prosper, as is just and right, under heavy
penalties, to be attempted [293]and seen to in the great and the
small affairs; and this will be my reward.”


The reasons the Captain gave for Punishing Certain Men, and those
he gave for not doing so.


There were in the ship some persons who always desired all the good
things of the voyage, which they obtained at the cost of much care and
vigilance, but who were annoyed to have been seen, and to be seen by
others, to have little will for the work, and to make a bad return for
the affectionate treatment and the benefits they had received from the
Captain. Others spoke to him many times, wishing to incite him to
punish them, or to give them permission to stab such people.


To this the Captain replied that he had duties to all, and that it
was for him, for just causes, to dissimulate and to suffer. And he did
suffer; and those who were his friends suffered with him, and they
would bear witness that during the expedition he was determined never
to take life or reputation; and if he had done so, he would have been
discontented and unquiet for all the rest of his life. For the rest,
who could seek to have dead men present with him, or dishonoured
men?


They said that these men did not recognise good works, nor do they
merit untiring courtesies; nor could it be suffered that these men
should go about with the full intention, as soon as they put their feet
on shore, to speak evil of his person and services, and to ruin the
cause he loved so well, without regard for what is true or reasonable
and just, and merely with the object of avenging themselves.


The Captain said to this that it would be great cowardice to fear
for the truth on account of lies; and that, if he should take account
of ten or twelve worthless men, it would be here that it should be
shown. He well knew, he said, the bad recompense of men, and that he
never hoped [294]for good report, so that he was not deceived;
nor did he wish to waste a single moment on such nonsense, having need
for time for more important matters.


They said that God punishes those who deserve it.


The Captain answered that God pardons, has long suffering and waits,
and that when He determines to punish, He cannot deceive nor be
deceived. He himself had understood the naturally evil dispositions of
some, and the unstable and changeable characters of others. He feared
from many the vengeance desired by their passions, which being blind,
can deceive as much as he can be deceived by his enemies. To pardon
ingrates and enemies without having cause to do so—to do them
good by force, if they wish to know—was a very great vengeance;
and greater courage was shown by having power and not using it, and
still greater to defend them, being enemies, and to overcome them when
he addressed his discourses to them. He had come out of this first
attempt without blood having been on his knife, although he had bought
this result very dear, and it would cost him more hereafter. He
considered himself well employed in securing that this expedition
should have fame equal to that of other passed expeditions; and that
over the bones of so many martyrs there should rise such a good work,
with good repute in the world, which was that for which he took most
heed.


They said that piety was very good, and also that it was reasonable
to punish the bad.


The Captain replied to this that the Emperor Theodosius said, on a
certain occasion, that he would like to have the power to give life to
all who are dead. Charles V suffered, and pardoned very many; deemed it
right to give punishment measured out by his will; and the same was
done by George Castriot and many valorous and prudent
Captains—mirrors in which he was looking night and day, with the
[295]desire to imitate them. Piety is worthy of
praise, and is the more celebrated when it is most observed. If to
pardon the faults of men, as he was, hoping for their amendment, was
not caused by natural piety, it would have been less so to treat, so
much at his cost, a work altogether pious. For his part, piety was so
applauded and practised in the greater; but this did not appear a
reason to deny it in lesser, nor that suffering should come to an end
for all. Being about to die, and at a time when he was seeking a port
in which to bring the voyage to an end, all the ill-will that had
appeared and the concealed spite might also end; and the more to
humiliate them, though they might be rebels, he would protect them;
saying that he had experienced this time, for the undeceiving of
others, that there were men with hearts so hard that kindness would not
soften them, and that they would give evil for good. When it should be
so, he would say what he wished and do what he could; that his voice
had been as little heard as the little justice done him, and the low
opinion of him. It is certain that the vulgar will have to judge this
business with very different feelings from what he intended; and that
when he should give sentence it was more desirable that it should be
pious than cruel—rather reputable than severe. He said, finally,
that justice was an excellent virtue, and very necessary in the world;
but yet let it be exercised by others who have the habit, rather than
by him among those who use little reason, the witnesses being enemies,
to investigate the truth without more or less help.


A Notable Event.


There was a sailor in our company, of Aragonese nationality: a
well-disposed and soldierly youth, so well endowed with parts and
graces, that for them his person deserved and was highly esteemed by
all on board. Being in 24° N., and two leagues from the shore, this
lad was called and [296]searched for in all parts of the ship and
in the parts aloft, without an answer and without being found, being
wanted to take the helm in the morning watch. It was reported to the
Captain, who ordered the ship to be put about and further search to be
made. All parts of the sea were examined, his name was cried out,
signals were made with fire, all the rest of the night and part of the
following day being devoted to the search, without getting a sight of
him, nor any mark to guide us.


In this confusion and in great sorrow we continued on our course.
The Captain was anxious to clear up the mystery, and made enquiries. He
found that, on certain days, the lad had filled two pitchers with
seeds, beads, bells, twine, nets, knives, and a hatchet; that he had
closed their mouths with wax of Nicaragua, that he had put wine and a
small box of conserves into a moderate-sized jar, and had taken his
sword. On that same morning he had been very attentive, listening to
the life of St. Anthony the hermit being read to him, and praising it
much. He turned down the page and kept the book. All the afternoon he
was at the masthead looking out, and taking bearings of the land with a
compass he possessed. On the night that he disappeared it was noticed
that he was very watchful. It was conjectured that with a board, and
some battens and cord he had in his berth, he had made a raft, and that
he went away on it, taking with him all the things that have been
mentioned, for none of them were to be found. It was also said that he
had a strong wish to remain with the natives of the discovered land,
and that he had asked one man to stay with him; but as our departure
had been sudden, he had no opportunity of carrying out his intention.
He had, therefore, determined to leave us here, to teach the heathens
or to live in solitude. His chest was opened, and there was found his
clothes, his money, and a memorandum of all that did not belong to him
and had been given to him to [297]take care of, desiring that it
should be returned to the owners.


This was the act of a man whom we held to be rational and a good
Christian, and when I think of his strange resolution it causes me
sorrow, much more that he should have launched himself on such a raft,
with great risk that he would never put his feet on land. Even if he
did, he might not find the requisites to sustain him. If he tried to go
inland, or to the banks of some river, or along the shore, who was to
carry the two pitchers for him, with the things he had with him, and
the other necessaries to maintain life? If eventually he met with
natives, they might be those who would receive him and treat him well,
or they might be those who eat human flesh. Then, to think of the
solitude, of his nakedness, and of the inclemency of the weather. If he
finds that the land does not suit him, from not offering the means of
carrying out his intention, or from having repented of what he had
done, how far he will be from any remedy, and how near to danger and
evil! There are other things well worthy of consideration; above all,
his being cut off from the divine offices and the sacraments. As I know
not his motives, I will not venture to be his judge in this matter;
only desiring that the Lord may have been served by guiding his destiny
in such a way that he may have been saved, and many others with
him.


A Great Storm.


We continued on our course, the men ready with their arms, and
look-out men at the mast-heads, because we were approaching a cape
called San Lucas, where the Englishman, Thomas Cavendish, robbed the
ship Santa Ana. We soon passed it and in peace, and on Wednesday
the 11th of October, the sky was serene, the sea smooth, without
conjunction or opposition of the moon. But, in the mouth of the Gulf of
California, towards dawn, a wind [298]sprung up from the N.E., with
very thick weather. At nine o’clock the wind shifted to N., and
increased so that we were obliged to batten down the hatchways, and run
before it only under the foresail, which was soon blown to ribbons, and
the ship broached to, breaking the rudder pintels. The rudder being
thus left free, gave such violent blows on either side that the least
harm to be feared was that it would be smashed into splinters and leave
the ship ungovernable. Presently the sailors, understanding what that
signified, helped each other and rigged tackles, with which the rudder
came under control. In bending another foresail the man who was at the
yard-arm was twice covered with water, and was under water for long
spaces of time.


Presently we tried to make sail and run before it; but the wind
increased to such an extent that the violent seas threw up spray which
seemed like showers of rain, and the drops made the eyes smart.


The waves filled the boat with water, and it was quickly washed into
the sea. It was scarcely gone when three seas broke over the ship, with
such force that they left her with the waist half full of water. With
this weight and the violence of the wind the ship could not rise to it.
Seeing this, the Moorish drummer said: “Here we have nothing more
to hope for.” Presently he tossed himself into the sea, and such
was his luck that another wave brought him on board again. That he
might not commit such an act of folly again, he was taken into
custody.


The scuppers, where the water flows out of a ship, were small and
few. With water up to their waists, the men succeeded with bars and
levers in tearing away some of the planks, so as to allow the water to
escape. Here was seen those who helped without intelligence, and others
who ought to have helped but did not. Some were to be seen at the
pumps, others trying to lighten the ship, and many [299]hoarse with crying: “Cut away the main
mast; it is that which is taking us to the bottom.” Some said
Yes, others said No; but, in an instant, with knives and hatchets, they
were cutting away the weather rigging. The Captain called to the Pilots
to look out. They remained deaf. He sent to tell them all to wait
another hour. Many, seeing that the remedy was delayed and the knife
was only threatened, the diligence they used was for what was important
for their souls. Some confessed, others sought pardon and pardoned,
embraced and took leave of each other. Some groaned and others wept,
and many went into corners awaiting death.


The Captain, in great haste, ordered the two natives to be brought
to the bed where he was lying, and the Franciscan Father to ask them
whether they wished to be Christians. Both replied in the affirmative
very fervently, and, when they had recited the creed, he baptized them,
calling them Pedro and Pablo.


The Captain was their godfather, and embraced them with his eyes
full of tears. Seeing that they were frightened, he consoled them,
saying: “To God be the thanks that I owe and ought to give, oh
eternal Father! for such signal mercies. For you have been served that
I should go through such labours, without meriting this small fruit:
small as compared with my desires, but really great, for they are two
souls newly baptized and brought into the bosom of our Catholic
Church.”


Pedro and Pablo were very devout and constant in prayers, with their
hands joined, and when the ship appeared to be sinking they cried:
“Jesus! Mary!” making the sign of the cross towards the
sea. It was enough to see and hear them, to melt the hardest hearts.
The ship ran on, and hope arose. There was one who said: “Fear
nothing; for such a work is done that God will add what is needed to
save the ship and crew.” [300]


It was three in the afternoon. The wind and sea did not work nor
seem to fight with our poor ship, which was so much over on one side,
when a great sea arose, followed by two frightful claps of thunder, and
by such a fierce gust of wind that there seemed to be nothing left for
the ship but to turn over on her keel. Then the semblances of the dead
were seen, the most courageous ordering they knew not what, and the
Pilots dumb. Sighs, vows, promises, and colloquies with God could be
heard, and one who said: “O Lord! for what have I served in all
that has been done and seen if this ship is to go the bottom?”
and he passed on with great demonstrations of faith. In short, all were
crying out, seeking help from God, who was served that the fury of the
wind passed from N.E. to W., and it began to go down. The ship, raising
her neck and shaking her sides, quickly righted, and before night we
made sail and shaped an E.S.E. course, making for Cape Corrientes.


Death of the Father Commissary.


Now we proceeded under all sail with the wind astern and the people
happy, recounting the events of the recent battle with the elements
that it was well to note; some to arouse laughter, others with
amazement at having been witnesses of such a violent storm, the rigour
of which would have been greater and the damage worse if it had
continued through the night. Some praised the ship, its handiness and
strength; others the courage and nerve, and the prompt diligence, and
all the most high Lord for His mercies. Others there were who said that
the tempest and its furies were necessary to humiliate the proud, to
make the ungrateful grateful, and that might come to an end all the
enmities caused from want of love. For with such love can be suffered,
with manly fortitude, what had passed and a little more. Such events
more quickly give than offer; how much more where there was not one who
[301]had a bad taste except this, which it was more
difficult to suffer, one to another for so long a time, in one ship
always seeing the same faces. I say no wonder, if fathers tire of their
sons, brothers and friends quarrel, and a husband sometimes comes to
abhor his dear wife.


Our Father Commissary, who had been ill for some time (I think from
want of proper nourishment, and owing to his great age), was attacked
with paroxysms and agonies in the middle of the following night, and
God was served in taking his life. Having worn his habit for forty
years, and being nearly eighty years old; also having died in a just
cause, having gained the jubilee conceded to the expedition, we may
well hope that he enjoys the presence of God. For the rest of the night
his body was lighted with four wax candles. When the day came, the
Father, his companion, with the crew of the ship, prayed to God for his
soul, and with much feeling he was buried in the sea in sight of the
islands called “Las Tres Marias.”2


The native named Pablo was very attentive, looking on at what was
taking place. As he saw that the body, owing to the weight attached to
its feet, went down, while, at the time of his baptism, they told him
that when Christians die they go to heaven, he asked how it was that
the Father, being a Christian, went to the bottom of the sea. As best
we could, he was given to understand that only the soul went to heaven.
As he knew little about that, he remained doubtful; and all were full
of admiration at seeing a boy of eight years old ask such a question,
who, only the other day, was a brutish gentile. [302]








1 An
arroba=25 lbs.


2 Wooded
islands, off the port of San Blas, on the west coast of Mexico.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXVI.




What else happened until the ship anchored in the port
of Navidad.








We were in sight of land, and sailed along the coast,
making the short hours long, for the longing we felt to see the ship
anchored in the port of Zalagua for which we were making. Being almost
there, it fell calm. We struggled against it, but could never enter. It
was very unlucky, for the want of one hour’s wind robbed us of
the great satisfaction of reaching port after all the want of rest
during our past labours.


There was much discourse touching the necessity in which we were
placed, and meanwhile there was such a strong current that, in a short
time it nearly made us lose the 4 leagues there are between the port of
Zalagua and that of Navidad. Although it was a bad coast, it was agreed
to send two men on shore to seek for people and help. But, as one of
the barrels, on which they were, was carried away by the current, the
Captain ordered the men to come on board again lest they should be
drowned. If the ship passed the port of Navidad, for which both wind
and current were favourable, there was no other known port near where
we could be refreshed.


Seeing the disgust and disquiet of the crew that the ship rolled,
and that there were only forty jars of water left on board, for all
this, and so as to run no further risks, it was resolved to make for
the port of Navidad. The Captain explained to the Chief Pilot the
causes which moved him to do so, the chief of which was the desire to
send the news to Mexico, that the Viceroy might send it to His Majesty,
touching all that happened, being that for which he had most care,
finding himself so near to death. The Pilot [303]showed himself to be lukewarm about it; in
consequence of which the Captain issued an order to go at once to that
port, on pain of grave penalties, because so it was ordered.


So the night closed in. The most expert of the sailors was stationed
on the bowsprit to give notice of the steering when she entered. Helped
much by the light wind, and much more by the current, we proceeded,
though slowly, and entered near a great rock, with a reef to leeward.
The night being dark, there was temerity in entering. Some anxiety was
caused at seeing the ship near the rocks, and some men stripped ready
to swim. There were these alarms, but good government in the ship,
which went further in. Then it fell a dead calm, and we anchored in an
insecure place, so as not to be carried out by the tide. Soon a fresh
S.E. breeze sprang up. The anchor was raised in a great hurry, sail was
made, and we were able to anchor further in. At last, having passed the
night in these brief voyages, the day came, and we entered the port,
anchoring in 12 fathoms in front of a beach exposed to several winds.
The ship was, therefore, secured with four cables on the 21st of
October, 1606.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXVII.




Relates what happened in this port of Navidad until we
left it.








The ship was anchored; but, as we had no boat, we made
a raft of two barrels and a yard. The Captain ordered four men, with
the necessary provision of biscuits and arquebuses, to go on shore and
look for some settlements, of which he had notice. The raft was taken
on shore by the force of the waves. Three sailors who were on it found
a new boat in a certain place, and two jars in a straw hut. They also
found a river, from which they filled the [304]jars. From this
supply, and the twenty-seven jars that remained full on board, the crew
were allowed to drink freely and quench their great thirst. They then
waited hopefully for a good report from their four companions. A day
and night passed, and on the next morning the four sailors came back,
who had been wandering all night among dense and thick trees, along
rivers and swamps, without having found a sign of any settlement. The
crew were very sad at this news; but presently two courageous sailors
came forward—one from Ayamonte, the other from Galicia—and
said to the Captain that, if he would give them leave, they would go on
shore and search for villages or people where God might guide them.


That day they finished building a small boat on board. Some tents
and booths were set up on shore. The Captain landed with the standard
and banner, and with half the men armed; and he ordered that three
pieces should be fired from the ship at sunrise, and sunset, and at
noon: for by chance the report might be heard by cowherds or other
people.


Soon they began to try to catch birds, rabbits, and to fish;
thinking that, when provisions failed, they could in this way supply
present necessities.


Things being in this state, one afternoon two mounted men were seen
to ride on to the beach in great haste, and dismount. Our people received them with
incredible joy, and gave them many cordial embraces. One was an Indian
farmer, a sharp fellow; the other one, Jeronimo Jurado de San Lucar de
Barrameda, who said that when he heard the report of the guns he
concluded that there must be a ship in need, for which cause he had
come; and there he was to do what he could that they might be
relieved.


The Captain, seeing his good will, embraced him a second time, and
contented both by giving them things from the ship. He asked Don
Jeronimo to return with the Sergeant-Major, [305]who
would go to Mexico with the letter for the Viceroy, and with two other
persons, who would take money to buy provisions. Next day they sent
fowls, eggs, chickens, a calf and an ox, which sufficed, and more.


The two good sailors arrived the same day, with natives, horses, and
succour of all kinds. It seemed to the crew that, coming second, their
work was not so much esteemed. But the Captain embraced them, and said
how much he valued their honourable resolves, and how pleased he was,
as all ought to be, with the trouble they had taken.


The news of our being in the port, and of the good treatment we
extended to all who came to it, soon spread. Many natives, who were
concealed in the woods, by reason of those aggregations of one village
with others, came to bring us fruits, maize, and other things, for
which double their value was paid. In order that they might continue to
help, the Captain gave them biscuits, salt, wine, and other things, and
dressed three or four in silk.


The Chief Admiral of Colima, Don Juan de Ribera, at the request of
the Captain, and on payment, sent a quantity of biscuits and fowls. So,
in the twenty-seven days that we were there, we were gaining new
strength, and recovering from a certain disease in the gums, which on
these coasts usually attacks those who come from Manilla.


Satan did not neglect to sow bad and mischievous seeds in this port,
such as he had sown up to this time; and, what was worse, he found soil
disposed to receive, to blossom, and to yield fruit, which was all he
wanted.


As soon as our Father saw natives, he wanted that they should find
him horses, to go to Mexico. The Captain knew this, and asked him many
times to consider the little space of time that was needed for reaching
Acapulco, and that nothing would be more noteworthy than to complete
the voyage. To this the priest replied, that he knew what [306]suited him best; that he did not want in that
short space to die and be thrown into the sea, like the Father
Commissary, but to go direct to his cell, and there live and die
surrounded by his brethren. The Captain answered that it would
certainly look very bad to leave the ship without a priest to attend to
such spiritual needs as might arise. After the loss of the other
priest, his companion, he was our curate; that he should not leave us
without any one, but use charity, for which God would give him as much
life as He gave health. To this he replied: “Let what may appear,
appear: for I owe more to myself, and charity must begin at
home.” Other replies there were, which need not be repeated; and,
with regard to what has been told, and what silence has been kept about
it, the Captain said: “My Father, at the end of so long a voyage,
let us be blind to our passions—we who have another voyage to
make.” On this, the Father threw himself at the feet of the
Captain; and, without the Captain being able to stop him, owing to his
weakness, he kissed both his groins. The Captain stretched himself out,
as the Father had done, and kissed the soles of both his feet, saying:
“I do not intend to be behind in this.”


There were certain people who, for themselves and others, wished to
be left on shore. The Captain said to this, that for the service they
had done until now they might as well be on shore.


Another there was who asked the Captain to certify that he had not
received royal pay, he himself having given it. He also wanted the
title of Admiral while another did the duty. Many others each wanted to
be the person to take the letters to the Viceroy, each alleging his own
great merits. Owing to this, and for many other reasons which need not
be specified, there were many disputes and complaints; from which it
may be judged, as well as from all that has gone before, how much the
discoveries cost, made [307]by the wills of men who thought
little of discovering new lands.


There had come on the voyage, serving the Fathers, an Indian youth
aged about twenty years, named Francisco, a native of Peru. He wore the
habit of a lay brother, his life being one of self-denial. He was a
humble, frugal, and grateful man, very peaceful, and so zealous for the
good of the souls in the new discoveries that he wished to be left
behind with them. He had a great love and respect for God, and in
everything, however hard it might be, he conformed to His will. To all
he showed a good disposition and pleasant countenance, did good for
evil, never complained, or sought recompence nor treated of it. His
example aroused envy in the mind of a soldier who was annoyed at
hearing his virtues praised. So I say that there is no escape from the
tongues of men, and whether high or low he has to receive their
blows.


The feast of All Saints was approaching, which was one of the
jubilee days of the voyage. For this all our people confessed, and an
altar was prepared under a tent, having obtained hosts from a village
called Utlan, and invited all the people in the farms to come. They
came, Spaniards, Indians, and others, to hear the Mass said by our
Father. Pedro and Pablo were on their knees, each one with a lighted
torch, throwing light all the time that the sacrifice and the communion
lasted. A few days afterwards this monk departed by land, while we got
ready to go by sea.


Being very desirous of flying from this beach, and from the
annoyance of such a quantity of mosquitos, sand-flies, and jiggers,
which swarm in this port day and night, without the possibility of any
defence from them, we made sail on the 16th of November. [308]






[Contents]



Chapter XXXVIII.




The remainder of the voyage, and how the ship anchored
in the port of Acapulco.








We navigated with little wind to the purpose, and with
land and sea breezes. For some time there was a current against us, and
we were obliged to go in shore until we grounded on the beach of
Citala. We touched bottom twice; but at last we came near the port, and
a boat under sail and oars came out to know what ship we were. The
Captain sent a messenger in the dingey, and ordered the boat to keep
off until we anchored in the port of Acapulco, on the 23rd of November,
1606. We had only one death—that of the Father
Commissary—and all were in good health. Thanks be to God for
these and all His other mercies shown to us during the voyage!


It is to be noted that when from the bay the S.E. wind rushed upon
us, it was not settled to come to New Spain, for which reason we did
not come, as we might have done, to E.N.E. To cross the line 400
leagues further east than we crossed it, would have made a shorter
passage. If the N.W. wind we had when we went from Taumaco to the bay
is constant, it would be much shorter.


The following day was the Feast of St. Catherine the Martyr. The
Captain left the ship with all his crew, following the royal standard,
accompanied by many of the townspeople, and proceeded from the beach to
the church. They brought Pedro and Pablo, both dressed in new clothes,
to the font. Having said Mass, the Vicar gave them the oil and chrism,
what they had not received before, because the ship was rolling so much
when they were baptized. They returned to the ship in the same
order.


A few days after our arrival, a ship came from the [309]Philippines with the news that Don Pedro de
Acuña, the Governor of them, had taken the island of Ternate
with little loss. This was very joyful news, and was celebrated here by
ringing of bells and rejoicing of the people. In Mexico they made high
festival, worthy of so desirable a victory. I say this, and hope there
will be greater festivities for the discovery of so many islands it
pleased God to show me. All is under one master, and it will be very
just that they should be known to the world for the greater glory of
God and honour of our Spain. Another ship also arrived, on board of
which sixty-nine persons died at sea, of a great sickness that broke
out during the voyage. I was told that, during the voyage, a fowl was
bought for 2,400 reals and another for 3,200, yet the owners did not
wish to sell.


Account of the solemnity with which the cross of orange wood was
landed and received, that had been raised in the bay of St. Philip and
St. James.


Fray Juan de Mendoza, Guardian of the Convent of Barefoot
Franciscans in this port, with much endearment, asked the Captain for
the cross of orange wood, being envious of the veneration with which it
had been received by the two monks of his order on the day that it was
set up in the bay of St. Philip and St. James. He said he wanted to
receive it on the beach, and carry it in procession to his convent.
Over this there was a very honourable and holy discussion, for the
Vicar of the town wanted to receive it with the same reverence, to put
it into the parish church. The question was argued by both sides; and,
finally, owing to certain prayers, the Vicar gave up his claim, and the
Captain gave it to the Guardian, to remain in his power.


On the day of the Conception of the Mother of God, the [310]Captain, with the greatest solemnity possible,
took the cross from the ship to the sea shore, and delivered it to the
said Father Guardians, with six other monks. They received it on their
knees with much devotion, then forming in procession. On each side of
the cross were Pedro and Pablo, with lighted torches. Behind were all
the people of the town, carrying banner and box. So we marched to the
convent. At the door of the church there was a Father in vestments. The
Captain, who arrived first, was acting as mace-bearer until he came to
where the Guardian was, who on his knees delivered the cross to him.
The Captain gave it to the Father, who took it into the church and
fastened it to the high altar, with ringing of bells at both churches,
sound of trumpets, and discharge of guns and of arquebuses and muskets
by the soldiers. All the people showed their joy; and not less did the
Captain, although he had desired to go to Rome and put this cross in
the hands of the Pontiff, and tell him that it was the first that had
been raised in those new lands in the name of the Catholic Church. He
wished to bring the natives as first-fruits, and to ask for all those
and other great favours and concessions. It happened that events robbed
him of this triumph: but he gave many thanks to God, through whose
goodness he hopes to return the cross to the place whence it came.






[Contents]



Chapter XXXIX.




What happened to the Captain in Mexico, and in his
voyage, until he arrived at the Court of Spain.








No sooner had the crew disembarked, than there were
persons who, to gratify their evil passions, wrote to the Marquis of
Montes Claros, Viceroy of Mexico, and sowed [311]many
letters all over the land, trying to misrepresent and discredit the
expedition. I did my best to satisfy people through others, proclaiming
my truthfulness and zeal. I sent one letter to the Viceroy, asking for
orders respecting the disposal of the ship. They were that I was to
deliver her to the royal officers at Acapulco, as she belonged to His
Majesty. I did this, and left Acapulco on the first day of the year
1607, entering the city of Mexico on St. Anthony’s Day. On that
of St. Sebastian the Viceroy received me kindly, and by his order I
made a report and narrative of all that had happened. Hearing that Don
Luis de Velasco, who had been Viceroy of Peru at the time when I first
proposed this voyage, was living near Mexico, I went to see him, and
gave him an account of all that had happened. He gave me encouragement
and showed me much kindness.


Pedro, who was in Mexico, was now very conversant in our language.
He made certain very important statements in answer to questions asked
of him, respecting his country and the surrounding regions; making
known its extent, its food resources and riches, and how there were
silver, gold, and pearls in abundance; and describing the idols they
worship, their rites and ceremonies, and how they ordinarily converse
with the Devil. Showing him some of our things, he gave the names for
them in his language. But in a short time he died, and so did the other
native, Pablo, who was a boy with a very beautiful countenance and
disposition.


I again spoke with the Viceroy respecting my departure and my
necessities. He gave me no remedy for them, but treated me with
kindness, and said that he was about to go to Peru, where he had been
appointed Viceroy, and that if I should return during his time he would
issue good orders which all would obey, and that he felt an interest in
my enterprise, which he understood to be a great affair. With
[312]this he took leave of me, and the day of my
departure arrived without my possessing a single dollar to set me on
the road. But God helped me through the kindness of one Captain Gaspar
Mendez de Vera and one Leonardo de Oria, in San Juan de Ulloa, who
received me on board his ship. We arrived safely at Cadiz, where I
landed. I sold my bed to reach San Lucar, where I pawned something
else, which enabled me to go on to Seville. There I sold all I had left
to sustain me, and with 500 reals given to me by Don Francisco Duarte,
and other help from my companion, named Rodrigo Mejia, I arrived at
Madrid on the 9th of October, 1607.






[Contents]



Chapter XL.




What happened to the Captain during this his last
visit to the Court, until he negotiated the issue of an order for his
despatch.








During the first eleven days after my arrival at the
Court, I could not obtain the convenience for writing my memorials, nor
succeed in getting an interview with the Count of Lemos, who was
President of the Council of the Indies. At last he saw me, read much of
this narrative, and said: “What right have we to these
regions?” I replied: “The same right as we had to possess
ourselves of the others.” I had several other interviews with
him, and he ordered me to kiss the hand of His Majesty, and that I
should see the Duke of Lerma, which I did. I presented many and very
difficult memorials, giving my reasons, and declaring my enterprise and
its advantages, and soliciting and urging my despatch.


I had these memorials printed when I had the means; and when I had
not, they were copied, presented and distributed among the members of
the Councils of State, of [313]War, and of the Indies, and the
Ministers. Most of them received the memorials well, and seemed to
value them; but not for this did my despatch progress any faster. On
the contrary, on the 6th of March, 1608, His Majesty, through the Duke
of Lerma, sent a long memorial to the Council of the Indies, by which
my affairs were treated carelessly and harshly, because on the first
occasion they had been managed by the Council of State. In effect, they
told me that I should receive their reply from Don Francisco de Tejada,
who was a member of the said Council of the Indies. He told me that I
should return to Peru, to the city of the Kings; and that there the
Viceroy would give orders as to what was to be done. I answered that it
would not be well to send me on so long a voyage, on so serious a
business, without knowing what would be done. So I went on sending my
memorials, and I had hopes for better success: because, at that time,
the Council received a letter, which Juan de Esquirel, Master of the
Camp at Ternate, wrote to the Audience of the city of Manilla, in which
he said that there had arrived in that port a vessel, whose Captain was
one Luis Velez de Torres, said to be one of the three under the
command of the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, with which he left
Peru to discover the unknown parts to the south. “He says he
parted company 1,500 leagues from here, and had coasted along for 800
leagues of a land. He arrived in want, and I supplied him with what I
could. He goes to Manilla, and will send a more particular account to
your Highness.”


Afterwards, I saw the narrative of the voyage of Luis Vaez,
in possession of the Constable of Castille, which gave me great
pleasure, and incited me to send in more memorials, praying for my
despatch, and for the things that must be conceded with a view to it.
But my ill-luck was so great, that I could never get anything settled.
All appeared to point [314]to my detention, and at times I
was depreciated by the Ministers, and especially by those of the
Council of the Indies; for I always found more recognition from those
of the Council of State.


Seeing this, I procured another audience of His Majesty, and
obtained what I wanted, on Epiphany, in the year 1609, after dinner,
being favoured in this, as in other things, by the Marquis of Velada. I
showed my papers, maps and sea-charts: explained which were the lands I
proposed to seek, and their grandeur; and related the events of the
voyages I had already made. Having seen all my demonstrations with
interest, he rose; and, asking for my despatch, the Marquis answered
that all would be well.


So, on the 7th of February, a decree was issued really treating of
this business, and granting me some money in aid. After several
consultations, and an order for me to frame an estimate of the expenses
of the expedition, another decree came out, passing the business on to
the Council of the Indies; where I had to begin all over again, and at
the end of many months an order was given to me, according to the
following tenor:




Royal Order.


The King.—To the Marquis of Montes Claros, my cousin, my
Viceroy, Governor, and Captain-General of the provinces of Peru; or to
the person or persons in whose charge the government may be. The
Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who, as you have been informed, is
the person who has undertaken the discovery of the unknown land in the
south, has represented to me how that, I having ordered the necessary
despatch through my Council of State, for him to make the said
discoveries, and that the Viceroys, your predecessors, were to supply
him with all that was necessary for the voyage, he sailed with this
object from the port of Callao on the 21st of December, of the year
1605, with two ships and a launch, having on board crews and the rest
that was needed, and steered W.S.W. until he reached the latitude of
26° S., by which course, and by others, he discovered twenty
islands—twelve inhabited by various tribes—and three-parts
of a land which he conceived to be all one, and suspected to be
continental, [315]and a great bay with a good port within it;
whence he sailed with the three vessels, with the object of exploring a
great and high chain of mountains to the S.W.; and in returning to the
said port the Almiranta and the launch anchored. But the
Capitana, in which he was, could not, and was driven out; for
which cause, and for many others which obliged him, he arrived at the
Port of Acupulco, whence he came to Spain to give me an account of the
success of the voyage, in the year 1607. He stated that the land he had
discovered was pleasant, temperate, and yielding many different kinds
of fruits; the people domestic and disposed to receive our Holy Faith;
and that what was left to be seen and discovered is much more beyond
comparison. With great perseverance he has prayed and supplicated me to
consider the importance of this discovery and settlement, and the great
service it will be to our Lord that this land should be settled and the
Faith planted in it, bringing to the bosom of the Church and to a
knowledge of the truth such an infinite number of souls as there are in
that new world, where he has taken possession in a good port, and
celebrated Mass; as well as the usefulness and aggrandizement that will
result to my crown, and to all my kingdoms. His object and intention is
no more than to perform this service to our Lord, and to follow that
cause which he had served for so many years, suffering shipwrecks and
hardships; it is now ordered that he be provided with all things
necessary again to make that voyage and form a settlement; for which it
is necessary that he should have a thousand men of this kingdom, of
which twelve to be monks of the Order of St. Francis, or Capuchins, who
must be learned, with the necessary powers, and provided with
requisites and ornaments; also six Brothers of St. John of God, medical
man, surgeon, barbers, and medicines; and that in these provinces he be
given ships, artillery, muskets, arquebuses, and other weapons and
stores that may be necessary; also a quantity of things for bartering
with natives, a good store of iron in sheets, and tools to cultivate
the land and work mines.1


By reason of my great desire that the said discovery and settlement
should take effect, for the good of the souls of those natives, I have
ordered the said Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to return to Peru by
the first opportunity; and I charge and order you that as soon as he
arrives you are to make arrangements for his despatch, and provide all
he requires for the voyage, by account of my royal treasury, so that it
may be done with all speed, not offering any obstacle, but giving all
the supplies necessary, and orders that he may be obeyed by all who go
with him and under his command; and let all else be done that is
convenient and usual in making other similar voyages, discoveries, and
settlements. [316]I order the officers of my royal revenues to
comply in conformity with this decree; and for this compliance this is
my command.2 I again charge you to despatch the Captain Quiros
well and speedily; and you advise me that you have done so, for I shall
be pleased to know it, honouring, favouring, and treating him well: for
in this you will serve me. I, the King. By command of the King our
Lord.—Gabriel de Hoa. Witnessed by those of the Council.






Copy of a letter which the Secretary, Gabriel de
Hoa, sent
to the Viceroy with the Royal Order.


Captain Quiros returns to the kingdom with the enclosed despatch, in
pursuance of his discovery:—“I have assisted here in this
cause with much trouble and inconvenience, and with great zeal, for the
service of our Lord and of His Majesty. Your Excellency animates,
enforces, and helps this enterprise in furtherance of the orders of His
Majesty, whose will is that Captain Quiros shall have quick despatch
and good treatment, which your Excellency will know how to extend to
one whose labours and voyages merit recognition, and who again offers
himself for other greater labours. May our Lord guard your Excellency
as I desire.—Madrid, December 19th, 1609.”










1 6,000
quintals in the second Order.


2 In the
second Order:—“In this kingdom I have ordered 6,000 ducats
in aid of expenses on the way out, and 3,000 quintals of iron to be
bought at Seville, and sent out.”






[Contents]



Chapter XLI.




Of what the Captain did after he had received this
Order, and how he was given another.








I was not satisfied with this Order, because it was
confused, and did not give me the power that was necessary to order
myself what was necessary for my despatch; and because in effect it
left it open for the Viceroy to order from what port in Peru I should
sail as he might choose. Remembering how badly the orders and decrees
of His Majesty are complied with in distant provinces, even when they
are very imperative, I began again to send in more memorials
[317]representing these inconveniences, and declaring
that 500,000 ducats were required for my undertaking, and for what I
had to spend and distribute; and I sent in a detailed account of how I
had spent what was given me for the last expedition.


Don Francisco de Tejada told me that there were not wanting those
who considered that the despatch they had given me was well enough. I
replied that it must have been measured out according to my small
merits, not according to the grandeur and necessities of the work. So I
went on sending in more and more memorials to His Majesty, his Councils
and Councillors, until in the month of May I was sent for by the
Secretary, Antonio de Aroztegui, who told me that things had been
arranged as I wished, as regards the terms of the Order and the
expenses. I answered that the expenses of a cabin boy were enough for
me personally if the despatch was good; that I did not put a price on
my services. With this object I began new memorials to the Council of
State, and when I thought that I was about to secure my desires, the
business was again turned over to the Council of the Indies. In this
Council, as the feeling was cold towards me and my cause, they turned
and twisted much that His Majesty had ordered. On the 1st of November,
1610, they gave me an Order of the following tenor:—




Revised Royal Order.


The King. To the Marquis of Montes Claros, my cousin, my Viceroy and
Captain General of the provinces of Peru, or to the person or persons
in whose charge their government may be.1




Dated at San Lorenzo, the 1st of November, 1610. I the King. By
order of the King our Lord, Pedro de Ledesma.




[318]








1 Same as
the former Order, except that 6,000 ducats are granted for expenses on
the way out; and the quantity of sheet iron is specified and ordered to
be bought at Seville.






[Contents]



Chapter XLII.




Of what the Captain did after having received the
above Order.








Seeing the weakness of the new Royal Order, and that
there was wanting in it many things for which I had stipulated and
which I held to be important for my enterprise, I again renewed my
representations to the Council of State that they might be conceded to
me, and sent in several memorials with this object, and others to
represent the harm done to the enterprise by the delay; that now the
English and Dutch would hear of it, and that if we did not occupy
first, they might get those lands and seas into their power. The result
was that I was detained longer, with an Order that a certain quantity
of money was to be allowed to me each month for my sustenance, and 300
ducats to pay my debts, which was insufficient. Other help was given me
by the good secretary, Antonio de Aroztegui.


I also submitted a memorial in which I proposed the way that, in my
opinion, the discovery, settlement, and government of those nations
should be conducted; avoiding the evils which, by adopting other ways,
had accompanied former discoveries. All this was heard and received
well, but unluckily my despatch was delayed, and at the end of many
years1 the Secretary, Juan de Eiriza, read to me and gave
me a letter to this effect: “Resolved by His Majesty in the
business of Captain Quiros, that in an affair of such magnitude it is
necessary to proceed circumspectly, and to be sure of the consequences
of each step. His Majesty will rejoice that half should be given for
the discovery desired by Quiros. For this he is to return to Peru, and
follow the [319]instructions given to him by the Viceroy, with
the assurance that they will be such as if he alone had the conduct of
the discovery.” To this decree I answered what appeared
convenient, referring to my honour and that of the cause; and declaring
that I could not go except with sufficient papers and securities very
clearly and positively drawn up.


But the more time slipped away the more my claims went back, owing
to those who were against me, and the little confidence they had in
myself and in my promises. As the Council of State would not decide
anything without first referring it to the Council of the Indies, my
prospects became worse. Don Luis de Velasco, who had come as President
of that Council, instead of helping me, owing to having been the person
who first received my project in Peru, and to having received such full
notice of it, was the least favourable. Finally, Don Francisco de
Borja, Prince of Esquilache, having been appointed Viceroy of Peru,
both Councils concurred in giving me an order to go out with him,
assuring me that he had an urgent order from His Majesty to despatch me
as soon as I should arrive at Callao, and to arrange for everything
that was necessary for my voyage. On this subject there was a meeting
in the house of the President of the Council of the Indies, at which
the new Viceroy was present. He assured me that what I wanted would
certainly be done: that he was able to promise; and that if there was
any wrong in the business of my despatch, it was not to be charged to
him for the value of the whole world, because he was jealous of his
reputation.


With this, and seeing that in so many years I could not negotiate
anything else, and that my life and patience were worn out, I
determined to put into his hands my life and work. He said:
“Trust me, and see what I shall do.” Afterwards I spoke
with him several times, and made him thoroughly acquainted with my
affairs, and with what was [320]necessary for them. I had been
anxious to send to Rome to ask for certain grants from His Holiness. I
petitioned, and the Prince gave me the following certificate:




Don Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, Count of
Mayalda, Gentleman of the Chamber of the King our Lord, and his Viceroy
and Captain-General of his kingdoms of Peru: I certify that His Majesty
has ordered me to take in my company the Captain Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, that I may despatch him from the Port of Callao to the
settlement of the southern region; and that this will be when I may
judge it to be convenient, and the state of affairs in Peru makes it
proper to carry it out.—Given in Madrid on the 21st of October,
1614.




Ornament.








1 Months
(?).














Table of Contents







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Page
Source
Correction




vii
261
161




xxiii,
xxiii
E.S.E
W.S.W.




xxvii
delilineated
delineated




xxxiii
knightood
knighthood




xxxviii
Blaen
Blaeu




xxxviii
,,’
,”




xxxix
Pelfart
Pelsart




xliii
[Not in source]





xlv,
xlvii
]
)




xlvii,
xlvii
[Not in source]
)




xlvii
Sevlla
Sevilla




xlvii
DescIptio
Descriptio




xlvii
[Not in source]
]




xlvii,
xlvii, 113, 113, 283
[Not in source]
.




4
Figuaroa
Figueroa




12
how how
how




26,
135, 289, 304
,
.




41
No
no,




109
Chili
Chile




120
[Not in source]
“




123
’
”




137
negociated
negotiated




139
Inigo
Iñigo




192
to
too




192
as
us




212
eame
came




273
[Not in source]
’




279
where-ever
wherever




290
But
but




316
Hoz
Hoa